HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE  
THE HISTORY OF FRANCE: THE FOUR First Books.  
LONDON Printed by john Windet. 1595.   

TO THE RIGHT EXCELLENT and virtuous Lady, the Lady Anne Countess of Warwick: and to the right Noble, and worthy Lady, my Lady and Mistress, Katherine, Barones Howard of Essingham; and to the rest of the illustrious Ladies of her sacred Majesties most Honourable privy Chamber.  
IF in this Epistle, (Excellent Ladies) I contain not my style within the bounds of brevity, let the large scope which the field of your virtues proffereth, be a sufficient excuse to my imputed blame: if in the course of the work, which this Epistle presenteth to your Patronage, multitude of errors have been overslipped, yet I humbly beseech it be so much graced by your beauty, as what is good may be acceptable unto you, and my infirmities which are most may with all other (who be they never so great, are or have been servants to some in your place) for your sake lie covered, my weakness being the more augmented, in that my pen is so mere a stranger to my profession, entertaining it only, and that rarely to overcome that Idleness of time, which to myself is over familiar, rather in waist and void papers exercising the fame, then fit for any end or purpose. Among which a few parcels have ●●ne Translated by me some years since unseen or unthought of and had still so continued, had I not (Noble Countess) been by those which had full power over me otherwise enjoined. Wherein I have sooner chosen to eternize my own insufficiency, the render their perfections any ways unsatisfied. And therefore have made choice to publish these four first Books by an unknown (without name, but a most just and faithful) Author, at the first digested in a foreign tongue, wherein I must needs yield to add so much more to my own unperfectness, as shall come within the view of your eyes, or ponder of your judgement, as then receiving most blemish, when you shall vouchsafe the Author in his own and proper language: Who cannot in himself but much satisfy such is his style, judgement, truth and variety of matter, wherein the mind of man most delighting, doth undoubtedly covet History, before all other writings, and if History what more pleasing than is in him contained? So many events and alterations disclosed; secret disseins, and intentions of mighty Princes revealed; Emperors not enduring equality, Kings disdained, swelling wars, treacherous truces, Pope's practisers, and triumphing in perjuries, general Counsels disavowed, Empires voluntarily resigned, princes murdered, Crowns usurped, Pope's deposed, Rome besieged, his holiness and Cardinals in danger to be hunger starved, descriptions of Cities, Towns, Castles and forts, representations of Royal armies, Inundations, Plagues, Earthquakes, famines, and other Gods wrathful judgements, Sects and Schisms in holly Churches, hot persecutions, Religion made a Coverture to faction and ambition: the self same Kings at one instant prosecuting in their own Realms, what in person they assisted, and protected in the Empire; with the true cause, root & foundation of all the miseries, which the state of Christendom at this day, and since fifty years hath endured; under the discourse of the French estate, overrunning all worthy occurrents of Europe, Turkey, and America: A History though modern, & familiar to many now living Actors therein yet yielding precedence, for matter, method, knowledge and judgement, to none, but thee triumphant Tacitus, sacred Emperors lying subject to thy pen, and the mightiest Monarchy of the earth, to thy censure. As my poor travails (which most of all kept me from being willing to divulge the same) obscured by thy stately Savile. Exquisite Savile honour to thy University, though in thy virtue an enemy to me, overdropping and shadowing my endeavours, as the high broad Oak doth young and tender sprouts, wrong not thyself and country with longer silence of thy pen, proud in thy Author, proud in thy Saint, and not least proud in the commender of thy work, thy A. B. thy secret and haughty Maecenas, disguised in the two first letters, the whole Alphabet not being enough to set forth his worth, but he may not so escape in a shadow, his eloquence discovereth his Art, his judgement his experience, and his experience (in having assaulted the dreadfullst Monarch of our world, to the very gates of his chiefest City,) hath confirmed his valour, to his never dying glory. But how much the more naked I stand frustrate of countenance, subject to errors, & so through error to reproof, (as whatsoever is mine can be no other worth, so much more (high and worthy Countess) doth the power of your patronage in my protection, extend itself, and the grace of your favour in vouchsafing the reading of this work unworthy only by my own unableness, to set it forth unto you like itself. The subject whereof, though lofty in managing the glorious actions of anointed Sovereigns, and representing the fierce exploits of unmerciful and bloody wars, can no ways yet be strange, or dissonant to your ears, daughter to so great an Earl of Bedford, grave Councillor, commander and governor, sometimes of that Royal town and Garrison, which bordereth on the Scottish soil: and dear wife to that redoubted Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, expert and faithful Councillor, (Son to so puissant and Magnanimous a Duke) his name, his fame, his valour resounding in foreign Regions, while he had the honour to be commander and Lieutenant general over a Royal English army, by your birth and Marriage seeming to be chosen, and consecrated to Mars himself, happy in father, more happy in husband, but most happy in your Sovereign's grace, ornament of her Court, true pattern of piety, devotion, charity and virtue.  
And you (Excellent Mistress) to whom as well for your honour, bounty and favours, my fruits and Labours are most due; as having first undertaken the same, eating of your bread, vouchsafe your Patronage, & disdain not my Author's English weed, who presenteth his attendance upon your Person, at such time as wearied with other occasions, you are accustomed to retire yourself to your Books and Muses. Verified is that in you, that never, Les alone; then when most alone, for the more part spending your vacation of time, either in Meditation of holy letter, or conference and reading of some notable and famous History, which whether it treat of peace, policy, war, or martial exploits, can hardly discover aught, new or strange unto your wisdom, the one by your high place, long services, and Courtesy conversation, made familiar unto you, the other by nothing more, than the signal acts, and heroical prows of Magnanimous and victorious Charles, your Lo. and husband, true patriot, careful Councillor, vigilant commander, rightly and justly dear to his Sovereign and Country, dreadful to the enemy, terror to traitors, and scourge of Spanish Monarchy, which the defeat of that invincible army, (for so in Print themselves published) can best testify, the glory whereof can not but stir up those two young Jmpes of great hope and expectation, (over whom you have ever been a careful Cornelia) as well to succeed their renowned Father, in his virtues (which never shall perish) as other his humane dignities & possessions; whereof if you shall not in this History have the like proffered to your view, (for no age hath left any such record) yet contemn not the reading of my Author, by whom you shall receive the true first motive of all the Civil and foreign wars of France in our age, and her neighbour Countries: with such memorable accidents and occurrents, as continually were ministered. Not like to that impudent, though excellent writer, Paulus iovius, no less worthy to be a Bishop, than a Historiographer, who plainly averred, nay was not ashamed himself in his Books to vaunt, how he made no account in writing a lie, were it in matter of consequence, or to please the appetite of great ones, which should set him a work: for that where there was one in his time, which knew the fault from the truth, all posterity hereafter would notwithstanding believe and give credit to what he should set down, my Author contrariwise, hath been so little tickled with the covet of reward or ambition (capital enemies to the truth) as that he refuseth to set his own name to his so painful labours, mildly and with such great temperance overrunning the proceed of all enemies, as he cannot justly be suspected of any partial leaning to the one side more than the other, wishing for my own part that some one there were (according to my taste given) who in this scribbling age (whereof translating humours and quoters are plenty) would finish out the rest, many fragments and sundry Books yet lying by me (as I once intended, but since, through an accident that happened) in a pelt flung away my pen, confining what I had done, (as I then thought) to utter darkness, weary of giving Liveries to other men's retainers, like a conceited builder, rather delighted with an inferior model of his own framing, then to rough-cast, or adorn a more goodly and sumptuous palace left unto his hands, reserving myself to somewhat (though simplier) of my own hammering and digesting, which the project already being fausied, time may finish and peradventure bring to light, if fear of receiving foil by that illustrious Camden, do not otherwise withdraw my humorfoyle, yet honour enough to be an imitator, and carrier of thy Books, (Precious & curious Camden) thy own Country prints not sufficient to extend thy name, worthy to find Kings thy nursing fathers, and Queens thy nurses; rare jewel of Britain land, enemy to inglorious oblivion, treasurer of memory, trumpet of Albion's fame, register of Antiquity and poursivant of eternity.  
It now resteth (glorious and beautiful Ladies) adorned with your stately rank and place, humbly to intercesse pardon for my presumption in seeking so boldly to shroud the infirmities of my pen, under the shadow of your wings. And that it will please you to grace with your general safe conduct this my new English Denizen to pass from place to place, (free from any Menippean search) until he may make his rendezvous in some contemplative, or retired hands, who though he now seem Clownish & Rogish like, yet notwithstanding in his own Country guise, is well esteemed of, & very commendable. In which albeit many of you be singularly well able to judge of him, yet if it please any of the rest, to vouchsafe to entertain his broken English, I dare assure that for his discourse, you shall find him very delightful, for his news not ordinary, and for his truth can bring good security, when soever he may be permitted to attend upon your leisure, not importioning his access, until wearied with your more weighty and serious services, a desire may possess you, instead of recreation, to spend with him some few hours of the day. A matter heretofore accustomed (in my knowledge) by many high and lofty Ladies, who often times to be meet with wearisomeness, exercised themselves in study, & reading of worthy writers, as Marguerite Countess of Lennox, Anne Countess of Oxford, Francis Countess of Sussex, Elizabeth Countess of Lincoln, the Lady Marie Sidney (living my thrice honoured mistress) truly liberal and bountiful, rare Mother of so heroical an offspring, by her noble mind and carriage easily discovering greatness of birth and Princely parentage; and that wise good, and godly Lady advancer of so many excellent personages, both in Art and Arms, employing her credit with her Sovereign, (than whom none had greater) in doing good offices, for all sorts in general, but especially preferring those, in whom she might perceive any signification of virtue to appear. That grave Matron, harmless Courtier, and faithful servant Francis Barones of Cobham, (late wife to the noble L. and trusty Councillor yet living) to whom I was so much bound (in many duties being likewise to the whole house) as that both in her health and languishing Malady, she sundry times admitted me, to confer or read with her, finding in the Ecclesiastical History her most delight. But no ways may I here without extreme note of gross oversight pretermit in this lift, that famous Religious and learned Lady (flower of her family,) provident mother, blessed in her posterity, Mildred Barones of Burghlie, besides her knowledge in the Latin letters, (wherein of a subject she excelled) such were her studies, exercises, and continual Meditation in the Greek Doctors of the Church, (especially Basil, Ciril, Chrisostome and Nazianzene,) as a chief reader in that tongue (Laurence by name) hath ere now confessed unto me, that in his judgement she Egalled if not overmatched any, in whose profession (as expected so) most was to be required. Neither were these excellent parts of hers, only Theorical, but still put in practice like an other Dorcas, full of piety and good works, as without any ostentation or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, besides her readiness in soliciting for poor and distressed suitors unto her dear Lorenzo (the ancients Councillor of Europe, Pater Patriae, pillar of the state, through whose prudent policy, and careful watchings justly may be applied, Neque periculum in R. P. fuit gravius unquam, not maius otium) in her life time setting on her own charge so many poor awork, her exhitition to Scholars, liberality to Universities, bounty to exiled strangers, and her most abounding charity every quarter to all the prisons about London hath manifestly declared; I hope that in so long insisting upon the virtues of this Lady and others, I shall not be misliked, for insinuation, less fear to be suspected, nameless like my Author and yet if known most will confirm, that Non mihi promptum in adulationes ingenium. But I have the rather presumed of your patience, in delighting of these honourable personages, to the end to incite you to tread in their steps, and imitate their examples. Such as you are, were they, and such as they now are, shall every one of you be, who though they seem faded, and as it were vanished from among us, yet doth their goodness, and memory still remain fresh and fixed in the minds and hearts of many.  
But how can it otherwise far (Illustrious Ladies) but that you must needs succeed, or rather abound in all or greater worthiness having the honour and bliss to be trained up, in the same School, from the which they (and all other) borrow their light as the Moon doth from the Sun, at the mouth of that divine Oracle, Ex cuius ore, melle dulcior fluit oratio, that sacred Queen, unmachable and victorious Virgin, Supereminens omnes, Man's mirror, Ioues darling, world's wonder, and nature's perfection, whose Angelical face so often as I do behold, (as behold to often I can not) me thinketh I still (with dazzled eyes) see as it were in full aspect Solarem Maiestatem, cum Saturnina gravitate.  
That the powerful and essential thing of things, may number the peaceable years of her Reign like the sands of the Sea, that the shadow gone down in the Dial of Ahaz, may be ten and ten degrees brought backward, that the Sun abide, and the Moon stand still, until she may be avenged of her enemies. Let all her Subjects pray, our age rest thankful, posterity admire, and the heavens eternize her name for ever.   

The History of France.  
THE FIRST BOOK.  
NOw that those our Actions are most worthy of praise, which can both please & profit together, wherein a History ought to have the advantage to excel all other, I do not well know, & though I did, hardly could I tell, whether in representing unto you the estate of France, and nations neighbours unto it, since forty years passed I might do a general pleasure, considering the malice, envy, and diversity of judgements of every man. True it is, that if I be not deceived through the self liking of my own labour, the truth herein so clearly represented, the free desire of every one's profit in sundry sorts, the variety and notable event of so many accidents do sufficiently promise unto me a gracious acceptance, even at the hands of the more gentle and better understanding sort of strangers, who being far from my knowledge, and thereby less tickled with envy, (an ordinary companion of the living) shall be more rightly able to judge of my labours. I do less doubt, how small or much pleasing soever the first Treatises of this History shall be, but that all will even hasten to see the progress and issue thereof, some alured thereunto through the pleasure, which the diversity of so strange and memorable an Argument offereth unto them, and other of a curiosity praise worthy, to be willing to know the marvels of God's judgements, the great hatreds and small charity: So many pieces broken, so many wars renewed, so strange cruelties, so small favours: in sum all the Potentates of christendom at banding for, and against the French, who most miserably have made themselves the fool in the play, and the unhappy end & variable re-encounter of more rare miseries, than ever worldlings did practise. I clean contrary knowing the very causes and means through which we have been cunningly led to such poverty, endeavour as much as possibly I may, to estrange from myself the consideration of so miserable effects, and fetch my history from more high, reaching somewhat beyond the beginning of our civil wars, where wandering in a true discourse of foreign affairs, and such as are common unto us, with our neighbours; I seek the recompense of my pains. In this chiefly that as master of myself, I command my own affections for a while, to forget our calamities passed, from which I may boldly borrow so much leisure as I shall esteem necessary, to turn away for a season so sorrowful and piteous a remembrance, as thereby I am hourly put in mind of: and albeit the memory of such griefs ought not any ways to cause a virtuous disposition to serve from the truth, no more than the friendship of some, hatred of other, or respect of great personages should do, and though he is very rarely to be found, which is not spied in the end: if not throughly gained, yet at the least tempted by some one of these passions, especially in so confuse, grave, and deep a matter: I will notwithstanding be found so little partial as all men shall have more cause in other matters to disgrace me, then in the truth of such accidents as are here set forth: which if they shall bring a form of a more agreeable setting forth, either by the number of strange occurrents, or exceeding by a more excellency of delivery, the rudeness of my natural language: howsoever it be, so far am I from envying so great a benefit to those of my age, that I shall hold myself for well satisfied, when I shall not gather any other profit of my long watchings, then to see myself at the end of so great travails, to have undertaken more for the pleasure of others, than my own particular. And now that among Historiographers my name resteth as obscured, their high valour & number which are able to shadow the light, will bring me some comfort: joined therewithal is, that my quality holding more of action then of contemplation, doth dispense with me to make any profession of writing, but in matter of consequence wherein I am most delighted: which being the cause that I best judge of my insufficiency: for being able to conduct and profit so laboursome a travail, I will call upon his grace which is able to bless the beginning, pursuit, and last end of such a labour.  
Being then resolved to lay before your eyes the estate of France and her neighbours since forty pears passed, and considering how the causes of humane accidents are maintained by an eternal bond, and known of few people, I thought I should make my work a great deal more commendable, if I did fetch the matter from more high, though not from the first spring, yet at the least from the more apparent occasions which have brought forth so strange occurrents. For when I should entreat but of the wars between Charles the Emperor, and Philip his son, against the Kings of France, or of the change of Religion throughout Christendom, or of the Seditions that ensued thereon, I should work you very small pleasure and less profit, in laying down these matters so rawly unto you, leaving in the mean time undiscovered, the root and cause of these great ones enmities: the beginning and progress of the reformation, the pains and pursuits against such as were wilful in the faith, when, whence, and how the Lutherans were dispersed throughout the whole world, by what means and success they have been maintained against the Catholics in every Country: together with the motife and conduit which both the one and the other pretended to bring, to the defence of the true and ancient religion. And hereby in showing you the beginnings and preparatives of the stomacking wars among the Christians, I shall make you to judge how the most notable broil which ever was seen in Christendom, had his beginning from the diversities of opinions, in the explanation of the religion of our Fathers. To the maintenance of which, the persecutions which were ordained and pursued against the more steadfast in their faith, have brought forth less troubles in all sorts of virtues, but much greater be it in quantity or quality of vices, yea surpassing all misfortune, number, and variety of notable accidents, all the wars which ever our ancestors had against their neighbours: as the narration of the pitiful effects both of the one and th'other worldly passion shall make apparent unto you, if you will patiently abide the reading thereof until the end.  
The peace which was concluded between Charles 5. Emperor, 
The state of France and countries adjoining from the year 1544.  and Francis the first, together with that which ensued at Ardres between Henry 8. K. of England, and the K. of France, maintained as well the estates and subjects of these Princes, as of sundry other Christians which by alliance, neighbourhood, or other duty of friendship communicated with their passions, in such rest and advantage, as all esteemed themselves happy of their present ease, considering their toils passed: every one rejoicing so much more, as having suffered a world of miseries, under the continuance of so long and cruel wars, they had even fully persuaded themselves that the immortal hatreds of their Sovereigns, would utterly envy the coming of so greatly a desired peace: led hereunto, for that finding their heart burns grounded upon a slight enough despite, yea more ambitious than reasonable, they often enough saw them counseled by those, who having nought else than their masters pleasure & their own particular before their eyes, represented unto them but an appearance of good: 
The beginning of wars and miseries among christians.  the pursuit whereof being always unfortunate to subjects, brought only honour and profit, to such as full cunningly knew how to make their own markets. But such was the eternal providence, or to speak naturally, the undiscreet lightness of the French, joined with a too vain ambition of their neighbours, drawing from so evil guided a passion, a lamentable spring of all our miseries to come, that so young a peace could not be suffered to wax old among the Christians, who too ticklish in their ease, & as it were leaping with a desire of new changes, seemed to seek nothing else than an occasion how to free themselves from this rest, which already seemed too noisome unto them. Now as according to the infinite re-encounter of humane accidents, they could not long want matter to entertain the fire of their ancient enmities, the occurrence of the protection of Parma presented itself but too soon to heat the well near tempered affections of these Princes, of their people and allies, by a new motion which so greatly changed their counsellors hearts, not yet full cooled of their burning enmities, that there needed no long time to persuade them to make warn, and fall together by the ears with greater stomach than ever. Behold the very chief occasions.  
The ancient hatreds between the Spaniards and French, grounded upon the pretence of Naples, Milan, Flaunders, Burgundy, 
Wars begun between the French and Spanish.  and sundry other rights (for the maintenance whereof so much Christian blood hath been shed) revived between Francis the first, & Charles of Austria, & continued for light enough occasions, were no less entertained through the envy of the glory which the French achieved, at the memorable defeat of (at their times) the invincible Swissers at Marignan, the conquest of Milan, and sundry other great advantages happened to the Flower-de-luce, than the jealousy of the honour and and advancement, which Charles got at such time as the seven Electors of Germany bestowed upon him (to be meet with the French) the title and sovereign power of Emperor over the Christians: and since being tooth and nail pursued by the ambitious and sturdy nature of these two, though young, yet the greatest Princes of Christendom, there ever fell out such store of matter to nourish this fire of enmity, that one could not but judge it eternal, if Charles had not first showed both to the Princes of his own time and to come, as well by his succession to the goods and rights of his ancestors, as by his voluntary resignation of his estates, and free retreat into a solitary life void of the pranks of this world, how one ought to take and leave hatreds, rather with discretion then blind passion or advise of evil councillors, into which almost all Lords, by indiscretion, faintness of heart, or other insufficiency, suffer themselves to be but too much led. Charles notwithstanding was cunning, 
The nature of Charles 5.  a dissembler, a great husband as well in the expense of his time, as treasure, patiented, staid and well settled, courageous in adversity, discreet in his words and actions, of a good and strong stature, scorning the outward glories and shows of the world, having for counterpoise of his good parts, the indisposition of his person, self will in his own opinion, and the wealth of his estate for the end of his actions, more than reason, honour or justice, what ever could be alleged unto him to the contrary. Francis on the other side was open, too bountiful, sumptuous in diet, 
The nature of Francis 1.  apparel, buildings, and other outward things, royal in performance of his word, valiant, courageous, a great friend to learning and other rare matters, but blemishing his praiseworthy parts with too sudden a change of opinion, and and too free credit giving to such as he had lightly enough chosen for his chief favourites, no less then by worldly pleasure, which carrying him to the fruition of things corporal and fleshly, shortened the course of his life, which otherwise could not choose but have been very long; considering the estate of his person, and a reasonable good form of diet which he held by the advise of his Physicians. Both of them friends to the people, whom they would not overcharge but in great necessity, courageous, ambitious, yea to have imagined each one in their own conceit, to have had the Empire of the world, alike friended of Fortune, if you compare the losses which Charles sustained at Metz, in France, in Affricque, and elsewhere, with the imprisonment of Erauncis, they both left their children heirs to some of their virtues, as well as of their wealth and passions: but much surpassing them in yielding credit to their counsellors, to whom they merely referred the resolution of good or bad, which sometimes they too much put in practice for their own particular, as well as for the good of the estate. Of which leaving unto the history to discover the overplus unto you, I will but deliver the matter of Parma, which reviving their half dead contrariety of affections, seemed unto them a sufficient occasion and fit means to be thoroughly revenged of whatsoever had been before passed.  
Pope Paul 3. had exchanged certain of the church lands, by the consent and ratification of the College of Cardinals, with Parma and Plaisance, in which he invested his son Pierre Joys Farneze, and in the end obtained the emperors consent (for that in time passed they had appertained to the Duchy of Milan:) Upon condition of some recompense, and the marriage of his natural daughter with Octavian, eldest son to Pierre Louis. Who imagining to assure the insolences of his frail and arrogant life, through the rigorous carriage of himself, and his strong fortresses which he there built, especially at Plaisance, was notwithstanding in the end stabbed in with a Dagger, by the Paluoysins his Subjects and others as he sat at dinner. But shortly after Ferdinand Gonzague Lieutenant for the Emperor in the Duchy of Milan was ready to enter, both with horse and foot to seize of Plaisance to the use of the Emperor, which made men to think that he favoured the plat: So the Pope greatly offended as well at the loss of his son, as of his lands, and especially by him who had been so greatly benefited, by him and his house, to which he was himself allied, found no more ready way for the defence of the rest (knowing that a number of the country about Parma yielded day by day to Gonzague, and others for the Emperor) then to send Camillo Vrsino, 
Paul 3. dieth. july 3. chosen Pope.  one of the Captains of the Church to Parma: being himself clean worn with age, his end the rather hastened by so sorrowful news: And seeing himself even ready to departed, ordained by his will that Parma should be rendered to his grand child Octavian, the which was confirmed by jalie the third, before Cardinal of Mont-Aretin, chosen Pope after certain defferents which had passed in the conclave, commanding Camillo to deliver unto him the City which he did. Notwithstanding, that the Emperor had earnestly required him to deliver it into his hands as Protector of the substance of the Church, 
The means which Charles the Emperor used to get Parma.  and beside as Lord of Milan, from whence these places had been dismembered, declaring unto him the great charge of expense convenient for the tuition thereof; yea proceeding so far as to threaten Camillo if he did not deliver it. And seeing he could not by these means obtain it, he offered high rewards to Octavian, who notwithstanding utterly despised them, fearing like sundry other he should become clean frustrate as well of his certainty, as his hope. The Pope for all that deeply pressed in the end through the soliciting of the Emperor, signified unto Octavian that he would no longer sustain the expense which he had promised towards the protection of his dominions. Whereupon, he being greatly astonished, especially for that the other seemed clean to forget himself, having received his first advancement from the house of Farneze, and considering that his father in law endeavoured but his spoil, in the end besought the King of France to receive him under his protection: Who being persuaded that the action was worthy of commiseration, and that by the example of his ancestors, he ought to show himself therein ready to secure the afflicted, & above all things a protector of the goods of the Church: first comforted him with a hope of succour, and not being able to bring the Pope to take up the matter otherwise, he undertook the defence thereof upon favourable conditions, to the Church of Rome: 
The King of France taketh Octavian Farneze & Parma into his protection.  so as the French entered there very shortly after, which the Emperor took in very evil part, attributing it to a mere and wilful breach of Peace so solemnly concluded. The K. notwithstanding to make manifest his intent herein, which he foresaw would be evil construed of such as were ignorant of his meaning, and chiefly to put out of every man's head such reproaches and backbitings, as by his enemies might be supposed, that he should have a further end than he would discover, made known to all men by two several ways, that banding himself against the Pope and his partakers, he would not be separate in aught might appertain to the union of the church of Rome: first by the persecution which he was counseled to sharpen & double against the Lutherans, secondly, by his protestations which of his own deliberation he sent, as well to the counsel of Trent as dietts, of th'emperor and other christian princes: touching the first he presently made a most sure testimony thereof, to such as chiefly desired his enmity with the Pope, and banding against the Chatholick obedience, for upon the complaint which the Clergy made unto him of the unbridled company of Lutherans, which increased to a great eyesore throughout his Realm, he caused a marvelous rigorous Edict to be made for their searching out, revealing, condemnation and punishment. The which being made at Chasteau-Briant where then he was, the 27. of june 1551. was called the Edict of Chasteau-Briant: by virtue whereof all the ancient Edicts which punished Heretics were revived and made in force; the sovereign knowledge given to the Presidiaux, to the end to make speedy expedition, and among sundry other articles for the punishing of Printers, Bookbinder's, and other sellers of suspected books, it was enacted that the Estates of judicature thereto ordained, and Regentes of Schools should be bound to bring proof to witness that they were well reputed of among good Catholic Christians: that information should be made against the negligence of such judges as slacked their punishment from three months to three months, that the Mercuriales should be in force in sovereign Courts, in which should be chiefly handled the points of faith, especially for the purging of such faults as might be found in any suspected of heresy, whereof he willed information should be made: the goods of heretics retired to Geneva, to be confiscate to the King, except good proof were made that they were simply bought: together with sundry other rigorous articles. Now for that to the end the estate of France might be the better assured and maintained, the Kings at all times have been contented to yield this authority to that Parliament of Paris (being assembled of the most remarqued Frenchmen, for their knowledge, experience and other virtues, as well Clergy as laity) to judge whether the letters, statutes, Edicts, and ordinances, although they were before resolved of by the Privy counsel, were fit to be put in practice throughout the Realm, to the end they should be either received, published, and engrossed of record in their Court, or sent back again to the King if they were not found just, reasonable, and advantageous to the estate: together with their declarations which they must send both in writing and word of mouth, by some one of their own body, which to that purpose they dispatch. The Edict was presently carried to the kings Counsel (which are his Proctor and 2. Advocates ordained for his assistance) at the earnest suit of the Clergy, requiring to have it engrossed of record in the Court, but it was refused for many considerations, which a number of Counsellors alleged, that at that time stood suspected, and since found to be Lutherans, as hereafter I will declare. In the end notwithstanding by the earnest and continual instance of the Cardinals and other of the Clergy about the King, who beside would make himself appear most Christian throughout all Europe, especially for the reasons above mentioned, 
Religion well maintained preserveth all estates.  the Court was so pressed, that all the articles of the Edict were there in public audience read, the 3. of September 1551. in the Chamber called Doree. Of all which Pierre Seguier the King's Advocate, demanding the engrossing of the behalf of the Proctor general, said that it was well known how the Kings of France had been always zealous protectors of christianity, of the faith and union of the Church, for which they worthily deserved the name of most Christian: that there was no doubt but zeal of Religion was one of the principal causes, for which it pleased God to maintain the estate of that Realm in that greatness it was until that day, that histories did witness, among all the misfortunes and unhappiness which fell out between the Roman Kings, the reign of Numa Pompilius to have been found most long, happy and peaceable, because he was most zealous in Religion. And Titus Livius and Plutarch write, Quod Numa Primus condidit templum fidei: primus fidei solemn instituit. And albeit that the Religion of Numa was not ruled after the word of God, yet having had so great an increase of good fortune in his Heathenish Religion, it may very well cause us to think that the care and zeal which the Kings of France have had for Christian religion, hath greatly availed and helped towards the maintenance and enlarging of the Monarchy of France. Contrariwise negligence of Religion, the leaving and apostasy of faith, and the schisms and divisions in the Church, are the beginning and spring of all mischiefs, and the forewarning of desolation and ruin to a Commonwealth. The examples are very common De neglecta Religione, both in Valerius and other our own Histories, as the Books of Moses do testify, that the children of Israel, while they held themselves united in the faith of God, and precepts of Moses, prospered and overcame all adversities, but when they withdrew themselves from religion, they fell into great ruin. The most Christian King considering and well understanding these things, hath studiously & diligently searched by all possible means, how the error of the Pseudo-christians might be extermined, and clean rooted out of this Realm, and to this end hath commanded these letters now read, to be approved in this Court: and further said that he could not omit to yield due thanks unto the King for his most gracious, royal, and most Christian will, most humbly beseeching God that it would please him to preserve the King in this charity, devotion and zeal, many years, and hereupon concluded, and required the publication and approving of the letters, enjoining the Prelates and Clergy in what appertained to their charge, to obey the contents thereof. Then the Presidente after the counsellors had delivered their opinions, gave this sentence. The Court in obeying of the Kings will, ordaineth that upon the plight of the said letters shallbe set down, Lecta, publicata & Registrata, audito & requirente procuratore generale Regis, and that the judges Presidiaux, and such as assist them in judgement of criminal enditementes, shall upon sight thereof cause the prisoners to be brought before them and hear them speak in person, and such judgements as shall be so given by the Presidiaux and their assistants, shall not be held and reputed for sufficiently concluded and awarded, except it pass the consent of two at the least, according to the ordinance. And gave in charge to the Court of the said judges, that after judgement given upon the said criminal inditements, they should make them safely to be kept by such Greffiers as the court should appoint, to have diligent care of the same, to the end they might both deliver & answer the same, whatsoever they should be called upon. Moreover, he warned & exhorted the Court, the Archbishops, and Prelates that resorted thereunto, enjoining them to keep and fulfil the contents of the said letters, in whatsoever might concern them, the 3. of September 1551. Now let us handle again the imperials practices against the French: you shall below see in place fit for it, the second means which the King had to justify himself for his actions in the occurrence of Parma.  
If the Emperor were angry knowing of the King's resolution in favour of the Farnezes, Pope july made no less show thereof, 
Pope Paul seeketh to retain Octavian Farneze.  and thereupon the 11. of April he bitterly accused Octavian by a writing published to that end. When (said he) he received Parma at my hands, and the estate of Supreme Governor, he promised me upon his faith that he would never serve other Prince, nor put any Garrison of Strangers into Parma without my leave: and assoon as any appearance was of any change, I oftentimes very lovingly admonished him by men expressly, and by his own brother the Cardinal Alexander, that he should remember his duty. But because he answered very strangely, I threatened him by letters under great pains, if he should forget himself: hoping in time to have won him. But since being advertised how far he swerveth from the accord, I have great cause to be extremely angry, that one whom I had enriched and advanced to honour, should offer me such an injury. Now than though it were lawful for me to pronounce judgement in so apparent and clear a matter, yet to the end to make him know my courtesy, I charge him to appear at Rome within 30. days, to answer to his accusations, and to put in good security for his coming: if hereof he make no account, I condemn and hold him for guilty of treason, disloyalty and other crimes, willing and meaning that all his goods shallbe confiscate: for which I require aid of th'emperor; that he will hold a strong hand to help me to punish the same, forbidding all in general to yield him any relief or succour. 
Paul de Termes with the Pope in the French Kings behalf.   
The King of France in the mean time to appease the Pope and his Cardinals, declared by his Ambassador Paul de Termes of purpose sent unto Rome, that he was no whit at all to blame for receiving of Octavian into his protection, considering it a matter proper to the office of Kings to secure the afflicted. Besides, saith he, he sought no particular profit to himself, but all for the benefit of the Church of Rome, according to the example of his progenitors, which had enriched the same more than all other, and oftentimes defended it with the sword: for considering that Parma was of the patrimony of the Church, he would especially seek to prevent, that it might not fall into the hands of any stranger, which was the very reason that he was at so great & ordinary an expense. Therefore he earnestly besought him to take it in good part, and not to remain in that hard opinion he had conceived of him, a matter which should bring great profit to the commonwealth. But if refusing all satisfaction, he preferred war before peace, he might well perceive the danger which would ensue to the whole Church, & to Europe itself, in that it was unpossible in the mean time to assure or establish any matter of religion, besides the trouble which would fall out among Christians, the Council summoned could not assemble, or if it did, it must of necessity be dissolved, for that as the case stood he should not be able to send any of his Bishops to the Council of Trent. Above all things no fault could be laid upon him, who not only desired the conditions of peace, but also was ready to embrace them, the which he publicly protested. But july relying upon the emperors promises, would never a whit relent for this: but having condemned the Duke Octavian, as a rebellious vassal of the church, gave leave to the Emperor to recover Parma in what sort he could. Wherefore Fernande Gonzague assembling with all speed the garrisons of Milan and Piedmont, and beside joined with the troops which john Baptista lead under the Apostolic title and authority, began to brave it in the country about Parma, and in the end besieged Parma & Mirandolle, which the French said were adjudged by Paul the fourth, to be held under the protection of King Henry and his successors, who shortly after sent thither Horace Farneze, brother to Octavian, with De Termes, D' Andelot, Cypierre, and sundry other: commanding Brissac, his lieutenant in Piedmont, to put as many as he was able into the field, to make Fernande raise his siege, and to annoy him as much as in him lay. Which he so readily performed, that he took Quires, Saint Damian, & other places of the Marquisate of Montferrat, ready to have reached further, if Gonzague had not well bestirred himself to hinder his entry into the Duchy of Milan. Behold then these Princes which with the fire of their miserable Country begin to feel, or at least to foresee the ruin of their poor subjects.  
Now as they might well think, that many would easily know and at leisure judge, that this fire of eternal ambition had soon made them forget the covenants & promises of so general a peace, of the year 1546. so did every of them, as well by their writings, as Ambassadors into all parts, seek to lay the fault & first motion of breach of peace upon his enemy. The king of France to this end, and by the self same hand to be meet with such rumours as his enemies might cause to be given out of him, contrary to his own meaning, sent the Abbot of Bellozane to the council of Trent, where sundry Princes and Prelates were assembled by the Emperor and Pope july, as well for the matter of religion, as affairs of the Empire, and other particulars, the Cardinal Crescence there as chief in the name of the Pope. The Emperor had sent thither Frances of Toledo, 
The French king termeth the Counsel of Trent but an assembly.  Hugue Earl of Mont-fort, and Guilliaume of Poitiers: and for that the Council day fell on the first of September, the Abbot presented himself there with his Letters addressed to the assembly. After that he had delivered them to the Pope's Legate, and that the superscription was read, they consulted together, why he rather termed it an assembly than a council: some being of opinion that they ought not at all to have been received, except the Ambassador showed his warrant for the same. Thereupon arose a great tumult, with a long houting, which chiefly proceeded from the Spanish Bishops. But when the Ambassador answered that his commission was contained in the Letters, the Pope's Legate rose up, and calling the fathers into the privatest place of the Temple, debated of the matter, where it was agreed that he should be heard, considering that the superscription might be as well construed in good part. After than that the Letters had been read in private, by which the King declared in brief the wrong which was done him, and the displeasure which thereof he conceived, requiring credit to be given to whatsoever his Ambassador should deliver, they fate all down again. And after that the Letters were there publicly rehearsed, they answered, that they could not take in evil part, the King terming of the Council an Assembly, not willing to mistrust any evil, by so great a King, surnamed Most Christian: that if he should have any other intention or meaning, in that case they held them as not written, and so commanded him to deliver what he had in charge. Then he began his Oration, which was long, 
The French Ambassadors oration in the Council of Trent.  wherein the King recited all that had passed between the Pope and the Senate of Cardinals, by his Ambassador Paul de Termes, and that by no means he could do any good, albeit he had done as much as in him lay for peace. But that Pope july, who by the example of his ancestors ought, if not clean to appease, yet at the least to mitigate the debates and contentions of Princes, had contrariwise lighted a great fire in a most unseasonable time: to wit, when the state of Christendom was marvelously weakened, and since it is so, that he carrieth so bitter and eager a heart against him which is the eldest son of the Church, he protested, as before he had done at Rome. First, that for the great affairs and inconveniences whereof his hands were full, it was neither lawful nor convenient that any Bishops of his realm should be suffered to go to Trent. Besides, that he doth not hold it for a public & general council, but rather for a private congregation made to serve some men's particular profit and commodity, & not for a commonwealth. And that touching any Decree which they should there make, neither he nor any of his realm could be liable, or should be bound thereto: and farther, that if the matter so required, he would serve himself with such remedies as his ancestors were accustomed to do in like cases. True it is, that he would always carry a pure heart, bear a good affection to religion, and the church of Rome, and keep himself from doing aught worthy of reprehension. But forsomuch as he found himself highly grieved at the injuries and hatreds of some, which he never deserved, he could do no otherwise for the present time, & that they should take this his protestation in good part, & make him an act whereby he might inform all other Princes and christians of all that had been passed. The King's Letters being read, the fathers said that they would answer him in the first Session, provided that the King should acknowledge it for a council which was held at Trent, as touching that which then passed, they received it as far forth as the law would permit. Wherefore they could not deliver unto him any act or testimony whatsoever.  
Whereas the King said, that he would use the remedy his ancestors were wont to practise, it grew thus. In France as well as other countries, 
The choice of Bishops and Clergy denied to the Pope.  if any Bishopric or Abbey became void, those whom they termed Canons or Monks had liberty to choose: the other Benefices which were not elective, were bestowed by the Bishops and patrons, and all suits for matter of Benefices were determined each one in his own province. But the Popes by little and little began clean to alter these elections, and to draw for themselves all the profit to Rome, by reservations and expectative graces, and caused all suits to be brought thither, even at the first instance. This change began in France in the time of Lewes the ninth, who notwithstanding stoutly resisted it, by the advice of his Council and Parliament, and made an ordinance in the year: 1267. by which he commanded the ancient custom should be maintained, and for all that no man to pay aught to the Pope, which law stood in force many years after. But the authority of the Popes became in the end mistress, scattering among the Clergy throughout Christendom their graces and reservations, which were most chargeable and odious unto every man, until the Council of Basle utterly abolished this manner of taking, relying upon the ancient laws of collations and elections, and forbidding the exaction of Auates. So as Charles the seventh after that he had summoned a Council of the choicest men of all his realm, approved that Decree of the Council, 
The enacting of La Pragmatique Sanction  and in the year 1438. confirmed it by an Edict, which was commonly called La Pragmatique Sanction. Yet afterward Eugene the fourth pronounced this council of no valour, so as the Popes which since succeeded, have utterly refused this Decree, & named it Schismatical. Yea Pope Pius the second, sent his Ambassador to Lewes the eleventh son of Charles the seventh, by whom he tooth and nail insisted to make La Pragmatique Sanction to be abolished. But the king took council of the Parliament of Paris, which is the most renowned of all France, composed of learned personages, and experienced in the Civil and Canon law, and in matters of estate, or other public charge. Who fetching many things from the antiquity and ordinances of the very Popes themselves, and Counsels in time passed, alleging likewise what his progenitors Clodo●●●, Charlemain, Philippe Dicudonne, Lewes the ninth, Philip le Bel, Lewes Hat●●, john the first, & finally what his own grandfather had ordained therein. And taking occasion thereby to show how exceedingly France then flourished, and how in present she was desolate and weakened, delivered unto him boldly, that if the ancient laws should not remain in force, all order of the Clergy would come to utter confusion, and that France would be in the end left clean unhabited, by reason many retired themselves to Rome, by little and little sucking out the whole treasure of the realm, whence would ensue that the Churches and such like buildings would in the end be utterly ruined throughout the whole realm. As concerning the treasure, said they, if the law of your Father take not place, there will yearly be transported to Rome a million of gold. For, omitting the rest in the time of Pope Pius, at the least twenty bishoprics were void, whereof every one paid as well for the Anates, as other charges, six thousand crowns: about three score Abbeys, whereof every one paid two thousand, and above two hundred other Benefices, of which every one paid above one thousand crowns. Besides, that there is in your realm more than an hundred thousand parishes, from which a mass of money is drawn by this invention of the Popes. Follow then your Father's traces, and stick fast to the Decree of Basle. Such was the counsel which the Parliament gave him. But the King overcome with the authority or subtlety of the Pope, ordained the abolishing of La Pragmatique Sanction, by means of the Cardinal Balne, one very familiar about the King, and deeply bound to the Pope. Notwithstanding the King's Proctor general, and the University of Paris, which had a great interest therein, courageously withstood it, and appealed from the Pope to a Council. Lewes the twelfth was at great odds with july the second about the same, and it was referred to the Council of Latran. But Frances the first agreed thereunto, upon certain conditions with Leo the tenth, in the City of Bologne la grass, after that he had gained all Lombardie. To wit, that a Bishopric or Abbey becoming void, the Chapter should not have power to choose, but that it should appertain to the King, to name some one within six months to the Pope, which he thought meet for such a charge. This was the matter which the King ment, when he spoke of a remedy by his Ambassador: for this was the reign wherewith the Kings ever bridled the Popes, and when they fall a quarreling with them, they press to have La Pragmatique Sanction revived, chiefly in this time in which Popes commandments are not so much reverenced as heretofore they have been: and in respect that France is large and rich, Rome cannot well miss the money without great loss. Now the King since performed in deed, what he threatened here to Pope july, as we will handle hereafter. Philip le Bel King of France, used the same remedy against Boniface the eight, for because that he had charged him to pass the Seas, and to make war against the Sarrazins, not taking in good part his excuses, he forbade him to levy any money upon the Churches, (which the King of necessity was constrained to do) and if he would not obey, excommunicated him. The King sent for all his Lords and estates of his Realm to Paris, where after having discoursed of the outrage of Boniface, and that all the Bishops, Princes, and Gentlemen confessed that they held all their substance merely of his grace, bounty, and liberality, he forbade that any money after should be transported to Rome, and to that end caused a diligent watch to be kept in all the entries and passages. The sum which was found in the account of the Parliament of Paris, of that which the Bishoprics and Abbeys being void did pay, must be understood of the time passed, for at this present the Taxes are augmented, and pass the annual revenues, so as some of the Clergy have been feign to leave their Bulls in the bankers hands for the overgreat exaction. Now there are in France twelve archbishoppricks, Aix, Vienne, Lions, Narbonne, Tholouze, Bourdeaux, Aux, 
12. Articles in France.  Bourges, Tours, Roven, Reims, and Sens: there are about 96. Bishoprics, by the vacaties of which is carried to Rome a mass of money, and of the Archbishopprickes about threescore thousand, three hundred crowns, as it is apparent by an account made in the time of King Lewis the twelfth.  
Hereupon the King of France not content with the rigorous pursuits he renewed against the Lutherans, 
The K. letters and complaints against the Pope.  to the end that notwithstanding the war he was resolved of against the Pope, he might entertain the Catholic Princes in good opinion of his faith and Catholic religion, would make further show of his duty, and just occasions of war, by a writing sent unto the Pope, of whose deep disgrace he stood well assured: declaring therein what injury was done him. The cause of the war of Parma, and why receiving of Octavian into his protection, he forbade under great penalty any money to be transported to Rome: for considering that money was the very sinew of war, what folly were it said he to nourish a man's enemy with his own wealth? The property of Popes was to pacify quarrels among Kings, which Pope Paul the third did, who altogether creeping with age, came as far as Nice into the Country of Genes, to reconcile his late Father to th'emperor. But july ran a clean contrary course, for having no sooner published the counsel most necessary for the commonwealth, he presently moved a war, whereby the French Church one of the most principal of Christendom, was clean excluded: requiring a lawful counsel might be summoned, to amend as well the faults of the Prelates and other Ministers of the Church, as a number of other things being there handled, to correct the vices of every one. This was published at Paris by sound of Trumpet the seventh of September: anon after he had proclaimed the Edict of Chasteau-Briant against the Lutherans. Shortly after, the Imperials caused the clean contrary to be given out and proclaimed, in which the beginning of the war of Parma was specified, where having showed how great reason the Pope had to be angry with Octavian and the Lord of Mirandolle, how contrary the King of France was bend, that sought all occasions and wrought all means to hinder the most honest enterprises of the Emperor, gave notwithstanding to wit, that Charles of Austria who held his practices for little worth, would most courageously and stoutly pursue the end thereof. And whereas Octavian gave out, that he was constrained by necessity to put himself under the safeguard and protection of the King of France, by reason of the outrages and pranks of Ferdinand Gonzague, it was clean refuted, for had there been any occasion of fear (quoth the Emperor) he was the motyfe, who had often sought means to cause him to be killed: it was after declared how Plaisance was rendered up to th'emperor, by reason that Pierre Lovis the Pope's Bastard, enjoying Parma and Plaisance, behaved himself so cruelly in his government, that he drew the wrath of God upon him, and every man's hatred: by the example of Nero, especially for his execrable wickedness, not only with women, but very men: wherefore he was most justly murdered in his own house by the Citizens, which could not endure his cruelty any longer. This done, the inhabitants foreseing their apparent and imminent danger, if they should fall again into the subjection of the Pope and Church of Rome, could find no other refuge or more assured liberty, then to render themselves to the Emperor: namely, having been at other times vassals of th'empire: they solicited then Gonzague and prayed him to receive them into the emperors protection, otherwise they would think of some other succour and defence: it is but counterfeit then in making semblance of fear, for the Emperor never gave him occasion, as one that had greatly benefited the Farnezes, having chosen Octavian for his son in law, and given the City of Novarre for ever to his father Lovis, and bestowed on him the honour of marquess: but both of them oftentimes showed themselves marvelously ungrateful, and especially when they made show of aiding him against certain rebels of Germany, for in the mean time they endeavoured to take from him both Lombardie, and Gennes itself: for proof whereof joannin Dorie a virtuous man, if ever were any was most villainously murdered in the tumult, while he faithfully employed himself for the Emperor, and sought to deliver the Country from that danger into which he saw it most ready to fall: 
The K. answer to the emperors objection.  there was shortly after an answer put in print under the name of the King of France, in which was rehearsed how the Emperor desiring to win unto him Paul the third, had bestowed upon his son Pierre Lovis, the title and dignity of marquess, had taken Octavian son to Pierre for his son in law, yielding goodly benefits to Alexander his other son, besides which he had made an alliance with the Pope, wherein was especially set down, that the Emperor should confirm the decree of the consistory of Cardinals, namely, that the Emperor should confirm the principality of Parma and Plaisance to the family of Farnezes. Now whereas the Emperor made war in Germany, punishing some private rebellions under pretence of setting up of religion: this sleight marvelously displeased the Pope, considering by this means he showed well enough that he had no regard but to his particular profit, and making of himself great. And in truth said the King, the Pope was no whit therein misconceived, for as soon as the war was finished, and the Emperor no more in need of the Ferneze's aid, he publicly declared his evil meaning conceived against the Pope: for his Lieutenants of Italy had already found means to compass Plaisance, and anon after murderers were hired to kill Pierre Lovis in his chamber: and before that ever the Citizens had notice of the murder, men of war were sent in to seize of the Castle in the name of the Emperor, who if he had been so ignorant of the fact, it had been great reason that after the death of Pope Paul, he should have sought the delivery of the City to the Church of Rome: but so far was he from it, as he went about to take Parma out of the hands of his own Nephew, yea while Pope Paul lived, he made pursuit thereof, in such sort that Paul taking a conceit thereat died for grief. Afterwards Ruffians were found at Parma, which of their own accord confessed that Fernande Gonzague had given them in charge to murder Octavian. He then perceiving himself in this distress, that such as ought to have preserved him, yea his own father in law, sought to take from him not only his substance but his life, demanded succour of the King, and yielded himself into his hands, which he could not by any means gainsay, pressed thereunto by so many tears and reasons. The case standing thus, and for these occasions all the Princes being animated, every one bestirred him to do the worst he could against his enemy. Captain Powlin having in readiness his galleys and fleet at Marseilles, furnished and victuailed for Scotland, took certain Merchants Ships of Flaunders, upon the English Sea, the which he rifled, alleging that under colour of traffic, they transported the victuail and munition of the Realm, to make themselves the better able to prevail against France. Elsewhere the Governors of the frontiers prepared themselves openly to the war: the Queen of Hungary in like sort being governess for her Brother in the Low country, made stay of all Frenchmen and their goods, near at the same time, that th'emperor discharging of Marillac Ambassador for the King about his person, with many hard and angry speeches against his Master, had resolved to pass an army into France, to be revenged of the wrong which he faide he had sustained. And because it was doubted that he would enter by Champagne, where Bourdillon was with certain Troops, the Duke of Nevers was sent thither with 10. companies of men at arms, which he distributed for the better strengthening of the weaker Garrisons, providing as well as he could for the fortifications and munitions of those places, where he bestowed the eight old bands which the King had sent unto him: while it was thus in working, they put out into the field, to be the better able to put in execution some sudden surprisales, according to their old intelligences, whereof very few took good effect. Then each party tarrying for the main of his army, made many little skirmishes, now with good, and now with bad fortune, as well on the one side as the other. In the mean time happened the defeat of a number of Bourgonians, which the company of Gasper de Coligny called Chastillon, defeated near unto Montcornet in Ardennes: leaving five hundred dead on the place, for recompense whereof, other making a show but of a small company of arquebusiers, presenting themselves near unto Mauber-Fontaine, charged and killed in an ambuscade, the Captain Gourds, accompanied with five and twenty old soldiers, too venturous and ill advised, in not tarrying for Bourdillon and his people, who being arrived after their death, followed the Bourgonians, already retired safe by the benefit of the wood, into which for want of arquebusiers, they could not hinder more than two parts of them that had the victory, to retreat in surety: as Mazaeres stood in great want of provisions, join thereto that a Soldier loveth best to get from the enemy, and keep his own for his necessity: Captain Villefranche having in the night planted a number of matches fired, upon the top of the Castle Ditches at Lumes, while that the Imperials discharged at them both harquebuses, Culverins, and other shot, took all the cattle and other provisions which the inhabitants kept by favour of the Ports: out of which, some of the most courageous having sallied by little, saw themselves so bepelted with harquebuses, that they were constrained to let their provisions be carried to Maizieres. But the Burgonians having surprised the Castle of Aspremont, which the young Earl yielded up to the Duke of Nevers, and in a course killed Captain Ligneres, and defeated the greatest part of his company between Hedin and Monstrevilse, greatly bragged that they had been so well revenged. At the same time the Garrisons of Pickardie under the Duke of Vendosme, and his brothers the Duke of Anguien and Prince of Conde, were no less often and painfully awakened, than those of champaign all the long winter, in which their masters notwithstanding were busied about more high enterprises than those before mentioned, as I will make you well to perceive.  
Behold these Princes hard at it, and the original and preparation of their quarrels: whereupon I think good before that I pass any further to fetch the affairs of the Christians from more high, to the end I may not give any occasion that should turn you from the knowledge of that which I will entreat of: for as I speak of war, of Religion, policy and other human actions, when you shall see the Counsel of Trent mentioned, and not know to what end, when, nor by whom it was held: the Lutherans & obstinate pursued with fire and blood, of the time whereof you should be ignorant, and of the places where they came into the world, by whom, and in what doctrine they stood instructed: if I speak of the Protestants banded, against so great Potentates, and you not know whence they descended, nor why their Father was so named, nor the variable success of their enterprises, nor how, nor why they were succoured by the Kings of France, England, and other Princes, with a number of things which would remain unknown unto you, for that you could not understand their beginning and progress, you would take very small delight therein: at the least you will take double contentment, if all the whole be made manifest and plain, as you would yourself desire: since then that the knowledge of natural things content not the spirit, if the cause and reason thereof rest unknown amidst many accidents, a somewhat less agreeable discourse, by reason of the ignorance of their original, shall satisfy the more curious sort, if in representing therein unto you their very spring and true motife, I shall not fetch it from over far.  
As the judgements of men are divers and oftentimes contrary, so is there not any thing so common or general whatsoever, that receiveth not alteration in some particular, 
The original and difference of Christian religion in France.  which may easily be seen in all vocations, especially in the doctrine which all embrace to the conduct of their salvation. For to hold my peace of the diversity which is among the Christians, half Christians, Mahometists, Iewes Pagans and other, yea of the multitude of different and contrary opinions, which is in every one of them, it hath been ever seen, that Christendom how general soever it hath at any time been, was always set at controversy by some particular judgement: now in matter of substance, now in discipline, now in ceremonies and outward appearances, be it that it proceed of ignorance or of a good zeal, of malice or some indiscretion of persons, which advance themselves to speak. And if we shall seek further examples than the memory of our fathers, it is most certain that religion planted in France in the time of the Pagans, grown under the line of Clovis, was no sooner established under Pepin and his successors, but the authority and consequently abuse of certain of the Clergy, increasing with the abundance of wealth, the zeal and curiosity of such as would reform the discipline and life of the officers, encouraged men by little and little to attempt to the substance, and some to band themselves secretly and by writings, others with open mouth, against the Articles of doctrine, which they little judged of, less understood, or worse practised. As notwithstanding the Pastors confirming their general received doctrine, by a better life than ours, authorised both by one and the other through a severe punishment of justice, to the example of every one; so the reformation being hindered to grow by the diligence and study of the Bishops and justicers, it could not spread so far but that at this day, (when all estates are only curious of their pleasure and particular profit) they have themselves given entry to what they most complained off & least doubted. So many held their peace, and the hardest could not gain so much, as to make any other opinion run among the people than the common, until that the officers of the Church and justice, surprised in their duty, by such as spied but an occasion fit to give entry unto their opinions, saw themselves sooner beaten then assailed, by those whose very first March they always before despised. 
How the doctrine of the Vaudois and Albigeois was dispersed through Europe  Then after many and light brunts with the common faith received in France, (since the sure and public establishmentes of Christian Religion) by Berenger of Tours, Abeyllard Breton, Amaury of Chartres, Arnold of Bresse, and other, followed by a great number of Sectaries as well in this Realm as else where, it never was so earnestly assaulted as by the Vaudoios and their successors in Guienne and Countries about, which they named Albigeois of the town of Alby chief of Albigeois, situate between Languedos and Quercy. Who in spite of all the Potentates of Christendom sowed about the year 1100. and even since their doctrine smally differing from the Protestants at this day: Not only through France, but almost all the Countries of Europe. For the French, Spanish, English, Scots, Italians, Germans, Bohemians, Saxons, Polonians, Lithuaniens and other people have mightily defended it until this present. After that this doctrine had a while crept through France, in the end as the heat of burning coals doth exhalate and pierce thorough by little and little, the thickness of the Cinders not able to quench it, it grew more commonly known, by Prayers, public exhortations, administrations of Sacraments and other uses, the course whereof the Clergy not being able to hinder, sought under the authority of the Pope, aid and force at the hands of Christian Princes, 
Opinions sooner changed by ease and rest then violence  whom they speedily armed against the Albigeois. Whom after a number of assaults, battles, reencounters, losses, ruins, victories and reciprocal advantages, from the year 1200. For 50. years after ever maintaining by arms and force the outward show of their lives, their doctrine and their Country together; until that the chief of them were defeated and impoverished, other gained by fair protestations & promises of better hap, and all in general together weary with the continuance of so long Civil wars: The Christian Princes and Prelates of the Church left (as in contempt) a wandering people of all parts terrified with so cruel a war, insisting in their first opinion, which rather the ease of the rest they after felt caused them to change, than any rigour of their enemies. So as all the French anon! after returned to the same doctrine, from which their fathers had so much swerved, except such as retired themselves into the mountains, chiefly the Provencaux, Savoyarts, Dauphinois, and Piemontois: of whom there were many sent into Lombardie, Calabria, Poville, Sicily, German and other places, to the end they might plant the fruit of that doctrine which they stood assured was the most true & ancient of Christendom. Now the English was Lord of Guienne in the time of these Albigeois wars, by reason that Henry of Anjou after the death of Stephen became king of England, Duke of Normandy, Earl of Anjou Tourraine and Maine. 
The English Lords of Guienne in france Normandy, Poictou, Anjoy, etc.  And afterwards grew to be Earl of Poictou and Duke of Aquitaine (called Guienne) by virtue of Eleonor his wife daughter to Guillame, last Earl of Poictou, whom king Louis le jeune had divourced. So as sundry English men, which ordinarily came into those countries, either by reasons of traffic and merchandise, or war against the French, had speedily enough being imbrued with the same opinions, spread them abroad in their own Country. Which having been conceived and explained by many, in the end fell from hand to hand into the head of Wicklife, about 50. years after, a greatly renowned Divine in the University of Oxford, and Curate of Luteruorth in the Diocese of Lincoln. Who in the end being a Doctor in Divinity through his eloquence and rare Doctrine, gained so far the hearts and understandings of the English, 
The Religion of the Vaudois dispersed through England.  and chiefly of the greatest sort, as the Duke of Lancaster uncle to king Richard, Henry of Persye, Lewes Clifford, the Chaunlor Kegli, the Earl of Sarisburie & others, as a long time after he preached, wrought and dispersed with all liberty what best seemed good unto him. Most chiefly under King Edward. True it is that Pope Alexander through the solicit of the chief of the Clergy, 
Wicklife his Doctrine.  animated Richard his successor, much against him in the year 1382: Who prevailed so far, that after sundry disputations of the Articles of his faith, he was banished, afterwards called home, and died. 1387. But 40. years after his decease, his body was pulled out of the ground by the Pope's commandment, and his bones burned at Oxford 1410. before the Abbot of Shrewsberie then Chancellor. And albeit that 13. years after his death, 1401. his doctrine was utterly condemned in open Parliament, with an Injunction to all men to seek out those Lollards, (so called they such as professed that order of doctrine, 
Lollards in England, Livonia Sermatia, etc.  according unto those of Pologne, and borderers unto it) yet for all that, could it not hinder the multiplying thereof as well in that Country as else where. Chiefly in Germany, by reason of the great learning which was taught by the famous Fathers of the University of Oxford: Where among other, 
How the doctrine of the Vaudois and Wicklife was carried into Polonia, Bohemia, and other countries of Almain.  a Scholar of Bohemia, being much delighted in a book of Wicklif's called The Vniversales, carried a Copy thereof with him into his Country, where the University of Prague was of great commendations. In which john Hus more renowned than the rest for his quickness of spirit, made himself for all that much better known after the reading of those books: which he explained and so much thereby increased the doctrine which long since was spread abroad in those quarters, that many of the people, Scholars, and of the very Nobles and Clergy themselves, followed the same as a matter worthy to be received among men. Now among the rest of the people which for their conscience were persecuted, the Bohemians had been long before john Hus, 
The Bohemians and Almains persecuted by the Pope's inquisitors before john Hus.  by Venceslaus King of Bohemia, who made great search after them & roundly punished them. And by the Pope, who long before that, had sent thither an inquisitor of the ill affected of the faith, who (john Hus living) was named Bishop of Nazaret. Be it then that the persecutions either cooled this kind of people through out Christendom, or that the Princes and Clergy made no account of those, who standing favoured by no great personages became all simple people and inhabitants of the Montaignes, as those of Piedmont, Savoy, Calabria, and other, the Bohemians stood at that instant most renowned and worst meant to. Especially after that Hus had reform his preaching, leassons and writings by the tradition of Wicklife. So as in the year, 1414. the Counsel being summoned at Constance, for the controversy of the Popes, and reformation of the Clergy, john Hus a Bachelor in Divinity, to the end to purge himself of the heresy which was laid to his charge, was cited thither by the Pope, and after having refused to come, accounting it no safe or sure place, he was persuaded by Sigismond the Emperor that they might safely go thither and return again, at the request of his brother Venceslaus King of the Country: and besides that Venceslaus of Dube, and john De Chlum Gentlemen of Pologne, should accompany him. But so far was he from being suffered to present himself to the assembly of the Council, to render account of his faith as the Emperor and his brother would have had it, that the Cardinals clapped him up close prisoner: 
Council of Constance summoned for the refomation of the Church.  & clean contrary to the earnest requests, which not only many Gentlemen of Bohemia, but the very University of Prague made, that he might not be condemned before he were publicly hard. But in the end the Emperor being persuaded, that there could be no defence, safe conduct or other means yielded to him, which had been already condemned as an heretic, and especially a Protestant, public professed, and that he ought rather to prepare wood and fire to consume him into ashes, 
john Hus, condemned, and burnt as an heretic at Constance, notwithstanding the emperors safe conduct.  if he would not decline from his obstinacy, the seventh of july presiding amidst all the Princes & Prelates with his imperial robes in the great temple of Constance, after certain Articles there drawn out of his writings as heretical, one of the deputies which examined him, pronounced that the Council declared him for an heretic, a Disciple and favourer of Wicklife, whose books had been already burnt by a Council at Rome, that he was wilful in his heresies, for the appeal which he had cast in from the Council to jesus, reproving his appellation as scandalous and injurious to the Pope's authority and Ecclesiastical jurisdiction: and therefore he was to be disgraded of his Priestly order, with all infamy and reproach, afterwards the Bishops attired him in a profane garment and estate, and gave him a crown of Paper one cubit high, painted with three black and ugly Devils, having for devise Heresiarcha as one should say the chief and Prince of heretics. This done the Emperor into whose hands the Clergy had put him, as the secular arm, commanded D. Lovis of Bauiere, kneeling before him with his ornament in his hand an Apple of Gold and the figure of the Cross) to deliver him to the hangman, who having burned his books, and tied him fast with an iron chain to a stake, piled up with wood and straw to his chin, soon consumed him to ashes, which they flung into the Rhine, to the end no more memory should remain of him. Hereupon the Princes for to remedy all abuses, and replant the Church in her first glory, deposed Pope john 24. of that name, as a Simonous heretic, and manslayer, who fled disguised to Scafusen, and from thence to Fribourg in Brisgoe: But being taken in the fift year of his Pontificate, was three years kept prisoner. Gregory who likewise had held himself for Pope, 
Popes deposed.  dismissed himself of the popedom. And Pierre de la Lune named Pope Benoist, was condemned for sundry offences. john Gerson Chancellor of the University of Paris (which had sent him with others to Constance) said that never there would be any Peace in the Church until the Moon were taken away. Martin the fift of that name before called Am de Savoie, was chosen and approved of all.  
Hierosme of Prague companion to john Hus, understanding of his entertainment, departed out of Bohemia, and the 4. of April 1415. arrived near Constance to comfort him, and offered to answer all such injuries in open council as were given out of them of Bohemia, if they would give him any safe-conduct: 
Jerome of Prag condemned and burned at Constance as john Hus.  which being refused by the Emperor, he contented himself in obtaining of the Lords and Protector of Bohemia, their letters sealed with their seals, witnessing his innocency, and that he was come to answer such reproaches as his adversaries had given out: but as he thought to have returned, he was taken and carried to Constance, where he was so straightly used and examined, that in the end he publicly rehearsed a form of abjuration, which they delivered unto him, confessing further that john Hus was lawfully punished. But as they let him go never a whit the sooner for that, and thereupon certain Carmos' of Bohemia being come with new accusations, he recanted and stuck so fast to his first opinion, that the council condemned him as before they did john Hus, whence he appealed unto jesus Christ: so that (said he) after one hundred years you shall make account for me: but the hangmen did as much for him as the other. Poge Florentin being present at all, greatly commended in a wrighting which he sent unto Leonard Aretin, the eloquence, grace, knowledge, and marvelous constancy of Hierosme: thinking nothing wanting in him but a conformity of the common faith. Now when these news were carried into Bohemia, such Gentlemen and other as had been instructed in this doctrine, growing marvelous angry, sent their letters to the Princes and Prelates of Constance, 
The Bohemians angry, grow more resolute by the death of Hus and Hierom.  to testify their conceived displeasure, and their resolution to persist in the same opinion even to the death and cost of the most mischievous, four and fifty of the best calling signed and sealed it with their seals. And indeed as rigours only do not cause men to change opinion, but oftentimes make them more wilfully to persist therein: the Hussite Bohemians multiplying more and more, besought of their King Venceslaus many Temples, in which they might exercise and advance their doctrine, being such a number of people as hourly were gained, 
Captain Zischa levieth men against the Priests & Monks of Bohemia.  among the rest john Zischa of Trosnovie, one of the most renowned warriors that followed the King, and which had lost one of his eyes in the former factions, levied a number of men to the ruin of as many Priests and Monks as they found to have been authors of the matter of Constance: and so began to pull down Temples, bruise the Images, throw down the Monasteries, and pull out the Monks, whom they named Swine fatted in their Cloister: finally in small time were assembled more than forty thousand men, maintaining the doctrine of john Hus. In the mean while Sigismond the Emperor, & true heir to the kingdom of Bohemia by the decease of his Brother, going thither to take possession, found all passages shut by the people, who extremely hated him for breach of his faith: so as after many a good and bad re-encounter on the one side and the other, he lost his other eye likewise at the siege of Rabi, and yet ceased not for all that to conduct and govern his army, yea oftentimes breaking the troops of Sigismonde, composed of Hungarians, Bohemians, Moraves, Almains and Danes: for Eric King of Denmark was come thither to secure him, with Pierre Infant of Portugal; in sort that the Emperor perceiving that he could not otherwise remedy it, gained him by fair promises of granting unto him what charge soever he would require. But Zischa as he was going to the Emperor died of the Plague, and being asked in his sickness where he would be buried, answered that he would have them slay his body after his death, and with his skin head a Drum, at the sound whereof he doubted not but all his enemies would soon betake them to their heels.  
From this time forwards the persecutions continued in the church, almost throughout all Christendom, 
Luther & his beginning 1518.  at the pursuit of the Inquisitors who were annimated enough against the ill affected in the faith, but more again some particular and simple people than persons of mark, until the coming of Luther, which then they the more augmented as they saw men's faith, belief and charity, to diminish towards men of the Church: so as the Christian faith being received and oppugned almost in everlye country, though in some one less sharply than other (where great ones countenanced them out, by credit, force of arms, and other means) you may not find it strange if the religion less common and more secret, seeking in all times and places but occasion and means fit to lift up and spread itself abroad, knew well how to take her time in the end 1518. to make herself known by the negligence of the German Prelates, and the diligence and hardiness of Luther, who reviving of these old opinions, and adding thereunto what before but by the ignorance of the simple people he thought omitted, afterwards explaining the same by a well ordered delivery, and expressing it in his Sermons and writings, through his eloquence and doctrine, discovered unto us such a kind of reformation, as hath engendered more strange effects then ever any man could see, read, or understand to have been practised in any other place. Now for that the particulars are very memorable and worthy to be left to the posterity, I am contented to fetch the narration thereof, from the first original, to the end I would not leave any thing unto you, which might stay you from the entire knowledge of so notable accidents, as upon this occasion made all christendom both admire and stand wonderfully astonished.  
The pardons which Pope Leo published throughout the world, 1517. to get money, and provide for a war pretended against the Turk, 
General pardons published through Christendom 1517.  were an occasion together with the abuses his treasurers offered in the levying thereof, (as the most learned and notable writers as well of Germany as Italy hath left) that Luther first declared himself an enemy to the overcharging of consciences, than a Censor of Popes and ecclesiastical abuses, to reform in the end the more received doctrine in the Christian Church, for first he found himself aggrieved at the pardons, next banded himself against the insolences of Receivers, and having put in question the authority of the Pope, which defended them, he came by little and little clean to contemn the doctrine of the Church of Rome: next to reform it, and in the end utterly to reject it. Now as Leo (say they) used too licentiously the authority of the Romish Sea, chief in such graces as the Court gave of spiritual and beneficial matters, by the council of Laurens Puccy Cardinal of the title of 4. Sains, so he scattered throughout, without distinction of time or place, his general pardons of pleanary remission, aswell for the quick as the dead: and delivered souls out of the pains of Purgatory. And because such favours were delivered so there were money, and that the Treasurers bought their offices at the Pope's hands, and that little which did come unto his hands was spent badly enough in other affairs, that he saw many of his Ministers sell for small price, yea play away at Taverns, power to deliver souls out of purgatory, and that the Pope (who by the meekness of his own nature, exercised in many things his pontifical office with little enough Majesty) had at one blow given unto his sister Magdelaine the profit of such Indulgences as might be reaped in sundry Countries of Germany, who deputed for her the Bishop Arebaut, that executed his charge but with too much covetousness and extortion: and that Leo had permitted the King of France, to use the last payments of his own Realm as should please him until the war against the Turk; all saving 50. thousand crowns which he gave to Laurence de Medicis his Nephew. Luther a Regent Doctor in divinity, thought then he had read, seen, and heard enough to despise such Indulgences, and to be able to tax therein the authority of the Pope: but afterwards a great number of Auditors running thither, to the end they might hear some novelty to delight them, the popular wind, no less than the favour of the Duke of Saxe, one of the electors of the Empire, and the greatest landed of all Germany, so egged him forward that he did not only band himself against the power of the Popes, and authority of the Church of Rome, but yielding himself to the anger conceived, for the injuries and sharp pursuits of the Receivers, and such as spurned against him, he grew in the end to make open war against the doctrine of the Church. The Pope as they say bestirred himself well in the beginning for to quench this fire, but not using the proper remedies & medicines, 
Luther cited to Rome.  he did but impair so great a malady, for he cited Luther to Rome, he forbade him to preach, and after seeing of his disobedience, he gave him over to the censure of the Church, never himself in all this time abstaining from many things of evil example: which having been with reason blamed by Luther, were by his Sermons, lessons, and writings, rendered a great deal more odious to every man: so as proceeding against him with Ecclesiastical weapons, without amending matters of evil example in his own Court at Rome, (and which since they were made and constrained to reform) so much the more grew the reputation of Luther among the people, as they saw him more persecuted for the innocency of his life, and pure doctrine which he preached then any thing else. And albeit that many were of opinion both at Rome and elsewhere, that it were less inconvenience to dissemble the fire of such folly, which peradventure would grow of itself into smoke, then in kindling and blowing it through the sharpness of such pursuits, to make it increase and grow in greater blaze than before: and chiefly for that a little wealth and honour had in the beginning, made him to eat his word, namely, at such time as he was banished by the Emperor at the Diet of Worms, assuring themselves to have seen him in such a fright, as if the injurious and threatening words of the Cardinal S. Xixte, Legat had not led him to a last despair, he would gladly enough have been reconciled to the Church, and been made to leave his opinions. So it came to pass (as men are rather inclined to remedy inconveniences by vehemency and rigour, then fair means and courtesy) that not only the persecutions which augmented daily against him and his Lutherans, but also a terrible excommunication being resolved against the Duke of Saxe, rendered this Prince more fervent than ever, to the defence of the cause. True it is that the opinion which was held among many Princes, that the followers of this doctrine were no less enemies to the temporal Lords, then to the authority of the Churchmen, was an occasion that many sovereign and other Magistrates, 
What caused a stay of Luther's reformation.  diligently hindered, and with great severity, the publication thereof in their countries. Besides that the multitude and contrariety of most absurd heresies, which crept in at that very time, did marvelously retard the beginning, yea and bring a marvelous abatement to the doctrine itself: but the liberty which the people in the end resumed in their manner of life, (I will hold my peace as concerning the merit of the doctrine) and the covetous obstinacy of great ones, who could never be brought to leave any more their ancient manners, than the goods which they usurped of the Church, did add unto him so strong wings, that many presaged his more high and lofty flight, then hath as yet been seen, howsoever in a word to teach particularly the beginning of his reformation.  

Martin Luther's beginning, profession, and carriage of life.  Martin Luther borne the 10. of November 1483. at Islebe in the county of Mansfelde, sent to Magdeburg and Iscena to ply his study, and then being given altogether to Logic and Philosophy at Erforde, shortly after rendered himself Monk in the Convent of Augustine's, against the will of his parents and friends, giving himself to the study of Divinity, 
Luther himself confesseth it in his answer to the book which H. D. of Brunwick wrote against him 1541. as Sleyden reporteth in the 14. of his history, repeating Luther's words, who discovered the occasions which moved him to preach and write against pardons. My name, saith he, began to grow famous because no man was found else that durst oppose himself. This little glory was pleasing as then unto me, etc.  in lieu of the Civil and Cannon law, to the expectation whereof as well his first bringing up, as the desire of his parents would have destined him. So as Stupice Vicar of the order of the Augustine's, who had the charge of the University lately erected at Witemburge in Saxe upon the River of Albye, made Luther go thither to read Divinity Lecture: since being returned from Rome, whether in the year 1510. his brethren had sent him to solicit and follow a suit which they had there, he passed himself Doctor at the expenses of Duke Frederic of Saxe, elector of th'empire, under whom as he seldom employed himself but in his study, and that more than 2. thirds of Christians, with one consent approved the faith and catholic Roman religion, the sudden and unlooked for accident of general pardons, occasioned him though unskilfully, to debate in the beginning, by way of College disputations, some points different in Religion. Afterwards the fire of an ambitious anger, inflamed by the undiscreet covetousness of certain Questors, increased by the injurious gain-sayings of such and other his adversaries, joined thereto the zeal which he had to guide the more simple sort, in a way which seemed better unto him, encouraged him to reform and in the end to reject almost all the doctrine which had been generally received of our fathers, as soon as he saw himself excommunicated by the Pope, and banished by the Emperor Charles the fifth, 1519. See here the beginning of pardons, and true motife of the Croizade, the fruits whereof at first being ordained for the defence of the Christian faith and nation, were employed notwithstanding as you shall perceive.  
Selim King of Turks, a natural and ancient enemy to the Christians, had made himself in that time so much more dreadful to them all, as besides the consideration of his new conquests, whereby he had increased the Ottoman empire, he dreamt of nothing more puffed up by reading of the happy carriages of Alexander the great, then to make the conquest of the world more easy to himself then the other: for having caused Bajazet his Father (who had thought to have made Acomat his eldest brother King) with Acomat, Corcu his brethren, and all their race to be murdered, 
Selim King of Turk's dreadful to his enemies.  was half persuaded to have done as much to his own only son Solyman: he tamed the Aduliens, defeated the Zophy in battle, took Tauris chief City of Persia, and part of the Realm, which being forced to leave for want of victual, 
Selim's cruelty towards his father, brethren and race.  and turning toward Syria, overthrew two Souldanes of Egypt, and after having made a clean end of Mamelus race, principal of the Souldanes, he invested himself in their kingdoms, for government whereof having left a Lord in Cairo, chief City of the Country, almost doubled his revenues, and entertaining arms both by Sea and land, for th'execution of higher intents, made himself so horribly feared of his neighbours, as the less assured took all pains to animate the rest of the Potentates to oppose themselves against his enterprises: who fearing lest the good hap of his so great victories achieved, would make his heart swell to the aspiring of their ruin, chiefly considering that he so prosperously accompanied his power & valour with a burning desire of making himself a Monarque, and by his famous enterprises, his name appeared most glorious to posterity: determined at the earnest soliciting of the Emperor Maximilian, and Pope Leo, to make the greatest mass of men, armour, and money, that they were able, to the end they might at least exclude his entry into Christendom, if they found not themselves able to perform any way his ruin: imagining that he would attempt Rhodes or Hungary, if he meant not to descend into italy, by the example of Mahomet his Grandfather, 
Pope Leo endeavoureth the Christian Princes to enter league against the Turks.  who surprised Otrante with a very small power which he sent thither. The Pope then & the whole Court of Rome after certain solemn Processions, in which they went barefooted, sent briefs to all Princes, to give them warning of the imminent danger, and to pray them that all their quarrels set aside, they would readily advise for the defence of Religion and common health, growing so uncertain, if by a general force and agreement they would not make war in Turkey, to assail the enemy in his own home: whereupon having well considered of the estate between the Turks and Christians, it was resolved that the Emperor accompanied with Hungarians, Polonians, and Germans, should set forward through Danube in Bossine, (anciently Misia) to the end to pass into Thracia, and so approach Constantinople, the chief seat of Ottomans: that the King of France with the Italians and Zuissers, should pass from the Port of Brundiese into Albany, 
How the Christians army should be bestowed to annoy the Turk.  (a very easy and short passage) to conquer Greece, which being peopled with Christians, & in general too rigorously handled by the Turks, was in a manner ready to revolt, that the King of Spain's, Portugal & England's forces, joined by Sea at Carthage, and havens thereabouts, should prepare for the strait of Gallipoly to assault Constantinople, after having taken the Dardanes, otherwise the Castles seated at the mouth of the strait, that the Pope should follow from Ancone with one hundred Galleys, and that for the maintenance thereof should be made the greatest provision of money that was possible, by a voluntary contribution among the Princes, and a form of Impost free in general to be gathered throughout Christendom. This act proclaimed universal Truce for five years throughout Christendom, under pains of great censures to the breakers thereof: and to the end that all particulars of greater importance which sprung from so high an affair, might be the better resolved of the one side and the other, by the advise of the Prince's Ambassadors which were resident about his person, he sent out men of worth and reputation, (all Cardinals) for his Legates to all Princes. Now albeit this beginning had bred in the heart of every one, a great hope of a laudable conduct and mo●● happy end to ensue the whole plat, yea after the Truce was accepted of among them, which showed themselves with great vaunts and mighty words, ready for the execution of such an enterprise, yet each one finding very uneasy the conduct of a matter so greatly important, the event uncertain, far distance, and more appertaining to the estates of the one than the other, and which asked a far longer time to compass among themselves so universal an union and affection, as was requisite to this action, 
Christian Princes rather respected their particular, than the common cause.  the private interests and commodities clean carried away the consideration of the public. In such sort that these practices were not only not brought to any assured hope of to come, but were handled lightly, and almost in a kind of ceremony, each one to acquit himself so of his duty: according to the nature of men to whom things in the beginning seeming most terrible, do so diminish day by day, and vanish by little and little in such sort, that without a chance of new accidents which may renew their fear, they yield themselves but too soon assured of what may afterwards betide them: so as this negligence of the public cause, & immoderate affection of some particular, was the more confirmed by the death of Selim, 
Selim dieth, Soliman succeed.  (whose long sickness had delayed, and his death after clean broken the preparations of the war) who left so great an Empire to his son Soliman, young of age, but accounted of a mild spirit and little courage, (though his effects after showed the contrary) that the Christians not esteeming him borne for arms, soon enough freed themselves of the fear which they had had of the actions passed. Notwithstanding before the death of Selim, and during the occasions as yet they had to fear the Turk, the Emperor assigned a day at Ausbourge, whether all the Princes christened were summoned to answer. And to that end Pope Leo sent his Bulls of great pardons throughout all Christendom, with promise of remission of sins, and kingdom of heaven, to all such as would help the Church with a certain sum of money: and as well to advance forward his Indulgences, as to animate the Christians to this war, he dispatched Thomas Caietan his Legate into Germany. Hereupon the quick and prompt spirit of Luther, who as the most renowned of his own profession had already read many sorts of Books, in the most famous University of germany, found the preachings and cariadges of these Questors very strange. Afterwards coming to doubt of the virtue of pardons, because he said that he never remembered he found in his books that one ought to make traffic of the sins of men; and lest that they could be redeemed with any money, but the blood of Christ, since that the Cannon did teach sins could not be remitted by pardons, no more than that the Preachers ought to sell licence, to eat Eggs, Milk, Flesh, and Cheese, upon days forbidden, promising beside to forgive all sins, 
The palorepiscopal mantle, how made and given by Popes.  how great soever, yea and to come, sent out his letters in October 1517. to certain Prelates of Germany, praying them to take order therein, to reform the preachings and imprinted books of those Questors: and since sent ninety five propositions (a little before published at Witemburge in manner of a scholastical desputation) of Purgatory, Penance, duty of Charity, Indulgences and pardons, to search out, said he, the truth, and not to resolve: protesting that he would affirm nothing therein, but submit all to the judgement of the holy Church. Now he first addressed himself to the Archbishop of Mayence for the reasons which ensue. Albert of Brandebourge having been lately by Pope Leo created Archbishop of Mayence, seeing that the chapter and Cannons excused themselves by reason of their former charges, not to be able to furnish him with money to buy his 
(4) Made of the wool of two white Mattons', set upon the Altar in S. Agnes Church, while Agnus Dei is sung upon that holy day, and afterwards given to the Subdeacons' of S. Peter, who shear them at shearing time, and of the yarn which cometh from them among other, maketh a mantle three fingers broad, & reaching from the shoulders to the calf of the leg with little knobs of lead at the skirts, from thence laid upon the corpse of S. Peter & S Paul, with certain prayers, and kept there one night, with great ceremony, after delivered to him that must have it, and is only for Archbishops.  Episcopal mantle, which will cost above thirty thousand Crowns, before it be brought home, found means by accord with the Pope, to send john Tekel a jacobin, to preach pardons (already published else where) throughout all his Diocese, and to set forth their virtue to all such as would disburse money, with charge that half the gain should return to Rome, for the building up of the Church of S. Peter, for in as much as the Foucres of Germany had impressed their money, there could not be a better means then this found to repair them. Such was the first, howsoever the most apparent beginning of our evils, drawn from a third of wool, which since hath been by so many people, in so many places, and so strongly wound and writhed, as many millions of men have been thereby hanged and strangled. Now beit for fear of censures, or thunder of excommunication, which these Questors carried about with them, no man durst lift up his head to band against them but Luther: many Divines and Lawyers, to appease the murmurs & shut his mouth, began to inveigh against him by a form of answer to his solate and hardy propositions: among the rest john Tekel published certain themes clean contrary, at Frankfort on the Viadre, in the signory of Brandebourghe, praising therein above all, the authority of the Pope, the profit of pardons, and the wooden Cross, which the Pope had caused to be set up in all Temples, comparing it to jesus Christ, as Leo to S. Peter: whereupon Luther taking occasion to manifest himself, sent the explication of his own to sundry, and even to Leo himself, in june 1518. declaring unto him what follies his Questors had taught, and their pickery of the simplier people, trusting upon or abusing his authority, and for that he doubted he might be accused towards him, he besought him to give no credit to their calumnies, considering that Frederick the Elector, the university of Wittenberg, nor so many other would have approved his actions if there had been any impiety in them: In sum, he submitted his writings, his life, and his health to his good pleasure, accounting whatsoever should proceed from him as from Christ, not refusing to have his head struck of if he would so ordain it. Hereupon john Eccius a Divine, published to the contrary a Book, entitled Les Effaceurs, to coat the faults of Luther's writings. But he that most of all animated him, was Siluestre Prieras, jacobin master of S. Pallaies, by a book, where having set down the Pope above the Council, yea and the scripture itself, which said he had no virtue and authority but from the Church and Pope of Rome, he seemed to take occasion to digress upon the great virtue of Indulgences, for Luther setting himself to answer it, said that it was a book so full of horrible lies and blasphemies against the divine name, that there is great appearance that Satan was the very author: that if the Pope (saith he) and his Cardinals be of the same opinion, and if the like be held and taught at Rome, there is no doubt but that it is the true seat of Antichrist: wherefore Greece and Bohemia were most happy that were separated from it, and those contrariwise miserable that held never so little thereof: if then the Pope would not repress this Prieras, if he made him not unsay it, he protested that he would be at discord with him, and that he would be so far from acknowledging the Church of Rome for a true church, that he would contrariwise hold her for a taste of all villainy, and for a place vowed to all impiety: upon this difference heated by Siluestre, he made him be cited to Rome, to come and defend his propositions: Leo commanded Caietan rather by force of th'emperor to bring him to Ausbourghe, and from thence to Rome, commanding all men to obey this commandment, on pain of infamy and loss of goods: yea giving entire absolution of all sins, to such as would employ themselves to the execution thereof as abovesaid: and praying Frederic not to favour him, but to send him away with speed, promising to send him back again, if he were not found culpable: he warned also that Gabriel a Venetian, great Vicar of the jacobins, that he should not suffer him to teach, and earnestly solicited him by letters and messages, for by extreme diligence (said he) the fire already kindled must be quenched. As things newly sprung up cannot carry any great force, but if by delay a mischief be suffered to grow stronger, it is to be feared, that afterwards it may grow uncurable, considering that day by day the evil increased, in which nothing is more to be shunned then delay: Luther would not go thither, saying that the place stood very suspicious and dangerous for him, but solicited to have the cause debated in some free place of Germany. The university of Witemberg wrote in his favour to Pope Leo, to whom having protested that he would neither think nor speak against the faith received in the holy Sea, 
Luther appeareth before Caietan the Pope's Legat.  gave notwithstanding attestation of his good life and better doctrine, and besought him to ordain indifferent judges in Germany: Frederic in the end dealt so far with Caietan, that by the safe conduct of the Emperor, he should be admitted to defend his cause at Ausbourghe before him, without going at all to Rome: who set before him that he should repent himself by acknowledging of his error, and that he should no more wright ought which might trouble the peace of the Church: for the first, he said he could not acknowledge that he had failed, but for the second he would obey it. But Caietan telling him that he did not esteem so highly of the Pope's authority as he ought, & that in his propositions he should say the merits of Christ were not the treasure of Indulgences, (contrary to the decree of Clement the sixth) and that faith is necessary to such as would receive the holy Sacrament, in sort that they assured themselves their sins were pardoned; It is false (said he) before divers witnesses, one Notaire, and four counsellors of the Emperors: & protested that he had ever honoured & reverenced the Church of Rome, and that if he had said aught repugnant thereunto, he would not abide by it: but in that he was urged to renounce his error, he said he did not think that ever he spoke any thing contrary to the scripture, opinion of ancient fathers, decree of Popes, or the right reason itself. Notwithstanding for that he confessed he might fail, a matter natural to man, he submitted himself to the knowledge of the holy church, & refused not that the universities of Germany and Paris should yield their opinion, requiring then that the knowledge of the fact might be sent to the Pope, nothing being able to come more pleasing unto him, then to have the voice of the Church upon the same: he acknowledged how he had been too bitter and less reverent towards his dignity, but the fault was to be laid upon th'importunity of the Questors, and prayed that he might be pardoned, promising ever after greater modesty, and that even in his preachings he would content the Pope, and would speak no more of pardons, if they would likewise shut up the mouths of his adversaries: 
Luther apealeth from Caietan.  whereupon seeing that Caietan pressed him so sore to recant, otherwise threatened him with pains ordained by the Pope, and excommunication if he repent not, he was counseled to appeal from him to the Pope. The appeal contained that the question of Pardons had been disputed by many, and yet never certainly determined; & that in such questions it was lawful especially for Divines to dispute, the which he the rather did, by reason of so sottish Questors, as exacted the people in so many kind of sorts, and yet not to affirm any thing therein, but the better to know the truth, leaving the whole to the judgement of the most learned & Leo himself. Notwithstanding by the advise of the B. of Scoli and Prieras his judges established by the Pope, he had been cited to Rome, & from thence the cause sent back to Caietan, whom as suspected he might well have refused, yet for all that he rendered all obedience, but seeing himself still pressed to recant, threatened with great pains, yea and ready to have had worse, grieved with such preiudicies', 
The foundation of pardons and Indulgences.  he appealed from an ill informed Pope to a Pope better counseled. The decree of Clement which he so urged, is in the extravagants of the Cannon, where speaking of the benefit of Christ, he saith that one drop of his blood was sufficient to have redeemed mankind, but so much being shed as nothing whole and entire rested behind, it was left for a great treasure to the use of the Church, commanding Peter and his successors to distribute the same as good Stewards, to such as should be truly repentant, and confess their sins, in pardoning them such temporal pains as were due unto their sins, adding thereunto the merits of the Virgin and other Saints, so as this treasure could not be drawn d●ye. Now as he founded the virtue of pardons upon this decree, Luther on the other side maintained that there was nothing committed to Saint Peter and his successors but the Keys and administration of the word, by which Christ would that in a full affiance in him they should pronounce remission of sins to the believers: and if that the decree did agree with so true a sense of the Scripture it was then good, if otherwise, false: besides that the merits of Saints were clean repugnant to the word, for what men soever they be, they do never more than they ought, nay they never come near their duty, and therefore not saved but by the mere mercy of God. As touching that council which approved the sovereignty of Popes to be above counsels, see what it is in the 4. & 5. session of the council of Constance, as in sundry other, it was ordained that the Pope should obey the ordinances of the council, and ratified in the 3. and 8. session of that of Basle, but Eugene 4. not willing to be present at that of Basle, as much as he was thither cited, declaring it of no force, assigned another at Ferrara 1438. from Ferrara they went to Florence, where the Pope's sovereignty was established above the Church and all Christians, whereas Luther referred himself to the University of Paris, it was for that Gerson a Doctor in Divinity, much renowned at Paris, having been at the council of Constance, sent thither among others by the university, and having greatly allowed that decree by which the Pope was made in subjection, he therein was followed by them of Paris, and a number of others, he died 1429. And before that Luther had ever put any thing in light, that University had appealed from Pope Leo to a Council, because that he with Francis the first had abolished Lafoy Pragmatique Sanction, very profitable for Scholars, to whom it opened the door of offices, charges and honours throughout the whole Realm.  
Now as since upon Leo his sending to Frederic, Charles Miltit a German his groom of his Chamber, with letters to sundry other to cause them to abandon Luther, and Miltit seeing of him more supported, had found sundry means to appease him, and reconcile himself to Leo, 
Luther eager against the Court of Rome.  had not the disputation of Eccius at Lipse against Luther, which he grounded upon the difference of the Pope's supremacy, clean dashed all these hopes: for Luther not able to leave his eagerness against the Court of Rome, proffered greater injuries than ever, terming it more wicked and corrupt then Babylon or Sodom, that she was the sink of impiety, to which nought could be added, and that Antichrist put thereto his helping hand: saying that he greatly grieved that Leo did remain among them like a Lamb among wolves. S. Bernard, quoth he, lamented the estate of Pope Eugene, when as Rome was less filthy: but now that she is the receipt and bottomless gulf of all villainies, there is much more reason to bewail her: further he besought by letters the new Emperor Charles the fift, as a puissance established by God, to render justice, and to support the weak against the injury of the more mighty, that he would protect him, considering that he wrote nothing but by constraint of his adversaries, and what was approved by the best men of knowledge in all Germany: joined withal that he offered to recant, if his errors might be proved: he professed as much before the Electors, the B. of Magdebourg and others. In sum all the Princes lightly regarded it save Frederic, who in the end flatly refused to send him to Rome, and less to punish him. Now Frederic standing in much awe of the Pope, and yet carrying some affection to Luther, for that he saw him so much profit his Subjects and other of his University, was very desirous that this difference might have been passed over with meekness, without displeasing the one side or the other: but being solicited on both parts, in the end he resolved to behave himself according to the advise of the most sufficientest personages of all his Country: therefore not attributing so great authority to himself, as to be able alone to judge of this doctrine, he demanded the opinion of sundry aged and learned men: yea oft of such Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen as were of his acquaintance: Among other he would needs hear Erasmus speak at a Diette which the Emperor Charles the fift held in the City of Cologne, after his coronation: causing him then to come unto him, he declared amiably, that amidst all these debates, he had rather the earth should open and swallow him up quick, then cleave to any false opinions, or favour them the least that might be, against the general approved doctrine: but that if Luther justly taxed the errors, and set forth the springs of a more pure doctrine, he would never contrary the truth, what evil soever should befall him or his, as he foresaw it, that he would not too much stick to his own advise, 
Erasmus his opinion of Luther.  but desired to understand the mind of the more learned, conjuring Erasmus freely to deliver unto him his opinion. Who beginning his speech with a kind of smile, saying that Luther had committed two great faults: first in touching the belly of the Monks, next the crown of the Pope, then coming to the matter, confessed that Luther had great cause to tax certain errors, considering that faults in the Church, increasing by as natural a corruption as diseases did in man's body, reformation than was, and all times had been necessary in the Church, but that it ought to be handled with discretion, without difiorming the Church, no more than man's body, to restore it to health. He added likewise that the summarye of Luther's doctrine was true, but that he could have wished a greater temperance and modesty in the proceeding thereof: Laurence Bishop of Virtzbourge, wrote the very same to th'elector Frederic, 
Luther condemned by Pope Leo.  affirming he had taken the opinion of many learned men therein, so as Frederic persuaded by the authority of such and like personages of value, made afterwards no difficulty in maintaining Luther against the Churchmen. About the sixth of july 1520. Pope Leo having called together the Senate, the College of Cardinals, and a number of learned men as he affirmed in his Letters to Frederic, sent every where his Bull out, in which after alleging certain texts of Scripture fit for his purpose, I pray Christ, saith he, Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and all the he and she Saints of Paradise, to turn away such danger from the Church, as Luther's writings might bring, afterwards reciting certain articles drawn out of his doctrine, he reproved them, commanding all Magistrates and other to shun it, under a pain set down to every one according to his quality, as a thing repugnant to Christian charity, and to the reverence which all men ought to bear towards the Sea of Rome: further willing that such books of Luther as contained like doctrine, should be publicly burned: commanding him to meddle no more with teaching; to whom he gave threescore days to reform himself, abolish his books, and publicly recant his doctrine, otherwise he abandoned him as an Heretic and excommunicate person, and willed he should be punished according to the laws: forbidding all men to haunt him, comprehending under the same law all such as should do the contrary. But he standing advertised of his condemnation at Rome, repealed his appeal the seventeenth of November 1520. and more crossly than ever maintained the Pope to persist in his tyranny and impiety: as being so far out of the way, as to have condemned him, without calling him, hearing him or convicting him of any error; his appeal grounded upon many points: First, for that without having heard the matter, and without being convicted, he condemned him at his pleasure. Secondly, that he commanded him to reject all faith necessary to the Sacraments. Thirdly, that he preferred his own opinions and ravings before the Scriptures, and that he referred nothing to any council, which he offered to approve whensoever it pleased his superiors. Then he besought the Emperor and the rest of the Magistrates, that for the honour of God and defence of a Counsels liberty, 
Luther appealed again from the Pope.  they would receive his appeal, that they would bridle the tyranny of the Pope, that they would not account his Bull any manner of way able to touch them, and that they would innovate nothing, until the cause might be worthily pleaded: for all this notwhithstanding the Pope urged Frederic to burn all his Books, and that he should either cut of his head, or making him Prisonner deliver him up to be punished in example. Frederic prayed him not to proceed so eagerly, but to choose good and skilful Personages, to confer of the whole matter amyablye to give sure safe-conduct to Luther, and that his books might not be burned before he had defended his cause, then if he were convicted by sure testimonies of the scripture, he would not approve his enterprise, albeit that already he consented not to his doctrine, and though he should not be able to maintain his fact, yet he hoped the Pope would not require at his hands a matter which he could not perform: for the rest he hoped (by God's assistance) to fulfil the office of a Prince of th'empire and of an obedient Son to the Church.  
To which the deputies of Leo having in vain replied, the end of the conference was that necessity pressed them to do according to the contents of the Pope's Bull, wherefore anon after they burned Luther's books: then began he much more eagerly to go to work, 
Luther publicly burneth the cannon law and Popes Bull.  for being advertised of all this passed, he assembled together all his scholars of Witemberge, and in the presence of many learned personages, he publicly burned the Cannon law, together with the Pope's new Bull, the 10. of December. Afterwards to render reason of his exploit he alleged these: First, that it was an ancient custom to fling corrupt books into the fire, as it is seen in the Acts of the Apostles: beside, it is his part which is baptised into Christ, which is a professor and public teacher of the Scriptures, to combat against false doctrine, and propose that which is wholesome for mankind; as touching the Pope and his sequel, they are so miserable and accursed, that they do not only withstand the holy ordinances, but condemn the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, to make their own shine for the brighter: from thenceforth he employed himself ever after to write against the excessive abuses and mischiefs, which he said was in the Court and doctrine of Rome, as others on the other side very bitterly maintained the contrary, each with many injuries and reciprocal invectives far unworthy of Christians. So as a certain desire of honour, stirred up by a duty to the explaining, according to his charge of the holy scripture, made him become so resolute and stubborn, by the peevish thwarts of his adversaries, that then he became open banker out to the catholic and romain doctrine, so as having been summoned to the Diet of Worms, whither he had the emperors safe-conduct, to render an account of his faith, there to be punished or justified according as he should maintain; he said frankly the 18. of April 1521. that he would not recant one inch, except lawfully they made the contrary to appear unto him, being the cause that the Emperor on the next morrow sent his letters to the assembly of Princes, in which he contained that his ancestors who had made profession of Christian Religion, had ever obeyed the Church of Rome: now since Luther oppugned the same, his duty was to follow the steps of his Predecessors, and to defend Christian Religion, in succouring the Church of Rome: wherefore he determined to banish Luther and his Adherents, and use other remedies fit for the quenching of this fire: but because of his faith, which he had plighted, he would send him home safe. The 24. of April the Archbishop of Trewes, and other of the Lords called him to them, where after having wished him to recant, or at the least submit his writings to the judgement of the Emperor, and of the council of the Princes and general council to come: he would not in any case but that all should be resolved by the authority of the holy scripture, which Eccius the Lawyer and others said was not reasonable, considering the divers sense of Scripture, which every man interpreteth after his own fancy: and that further, by this means should never any thing be sure or clearly determined, that it was not to be suffered that every man should ask a reason of every point, as of a matter impossible in nature. Brief, that since it was not a thing reasonable, to dispute a matter already resolved or condemned by the Church, men ought simply and absolutely to hold that doctrine which their good Fathers had left unto them. In sum Charles the 5. of the age of one & twenty years, 
Luther banished by Charles his letters patents at Worms.  banished him the eight of May 1521. by his Letters Patents, by which considering it was his duty to take order that no filth should enter into the Empire, by the example of his Predecessors; he assembled all the Princes and States of the Empire at Worms, where he communycated the matter of Luther, and diligently examined it. Now albeit the laws forbidden to hear a manifest heretic, so many times condemned and separated from the communion of the Church, yet to stop the passage to all calumny, he sent him a letter and dispatched his Herald with safe conduct, to cause him to come unto him and render account of his writings: afterwards having recited the propositions, designs, Luther's answers and all that had passed at Worms, he said that in case Luther did still defend his errors, and wilfully persevere in them, he approved the Pope's bull, and to witness that he would maintain it, he condemned and banished Luther as an author of schism, and an obstinate heretic, commanding all men to hold him for such: and after 21. days which he gave him of favour to reclaim himself he charged every man with all force to endeavour to take him and deliver him up into his hands: he banished also all such as any manner of way whatsoever favoured him, enjoining his books to be utterly abolished, with great pains from thence forward for any bookbinder's that should sell any of them; and ordained that his decree made in the council of the Princes and all the estates should remain for ever inviolable.  
Luther then much spiting at his having been thus condemned, and his books burnt by the Divines of Cologne and Louvain, after 1521. by those of Paris, was at Rome given up to the Devil, the 28. of March 1521. by the Pope, together with all heretics, Pirates, Imposers of new tributes, falsefiers of Bulls, Merchants furnishing the enemies of the faith with weapons, or other things forbidden, Massacrers, possessors by violence, & other which they are accustomed to condemn & curse the Maundy Thursday before Easter, in the Bull which they call In caena Domini: Afterwards banished by the Emperor in a general assembly of the Princes of th'empire: you may not doubt if he were then put into a heat to skirmish more eagerly than ever he did, so as that being published throughout, and otherwise pricked forward by the threats and outrageous speeches of Cardinal S. Kiste and other his adversaries, and besides seeing himself supported as well by Frederic Duke of Saxe his Maecenas, as many other Lords, gentlemen, and great personages, attempted (a matter which never before he durst so much as have dreamt of) clean to abolish the Mass by his writings which he published, to that end at Witemberg. First with Frederic whom by little & little he gained as well by his own arguments, as by the authority of Philip de Melancthon, a professor at Witemberge, 
The Mass first abolished in Germany.  justus jonas and other to whom this Prince had given in charge, to examine the consequence of so notable a change, afterwards in many places of Germany, so as leaving that fear which had as it were before bound him fast with the chains of modesty, he durst then make open war against the Pope and all other that would maintain his doctrine, by the same weapons themselves used, beginning to effectuate the Prophecy which he turned to himself, of john Hus & Hierosme of Prague. The Bohemians to witness the great displeasure which they conceived at those men's deaths at Constance, caused pieces of money to be coined which they called Hussites, about which were engraven those words which he uttered at his departure. After one hundred years ye shall answer God and me. As if knowing they should live no longer, he would have said that the judges should then come before the throne of God to render an account of their act. But Luther interpreting it to himself in his commentaries upon Daniel, taketh it for a certain prophecy that john Hus should be the forerunner of his reformation, bringing in john Hus, as if he should say, 
john Hus prophesieth of Luther.  they shall roast the Goose, (for Hus is as much to say as a Goose, in the Bohemian tongue) but they shall not roast the Swan which will come after me. Indeed he was burned 1414. and the difference moved by Luther upon the pardons began 1517. Among the chiefest of his adversaries which openly declared themselves Henry 8. K. of England, presented himself, who above all the rest disallowed his judgement upon the Indulgences, defending the opinion and power of the Pope: thence he proceeded utterly to condemn by a book dedicated to that end, all the disputation of the Sacraments of the church, taking his argument to write upon the Captivity of Babylon caused by Luther: who thereunto answered very bitterly, not sticking to declare unto him that he made no account of the dignity or magnificent appearance of any person. Pope Lea received hereat so great contentment, that he gave unto him the title of defender of the faith, and afterwards 1524. Clement 7. of Medici's, sent unto him a Rose of gold, which he had consecrated three months before Easter.  

The Emperor visiteth in person the K. of England.  Hereupon the Emperor being embarked to pass out of Germany into Spain, where certain seditions were stirred up, in his way visited the K. of England, to whom the better to assure himself of him against the K. of France, he promised the 13. of june 1522. at Windsor upon the Thames beyond London, to pay annually one hundred thirty and three thousand crowns, which the french yearly did owe unto the English. And for a greater alliance it was agreed that in time and place the Emperor should take in marriage Mary, daughter to K. Henry then of the age of seven years, and that if this accord held not, he should pay four hundred thousand Crowns.  
Luther's doctrine in the mean season dispersed throughout Germany, profited in many places, 
Images broken down in Germany.  so far as his Disciples in their abundance not content to go any more to the Mass, egged the people to the plucking down of Images, and chiefly Andre Carolastade, for which act being misliked by the University of Witemberg, they condemned this attempt, showing that it was not the way wherein they ought to proceed but before all to pull out the Images of the spirit, and to teach the people that only through faith we please God, 
Luther misliketh the breaking of Images by the people.  and that Images served to no end, which being beaten down in the spirit, and men well taught, the corporal Images would soon fall down of themselves: not for any mislike they had to have them clean taken away, but that it ought to be done by the hand of the Magistrate: for it was not permitted to every man to do according unto his fancy. Shortly after 1523. 1524. Zuinglius did as much at Zurich in Suizerland, and many other Cantons in like time followed after. In sum that a man cannot tell how lightly, how secretly, and in what a short space this doctrine crept into the hearts and brains of many thousands of Christians, especially then when every one saw that Leo had not employed any part of the great mass of money come of his pardons against the Turk, who in the mean time had ruined Hungary, attempted upon Bohemia, taken Rhodes, and done a thousand mischiefs against the Christians, albeit that the Pope, the Emperor, the Ecclesiastical Princes and others, had fling all the stones they could to the contrary, even causing the Edict and decree of Worms to be observed against Luther and his doctrine, the which was notwithstanding hindered as well by the reformed Princes and their partakers, as by the writings and ancient arguments of Luther and his companions, so as there is no marvel if the people, 
Leo 10. dieth, Adrian 6. succeed.  and above all the commonalty of towns, not finding their passions stayed by any laws or politic ordinances, licensed themselves to grow more wilful in their impressions then ever.  
Leo being departed, whose Father was Laurence, and Cosme his Grandfather, who had ennobled and exalted the family of Medici's: Adrian the 6. of Vtrech in Holland, succeeded him 1521. as well in the dignity, as hate and bitter pursuit against Luther: and the Churchmen seeing the protection which many Princes gained by little and little, through his doctrine, gave to Luther lest any should attempt against his person, turning the effect of their hatred upon his disciplines, gave a beginning to most cruel and continual persecutions of the evil affected towards the faith. Now as the seed of this reformation was taken out of the convent of Augustine's, so did they make seen the first treats of their bitter punishments upon john and Henry, Augustine Friars of Brussels, who after many disputations with jaques Hocstrat, the Inquisitor a jacobin, having been deposed of the priestly order, disgraded of the lesser orders, 
Adrian dieth, Clement 7 de Medici's succeed.  clad with lay and profane habits, after delivered up to the secular justice, were burned alive the first of july 1523. Hereupon Adrian died the 13. of September 1523. to whom Clement of Medici's 7. succeeded, under whom the doctrine of Luther began to creep in amidst the French: among whom albeit covertly and secretly the Lutherans were soon enough suspected and known: afterwards examined of their faith, were very often pursued by the Clergy, so as the French army being broken up, and the King taken before Pavia by Fernand Daual Marquis of Pescaire, Charles of Bourbon, and Charles De Launoy Viceroy of Naples, 14. of February 1525. who carried him prisoner into Spain, his mother Loyse regent in his absence, desiring in this so great an affliction, to entertain the good favour of Christian Princes, especially of the Pope, besides the good affection and singular reverence which by her letters she protested to carry towards the Church of Rome, 
Letters from the Pope to the Parliament of Paris  demanded at their hands secure against such an accident, and Council how she might stay the course of heresies, which were already hatched through out the whole Realm. Then Clement the seventh besides his private letters full of hope and comfort, signified from Rome the 20. of March 1525. to the Parliament of Paris, that he had understood by letters from the regent, how those wicked heresies began to slide through the whole Realm; and whom by great prudence and good advise, they had deputed certain, to whom they gave charge to see the punishment of such as strove to abolish the faith and ancient Religion: whom so deputed he confirmed by his own authority. It is necessary, saith he, that against this great and marvelous disorder, sprung from the malice of Satan, and the rage and impiety of his supporters, the whole world should bend their forces, to preserve the common health: considering that this forcenerie would not only confound and broil Religion, but also, all principality, Nobility, laws, orders and degrees. For his own part he would neither spare any diligence or labour, to remedy such an inconvenience: that they in like sort whose prudence and virtue hath every where been highly renowned, aught to employ themselves to the preserving of the true and right faith: And moreover, that to the end the weal of their Realm, and dignity of their estate should be exempt, from the peril and domestical mysteries which this pernicious and pestilent heresy sowed round about, they needed not to be pricked forwards, considering how great testimony of their prudence they had already yielded; yet to make his duty appear, and show the good will which he bore unto them he would do no less then add this. For that which they hitherto had done, was most agreeable unto him, and was the cause why he exhorted them, from thence forth to keep good watch against so mischievous a plague of heretics, for the honour of God and safety of the Realm. In some he assured them that this their diligence should be greatly acceptable to God and worthy of much praise before men, that he in like sort would set to his helping hand, and give unto them aid and all possible favour.  
Upon this then the Divines of Paris, during the imprisonment of King Francis the first tormented greatly among other, jacques Le Feure of Estaples, 
King Francis writeth in the behalf of jacques Faber  who hath left behind him many books in Philosophy, and Divinity. In sort that he was enforced to retire out of France. The King advertised hereof especially by the recommendation of his sister Marguerite, who greatly favoured Le Feure for his virtue, sent letters to the Parliament of Paris, in which he signified how he had been given to understand, that they had indicted jacques De Feure, and sundry other of excellent knowledge before them at the pursuit of the Divines who deeply hated Le Feure, for even before his departure out of France, some of that faculty had highly accused him before himself, but wrongfully and without cause. That if it had been so, saith he, he gave charge to the greatest personages and most notable in all erudition to canuisse out his books and writings wherewith he was charged, which they diligently executing, & every thing thoroughly examined, a most ample and honourable testimony was delivered unto him touching the said Feure, considering then that the truth is such as he did afterwards understand: that he was highly esteemed among the Italians and Spaniards for his doctrine and virtue, he would stand marvelously discontented, if they should offer any injury, or put in any danger so innocent a person. And for that, at that instant he meant to have justice more rightly & rigorously administered throughout his Realm then before; as also for that he resolved to show all favour and amity towards learned men, to that end he commanded that if they had put any men of knowledge in question since his departure, that it should be suspended by his mother the regent to the end he might be advertised by her, and that they should therein attend his intention and good pleasure: In the mean time not to proceed any further: but surcease until his return, which he hoped would be shortly by the grace of God, or until that he or his mother should be otherwise advised. These letters were dispatched to go from Madrila City in Spain the 12. of November, and presented unto the Parliament of Paris the 28. of the same month.  

League between the regent and Henry the 8. King of England.  Loyse shortly after seeing that she was not able to wind the Emperor to such an accord as she desired for the delivery of her son, made alliance with Henry the 8. King of England, about the end of August 1525. The first Article purported that they should employ themselves to the repelling of the Turks strength and courses, together with the pestiferous sect of Luther, no less dangerous than the Turks. Now as the Emperor, perceiving the King to grow very sick in respect the pretended accord could take no good effect, feared least by the increasing of his sickness he might lose through a sudden death, so certain advantages as presented themselves he went to see him at Madril, comforted him and put him in better hope than ever. In the end the 14. of januarie 1526. the treaty was concluded. Among the Articles whereof, it was specially set down that the Emperors and Kings principal end was to have the enemies of the faith and heresies of the Lutherans clean rooted out: And that a peace being concluded between them, 
Peace concluded between the Emperor Charles and Francis the first  they should settle the common wealth, and undertake a war against the Turks, and heretics excommunicate, and cut off from the communion of the Church. A matter above all most necessary, and to which the Pope had often dealt and solicited them to become watchful. To satisfy then his good pleasure, they resolved to beseech him to command Ambassadors from all Kings and Princes, to meet at a day in some certain place, with general charge and commission, to advise how they might well make a war against the Turk and defeat the heretics enemies of the Church, that the Pope would permit every Prince according to custom, to levy money in his own Country, for so holy and charitable a work: and also suffer them to levy some dimes upon the Clergy. In some the Princes prepared themselves of all hands to feast well the Lutherans.  
Their number increased notwithstanding from day to day: 
Suissers reform.  especially after the disputation at Berne, whether many of the Zuisser Cantons sent of their people to answer, Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Bucer, Capito, Blaurer and other. The conclusion thereof was made the 25. of januarie 1528, at such time as the Articles published by them were approved by the voice of the greater part, and put in practice by the authority of the Magistrate as well at Berne, as sundry other places adjoining: the Mass, Altars and Images being clean put down. They of Constance had already made a beginning under Ambrose Blaurer: But after this disputation they did as the Bernois, and they of Basle likewise in the beginning of February 1529. Those of Geneue did in like sort, by reason whereof the Bishop and Clergy standing terribly enangered, quitted the town 1528. Whether many French men persecuted for their conscience, 
Geneue a first retreat to French Lutherans.  began as then to retire. But in Germany the Lutherans held up their head, fearing nothing but the Emperor and some few other, against whose enterprises they began already to league themselves. Now whereas the Emperor had assigned a day at Spire, to resolve there of the matter of Religion, of the decree of Worms, and war against the Turk, it was agreed that they should attend a general Council: and that for the decree of Worms every man should in the mean time so govern himself in his Religion, without altering aught in any sort, 
The decree of Spire permitted every man to maintain his Religion without alteration.  as he might be able to render a good account to God and the Emperor. Before this decree 1526, the Prince of Saxe and the Landgrave, called unto them the deputies of Strasbourgh, Noremberg, Ausbourgh, and others to whom they delivered, that by reason they saw the Bishops and other Papists machinate some thing against them, for cause of their Religion, it were good to practise some league and alliance, to the end that if any should be in peril for this profession, he might be succoured of the rest: but there was nothing as then concluded, saving that the deputies having received no charge thereto, demanded a time to communicate thereof. Now as afterwards in March 1529 they repeated in the self same assembly at Spire, what had been concluded touching the decree of Worms, 
The beginning of the league of Smalcade among the Protestants.  and alleged that many abused the same (for under colour of the decree, men defended and excused all horrible doctrines) it was ordained that such as until that time had observed the emperors Edict, should continue until a Council, (whereof the Emperor gave hope) and constrain the people to do the like, that they which had received other doctrine than they were able to quite, for fear of sedition, should take heed not to innovate any thing until then. And that their doctrine which taught otherwise then the Church, touching the supper should not be received nor the Mass abolished, and where there should be any new fashion of doctrine, hindering such as would go to Mass, whosoever did the contrary should be proscribed. But the 19 of April, 1529. the Prince of Saxe, George of Brandebourgh, Ernest, and Francis of Lunebourg, the Landgrave, he of Anhald opposed themselves to the decree, and in writing published the occasions of their opposition. Beseeching the rest of the Princes not to think amiss of that, if therein it agreed not jump with them: for as the former decree (said they) was established by a common accord, so could it not be broken without all did consent thereunto. One party of the principal Cities having consulted together, joined themselves with this protestation of the Princes, to wit, Strasbourg, Noremberg, Vlme, Constance, Ruthelin, Vuinsseme, Merbinge, Lindaue, Campodun, Hailbrun, Isne, Vuisseburg, Norling, Saint Gal, to which many more after likewise joined. 
Whence the name of Protestants first sprung.  And for that they all protested to follow the first decree of Worms and reject the new, they were always after called Protestants. Who after that made and published an act of their appeal, containing by order a narration of all the matter in which they appealed from the day of Spire, and decree there made to the Emperor, and a lawful general council to come; or a national of Germany, and in effect to all judges of whom there was no cause of suspicion: and thereupon they dispatched men to the Emperor, to beseech him not to mislike any thing therein, and in the mean time offered unto him all obedience, service, and other duties which he could desire at their hands, the which I have been willing to describe somewhat at large unto you, because there will oftentimes fall out speech of these Protestants and their league, whereof the matter fell out thus.  
I have already delivered unto you how the Saxon and Landgrave had here before at the same day of Spire, made entrance to a certain confederation and alliance, which was afterwards sufficiently and diligently pursued, and as principally a man adviseth himself more upon an occasion then at any other time: in like manner after this decree they much more diligently bethought themselves, so as they did some little matter at Noremberg, as a project which was since mightily increased. And in October the Deputies of these Princes and towns being at Schuabach, it was proposed in the name of Frederic and George of Brandebourg, that since the defence of Religion was the very motive and foundation of this alliance, it was above all things necessary that all their wills were of accord therein: wherefore they recited a summarye of doctrine, 
The opinion of the Supper being divers among the reformed, is cause of great inconveniences.  which was approved of all, but they of Strasbourgh and Vlme said, that in respect there had no mention at all been made thereof in the precedent assembly, it passed their charge to deal therein. The opinion of the Supper grew divers, which was the only hindrance thereof: the one holding the opinion of Zuinglius, that men took the body of Christ by faith: the other of Luther, that men eat it really: which being the cause that at that time they could not conclude of aught, they ordained an other assembly at Smalcade 13. of December. The Protestant deputies being brought into Plaisance in Lombardie, to give the Emperor to understand the reasons of their appeal, had answer, that that was done for fear of novelties, and to be meet as well with all kind of sects to come, as such as at this day wandered throughout, and to establish a peace in all germany, so as they ought not to make any difficulty for letting it pass; joined withal that the custom did not carry, that what was ratified by the greater part of th'empire, should be disannulled by a few, which must needs cause him to write to the Duke of Saxe and his companions, commanding them to consent thereto, or else he would cause such a punishment, as all should take example thereby, which they of themselves ought to have done, considering how much the Turk at this day wasted Hungary: & albeit that they furnished all against the Infidels, yet except there were a mutual consent by a peace, and brotherly benevolence among the estates, no thing could be brought about advantageous against so puissant an enemy: the Deputies notwithstanding gave up their appeal in writing, and in the end had leave to depart, so as all being delivered in council, the 14. of October 1529. the Princes and others assembled towards the end of November at Smalcade, where the difference of Religion hindering as yet any resolution, they departed under condition, that whosoever would in each point consent to this doctrine and receive it, should meet at Noremberg the sixth of january 1530. there to deliberate of what were to be done. Now they concluded nothing but to tarry until the day which the Emperor should publish in the Spring, which was at Ausbourg, the 8. of April 1530. Charles the fift elected Emperor in june 1519. at Francforde upon the Rhine, (notwithstanding the contrary pursuits of the French for their Prince) after the death of Maximilian the 12. of january, and sacred at Aix in the end of October, was crowned at Bologne le grass the 24. of February, by Clement. And whereas upon the 20. of june, when the day assigned by him at Ausbourg where he made his entry began, he commanded the Duke of Saxe to carry the Sword before him going to the Mass, (according to the office of Marshal to the Empire, Hereditary to the house of Saxe) the Elector would first take the advise of his Doctors, who persuaded him that it was lawful, considering that he went thither to execute his office, and not to hear the Mass: he was there then only accompanied by George of Brandebourgh. After many affairs proposed and debated, in the end he caused to be published this decree for religion, that having rejected the confession of the Protestants faith, he ordained in sum that nothing should be changed in matters concerning faith and divine service, that whosoever should do the contrary, should be punishable both in body & goods, that reparation should be made of all the injuries which had been done to the Churchmen; and to the end this decree should remain inviolable for religion, he assured that he would employ all the means which God had given him thereto, even to the spending of his blood and life: yea it was forbidden that any should be able to plead in the imperial chamber which astonished a great many: for the Emperor took good assurance of all the rest for the execution thereof: whereupon the Protestants being assembled the 22. of December 1530. at Smalcade, concluded a form of alliance to secure one another: to the which the Princes at that instant bound themselves, and with them many other Lords and free Cities, thinking good to try therein the King of Denmark, and Princes of Pomerania and Magdeburg, with all to write to the Kings of France and England, to dissuade them from such false reports, as their enemies might make run of them and their religion, which they accordingly did the 16. of February 1531. The Landgrave allied himself with them of Zurich, Basle, and Strasbourg, in November, upon condition to secure one another for their religion; but after the breaches between the five little Cantons and the rest (which passed in certain reencounters where the reform had the worst) and the accord made between them since that, in October 1531. was put this clause, that they of Zurich, Berne, and Basle, should quit the alliance of the Landgrave, and Strasbourgh with the five Cantons of K. Ferdinandes. Afterwards the 29. of March 1531. they met again at Smalcade, where they received but slender answers from Denmark and Pomeranye, they consulted of means how to have succours ready at need, of men, money, and munition, and for that they had had the opinion of learned men before they confederated together, and that Luther had before taught and published in writing, that it was not lawful to resist the Magistrate, he now changed his mind, for when as their Lawyers did declare in this meeting that such a case might be offered as the Laws permitted a man to resist; as they did in this, he said he was clean ignorant of that point, for that the Gospel did not impugn the laws politic, but often times confirm them: and because they said that such an accident might arise in which necessity and duty of conscience did put the sword into their hands, he made a book by which he admonished all men in general not to obey the Magistrate, 
The King of France and England, secure the Lutherans.  if he sought to employ them in such a war, for they stood well assured how that the Emperor solicited by the Pope and other, went about some mischief for them, under colour of having a care for the common wealth of Germany: King Francis the first wrote courteously back unto them the 21. of April 1531. with offer of his help, so did the K. of England the 3. of May. Now after the decree of Ausbourg the Emperor being solicited by the Pope and other of the clergy, seemed that he would make the Protestants range themselves to the common doctrine: but for that certain Princes more peaceably addicted among the Catholics, saw that that could not be brought to pass but with great inconveniences to all germany, considering that the Protestant Princes and confederate Cities had already prepared themselves, they counseled the Emperor to assign some days, to examine therein their doctrine, and to seek means of peace and accord in religion, which often had been assayed and ever in vain, by reason of the great difference thereof: and that the Princes (as Luther at other times had done by Pope Leo his Bull) had appealed from the Decree of Ausbourgh to a future council, to whom properly appertained the debating of Religion. In the end notwithstanding about the beginning of October, the Princes wrote again to the deputies Ambassadors for peace, that if any did think or could prove that their doctrine proposed at Ausbourg were erroneous in any point, or in default of so doing, would submit himself to the testimony of the holy Scripture, they held it most agreeable, that if the Emperor would assign a day at Spire, and give safe conduct and hostages to themselves, 
The protestants demand of the Emperor.  their associates and Luther, which they meant to bring thither, besides if he would permit their free and public preachings, together with the use of the Supper according to Christ's institution, and not constrain them to make difference of meats, they or their Deputies would be present with full power: and if their doctrine were not confuted, they trusted the Emperor would no more hinder them in their Religion. In the mean time since that they had form an appeal to a lawful Council, they besought the Emperor that he would not in the mean season innovate aught against them. Now besides the point of religion, the election of Ferdinand to be K. of Romans, 
Election of the K. of Romans.  was proposed by the Emperor, and courageously refused by the Duke of Saxe, (who died about the 13. of August 1532.) and other Protestants, 
Frederic of Saxe elector dieth.  in favour of whom the King of France had already consigned one hundred thousand crowns. But in the end of june 1534. by accord made between Ferdinand and the son of Frederic late departed, it was said among other things, that he should acknowledge him for K. of Romans without prejudice to come to the Electors, 
Accord between Fredederic K. of Bohemia and the D. of Saxe.  and that within two months the Emperor should ratify the succession of Frederic, as well to the goods of his Father as his Grandfather: and should confirm the marriage passed with the Duke of Cleves. In sum the endevourers of peace, the Bishop of Maience and elector Palatin, prevailed so far, and the Turks coming into Austria more, that the Emperor to have succour of all hands, 
Peace throughout Germany and Religion free.  in the beginning of june 1532. at a day held at Noremberg, confirmed a general peace throughout all Germany, with forbidding any should be troubled for Religion until a Council, or if that held not, until the Estates had found means to appease that difference, upon grievous pains to the breakers thereof, and promised himself would be a means to the Pope, that a Council should be published within six months, to begin one year after: or if the Council should not hold, advice should be taken in the imperial days, to resolve the whole: to which the protestants promised to do all duty against the Turk. Concluded the 23. of januarie, and ratified the second of August, by the Emperor, and afterwards published, the Emperor holding a day at Ratisbone.  
Since the Emperor being returned from Vienne in Austria, went into italy, where he assured himself of Clement the 7. from thence passed into Spain. Afterward Clement at the request of King Francis, came from Genes to Marseilles in the Automne 1533. Where to confirm a reciprocal and everlasting amity, he gave Katherine his Niece to Henry Duke of Orleans, being 15. years of age, a marriage no less coveted of the one side then the other. True it is that Clement would never assure himself thoroughly thereof, until he saw them in bed together. The K. in like sort (notwithstanding any offers and assurances which the Emperor & other Princes offered unto the Pope, so as he would not persevere therein,) took no rest until it was accomplished, as well for the dignity and singular recommendation of that race, and the hope which his affairs might breed in italy, as contrariwse, that the Emperor might soon enough thereby be impaired: Now to the end that such as willingly suffer themselves to be commanded by their passions, or in like sort judge every thing according to the report and opinion of others, may have the truth delivered of what they ought to believe, of the house of Medici's.  
The race hath appeared very great, highly renowned, 
The race and descent of Medici's, in which the translator doth desire the indifferent Reader to consider what scandalous libels have of late years by to humorous affections been cast out in disgrace of the house of Medici's, only to a base the royal race of Vallois, of this look Guicciardin in his first book, etc.  and most honourable as well among the Christians as many of contrary faith: be it that you look into the Father's stock an Italian, or the Mothers a French: for the first being endued with the virtues of charity and discreet liberality (either public or private) for the foundation of her greatness, a man would judge the politic government of the Medici's in Florence, much more worthy of praise, than the reign of a number of other christian Princes: their power & credit increased by john de Medici's, (named of Bicci) contrary to the Nobles, who sought clean to ruin the whole estate of the town, so as having been preferred to all their dignities and estates, without ever suing for any one, peaceable and succourable to all, he died most rich and wealthy, freended of every man: leaving as well for heir of his virtues as his fortune, Cosme surnamed the great, in respect he was the most famous parsonage, (not bearing arms) which ever was seen or read of in any discourse, remarqued above all his virtues for his magnificent liberality, from whence all men reaped profit, and advancement in their affairs: even so far as he made search to help any of the Nobles, or other which he knew stood in any want, to relieve their disseanes, so as when he was dead, the names of all his fellow Citizens were found in an invertour which Pierre his son took of his goods: carrying the title of Father of the Country, which the Tuscans caused to be engraven upon his Tomb. And albeit the life of Pierre and his virtue was much more short than was expected, he left behind him notwithstanding Laurence and julian of Medici's, so renowned in their time, that he being traitorously murdered by his enemies (leaving a Posthumus named Clement the seventh) the Prince of the Turks would not fail, but with speed enough send Bernard Baudin the murderer to Laurence to use him at his pleasure, so much had he their honour in recommendation. But so greatly were his graces recommended through Italy, that even as he living, they balanced his virtue in counterweight of the vices of the Christian Potentates for maintaining of whole italy and all the Princes adjoining in peace, so he being departed, all the Lords of italy before rained with the bridle of his wise councils, took such a liberty to their free passions, that Charles the eight, drawn in by the Duke of Milan against the King of Arragon, for the conquest of Naples, and as soon the rest of the Potentates banding against him, and since among themselves Italy never had from that time other occasion, then to mourn the loss of his presence, whom they knew not sufficiently enough to honour, considering the greatness of his deserts: he left behind him Pierre, julian, and john, which was Leo the tenth.  
So as julian being departed without issue, his goods and credit descended to Pierre, though chased out of Florence, he was after drowned at the mouth of Gariglan, leaving for his heir Laurence of Medici's, whom Pope Leo and Francis the first married to Madam Magdalaine of the house of Bologne in Anuergne, predecessors to the Q. Mother, who in stead of the County of Bologne, enjoyed the County of Lauraguez in Languedoc; for so much as Lewis 11. would needs have the County of Bologne in exchange for Lauraguez at the hands of Bertrande Earl of Anuergne, great Grandfather to the said Queen. See now the race on the mother side, derived from Robert the last of that name, Earl of Bologne and Anuergne, (whose ancestors held rank about the Kings before the Constables, Chancellors, great Chamberlains, or other officers of the crown) who left Guillaume and john his heirs: the first had only jodhe married to Philip Duke of Burgundy, and in her second marriage to john K. of France, to whom by will deceasing without issue, she left the Duchy of Burgundy. And so the Counties of Bologne and Anuergne came to john her Uncle, who had john which married Eleonor of Comminges, of whom he had joane, whom she brought to the Castle of Ortais to Guston de Foix her Cousin, brother in law to Charles the first K. of Navarre, and left her there, fearing lest the Earl of Armignac who had taken from her the Earldom of Comminges should take her to wife, to the end he might make himself a peaceable Lord: and went herself to abide with her Uncle the Earl of Durgel in Arragon; but her daughter was married unto john Duke of Berrie, widower of joane of Armignac, dying notwithstanding without issue, succeeded unto her in the Counties of Bologne & Anuergne, Mary of Bologne her Cousin german, 
The Q. Mother descended out of the house of Bologne by the mother side.  who was married to the Lord de la Tour, and of Montgascon father to Bertrant de la Tour, and Gabrielle wife of Lewis de Bourbon, first Earl of Montpensier, great Grandfather to the Duke living. Afterwards came Magdalaine wife to Laurence of Medici's, ancestors to Catherine of Medici's, Q. Mother to the K. living at this present day.  
About this time the Landgrave being come into France 1533. got of the K. a mass of money, to continued the amity which he carried unto the Princes of Germany, upon the mortgage of the county of Montbelliard, in the name of Vlrich D. of Witemberge his Cousin, by the league of Suaube expelled his Duchy, (given by the same League to the Emperor, who since gave it to Ferdinand in partage) upon condition that if he were not repaid within three years, the County should remain unto him, he had beside other money of his liberality, 
K. Francis aideth the Protestants.  and with that he levied men and recovered the Country, and placed against his Cousin in May 1534. Afterwards paid the first money back, gratified with an overplus: upon this Clement 7. who at the marriage of his Niece to pleasure the K. had made Cardinals Odet de Chastillon, Philip de Bologne, claud de Guiry, and john le Venier B. of Liseux, having run sundry fortunes died in the end of September 1534. 
Pope Clement dieth, Paul Ferneze succeed.  Paul Ferneze succeeding him, who presently made Cardinals Alexander son to Pierre Lovis his base son, and Ascanio, son of Catherine his base daughter.  
As the doctrine of Luther profited in Germany, Flanders, England, Italy, & countries adjoining, France felt it no less, rather it seemed to increase by the greatness of persecutions, which might be seen, by the hot persecutions in the year 1534. for searches and informations were no sooner made of the prisoners, 
Persecutions in France.  but they were as speedily burned quick, tied to a stake, after swinged into the air, were let fall into the fire, and so by a pullise pulled up and down, until a man might see them all roasted and scorched by a small fire, without complaining, not able to speak, by reason that they had taken out their tongue, and gagged: Afterwards the K. to the end that might not be a means of diminishing of the Princes of the Empire their amity towards him, and to turn away the wrath of God which he feared would fall upon his Realm, for the opinion of these people made a solemn and general procession to be made at Paris, where the relic of Saint Geneviefe patrons of the Parisians descended, which happeneth but rarely. In the mean time he excused himself towards the Protestant Princes by his Ambassador, assuring them that he made them to be punished for their sedition, not for their faith; to confer whereof he prayed them to send some of their divines to meet with his, for as he said Pope Leo had himself heretofore told him, that he must needs acknowledge many light ceremonies and human traditions, which were fit to be changed in time: afterwards Guillaume du Bellay called the Langeay, his Ambassador about them, being assembled 1535. at Smalcade, seeing that he could not conclude a general alliance with them, (for they ever excepted the Empire and the Emperor) returned without doing aught, after having exhorted them in the King's name, not to receive Mantoue for the place of Council which the Pope promised, 
The Pope hath no authority to assign a council.  nor any other place without advise of the K. of France and England, who would do nothing the one without the other. Louis 12. K. of France said, he by his Ambassador in time past, maintained that it did not appertain to Pope july to publish a council, without consent of the Emperor and christian Princes, and because the K. of Navarre was of the same opinion, july excommunicated him, and under this title Ferdinand K. of Spain seized of the Kingdom of Navarre: the K. of France is at this present of the same opinion, that he can allow of no council but in a sure place, not suspicious, where it may be lawful for every man to deliver his mind. Edward Fox B. of Hereford, Ambassador for the K. of England, spoke much more affectionately, and showed that his master greatly affected the same doctrine, which he had already in a great part established within his Realm, for which the protestant Princes humbly thanked them, praying that they would no more suffer such as were of like faith as they, to be persecuted. After the 12. of December 1535. by a decree made at Smalcade on Christmas even, they renewed for ten years their alliance which expired at the end of that year, and deliberating among the rest of provision and munitions, it was there concluded that they would all receive the confession of Ausbourgh, and be content to run the same race: among other there were the Princes of Pomerany, Vlrich of Witemberg, Robert of Bauiere, he of Deuxponts, the Cities of Ausbourg, Franckeforde, Campodum, Hambourg, and Hanobry, with many more, who joined themselves at Frankford in April 1536. and after Guillaume de Nassaw, and albeit that the Landgrave did not accord with them there, in respect of their claim which was made to the signory of Hesse, yet he promised that if there should be any outrage for the profession of the Gospel, he would not abandon them whatsoever ensued thereon. In the end of March 1538. Christian K. of Denmarck and john marquess of Brandebourg, brother to the Elector, were both received therein. Now for so much as Held who had been sent from the Emperor to the German Princes, to bring them to agree to such a Council as the Pope had assigned, and therein to resolve upon all their differentes in religion, etc. could gain nothing, charging them every way, if they refused so reasonable conditions of Peace, he framed a League, of which he said the Emperor & King Ferdinand were the authors, the associates to be the Archbishops of Mayence, and of Salisbourg, Guillaume & Lovis of Bauiere, George of Saxe, Eric & Henry of Brunswich, that it was concluded upon at Noremberg, upon condition that if any were troubled for the ancient religion, succour should be ready at hand, and to endure for 12 years under the name of the holy League, as made for the glory of God, and defence of the Church. Afterwards 1539. the 19 of April at Francforte, the peace of Germany was accorded upon such conditions: the Emperor granteth to the confederates of the confession of Ausbourg which are at this present, that he will hold a Colloquy of learned men within 15. months for the matter of Religion, that he will make an Edict, forbidding any to be disquieted for their conscience, that the accord of Noremberg and imperial Edict of Ratisbone, shall remain in full force, if within 15. months Religion were not fully accorded, this peace should hold until the first assembly of the Empire, that if a Diette should happen before these 15. months were expired, than this peace shall take place until the next: the Protestants should in like sort do their duty and remain in peace.  
To continue the pains and pursuits against the Lutherans in France, after that Francis the first had ordained the like pain to the concealer as to the Lutherain, and the 
(4) According to the Roman Emperors, who named the informers quadruplatores.  fourth part of his goods which was accused, to the informer, at Paris the 19 of january 1534. for that it was reported unto him, that with the increase of their pains increased the number of Lutherans, to dispatch the cognisance and judgement of them retarded often through the different between the royal judges and the ecclesiastical, he gave all to the royal at first instance indifferently, and concurring with the sovereign Courts, and without attending any degrees of appellations, as well against the Laity as Clergy, not having sacred orders, noble, well and free borne, or not, to the end with speed to certify the whole up to the criminal chamber of Parliament, yea punishing of judges and inferior officers, by deprivation of their estates, fines or otherwise, as they saw them not to have diligently or faithfully enough proceeded, to the accomplishment of their process, in ordaining as much to the Provostes and other judges, immediately resorting to Sovereign Courts, that they should send the inditement with the offendor, to the Bailiffs, Seneschales, or their Lieutenants, which should certify them to the Parliament as above said. And to all temporal subjects, and high justicers, to make diligent inquiry of the Lutherans, to lend a strong hand, and all favour to his judges, or to certify unto them such full proceed, as they should find against them as above said: willing that in case of negligence or other fault, his Proctor general should take the conclusions, to the commitment or deprivation of the justices, and other pains as reason led them, and to all other secular and ecclesiastical subjects, upon pain of incurring high treason, enjoining both his general and particular, Proctors and Advocates, to advertise him what they should do from six months to six months, upon pain of suspending of their estates for the first crime, and deprivation for the second, with condign recompense if they performed their duty, towards the rooting out of such and like heresies: not meaning thereby that the Prelates, Clergy, their officials, Vicars, and inquisitors of the faith should cease,, to inform and proceed against their own subjects and iusticiables, having sacred orders, subject to degradation, being culpable of the sects and heresies upon the common fault, but exhorted them to do it, and to their justicers gave all aid and favour. At Fountanebleau the first of june 1542. Afterwards from Lions the 30. of August, he commanded his Parliament of Paris to search out and punish the assembly of Lutherans, in their resorts, and gave like charge to them of the Church to do the like who from four months to four months were to certify the Parliament, of their diligence in this behalf.  
In january 1540 
The emperors Interim.  there was a day assigned by the Emperor at Ratisbone for a peace to be concluded throughout Germany, and a union of faith, and in the mean time was a colloquy at Worms, to prepare the accord, but being broken by the emperors Letters, the whole was referred to Ratisbone, in April whether the Emperor came in person, in whose name his duty towards the Common wealth, having been proposed, and certain Divines chosen on the one side and the other, for to confer with the Precedents, witnesses and Notaires the 27. of April, Granuelle offered unto them all a book in written hand, which he said had been presented unto the Emperor, by certain well affected and learned men, as a matter proper to make both parties of accord, containing the principal points of the doctrine: wherefore the Emperor was willing, to the end they might have a lawful argument, and good entrance to the matter, that both parties should examine it together: approving and reproving as best seemed good unto them: it was in some corrected, and certain articles approved, other not: so as contrary to the Catholic Princes minds, and to Conteran the Pope's Ambassador, (who said they would not change aught of the Religion already received, that the matter of religion ought not to be determined but by a Council, and the whole should be sent back to the Pope, who for that end had promised one) the Emperor made a decree the 28. of july 1541. by which he put over the colloquy of the learned men, and all the affairs to a Council, and for default thereof, because an opinion was held that the Pope would shun it by many delays, to an assembly of all Germany, or the estates of the whole Empire, he promised to solicit the Pope for a Council, and in default of a general or provincial, he would ordain a day imperial within 18 months, to accord Religion, and that the Pope should send thither his Ambassador, commanding the Protestants not to innovate aught from the accorded articles, which should stand in force until then, and further suspend the decree of Ausbourge, enjoining the clergy to reform their life, their abuses, and Churches after all, one side and the other promised succours against the Turk, which was come down into Hungary & Austria, and had seized upon Bude, Hungary, and Pest, having defeated the army of Ferdinand, with great mortality of the Christians, while that their Princes stood disputing and quarreling together, like people irreconcilable. This was also confirmed in a day at Spire, in june 1544. And other day was held at Worms in April and May 1545. where the Emperor referring the matter of Religion to a Council, (for the Pope had coursed him that he should undertake to decide the matter of religion by a conference of Say men, appertaining only to him) would meddle only in taking order against the Turk: the Protestants contrariwise said, 
The Protestants oppose themselves to the decree of the Emperor.  that they would contribute nothing towards it, and much less go themselves, if they had not first an accord or an assured peace for Religion, by reason of which, their wives, children, and subjects, might be tormented in their absence: so as nothing being done, the Emperor ordained a Colloquy for Religion at Ratisbone among the best learned, in December 1546. where the Disputers, witnesses, and auditors, being chosen, the Saxon said that he would not approve of the conditions of the colloquy and revoked his people, after the Landgrave and other of the Protestants did the like, promising to return if the colloquy continued. Hereupon the council of Trent, published the year passed on the 15. of March, began in the end of the year 1546. The Pope having sent thither as his Legates, john Maria de Monte, Marcel Seruin, 
Council of Trent.  and Reinold Pole an Englishman all Cardinals, jacques Mendose came thither to excuse the emperors absence, upon the testimony which he had often rendered of his diligence in purchasing of that assembly, and his duty and obedience towards the holy Sea, and that which should be ordained. But more than the Monks orations to the fathers, and publication of the Bull of the Pope's great pardons, there was nothing done, because the Fathers hastened no whit thither, saving that the 7. of january where besides the Cardinals, were four Archbishops, thirty three Bishops, two French, five Spaniards, one Illiric, the other Italians, thirty five Monks, and twelve not Monks: as the number of Bishops grew somewhat greater the Council began, and after they were all assembled in the great Temple, and that Mass was said, the Legates read their Orations to the Fathers. Afterwards it was declared how that the Council was held for three causes: to root out heresies, restore the discipline of the Church, and recover peace: upon that they said that the fault of the present calamity ought to be imputed to the Ecclesiastical estate, considering that none did their duty, nor diligent to labour in the field of the Lord, whence heresies sprung up like thorns, and albeit that they were not of their own part the inventors of any heresies, yet they were to be charged for not well tilling of the Vineyard, they have not sown the field, they have not plucked up the Darnell which began to spring up, that they then ought to advise, and every man to examine his own conscience, and try if he have performed his duty: it is certain that they were to be blamed, for that all the discipline of the Church had been so trodden under foot: the third evil is war, which is a punishment sent from God, in respect of carelessness in religion and want of discipline: for Christendom standeth not only invaded by Turks and strangers, but also by civil and domestical arms: during that the King's combat, or that they which are revolted from the obedience of their Pastors, do overthrow all order, and pill the goods of the Church, they have administered the occasion to the evils, by their most wicked example of life through ambition and covetousness. God then is the just judge, which afflicteth them by these means, and yet the pain is much more gentle than their desert. True it is that such are happy as endure for righteousness sake, which may not be applied to those which are worthy of more rude chastisement, that every one then acknowledge his sin, and endeavour to appease the wrath of God: for if they do not acknowledge that, there will never be any amendment, and for no end shall the Council be held, and in vain shall the aid of the holy Ghost be called upon, it is a singular benefit of God, to have given unto us the means to begin a council, after the Church delivered from so long and grievous a shipwreck, taking harbour, is no more nor less restored, then was Jerusalem after so long a captivity. Esdras, Nehemias, and the other Captains, being returned out of judea, earnestly admonished the people of Israel, to confess their own sins and their Fathers, and to call upon the divine mercy, we ought to follow the like example. He found in that time scoffers, which sought to hinder, and mocked the jews, which re-edified the City of Jerusalem: we in our time have no want of people, which undertake the like, and in effect perform it: but we must march on hardly, in the assurance of Christ, whose commandment is here executed, and the business set in hand. But for so much they are here as judges, they ought well to advise, not to suffer themselves to be led by their affections, but hold themselves neat from the hatred of wrath and enmity, not ordaining aught to please man in this world, nor accommodating themselves to the ears or desire of any person, but contrariwise yield all honour and glory to God alone: for all estates are strayed out of the right way, and there is none which doth good. God himself and his Angels are the beholders of this assembly, and there is no thought of any the assistants, which is hid from him, that they should then proceed roundly and sound, and that the Bishops which are sent from Kings and Princes should so furnish their charges, that above all things they have the reverence and honour of God before their eyes, without respect of hatred or favour: for considering the assembly is held to establish peace, they must cast far from them all contention and partiality. The Oration finished, the decree of the Synod was read by john Fonseca B. of Castrimare, a Spaniard, by which all Christians were admonished to amend their lives, fear God, often confess themselves, and often visit the Monasteries of Saints, 
Decree of the Council of Trent.  that they should pray to God for a public peace; that the Bishops and other Priests should be attentive to prayers, and say Mass at the least every Sunday, praying for the Pope, Emperor, and whole Christendom: that they likewise exercise themselves in fasting and doing of alms in the great Temple; that every Thursday in the week they say a Mass of the holy Ghost, and during the saying thereof, that all be attentive to the Priest, especially in time of the Sacrifice, and that they keep themselves from chatting; that the Bishops live soberly, taking away all superfluity of their tables, shunning all idle and light discourse, that they accustom their people to like discipline, in sort that they show themselves honest in words, apparel, and whatsoever they shall do. And for so much as the end of the Council is to endeavour that the darkness of errors and heresies, which since a good while have reigned upon the earth, being chased away, the light of the truth may shine forth; all are admonished, and especially men of knowledge, carefully to advise by what means this may be brought to pass, in delivering of their opinions that they follow the decree of the Council of Toledo, and do all things modestly without cries, nor be riotous or obstinate, but pronounce all sweetly and leisurely. The other Session was the fourth of Februarye, where nothing was dispatched nor resolved, save only that they confessed the Creed of the faith, and put over the other Session until the eight of April, by reason of such as were already on their way, whom they thought good to attend, to the end the authority of the decrees might be of greater weight.  
During this Council, Luther of the age of threescore and three years, 
Martin Luther dieth 1546.  sick of a disease in his stomach, died the 18. of February 1546. at Illebe in the county of Mansfielde, whether he was gone to appease certain differents which were between the Counts for their livings and inheritance, in form of an amiable compounder and Arbitrator. And albeit they desired they might bury him in their Country, yet the Elector of Saxe would needs have him brought to Witemberg. He left of a Nun which he married 1505. john, Martin, and Paul, his children, which have not followed any course, either for the diminishing or increase of his reputation.  
Hereupon to confirm the suspicions which many had of a war at hand for Religion in Germany, were seen the first effects in the holy League of the imperials, and that of the Protestants made and renewed at Smalcade as I have declared unto you.  
Moreover the Emperor being from day to day egged forward by the Pope and Catholic Princes, now discovering himself, writeth to the cities of Strasbourg, 
The Emperor writeth to the towns for succour.  Noremberg, Ausbourg, and ulme, to advertise them of his intent, and draw succour from them, at the least not to favour the enemies of the common Country, and of Christian Religion, giving them to understand, after he had made them see what his duty and affection was to the good of the common wealth of Germany, how this war was not prepared against the Cities, but against certain rebels, which had committed treason, who had confronted the authority of the Emperor, peeled the goods of Princes and of the Church, and would in the end the towns too, if they were not bemet withal: that they should then advise themselves well of their duty, both towards him and the common country; who, and especially Strasbourge, besought him to leave off this preparation of war, and if the Princes had done him wrong, 
The towns send answers.  rather to order them by justice, then by arms to ruin all Germany, considering that all differents between an Emperor and the Princes ought to be adjudged by the Empire. Now as the Landgrave, being called for by him, had in familiar speech at Ratisbone (where the continuance of the Colloquy was assigned) told him that his companions had been advertised from all parts, 
Speech between the Emperor and Landgrave.  how he meant clean to run over those of the confession of Ausbourg, how he attended succours from the K. of France, & how he had made truce for one year with the turk, by means of the French, and that this council had been begun by the Pope, to the end the decrees made against them might be put in execution, notwithstanding that they had yielded him secure against the Turk and King of France, and that as well at Spire as at Ratisbone he had assured them of a firm peace, albeit they could not accord of religion, he answered that he never thought it, praying them not to believe such reports: that he had made peace with the French, it was all, and truce with the Turk to make poor Germany take so much more breath, to the end that during this truce they might make ready to overrun the Turk, when it should be extermined considering chiefly that they above all, had so oftentimes lamented the misery of Germany: but that the council held to determine the matter of Religion as they had so often required. And after that the Landgrave had replied, that there could be no good concluded for them, considering the Pope their mortal enemy commanded there, and that even the Monks called again there in doubt the articles accorded, that they were promised a free and sure on in Germany, together with the reformation of the Imperial chamber so bitter against them, and that hardly they could send their Doctors, much less come themselves to Ratisbone as the Emperor desired, for the reasons which he alleged, he retired himself into his Country, and anon after their Deputies at Worms having intelligence of this communication, slunk away the 23. of April, the 8. whereof the fathers concluded upon certain points, but of the general sort and least controversied in the Church. In sum the holy league was set down in writing, and after the 26. of june 1546. proclaimed, by which the Pope consigned one hundred and 50000. 
The holy league between Pope, Emperor, and other Princes.  Crowns at Venice, over & above one hundred thousand already given, and furnished twelve thousand Italian Fantassins and 500 Horse, paid for six months, permitting unto the Emperor to take for that year the moiety of the revenue of the churchmen in Spain, and to sell as much of the yearly rends of the Monasteries of Spain, as amounted unto five hundred thousand Crowns, so as he employed them only in this war: upon condition that he should mortgage as much of his own demain, for which he should make assurance, to the Pope's good liking. Upon this Vlrich of Witemberg, and the Cities of high Germany were first in arms against the Emperor, after the Princes joined themselves, the Elector Palatine standing neutral, prayed them to submit themselves, and demand pardon of the Emperor. They, the Emperor, and Pope, entreated the Zuizers to stand Neutral. The Protestants sought succours of the K. of France and England. Now the Emperor sought to hide his game, until his forces might be in readiness, namely, the Italians which were to pass the Alps, where the passages are easy to be kept, for there are but two to go into Germany, from Trent to Enipont. To go from thence into Bauiere where the Emperor was, stood at the parting of the Mountains, Ereberge, a fort almost impregnable, Shartelin a Protestant Captain seized thereof, and had done as much as Enipont, 

The Emperor's army against the Lutherans.  
The Emperor banisheth and condemneth the D. of Saxe. Protestants defy the Emperor.  
The Emperor's device to draw Maurice against his Cousin Elector of Saxe.   had not the subjects of K. Ferdinand risen. So the Italians came under Octavian Farneze Cardinal, with many renowned Captains: Cosme of Medici's joined thereto 200. Horse of ordinance: Hercules Duke of Ferarra 100 under Alphonso his base brother: the 20. of july the Emperor banished the Saxon and Landgrave by his letters Patents, in which he declared the reason at large, as perjured persons, rebels, seditious, guilty of treason, and disturbers of the public tranquillity, whom he determined to chastise according to their desert, withal those that should take their part. And the 12. of August the Protestants sent him letters of defiance, naming him but Charles pretending himself Emperor. Upon this the Emperor sent the first of August the copy of their banishment to Maurice, who having talked very familiarly with the Emperor, went home, and thence to Prague towards Ferdinand. Now for that he was near kinsman to the banished, in sort that he might pretend some right to their goods, he commanded him and his brother Augustus to seize thereon, otherwse it should be to the first occupier: in sort that the right of consanguinity and contracts should nothing at all serve his turn, joined withal that he should be comprehended under the same pain, as having been disobedient unto him: and commanded the Nobility, and people to fulfil his commandment.  
The two armies being encamped before Ingolstat upon the Danube, 
The Protestants fault and error.  the Protestants were the stronger in number of horse and artillery, but the Emperor had more Fantassins, Lords, and Captains of Mark. In sum, the Protestants lost there a fair occasion, to have broken the Emperor, who yet had not his camp well entrenched, nor the succour of ten thousand Fantassins, and four thousand Horse, which the Count de Bure brought unto him, they also lost the time at Nerlinge, so as the Emperor being seized of the places bordering of Danube, and having it so at his devotion, as he could cause all sort of victual to be brought, pursued them then with great advantage: for they ill husbanding the opportunities which presented themselves, and adding thereunto that they were two heads equal, and banded in their opinions, Schertelin first, afterwards other, retired themselves from them. Maurice in the mean time had prayed his Cousin the D. of Saxe by his Father in law the Landgrave, to take in good part that he seized of his living, but perceiving himself refused, joined with Ferdinand, who to enforce the Bohemians to overrun Saxe, (utterly refusing it, considering the alliance which they had made with that house, and for that they verily thought he had wrong done him) caused his cavalry of Hussaries of Hungary's to come down, and some Silesians, 
Maurice warreth against his cousin and the Protestants.  with whom he put all Saxe to fire and sword: Maurice ever saying, that he had rather seize thereof himself then a stranger should, considering that the mines of silver were common to him with his cousin, and that his lands were shut in within the others, which he made sure by this means: beside that he did nothing but by the advise of the estates, who had written to that end to his Cousin: and further that the Emperor had sworn unto him, that he meant no harm but to the Rebels, and not to Religion: wherefore in all cases the faith excepted, one ought to obey that Magistrate, which suffered in his Country the exercise of religion; and so determined to pursue his own right, and the differentes which so long time he had had with the Elector, fearing lest his lands should fall into the hands of Strangers: offering when he should be reconciled to the Emperor and Ferdinand, that he would restore up all unto him, whereof he certified his Cousin and his Son, so as the Hungarians following of him, he took all the places except Gothe-aenac and Witemberge, binding all the subjects to sweat unto him. For which he was misliked by every man, rendering so poor a recompense unto him, whom he ought to have held for a father, & author of all his good. He was son to Henry, whose brother George Duke of Saxe, had ordained by his testament, that the Emperor should enjoy his province until that his brother had renounced the Protestant Religion: But the Elector and Landgrave hindered it, making his testament to be broken, & took Henry and his children into their league. Moreover whreas George had given unto him a pension in money, & that they feared for spite of Religion he would refuse to pay it, the Protestants promised him in case it should so fall out, to furnish the some unto him themselves, so the Saxon being called on that side, and seeing the Landgrave (having left unto him his people) retire himself, and that the Allies furnished no more supplies, he went against Maurice, out of whose hands in the end he got again all the places, and took a number of his people, and whatsoever Ferdinand had taken from him, shutting both them into Bohemia, he subjecteth to himself also the Bishopric of Magdeburg, and Halbestat, having convented with john Albert the Bishop. The Emperor in the mean time triumphed throughout Germany, ordaining and imposing great ransoms to all the Princes, and Protestant Cities, even to the Elector Palatine, who before as a Neutre, was ready to have reform his Churches by Paul Faggius, had not this accident fallen out, and was feign to have pardon of the Emperor for the 400. horse which he had sent to the Protestants: albeit he protested that it was not meant against him, but by right of Obligation, carried by a particular contract with the Duke of Witemberg. Whom likewise, and his son Christopher he pardoned, but would not his brother George, all renouncing the League, and not speaking of Religion.  
Afterwards the Emperor pursuing of the Saxon, the 22. of April 1547. arrived at Misnes which Frederic had quit, and burning the wooden bridge, encamped himself at Mulburge near the river of Albye; the Emperor still hastening for fear he should enclose himself within Witemberg. So as with a thousand Spanish arquebusiers, which waded into the water, to pass forward, he assailed the guard on the other shore notwithstanding the Cannon shot, which showered down on every side. Afterwards with the small Boats which Frederic had abandoned, he made a bridge, over which the Hungarians of Ferdinand and the light horse passed first, followed with the rest, hastening to follow Frederic, who was re-encountered 3. leagues from Albye, near the forest Lochane, where he charged him so hard, that after a long combat, he was defeated, hurt, taken and brought by the Duke of Alva unto him, 
The Elector hurt taken & brought to the Emperor.  to whom having said, I render myself thy prisoner, most merciful Emperor; and pray thee to give me entertainment worthy of a Prince, he answered. Now than thou dost acknowledge me an Emperor, but I will handle thee according to thy desert. Shortly after being condemned to death, the Elector of Brandebourge so much appeased the Emperor, that he had his life, not refusing any conditions offered unto him, saving to obey the emperors ordinances or the Council, choosing rather to die. It was then ordained that the Emperor should confiscate all his goods, which he gave to Ferdinand and Maurice, upon condition that Maurice should yearly pay unto the Saxon and his children fifty thousand crowns. If it so seemed good to the Emperor and Maurice, he should enjoy Goat, so as he raised the Castle and fortified not the Town. And for that he was much in debt, Maurice should give unto his children one hundred thousand crowns, to be employed to the payment of his debts grown before the league of Smalcade: and that Maurice should discharge all such debts as his lands, which had been confiscate, and given unto him by the Emperor were liable unto: And so all suits to be had at an end, and his children to have the usufruite of the goods mentioned, if they approved these conditions, and the people likewise. And in respect his life was saved, he should for ever after remain prisoner to the Emperor, and to his son the Prince of Spain. He surrendered likewise his right and dignity of Elector into the hands of the Emperor, who put Maurice as well in possession of the dignity as lands of Frederic. And by his decree it was ordained, that if the other should chance to die without heirs masles, Augustus his brother and his children should be in remainder thereunto, which was done the 24. of February 1548. at Witemberge. Frederic regarding the ceremonies of his house all the Electors present, the Landgrave under surety of Brandebourge, Maurice, and Volfange his sons in law, rendered himself almost to the discretion of the Emperor, who afterwards proposed a league at ulme, to appease all such troubles as might ensue either for Religion or otherwise: But the whole was referred to Ausbourge. Hereupon the Landgrave having demanded, and received pardon, and promise that he should not remain prisoner, was stayed and commanded to follow the Emperor, after that he had accomplished all the rest of the conditions. 
Great ransoms which the Emperor had of the Germans.  For which Maurice and Brandebourge, being his sureties for his liberty grew in great rage; so as the Emperor to defray the expense of his war got, what with these ransoms, and otherwise among the Catholics, and Lutherans above sixteen hundred thousand crowns, and well five hundred pieces of Artillery, which he sent into Spain, Naples, Milan, and the low country.  
The Emperor after these victories assigned a day first at ulme, 
The Emperor would have the Council removed from Bolonia to Treat.  then at Ausbourg to accord points in Religion, reform the justice of the chamber, & obey the Council. The Palatin, Maurice, and Brandebourge would not consent to any but in place free and sure. In the end, that thereby they might the sooner get the Landgrave out of prison they accorded one, and by their example, the more resolute Cities, by writing granted somewhat of their demand: So as the Emperor being very joyful thereof, made great instance towards the Pope, that he would remove the Council to Trent from Bologne where he had appointed it to be held 1544. in respect of the unholsomnes of the air said Hierosme Fracastor who monthly had a great pension from him. And upon the difficulty which the Pope made therein, he sent Mendoza to protest of his part before the Pope, and the rest of Bologne, that he held of no account whatsoever should be there concluded: declaring that he would provide thereto well enough, by a lawful convocation of the estates of Germany, 1548 which were of his very opinion being assembled at Ausbourge. And further for that he would not have the Council to be clean in despair of being held, the delaying thereof so much importing him, when as power was given unto him to choose the Collocutors, judges, and witnesses, he took jules Flug Bishop of Numbourg, Michael of Sidoine, john Alebe Agricola, who 18. years before had been a Lutheran, Melancthon, and Brence, who very secretly wrote a Book of Religion, and after they had again perused and corrected it, presented it unto him: But Bucer finding many things contained therein, refused to sign it, saying that the Pope's doctrine was there manifestly confirmed, and since that in like sort they added sundry other things: So as both the Pope and Protestants allowed of it, albeit small reformation was had therein of any such Articles as were generally received of the Catholics. Romee general of the jacobins wrote against it at Rome, and so did Robert Bishop of Auranches in France, for that this book permitted marriage to Priests, and the Supper under both kinds. The Emperor notwithstanding pressed the estates hard to stick fast unto it, and not to innovate any thing either in their preachings or writings to the contrary, attending the decree of a Council. Afterwards the fifteenth of May the Archbishop of Mayence chief of the Electors, thanked him for his so great care of the public, in the name of them all, and said that all aught to obey his decree: The which he accounted as a common approbation, and would not for ever after admit of any other reason or excuse to the contrary, whosoever would say that they had not consented thereunto: In sort that he caused it to be imprinted both in the Latin, and vulgar German tongues. Four days after he besought the estates to contribute by head, towards the remedying of such inconveniences, as either for Religion or otherwise might fall out in the common wealth, and that the money might be reserved as a public treasure in some places fittest for that purpose, to have succours ready at need: and Ferdinand required as much to relieve him against the Turk the five years of truce being expired. Afterwards the Emperor somewhat and superficially reform the state of the Church about the end of june 1548. and caused a Book to be imprinted: Maurice departing from Ausbourge about the end of 1548. went into his own country, where his estates urging him with his promise to maintain among them the pure confession of Ausbourge, in the end he caused to be made a form of Religion which all aught to hold: from whence great Scandal arose. All the Princes and Cities except Breme, and Magdebourge consented to the decree of Ausbourge, an occasion that the latter was by the Emperor exposed as a pray to all such as would war upon him in the year 1549. Now as this decree of Ausbourge was already as it were generally received throughout all Germany, so greatly did the victory and Spanish Garrisons of the Emperor, together with the Saxons and Landgraves' imprisonment, astonish the people, at such time especially when there was an apparent change of Religion throughout all the countries of Maurice, the ministers of the Churches of Lubec, Lunebourg, and Hambourge confuted well at length the Book and decree of Ausbourge, by another contrary, which they caused to be put in print, whereof john Epin was the principal author. Shortly after the Doctors of Magdebourge, Nicholas Amstroff, and above all Mathias Flaccius an Illiricque, borne in the City of Albonne, who since was one of the principal authors of the Ecclesiastical history of Magdebourge, and Nicolas Le Cocq opposed themselves stoutly against them of Witemberge and Lipsa, and condemned them in sundry printed Books as dissemblers, over simple, to timorous, and by indifferent and mean things how they had made a high way to the papistical Religion: the which at the first proceeding from a good beginning, grew in simplicity, afterwards suffered itself to corrupt through a disordinate licence of such things among the Christians of the primitive Church: who overcome by little and little, with to great a fear of displeasing, and roundly resisting such as at the first would bring in their fantasies for sure rules of Faith, in the end clean marred, under a Mask of things indifferent and such like humane traditions, the true and pure word of God. For conclusion they set down this rule, that all ceremonies and fashions, how indifferent soever they may be of themselves, are no more near at this present, considering that the virtue, opinion and necessity of service is now annexed thereunto, and that the occasion of impiety is yielded thereby. Illiricque one of the authors of this learned and laborious Ecclesiastical history, had been certain years an Auditor and Disciple of Melancthon: but in this different, retired himself to Magdebourge: and caused a Book to be imprinted wherein he rendered the reason of his act. They of Hambrough wrote likewise to them of Witemberg, & especially to Philip Melancthon, making a Catalogue of such things as they termed Neuter, or indifferent, & setting down what might be received, and together prayed them to write openly of their side, what they would have comprehended under that name, to the end men might agree on somewhat, & follow it without varying. And for fear least the name of neutrality might give occasion to sundry other errors, which by little and little might be engraved in the brains of men, Melancthon, a man sweet; fearful, 
Melancthons' answer  and a great enemy to all riots, answered among other things that some servitude might well be borne, provided that it were without any impiety.  
Now not to long to leave behind, the persecution of the Catholics against the Lutherans in the Realm of France, 
Persecution of Lutherans.  K. Henry seeing at Paris the 19 of November 1549. the Edicts of his father very evil executed by the negligence of the Ecclesiastical judges which was complained of unto him (contending with the sovereign courts & other judges of their natural jurisdictions & powers) ordained the better to conform himself to the title of Thrise-Christian: that the Royal judges should take knowledge, jointly of the said faults as the cases should offer themselves: as touching the information & decree only, after having well executed the decree, & examined the accused, they should deliver them up to the Church, to judge of the errors, or simple heresy, in case it proceeded rather of ignorance, error, & humane frailty, lightness & britlenes of the tongue of the accused, then of mere malice or will to cut himself off from the union of the Church: and in case together with heresy were found any public scandal popular commotion, sedition, or other crime importing any public offence & consequently in case privileged, then to be tired by the Royal judges, & of the Church together. And after the common fault shall be judged by the Church then the case privileged shallbe judged by the Royal, charging that any appeal made from the sentence should be brought into Parliament. And for that the judge Ecclesiastical had not the seizure of men's persons out of their Pretoire, for the aid which the one justice ought unto the other, it was now given by privilege unto him, & as far as should please him, that in this crime only he might cause, under his authority, by their sergeants, to be put in execution the decrees of such arrest of bodies as should be judged by them, without ask any permission of any secular judges, for fear that in delaying, the accused might be advertised thereof, & so escape, & if the ecclesiastical judge stood in need of any aid; it was enjoined to all officers Royal to execute the Ecclesiastical decrees, without taking any knowledge of the cause. And in case the accused, or any such as it should be decreed against, should absent themselves, it was ordained that the judge Royal, within three days should proceed against them by seizure of their goods, that the accused should be delivered up to the judge of the Church, to be proceeded against as above said. Afterwards upon the engrossing of this Edict in Parliament at Paris the twenty nine of November, the Court ordained at the request of the Proctor general, that upon the plight should be set down at the charge, that the judge Ecclesiastical shall not condemn any man, for crime of heresy, be he lay or Clerk, in any pecuniary fine: & further that when in crime of heresy he shall have given any judgement, either of perpetual prison, or otherwise he shall no more in the end of the condemnation use these accustomed words, salva misericordia Domini: And that forbidding should be made as well of the one, as the other. And for that the King perceived how slowly enough they proceeded to the execution of this Edict, the greater part of the Royal judges not so forward in favouring the Ecclesiastical as they desired, to be meet therewith he was counseled to send his commandment to the Parliament of Paris from Fountainbleau the 9 of February 1549. willing them to appoint commissioners out of their body, to make the inditements of such as stood evil affected to the faith, in case the Presidiall, or otherwise the Royal judges should be negligent, who should pay the expenses of such appointed deputies.  

Diet of Ausbourge.  Hereupon the 27. of july the Emperor began the day of Ausbourge, proposing there to continue the Council, to keep the last decree of Ausbourg, to punish the rebels, & restore the jurisdiction and goods of the Church. But Maurice declared by his Ambassadors, as it were alone against all the rest, that he could not avow the council except all begun a fresh, and that the Divines of the confession of Ausbourg might bother hard, with power to decide the matters, that the Pope should not sit as chief, but submit himself to the Council, that he should absolve all Bishops of their oath made unto him, to the end they might freely deliver their mind. But it was not permitted that this declaration should be registered. In the mean time George D. of Megelbourg with a main army wasted the country of Magdebourg, against whom the inhabitants & soldiers issued forth. But having in the hinder part of his army placed all the Merchants & Villagers, for that the best were in the fore front, they defeated them, took the Artillery, Baggage, & sundry of the inhabitants. This done, as they entertained notwithstanding Maurice in all duty, the Elector of Brandebourg, Albert his cousin, Henry of Brunsuich, & sundry other addressed troops the better to shut than in. But sallied forth upon them conducted by certain Gentlemen, Captains & soldiers, who in despite of Brunsuich were retired thither, and carried themselves so fortunately, as they took their George of Megelbourg author of all. After Maurice was declared chief of the army by the Emperor & the estates, with intent to block them in, ordaining one hundred thousand crowns for the expenses past, & threescore thousand for every month to come. Upon the displeasure in the mean time which the Emperor conceived for that the decree of Ausbourg was not practised, the Protestants said that they could not so soon root out the Religion, which had so long time grown old in the hearts of men & the Catholics laid the fault upon the Priests, negligence of Magistrates, & wickedness of the Lutheran ministers, so as nothing could be resolved of, but all referred to the Council. Hereupon Pope july assigned the Council at Trent the first of May 1550 by his Bull which he sent unto the Emperor. Now as the Emperor departing out of his country to come to Ausbourg, had left the Landgrave at Malines, Maurice and Brandebourg made earnest instance for his delivery: but it was answered that not only he, but also his children & Councillors had so behaved themselves, that he might not as yet be delivered. The Guard likewise told him that he was to be carried into Spain: which made him seek aid of his children, to whom setting before their eyes the fidelity wherewith they were tied unto him, he gave in charge, that they should cite Maurice to appear according to the tenor of his obligation, which they did, and cited their friends many times most instantly. But they now together, now apart, one while by messengers, an other while in person, showed that it would neither turn to their profit nor their Father to run to work so headily. And from time to time alleged new reasons, whereby they hoped that he might be delivered without any danger, they prayed them then to take patience, and demanded respite. The Emperor who had already solicited the Landgrave, by De La Lare, to deliver up into his hands the letters of Obligation, seeing himself again importuned for his deliverance, sent Lazarus Schuende to his Children and Councillors, commanding them not only hence forward to take heed they pressed no more Maurice and Brandebourge, but also to send unto him all the letters and renounce any more the following thereof. If they failed therein, he threatened them that they should well abide the burden of it. And yet for all that he prevailed not, he declared in like sort all such Princes as were bound quit, & absolved of their promises: The Landgrave then seeing not any hope left, determined to make an escape if it were possible for him; upon which he sundry times consulted with his people which he caused to come from Hesse: But fearing the danger, they were very slack, in the end he made Conrade Bredesten, & john Romelia, undertake the matter, who from his own country as far as Malines laid post horses, upon which he might escape. But the matter came out by one of his own servants, who in great friendship had told one at Malines, 
The Landgrave discovered minding to have made an escape.  that within a few hours he should be at liberty, for being come from hand to hand to the captain of the Guards ears, even upon the pinch that he was ready to take his heels, the matter burst out and two of his servants slain in the place, the rest taken and beheaded, and himself clapped into a more close prison. Whereof the Emperor being advertised, he took it marvelously at the heart, & wrote to Maurice & Brandebourg that this so audacious an enterprise turned to his dishonour, being resolved rigorously to punish those which had either Council or assisted him therein. They sent the Copy of these letters to Guilleaume du Landgrave, telling him among other matters, that if he would any more attempt the like, they would in nought be bound unto him: Maurice notwithstanding comforted him apart, promising for the deliverance of their father not only all his substance, but also to adventure his own life, assuring him that at such time as commodity should present itself, he would represent himself in justice, when as matters should be so settled as they should have very small cause to care for the mislike of any. Which made many to surmise that at that time he practised some league with the French.  
Maximilian of Austria son in law to the Emperor, 
Difference about succession in the empire.  & chosen in his absence K. of Bohemia came at this time from out of Spain to Ausbourg, called thither by Ferdinand his father, for the different which he had with his brother the Emperor, as touching the succession of the empire. For the deciding whereof the Emperor had caused his sister Mary to return thither, who was parted from him in the month of September: for knowing how material the annexing of Germany was unto himself, he desired there to ensure & establish the seat of his son, who ought to rule over so sundry, and separate provinces. Ferdinand who tended to the same end, was as well resolved, not to frustrate the attempt or profit thereof, were it either for himself, or his children. Now Maximilian was of so mild a nature, & understood so many tongues, & singularly the German, endued beside with such a courtesy in his manner of life, that he was not only agreeable unto all the people, but his virtues procured unto him such good hap, and advancement, as I shall in place hereafter declare unto you.  
For the better assistance of this council whether the Emperor had given assurance to the Protestants to come in safety, they chose these divines, Melancthon for Sax, 
Council.  Bucer for Witemberg, united in opinion, & approved by them of Strasbourg: and after agreed upon such points as were to be there proposed, for all this Maurice to gain time, spy his opportunity, and enforce the Emperor to deliver & set at liberty his father in law, training the siege of Magdebourg in length, wrote back unto him, that for his part he stood very well contented, with that faith which he had given unto him, 
Maurice demandeth a more safe-conduct.  & could require very little more. But for so much as he was informed, that there stood in force a decree made by the council of Constance, by which it was ordained that information should be made against all heretics or any suspected of heresy, if perchance any summoned to a council should appear there, & that sentence should be there pronounced against them, albeit that the Emperor should give them his faith & safe conduct, he desired a sufficienter assurance, for saith he this decree remaineth engrossed, & they right well put it in practice, 
The Catholics held that faith was not to be holden with heretics.  in putting john Hus to death. Who barely relying upon the faith, & safe conduct which the Emperor Sigismond gave him, went thither, the matter being then thus, could not by any means send any of his own people to Trent except the Prelates which were there did in like sort give their faith, in the name of the whole Council, as it was done at the Council of Basle, which incontinently followed that of Constance, for the Bohemians having been made wise by that which was before done, would by no means come to Basle but under a safe conduct from the whole Council, he required then that by virtue of his authority & credit, he would cause them to do as much, otherwise if they did not give safe conduct in like manner as had been before given at Basle, he protested, that it ought not to turn to any matter of consequent, either to himself, or any of like Religion, if they sent no man thither I have above spoken of john Hus, of the Council of Constance, & of the war which the Bohemians made against the Churchmen for such condemnations. Now for that there was a decree made at Constance, that the first Council should be held five years after, the other 7. and then from ten years, to ten years, the fathers assembled together again at Basle: and for so much as the Bohemians had not as then been reconciled, 
Safe conduct from the council at Basle for the Bohemians.  pursuit was made against them by letters and messages, so as in the City of Egre, there was a form of safe conduct set down in writing, the Bohemians saying that they would not make any difficulty at all to appear at the Council, provided that the fathers would agree to that: after that they which had been sent in Embassage had made report, of that which they had done, the father's approved it and dispatched away the like safe conduct sealed, and by the most loving letters exhorted them to make themselves ready, so as, when the safe conduct of the Emperor Sigismond should be in like sort sent unto them, they might presently set forwards on their journey. This was during the four Session, in the year of grace 1432. Maurice then being thereof advertised by his people, solicited the Emperor, & earnestly insisted upon the ordinance of Basle, both as being the last, & most convenient for that time. For the case now of the Protestants, and then of the Bohemians was almost alike. And the Council published at Trent for the like causes in effect, as it was at Basle: to wit, to root out heresies, to restore the peace and tranquillity of the common wealth, and for the amendment of the Church, all vices being utterly secluded.  
The Emperor in the mean time, changed the estates of the Cities of Germany alongst as he passed by, as at Ausbourg where he altered the Senate, and reform all at his pleasure. Afterwards retired into Flanders, he sent Henry Hase 1551. all along the Suaube appointing new Councillors, and deposing all such Preachers and ministers as would not obey the decree of Ausbourg. In the mean time Magdebourg was continually battered and rudely entreated, but after many skirmishes reciprocal between the army of Maurice, and those which were besieged in Magdebourge for one whole year together, 
Magdebourg delivered up.  the 3. of November 1551. Hedec being sent from Maurice came to Magdebourg, where having caused the Captains to come forth into the next fort, he agreed of all things, and there passed letters signed and sealed: Passport was granted to the men of war to departed in safety, but as soon as they were cassirde, they were secretly entertained again and enrolled, under the charge of Megelbourg, who by accord had been set at liberty; for Maurice to good purpose, would by no means have his own name come in question. The conditions of peace were these that they should beseech pardon of the Emperor, attempt nothing against the house of Austria and of Burgundy: submit themselves to the chamber; obey the last decree of Ausbourg; represent themselves in justice at the request of any which would bring action against them; raise the fortifications of their City at the Emperor's pleasure; receive Garrison at all times pay 150 thousand crowns to the public treasure, delivered to the emperor 12 great pieces of Artillery towards the charges of his war and release the Duke of Megelbourg, and all the rest of the prisoners. The same very day that those which had been besieged went out, which were 2000 Pietons and 130 horse, Maurice caused five ensigns of infantry to enter in, and the next morning himself entered the City with his Cavalry. The Senate went out to meet him, to whom he caused an oath to be ministered to become true to the Emperor, th'empire and himself, afterwards having left a sufficient Garrison, he caused all the rest to void. That done he sent for the preachers, and greatly complained by his Councillors Facius, Calebric, and Mortise, of the injury which they had done unto him, in little Books, and Pictures imprinted by them, as if he had been one revolted from the Doctrine of the Gospel, & had made war against the City for their constant profession of the truth. Wherefore he said, he had just cause to be revenged of them if he would follow his own affections, but he quitted all to the common wealth. Requiring from thence forward that they should exhort the people to amendment of life, & to bear reverence to the Magistrate, he commanded also that they should make public prayers for the Emperor, for himself, and for all other Magistrates. He said further that the Council was then held at Trent, to which he would present a confession of the true doctrine, as well in his own name as of all the rest of the Princes & estates, that they should pray to God then to prosper the enterprise, & take heed hereafter from proceeding in like injuries as they had accustomed. The ministers after having consulted together answered, that it was not they themselves which had published those Pictures, & yet they could not esteem them worthy of any reprehension, for that it was not to be denied, but since three years last past many of his Country were revolted from the pure doctrine; besides that it was an easy matter to prove how the City had been besieged for the Gospel's sake, if they would only regard but who were the first authors of the war; that they had ever done their duty in admonishing of the people, which they would in like sort do ever after: as touching the Council which was assembled to deface the truth, and in which the Pope was as chief, that was not lawful for them to make any other prayer unto God, then that it would please him to break in sunder, bruise, and scatter their devices & imaginations, for nought could they else attend from thence then all my mischief. The Articles of composition were then published. But it is certain that they were put in good assurance of their liberty & Religion: Besides that Maurice chose rather, that the town should be yielded to him then to the Emperor, as the issue afterwards declared. Now the end of the miseries of Magdebourg, was the beginning of a war to them, who had been the authors of their afflictions as we will tell you. In the mean while that Maurice remained in the town, he sufficiently open himself, & gave out that it should cost him his life, but he would set his father in law at liberty: yea so far as the next morning he did not stick to tell it frankly to one which was talking with him. He had before sent his Ambassadors to the Emperor, for the delivery of the Landgrave, having associated unto him the K. of Denmark, & sundry Princes of Germany as we will show you, being resolved to proceed therein by force, if he could not otherwise obtain it beside that he had already made a covenant with the K. of France, 
Embassage from the king of France to Maurice.  who had secretly sent thither john de Fersne B. of Bayonne. Who having a long time negotiated in Germany had good understanding of the tongue. But it seemed, that the Emperor made very small account of all these matters, and dreamt of nothing else then the war of Parma, and Council of Trent.  
Hereupon the children of the Landgrave wrote again to the Emperor for the delivery of their father, whereof they would feign see an end. Who in the beginning of November 1551. was gone as far as Enipont, as well at the request of the Prelates to favour the holding of the Council, as the better to provide for the war of Perma between him and the King of France, to which he seemed so wedded as persuading himself that the King would not undertake any other matter, he scarce believed the preparatives of war which were said to be made in Germany. Then the Ambassadors of these two Princes, being come in the beginning of December, after having most humbly saluted the Emperor in the name of their masters, spoke in this sort. 
Maurice and Brandebourg Ambassadors speech.  You know most merciful Emperor, in what pain remain at this day the most excellent Princes Electors Maurice and Brandebourge for the detaining in hold of the Landgrave, a matter happening unto them beyond all expectation, such time, as through a singular affection which they carried unto you, by reason whereof they were desirous to prepare unto you the way to an easy and notable victory, they sought nought else then to ease you of a great charge by a long war, and restore the Country to peace and tranquillity. For which respect they have so often been suitors unto you, as well in their proper person, as by their Ambassadors, that it might please you to regard them, and release the prisoner: your answer to their last Ambassador was, that you could not do it until you saw the issue of the day prefixed to be held, besides that you made no other promise, but that he should not always remain captive if he●… cpt the accord: But for so much as they being busied about other affairs, have not been able at the same day to be in person themselves, they again solicited you at Ausbourge, by their Councillors and reiterated letters. In answer whereof you wrote back unto them the reasons of your conceived displeasure against him, pronouncing the Princes absolved of their obligation towards the children of the Captive. Wherefore they determined to importune you in the like again. And had come themselves in person, had it not been for what you know, they were both of them employed in the war of Magdebourge, besides that Brandebourg himself was sick, which was the cause that they have given us in charge, to declare unto you for the first point. That when you did ordain that the Landgrave should yield himself unto you upon condition, they understood your intention by the B. of Arras, which was, that he should receive, and keep such conditions, as you had proposed and imparted unto them. If it stood a matter needful to persuade him to yield himself in such sort, it was as needful to declare unto him that he should not be kept as a Captive, nor worse dealt with then the treaty of peace contained. The Princes than were his pledges, which your counsellors also well enough understood. And where as the Landgrave still insisted, that they should declare unto him some Articles of th'accord, and required that for the dispatch thereof he might not be stayed above six days, it was granted unto him, after that the matter had been proposed to the B. of Arras. As touching the rest of the points the Princes obtained therein more than they demanded. And admit that in this proceeding matters should not be a like understood of the one side, and the other, & that the Landgrave being come was imprisoned against the faith promised, yet had the Princes never accused you for the same, had they not the same time, having been graciously promised by yourself, gone themselves in person to Halle, & set him thence, at such time as the Landgrave approaching sent unto them to come unto him to Numbourg. For at that time they spoke with you, signifying unto you that they had persuaded him to stand to the conditions proposed, and that he was not far off, yea that if it pleased you they would go and meet him: In the mean time praying you that since he yielded himself upon their faith and assurance, he might be charged no farther, to which you condescended. Now in the last dispatch, there was no mention at all made either of prison or detention, as your own people the Bishop of Arras and of Seld can very well witness. For the first had all the charge in this matter, and sometimes called the other to assist him: for after that the conditions were accepted of, and pardon demanded, the Princes stood fully assured, that he should be incontinently released; which they had reason to imagine for sundry causes. First, for that the Councillors never made once mention of retaining him, which was a principal point in the treaty which the Landgrave perceived, and considered of above all. Moreover, sundry things are contained therein, which is not possible for any Prince captive to accomplish, but for him only which is at liberty. After that he had besought you pardon, you remitted his fault, and were contented to revoke his banishment, and give him letters of reconciliation, besides that you received pledge and assurance, wherein it was set down, that if he did not perform the accord, the people should deliver him up unto you, and the pledges should by force of arms constrain him to do his duty. All these things certes, had served to nothing, and had been mere superfluous, if they had thought he should have endured corporal punishment: but they imagining nothing less, considering especially that the Councillors never made men●ion thereof, brought him upon this assurance, promising to deliver him back again before his children, and to endure like punishment that he should do, if any outrage were offered him. Such was their intention, which was since more confirmed, when after great request the Duke of Alva invited them to Supper at his house with the Landgrave. It was not possible for them to construe in so ill a sense, this summons and hospitality (considering the custom and fashion of the Princes of Germany) that he should go into the D. of Alva his house, as into a prison: and that they should go with him side by side, and bear him company thither, which had they never so little made doubt of, who can imagine what they would have done? for considering how they are Princes of Germany, and also Electors, issued from right honourable families, never would they have been a means that a Prince of an excellent house, both their ally and friend, should have been brought to such a banquet to fall into so great troubles, and that they should lead him as captive, and they were no whit at all made privy to the fact, until after supper when the D. of Alva told him, that he must remain in the Castle as in prison: howsoever the matter was, they went to work with a good meaning, as we said in the beginning; and for so much as they have plighted their faith, you may well perceive how hard and grievous a matter it will be both to them and their children, if after having been often put in mind of their promises, and after caution given, the Landgrave he detained prisoner: you perceive likewise (most puissant Emperor) you, who derive your race from the Germans, (considering that the Children of the Captive Prince pursue their right, & press them to redeliver him unto them, according to the condition of the bond) what becometh them to do according to the ancient custom of the Nobility of Germany, for to preserve their honour and good reputation, and how they should be inexcusable towards all the rest of the Princes, when the power of citing should be taken from them, or the instrument of the bond, in such form as remaineth in their hands, that if perchance the Landgrave who neither is prisoner by faith given, nor by composition, but by occasion before specified, through the grief and impatience of his so long restraint, have sought some means to escape, and that his men have attempted aught against the Guards, the Princes beseech that it may turn no ways to their damage: but for that by reason of the obligation they are in so extreme distress, out of which you alone after the immortal God, are able to deliver them, and that you are most certain how they stand enwrapped in these inconveniences; besides that you stand fully assured of their good affection, loyalty, and service, for that in your adversities they neither have spared their goods, nor blood for your profit, according to the example of their ancestors, they beseech you as much as is possible, that you will secure them in delivering of the prisoner, and that therein you weigh not so much the fact of the Landgrave, as their persons who hold you in singular reverence, considering chiefly that many of their families have neither spared goods or lives for your ancestors, and for the house of Austria and of Burgundy: and if perchance you fear that when he shall be at liberty, he will break the accord, you do very well when the matter shall proceed so far, but the nobility and people of Hesse shall promise the contrary unto you by oath, and as the Princes have made themselves pledges, so if you desire any further assurance they have often offered it, and do at this present, having given power unto us to do as much with you: as touching such conditions as they have been able to accomplish, they do not think that aught is left remaining; and when you shall know the cause for which their forts have not been so soon raised, they make no doubt but that you will easily excuse and purge the children of the captive: if there rest any other thing they will in every respect employ themselves to content you. Therefore if they, their Fathers or Grandfathers, have ever done service to yourself, to the Emperor Maximilian, or any your ancestors, or if you think that in time to come they may pleasure you in any occasion, they beseech you affectionately that you suffer them to taste some fruit thereof, and that you will cause them to see some effect of the hope and promise, which you gave them first at Halle, secondly at Numbourg, and thirdly at Ausbourg: to the end in time to come they may have the greater courage to honour you, being able to glory in that the fidelity and service which they have done unto you, hath been by you acknowledged according to their desert, if they be refused, you may well think (excellent Emperor) what inconveniences will ensue, when they shall be enforced to appear and approve their innocency: but they hope well that you will regard their prayers, which they will receive for a singular benefit; and as well they, as the Landgrave with his children and alliance, shall for ever endure all pain to acknowledge it. And forsomuch as this matter toucheth so nearly their honour, they have solicited the rest of the Princes to entreat with them, whose Ambassadors you see here present, to the end that what themselves have not been able to obtain at your hands until this present, either by prayers, messages, or letters, these here may obtain by their credit and favour, beseeching you to take it in this part.  
After that they had thus spoken, they presented unto him the letters of Ferdinand K. of Romans, of Albert D. of Bavieres, of the brethren of Lunebourg written in the behalf of the Landgrave: those Princes which made request by their Ambassadors, were the Elector Frederic Palatine, Wolfang de deux pontzes, john marquess of Brandebourg, Henry, and john, Albert D. of Megelbourg, Ernest marquess of Bade, and Christophre D. of Witemberg, whose Deputies after having showed their commission spoke in this manner.  

The Prince's Ambassadors.  The Electors Maurice and Brandebourg finding themselves greatly troubled for the imprisonment of the Landgrave, and being minded to make request unto you for him (most merciful Emperor) have required our Princes to join with them in this their request, to the end it might be of greater weight and efficacy on their behalf, which they could not deny unto them, in regard of that duty of alliance, friendship, and conjunction which is between them. Considering then that the matter standeth on such terms, as the Ambassadors have at length fully declared, and that if the captive be restrained any long time, it may turn to the damage and blame of those which have pauned their faith, the Princes which have sent us hither do beseech you, and carefully warn you to weigh all these things, for they hold themselves greatly interessed if the honour, dignity, and renown of them be not countergarded: a matter likely to ensue, if the Landgrave be not released. They require then most humbly that these their requests may somewhat prevail with you, especially considering that he hath already acknowledged his fault, and besought pardon on both his knees: that it is now a long time he hath lain by it, and above all, in regard that the extreme necessity of the two Electors demandeth it, who are fallen into this inconvenience, for their proceeding herein in good faith, and their willingness to do you service, that if peradventure there may have been some fault committed, or that some matters have not been so well understood, yet it is a matter honest and proper to your mercy, to prefer equity before the rigour of law, and not so much to regard him which is captive, as the inevitable necessity of the Electors, and to deal gently and liberally with them, according to the example of your ancestors, who have always been careful to preserve the honour of the Princes of the Empire: that will turn to your great honour towards all men, and them especially. And it will breed courage in them, to remain unto you singularly, faithful friends, and affectionate servants, and to employ themselves in all things for the love of you. The King of Denmark in like sort had sent his own Ambassador, who made the like request.  
The Emperor made answer certain days after, that the matter was of importance, and required ripe deliberation, and for so much as he was advertised that Maurice purposed to make his repair very shortly unto him for other matters of consequence, in sort as having written unto him he attended him daily, he would defer it until his coming, hoping that the matter might then be entreated of most commodiously in his presence, for their parts they might return again to their Princes, and tell them as from him, that he would well carry in remembrance their demands, and so guide himself in this action, that they should well understand that their recommendation carried great weight towards him.  
Thus Maurice not able to pick any certainty out of all this, and causing himself in the presence of many to be importuned by the landgrave's children, who threatened to put both him and Brandebourg in suit for breach of promise, had no sooner resolved with the Ambassador of France, (whose charge every man was almost ignonorant of) of what succour he was to draw thence, than he determined to make open war against the Emperor, but for all that, the better to cover the fainednes of his intents, he sent his deputies to Trent, to demand such another safeconduct as the Bohemians had at Constance, that the Pope should submit himself unto the Council, and acquit the B. of their oaths, 
maurice's demands at the council.  that all Nations might have free access thither, and that whatsoever had been decreed before the coming of the divines should be canceled. Srasbourg and the D. of Witemberg his Ambassadors said as much. This coming of the Ambassadors, and the promise which he made shortly after to be with the Emperor, took away all suspicion of war, for the very Emperor wrote to the Archbishops of Mayence, Treues, and Cologne, to leave Trent, and to go home and defend their Countries from such soldiers as had been retained after the siege of Magdebourg: and as the Emperor had in like sort prayed them to do, they received very courteously: Maurice his deputies giving unto them their safe-conduct, saying that they had summoned thither all Nations, that all were free there, but that reason and their duty would by no means permit them to disannul or cancel aught, and much less to submit the Pope to the council. The Ambassadors after having examined their safeconduct, found it different from that of the Bohemians, and after that they had hastily read it over, they found the principal articles changed, and the rest clean omitted: for in the safeconduct which was given out to the Bohemians, there was among other things, that they should have power to decide, that in all differents they should take for judge the holy scripture, the practice of the ancient Church, such counsels and interpreters as agreed with the holy Scripture, that it should be lawful for them to say divine service in their houses, in a tongue which they understood, that nothing should be proffered in contempt and blame of their doctrine, the first, third, and last of these points were clean omitted, the second which is the principal, was altogether altered: this being considered of according to the form of the decree of Basle, they prescribed another safeconduct, and answered that it was not lawful for them to exceed their commission, which carried that they were not to take any safeconduct, but according to the contents of that at Basle. The Protestant deputies for the causes before said would depart, 
Diversities of opinions in the Council of Trent.  and also for that they were not able to endure the injurious preachings of certain Monks against them & their religion, of which likewise they had not free exercise in their own houses: besides the brute of the war which hastened then as well as the rest of the Germans and Italians, who on the other side suspected that the Prelates of Spain, Sicily, Naples, and other imperials, which demanded the continuance of the Council, would require a reformation in the Pope's authority, (whose Court they esteemed already stretched to far) and in the discipline and manners of the Church, that the superfluity, ambition, and example of their evil life, might be taken away, that every man should take charge over his Church, and hold but one benefice, to which sundry German catholics put to their helping hands, albeit otherwise they did not acknowledge any error in the doctrine, and yet were of opinion that Counsels might err. In sum both they and the Italians (who they say never greatly loved to hear of Counsels) fearing that they would enter into this consideration, trussed up their bag and baggage, as soon as they had news of the taking of Ausbourg, which Maurice and his company took the fourth day of April, three days after the siege, from the emperors Garrison. And albeit that the day of the Session was ordained to be the first of May, yet altogether in despair, the Fathers which remained, assembled together the 20. of April, 
The Council of Trent deferred for 2. years. Crescence Cardinal, Legate and precedent for the Pope, died of an apprehension.  and prorogued the council for two years, by reason of the discord happened between the Kings and Princes, and for longer to, if in the mean time they could not be reconciled. But the Legate Crescence Precedent of the Council, remained in his bed, frighted with a spirit which he saw by night, whereupon shortly after he fell sick, imagining that he could never escape it, any comfort that his friends or familiars could yield unto him: so he died at Veronne. The Pope in the mean time had accorded with the K. of France, who prepared himself against the Emperor, as I will tell you.  
You have seen the siege of Magdebourg, and what Maurice did for the delivery of the Landgrave, who perceiving the Emperor, fed him with nothing but hopes, practised as many Princes, Captains, and other, as he was able in Germany, to maintain the liberty of Religion, and the common wealth. After that he made an alliance with the K. of France, and gave hostages on the one side and the other: and then they caused the occasions of the war to be imprinted and spread abroad, to draw the more unto them. In the mean season th'emperor caused the Drum to be struck up at the foot of the Mountains, and assembled his men of war at the town of Rutte, as the most commodious Rendezvous for all his troops.  

The birth of H. 3. K. of France and Pologne.  Upon the 21. of September 1551. Queen Catherine of Medici's was brought a bed at Fontaine-bleau, of a Son, named Edward Alexander D. of Angoulesme, by the deputy of Edward K. of England, and of Antoine of Bourbon, D. of Vendosme, with the Duchess of Mantua, who since notwithstanding left those names, to take that of his Fathers, so as he shallbe ever hereafter named Henry the third, K. of France and of Pologne.  

The barony of Montmotency erected into a Duchy, with right of a Petre.  Much about the same time, the K. curious to acknowledge from well to better, the good and agreeable services done unto him by Ane de Montmorency his Constable, erected his barony of Montmorency into a Duchy, together with the right and prerogative of a Peer.  
If the French lived in peace, the Germans smallly caring for their rest, prepared themselves not only to a civil and dangerous war, but also desired to bring in among them, the Prince of the Flower de Lys, for a counterpoise to the Emperor Charles, whom they sought to enforce, for the delivery of the Saxon and Landgrave, which he held prisoners, as also to restore germany to her former estate. To this end they had already made him to understand, together with their complaints, what means they had to constrain him thereunto, if he would but relieve them with his succour. To which the K. of France being counseled to listen & yield all favour, for natural and ancient desire to abate the greatness of such an enemy, before that he would put his forces into the field, (to which he gave the Rendezvous at Vitry in Partois, having already sent the Governors into their Provinces, to levy the best trained, and most voluntary Soldiers that they could) he caused to be published throughout his own Realm, italy, high and low germany, and other quarters, the declaration of his will and true purpose touching those succours, which he was minded to yield unto them. The letter which he caused to be made, 
The K. letter to the Electors.  to this effect at Fontaine-bleau, the 3. of February 1552. which Duke Fresne brought with him into Germany for the same end, were of this tenor. That the greatness of an estate Royal, fetching his increase from the enterprises which redounded to the profit of many, and above all to the friends of a Crown, he in like sort was ever studied from his infancy in this holy exercise, and in a desire to show himself gracious, and succourable to the whole world, and that therefore coming to be King, he had likewise undertaken the protection of the Queen and Realm of Scotland, renewed the ancient alliance with the Suizers, and in the end concluded peace with his Brother the King of England, that the Emperor had lesie no craft or wiliness, whereby he might break this peace, to the end that France might be enwrapped with war and discords, albeit that hitherto himself was never willing to have begun the broil, or to arm against him, standing only to his own defence. But having heard the particular complaints and griefs of sundry Princes, Lords, and States of germany, as touching the tyranny and violence which the Emperor used over them, under colour of reuniting those whom the diversity of religion had separated and disjoined, of reforming of abuses, and overrunning the Turk, a common enemy to Christendom. And seeing that herein he went about nothing else them to encroach upon the Monarchy, and make it successive to the house of Austria: for these considerations the K. remembering that he was descended from the blood of the ancient Franks or Francons, issued out of Germany, and the perpetual alliance and amity, which in all time had been between the Gallique nation and the German, the which the Emperor and his Grandfather ever went about to break, he could do no less than have regard thereunto, and provide for such mischiefs as are offered themselves on that part, as the Emperor should execute his plaits and enterprises. His most christian Majesty, fearing leash the alteration of the German liberty might prove the ruin of that Nation, and by consequence a great shaking to the glory and power of the Gauls, which have Germany for their rampire, hath considered it to be a matter almost necessary for all Christendomes preservation, that they should join their forces together, to came whatsoever he were, any one that should presume to encroach aught upon their liberties: it imported further, that his Majesty had seen so great disorder among the Princes and States of th' empire, that he was not able to judge whether all, or part of them, had prayed him to show himself a protector and defender of this German liberty almost shaken in pieces: that at this time many Princes as well Electors as other, had besought him to assist them, and be their help in this so urgent a necessity. And in case that he would not do it, he protested before God and men, the mischief that was likely to befall them, and of which his Majesty only should be the cause, greatly injuring his own reputation, and doing wrong to that which he oweth to the ancient league between Gaul and Germany. Besides that he showed to those Princes, Electors, and others, and to the free Cities, that since that Charles and his brother had taken upon them to command the Empire, every thing fell into confusion and disorder. And that that was true, a man might see with his eye, how he had fleeced the Empire, the Cities, commonalties, and other places, as Gueldres, Vtrech, Cambray, and Constance, which he had made become proper to the House of Austria: and that by a thousand devices he went about to encroach upon the Archbishop of Treues, and the Dukes of Cleves and Witemberg, and clean to ruin the principality of Hess. The King further complained how that Charles and Ferdinand had clean excluded the Ambassadors of France, from the Dietts and general assemblies of Germany, where in times past they had their place: and that contrary to the liberties of Germany, he would bridle the liberty of the Soldiers, and keep them from serving any in the wars but himself: and that it was not lawful for them to come under his pay, without incurring of condemnation, as breakers of his Edicts, and attainted of treason: he blamed the Emperor of felony and cruelty, in causing many brave warriors to be cruelly put to death, because they had received pay of the K. of France, he made instance of the Colonel Vgesberg, whom the Emperor caused to be beheaded in his own presence, of the banishmentes and confiscations decreed against Captain Recrod, the Ryngrave, Riffiberg, and Schertelin, against whom he showed himself so obstinately and cruelly carried, that he caused to be proclaimed by sound of Trumpet, 4000 Crowns to whosoever could bring alive or dead any of these Lords, to make a good pastime with the effusion of German blood, for the Spanish bands. This discourse and other matters finished, he concluded that he had made an alliance with sundry of the Princes of germany, and that together with them he was resolved to employ both his forces and his person, for defence of the liberty of whole germany: without expecting any other recompense, than the honour, in having done his duty, and tied unto him so puissant a nation as the German, of which this his desire and pretence, he gave assurance upon his oath, taking God to witness, and swearing that in the word of a King, and faith of a Prince: and that in general having no other intention, then to deliver all the estates of germany from the oppression of the Emperor, and of his: in particular, he pretended to do it in favour of his most dear and most beloved Cousins, john Duke of Saxe, and Philip Landgrave of Hess, detained in miserable servitude by Charles, whatsoever he had promised or sworn to the contrary, thereby to get immortal praise as sometimes did Flaminius, for having affranchised Greece. And towards the latter end of the letter were these words: We promise you in liksorte by the almighty God, before all the Kings, Princes, and Potentates of Christendom, that we will not in any sort suffer, that either to you in general, or to any one in particular, of what estate or condition sooner he be, to our knowledge any wrong or injury shallbe offered. And less will we endure, who carry the title of most Christian, that any damage shallbe done to the goods and persons of you, most reverend Prelates, Abbots, and other of the Clergy, as it hath been wrongfully given out by our adversaries: rather we determine to receive you into our protection and safeguard, provided that you declare yourselves for us and our allies: and give us sufficient assurance of your intents, hoping for the reunion of the Church, which we attend by the recovering of the public liberty: to which we will employ (God willing) all our power, the which we were willing to let you to understand, most reverend Prelates, and most excellent Princes, and other the estates of the holy Empire, to the end you should not be ignorant of the true occasion of this war: by which we pretend to pursue the Emperor with fire and sword, and (albeit very loath) to cut him of as a rotten member from the body of the common wealth, or at the least to enforce him to cease offering you any more injury. As touching aught which more particularly may touch us, or the affairs of the holy Empire, you shall know it by our beloved and feal councillor and Ambassador john du Fresne B. of Bayonne, whom to this end we have dispatched, praying you to give credence unto him, in whatsoever he shall deliver on our part, and that by him you will advertise us of your intention. Yeoven at Fountainebleau the 3. of February 1552. and in the 5. year of our reign. By this so authentical a promise & solemn league, the K. made himself defender of the Germans, and was called Father of the country, and protector of the German nation & holy Empire: and was so proclaimed throughout all the imperial cities, with inscription & triumphant arcks & shows, recommending this his courtesy, that of gallantness of mind, he would at so great charge oppose himself, to so happy & puissant a Monarch. On the top of this writing printed in the vulgar tongue, there was a hat between two daggers, and written about liberty: underneath was the K. represented, who called himself Protector of Germany, and of the Princes in Captivity.  
Whereas he said that the Emperor had ordained a price to such as could kill certain of his Colonels, it was thus. Charles 5. reviving his Edicts, had again banished out of th'empire the Colonels Ringrave, Recrod, Ritteberg, and Schertelin, all in the King's wages, so far as to promise 4000 crowns, to whomsoever would bring any of them unto him alive or dead: for they pushed hard at the wheel, and after the league was concluded whereof we have spoken, carried soldiers into France.  
In the mean season Maurice having left his Brother Augustus behind him as his Lieutenant in his Country, marched into the field, and with the landgrave's son, who took with him Du Fresne the K. Ambassador, joined together the forces of th' associates at Tonovert. Afterwards Albert of Brandebourg came unto them with a great number of foot & horse, at Koburg, they brought all as they passed alongst under their subjection, and infringing whatsoever had been ordained by th'emperor, they established there new officers, and a new kind of government, constraining all to furnish them with money; albeit the Emperor, and especially his brother Ferdinand besought than of peace, for which they promised their best endeavour, notwithstanding that the emperor caused the drum to be struck up at the foot of the mountains, for the assembling of his army: an occasion that Maurice went to Lincy in Austria, to know of Ferdinand the conditions of peace, for he was willing to pacify matters at the will of th'emperor, who on the other side had exhorted by his letters the principal Princes of Germany that they would bestow some pains in quenching this uproar, & advise of some means of peace, to which his best endeavour should not be wanting: and whereas some demanded succour of him, not seeing themselves strong enough against so great a force, he assured them of a good hope, answering that now they were in terms of making peace, which as he hoped should take good effect: if otherwise, he would secure them with his means & the whole common wealth of Germany: Vlme was besieged 6. days, & the 19 of April the Princes went to Stoach, a town of Hegovia where in the name of the K. of France 3. months' pay was given them, according to the accord, 
Hostages of France and Germany.  and there was given for hostage on the French part, james of the house of March, for the other (to wit the Earl of Nantueil) died on the way. The hostages which the Princes gave unto the King, were Christophle Duke of Megelbourg, and Philip son to the Landgrave. The last of April the Princes returned to the Danube, some leagues below ulme. In the mean space Albert of Brandebourg set fire on all the Towns and villages of ulme, and got as much money as he was able, afterwards he took the fort of Helfesten, situated upon an high mountain, and there put garrison: that done, he rated the town of Gisling, which is three leagues from ulme, with certain other villages about, at 18. thousand crowns. In the mean while Maurice arrived at Lincy, proposed certain articles touching the delivery of his father in law, for the appeasing of the difference in religion and doctrine, of well and duly establishing the common wealth, 
The propositions of Maurice.  of making peace with the K. of France their companion and ally, of receiving into grace the banished men, as the Ringrave & the other abovenamed, among which was likewise Hedec, who some years before had placed himself in the service of Maurice: but the Emperor had not set down any certain price to him that could take him, were it for fear of offending Maurice, or any other occasion. Upon that Ferdinand (who had with him his son Maximilian, his son in law Albert of Bavieres, and the emperors Ambassadors) made answer to his demands, that the Emperor made no refusal to deliver the Landgrave, provided that they laid aside their arms, for regard of religion and the common wealth, it pleased him well that they should advise thereof in the first assembly, but it was a matter too noisome to the Emperor to comprehend therein the K. of France, and yet that Maurice might do well to know of the K. under what conditions he would appoint it: as for the banished persons, they night re-enter into grace, so as they observed such conditions as the Emperor would set down. Further Ferdinand demanded of Maurice aid against the Turk in Hungary, 
The resolution of peace deferred, and wherefore.  after that the peace should be concluded, and that he would not suffer any soldiers to retire towards the K. of France. To which Maurice answered that it was not lawful for him to conclude of anything, without the consent of his companions, so as they departed upon condition that the 26. of May they should meet again at Passau, which is between Ratisbone and Lincy, at the re-encounter of Danube and Eno, whether the Princes who had the handling of the matter, should repair, if not, their deputies furnished with ample power: where we will leave them preparing of peace, and the French of war, for the maintenance of the German liberty, as I will show you by and by, to the end to run as far as into Provence, where notable accidents present themselves, worthy of the posterity.  
I will not pass any further without informing you of a most notable occurrence which happened in this time among the Provencials, I have before told you of the Albigeoise religion, 
The Vaudois of Provence how, when, by whom, and wherefore persecuted as Heretics.  and how by force the Albigeoise quitting of France, went to inhabit in divers countries of christendom, especially among the mountains of Savoy, Piedmont & Provence, where continuing the exercise of their religion, they were named Vaudois. Now for that in all times they never acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope, from whose doctrine theirs differed in many points, chiefly after the coming of Martin Luther, and publishing of his writings, which they courageously embraced, as nearer approaching to their ancient doctrine, they were oftentimes accused and pursued, as Heretics and Rebels to the Magistrate, so as with the zeal of the Clergy, increasing the persecution upon all Lutherans, in the year 1540 at the instance of the King's Proctor in the Parliament of Aix in Provence, the inhabitants of Merindol, were adjourned in the person of certain named in the arrest (which we will recite) to appear personally, according to which adjournment, the within named came to Aix to present themselves to the Court. At the day assigned unto them, they addressed themselves to the skilfullest Advocates, to ask their advise how they were to guide and govern themselves in this affair. The Advocates and Proctors told them, that it was not lawful for them to give council unto any that were suspected of the Lutheran sect. Notwithstanding one secretly and apart advertised them, that they were not to present themselves to the said Court, except they were ready, and prepared to endure to be burned, yea at little fire, without any form or figure of trial: for that had already been concluded of among them. With these speeches the Merindoliens were greatly astonished, and more afterwards when indeed they saw sundry of their sect to be cruelly murdered, having no other cause alleged for their condemnation, but that they had spoken and maintained such matters, as had been declared Lutheran, by the censures & determinations of the Doctors in divinity, which they of Merindal perceiving, retired themselves without ever appearing at the assignation, so as default was pronounced against them, by virtue whereof the Court ordained an Arrest, which ever after was called the Arrest of Merindol, the tenor whereof was in this wise. At the demand the profit and utility of defaults obtained by the King's Proctor General, 
Arrest of the parliament of Aix.  demander in case of crime of divine and human treason, against Andrew Menard, and adjourned to three peremptory days, not appearing, but making default, the charges and informations considered, made at the request of the K. Proctor general, 
They were about 24. as well inhabitants of Merin, dolas, other their neighbours.  the ordinances of arrest of bodies, and for default thereof the adiournementes of peremptory days, being discerned against the said accused, and making default the 30. of july 1540 the said adiournements of 3. peremptory days being passed, the defaults obtained by the said Proctor general, against the said accused, the K. letters patents of the last of May in the said year 1540 addressed to the said Court, to proceed against the Vaudois and Lutherans, and other holding contrary sects, and derogating from the Christian faith and religion: and also other letters patents of the said Lord, of the 16. of july 1535. and of the last of May 1536. by which he granted pardon and grace, to such as were charged, accused, and suspected of heretical errors, so as they would renounce the said errors, and abjure them within six months, after the publication of the said letters, the certificate of the witnesses, having been well examined in the above said informations, other charges, informations, & process, being brought forth by the said Proctor general, to make it appear how most notoriously all they of Merindol hold Vaudoise & Lutheran sects, reproved, and contrary to the holy faith & christian religion, withdrawing & concealing many strangers & fugitives charged to be of the same sect, nourishing and favouring of them, how in the same place there is a school of errors and false doctrines of the said sects, which dogmatise their said errors and false doctrines, & bookbinders', which imprint and sell books full of such false doctrine: and also that they of Merindol under the ground, and in rocks, have made caves wherein they retire & hide themselves, their complices & goods, and make themselves strong: other information being taken by the judge of Apt, to make it more manifest, how after that Colin Palleng named of the plane of Apt, as a sectator of the said sects, was some days passed condemned & burned, and his goods confiscate to the K. in despite hereof many of the said people of Merindol, their complices & adherents in great assemblies of six or seven score men armed with harquebuses, halbeards, swords, and other weapons, broke into the Mill of the said Colin Palleng and Thomas Palleng brethren, beat and outraged the Miller, and threatened him and as many as should intermeddle with any goods of any their sect. All this considered, it was said that the Court hath said and declared, doth say and declare, the said defaults to have been well obtained, and for the profit of them, that all the abovesaid accused, and adjourned are true defaulters, and stubborn, barred of all defence, attaint, and convinced of the cases, and crimes laid unto them: having detained, maintained, and followed heretical sects and doctrines, reproved, and contrary to the faith and Christian religion, and to the holy prohibitions of the King: and being the retirers and receivers, the releevers and favourers of men charged, and defamed to hold like damnable doctrines, & reproved sects, for remedy whereof, it hath condemned, & doth condemn the above named: and in case that they cannot be taken and apprehended, from henceforward it hath banished them all, and doth banish them out of the Realm, lands & signories of the K. with interdiction and prohibition, not once to enter therein upon pain of the gallows, and declareth all and every the goods of the abovesaid condemned, and banished, their wives, children & families, acquitted and confiscate to the said L. and also prohibiteth all Gentlemen, vassals, and other subjects of the said Lord, that they receive not, nor conceal any of the said condemned, their wives, children, servants, or families, nor give them any favour, aid or comfort, in any manner whatsoever, upon pain to such as shall do the contrary of confiscation of their goods, and other arbitrary pains. And moreover considering that all the said place of Merindol, is the notorious retreat, den, refuge, and fort of people holding such damnable and reproved sects, the said court hath ordained & doth ordain, that all the houses builded in the same place shallbe pulled down, razed, and laid even with the ground, and the said place be left unhabitable, so that none shall re-edify or build there, without the pleasure and permission of the K. likewise that the Castle, and den, ram parts & forts, being in the rocks and woods of the land of the said Merindol shallbe ruined, and laid in such sort, as none shall be able to make there any more residence, and that the places shallbe uncovered, and the woods where such forts are cut down, and grubbed 200. paces about: and further it prohibiteth and forbiddeth, that no part of the inheritance of the said place shallbe let to farm, rent, or otherwise, to any of the surname or line of the above condemned. Published in judgement at the Parliament of Provence sitting at Aix the 18. of November 1540  

Particular judgements upon the merit of the arrest.  Afterwards the court ordained to every judge ordinary, of Aix, Tomes, S. Maximia and Apt, the execution of what might concern him in the Arrest, which many found very strange, as a thing done too headily against persons, which never were once heard or come to their answer, yea so cruelly against the feminine sex, and young infants, and the execution made against all of a whole country, albeit the proceedings, had only been against certain particular men therein mentioned. Others holding with the arrest said, that in case of Lutheran sect, judges were not bound to observe either common or ordinary law, so as it tended to the rooting out of those, which are suspected to be such. 
The precedent La Chassane differreth the execution of the arrest, and his reasons.  And to set forward the execution, the Archbishop of Arle, the B. of Aix and others, met oftentimes, soliciting the Precedent La Chassane, and other, to the same effect: so far as to assure them to furnish their charges, and to turn upon them any the King's indignation or other men's, who said he might very well be angry at such a destruction of his subjects: and that it was rather made to hold in awe the Lutherans, being so great a number of them in Provence, then to execute it according to the Tenor: and moreover that it was not definitive, and that the laws and ordinances of the Realm do not permit the execution before other proceedings, yet they prevailed so far as he condescended unto them, and struck up the drum to assemble the people of Provence which were commanded to march, which they did: 
cause of delay of the execution.  but they were as soon countermanded & discharged by the lively propositions among other of a very learned gentleman named D. Alence, how that this proceeding by way of act and force, was against all form and order of justice, and without distinction of the culpable, and innocent. Now it was so as this Precedent had put in light and published in print, a book entitled Catalogus gloriae Mundi, 
Catalogus gloriae mundi, made by Chassane, and printed at Lions.  in which by way of pastime he set down the proceed which he feigned had sometimes been held against the Rats, by the officers of the spiritual Court of the B. of Authun, as if it were, that through all the Bailliwick of Laussois, there had been such a quantity and great multitude of Rats, that they destroyed and eat the corn of all the Country, whereupon it was thought good that some body should be sent to th'official of Authun, to excommunicate these Rats, and that thereupon the Official having heard the plaintiff of the Proctor fiscal, ordained before that he would proceed to excommunication, that a warning should be given by order of justice, whereby the Rats should be cited at 3. peremtorye days, and for default of appearance then to proceed, etc. The three days being passed, the Proctor presented himself against the Rats, and for fault of appearance obtained default: by virtue whereof he demanded that they would proceed to excommunication: whereupon it was judicially concluded, that the Rats should be provided of an Advocate to hear their defence, etc. considering it was a question of their total rooting out and destruction. This Gentleman serving his turn herewith, said to the Precedent. Sir, remember the council which you wrote in a matter of nothing, when as being the K. Advocate at Authun, you defended the Rats, and declared that the time given unto them to appear in was to short, and moreover how there was so many Cats in the villages, as the Rats had some reason to absent themselves, etc. with many other rights & passages alleged by you, and amply handled in your book made at pleasure. Now so it is Sir, as by such a pleading of a matter of vain importance, you have gotten the brute to have rightly set down the manner whereby judges ought to proceed in criminal matters: now will you not learn right by your own book, which will even manifestly condemn you, if you proceed any further to the destruction of these poor people of Merindol? is it not as convenient that they should have as much law and equity as you will give to Rats? Through these persuasions the Precedent was so much moved, that incontinently he revoked the commission which was given, and caused the men of war to retire who was come within one league & a half of Merindol, whereof they of Merindol rendered thanks to God, comforting one another, and animating themselves for ever to retain the fear of God, and submit themselves to his providence. The brute of this enterprise, and execution of the said arrest together with the patience & constancy of them of Merindol, grew so great, and esteemed of such importance, that it was not hid to K. Francis, who sent letters to Langeay, who at that time was his lieutenant in the country of Piedmont, to make diligent inquiry of the truth of the whole matter: 
Guillaume du Bellay. L. of Langeay, lieutenant for the K. in Piedmont.  whereupon he sent into Provence two personages, to whom he gave charge to bring him the copy of the Arrest, and to inquire of all that which followed, and likewise of the life & manners of them of Merindol, and the rest which were persecuted in the country of Provence, which they did, and counted unto him the injustice, pilferies, & villainies which as well the ecclesiastical as secular judges daily used against them of Merindol & other. And as touching the life & manners of the said persecuted persons, they made report that the greatest part of the inhabitants of the country of Provence, affirmed that those which were persecuted were people of great travail, & that since 200. years they retired out of the country of Piedmont, to dwell in Provence, and had taken to see farm many hamlets destroyed by the wars, and other desolate places: beside so great labourers they were, & so good husbands, that in the places where they inhabited was great abundance of corn, wine, oil, honey, almonds, and great cattle, so as the whole country about was relieved thereby, yea that before they came to inhabit in the said country, Merindol was used to be let for four crowns by year, and now it amounteth to above 350. crowns yearly rent to the Lord: and that it was even so in Lormarin, and sundry other places of Provence, which dad been deserts and laid open to thieves, until such time as they came thither to inhabit. They found likewise by information made in Provence, that the Merindols' & other of the persecuted, were a peaceable people, beloved of all their neighbours, of fair conditions, keeping their promises, and paying well their debts, without suit or brabbling, charitable, not suffering any to be in need, of great alms to strangers, and other poor passengers according to their power. The Provenaeals affirmed likewise, that they of Merindol, and the rest might very well be discerned from all other of the country of Provence, for that they could never be brought so much as to name the Devil, or any ways to swear, if it were not in judgement, or passing of some contract. A man might likewise know them for that if they were in any company where lascivious speech were used, or blasphemy against the honour of God, they would incontinently departed out of the same: we know not any other matter against them, saving (said they of Provence) that when they go to the market or about the town, they are so seldom seen go into the Minster, and if they do chance to go in, they say their prayers without regarding of either he or she Saint, and that in the high way as they pass by crosses and images, they use no reverence. The Priests being likewise hard as touching the same, said that they did not cause any Mass to be said, nor Libera me, nor De Profundis, and that they never took any holy-water, and if any were given them at their houses, that they would never say grandmercie to him that brought it, and they perceived very well that they conned him small thanks, that they never went on pilgrimage to gain pardons, that they never made the sign of the cross when it thundered, but only looked up into heaven sighing, and prayed without crossing themselves, or using any holy-water, that they were never seen make any offering, either for the living or for the dead. In sum, Langeay following his charge, advertised K. Francis of the whole, who having fully understood it, sent letters of grace, not only for such as were condemned upon default and contumacy, but also for all other within the country of Provence, who were either accused or suspected for the like case, commanding expressly the parliament, that from thence forward they should not in such a case proceed so rigorously as they had done for the past. Behold the letters. 
The K. Letter in behalf of the Vaudois.   
FRancis by the grace of God King of France, Earl of Provence, Forcalquier, and countries adjoining, to our well-beloved and feal, the people holding our Court of Parliament in the said Country of Provence, sitting at Aix: health and love.  
As we having understood, how some swerved from the right way of faith and Christian Religion, whom they call Vaudois, assemble themselves in certain places of our said Country of Provence, where they continue in their errors, through the seducing of some evil spirits, whereto it were necessary to yield good and wholesome provision, to the end this venom may not proceed any further: we make you to know, how we inclining rather to mercy and clemency, then to the rigour of justice, and willing to assay rather by way of courtesy and persuasion, to retire and redress the said wandered persons from the way of salvation, then by rigorous punishments to make them fall into despair: considering especially the great multitude of them, which they say are fallen into these faults and errors, and that we may hope that through the bounty of God our creator, they will rather reduce themselves to the way of salvation, them to be out of the congregation of God, & faithful christians, and remain continually in the fear of the rigorous justice as well of God as man. We for these considerations have given & do give by these presents grace, pardon and remission as much as in us lieth; to the said Vaudois. And have acquitted them, & do acquit them of all pains & offences, and of all punishments and condemnation, which might touch them either in person, or goods, by virtue of any judgement given, or to be given. Provided nevertheless, that within three months after notice of these presents duly made unto them, they return to God our creator, and make such an abjuration, and solemn recantation, as is requisite for all the errors, and false doctrines, into which they have heretofore fallen: from whence they shall entirely departed, and promise to live catholicly and faithfully, as it is requisite & necessary for all good Christians, living according to the law of God, and the Church. And to this end, and for to understand, if they will accept of this our present grace and mercy, we will that they shall come or send unto us, such a number of persons as shall be thought fit and ordained by you, in full surety as well to come, remain, as return, without that during the said time any disturbance or hindrance be offered unto them, in their persons, goods, or manner whatsoever. And in case they shall not accept hereof, but remain in their obstinacy, you shall make such punishment thereof, as you shall think the case deserveth: and for the better accomplishing hereof, we have given & do give full power, authority, commission, and commandment by these presents. By which we will, and command all our justices, officers and subjects, be they of war, or otherwise, that to you, your commissioners and deputies, they lend, & give all aid, favour and assistance, when & as often as by you and your deputies it shall be required.  
Yeoven at Fountainebleau the eight of February. The year of grace 1540 and of our Reign 24.  
Thus signed, by the K. Earl of Province, Bayard. These letters went for a time suppressed, but in the end they were signified to certain prisoners, who were detained in the prisons of Aix, of whom it was demanded, if they would take the benefit of those letters, which should be commnicated unto them, every one paying one crown of the sum for the Copy. By this means the prisoners were enlarged in paying their expenses, and promising to appear at the Court, when and as often as they should be demanded.  
Afterwards having obtained that they might appear in Parliament by Proctor, they took out a Copy of the proceed against them, which before they had not; at the request of the King's Council, which pursued them, they sent a confession of their faith, to Cardinal Sadolet Bishop of Carpentras, and other, 
Confession of the Vaudois faith.  and after to King Francis the first, taught unto them (said they) ever since 1200. years after the coming of Christ: as their ancients and ancestors witnessed unto them. The which his ordinary reader Castellanus read unto him, containing the Articles of God the father creator of all things: of the son advocate and intercessor for mankind: of the holy Ghost, comforter and teacher of the truth of the Church, which they said to be assembled of all the chosen, having jesus Christ for head: Of ministers: Of the Magistrate, whom they confessed ordained of God, to punish malefactors, and defend the good, to whom it sufficeth not only to carry honour, but also to pay taxes and Imposts, without acception of state whatsoever: & that at the example of Christ who did likewise practise it: Of Baptism, which they maintained to be a visible, and exterior sign, representing unto us the regeneration of the spirit, and mortification of the members: Of the lords Supper, which they hold for a thanksgiving and commemoration of the benefit received by Christ: Of marriage, which they said was not forbidden to any, by how much it was holy, and ordained of God: Of good works, wherein they ought to employ themselves continually: Of man's traditions, which they ought to shun: protesting, in some that the rule of their faith, was the old and new Testament: and that they believed all, which was contained in the Apostles Creed. In conclusion they besought the King to give credit to their saying, offering themselves to prove it false, if ought else had been otherwise reported against them, whensoever it should please him to give them audience. In the mean time the Bishop of Aix, and of Cavaillon, pursued the execution of the arrest; so as it was ordered by the Court of Parliament of Provence, that according to the King's letters patents, master john Durandy, a Councillor of the Court with a secretary, and the Bishop of Cavaillon, with a doctor in Divinity, should go to the place, and persuade the inhabitants of Merindol, and cause them to abjure those errors, which most plainly they should make appear unto them, and in case, that convicted by the word of God to have followed and lived in errors, and heresies, they would not make recantation, that then of all that had been done, Verbal process should be made, to proceed against them as the Court should think good. But as the Churchmen were in hand with them to make them recant their doctrine, they refused, offering to prove it, by the word and truth thereof, and offering to renounce if they could be proved heretics thereby. They were questioned with, and answered simply: so as by little the persecution, not the hatred ceased against them, especially upon the sudden death of Cassane, the Precedent, of john De Roma Monk a severe inquisitor, who would fill Boots with hot scalding grease, and after make them to pull them on. Of which and such like behaviours, Francis the second being advertised, gave commandment by his letters patents to the Parliament, that he should be arrested, & his process made. But having warning thereof he fled to Avignon, where being rifled of his own servants, and from great wealth become a beggar, he was tormented with so horrible griefs, that nothing could yield him any rest. So as no man being able to endure the stink of his ulcers, he desired nought, but to die, which he did. In the end john Minier, of Oppede, Precedent, near to Merindol, and Cabriers, (the inhabitants whereof had at an other time made head against him, and put him to his heels) having given the King to understand, that as many of them being assembled as came to fifteen thousand, they were gone in arms to take Marseilles, and to Cantonise it, besides that all the Countries round about were in great danger of being lost, being all Lutherans, he obtained letters, to enable him to execute the arrest, by means of the Cardinal of Tournon, and other, so as he prepared himself to the execution of the arrest against Cabrieres, Merendol, and twenty two Villages. Whereof they being advertised, repaired again to King Francis, in the year 1544. to whom they gave to understand how from the year 1540 his Majesty having perceived the evident oppression, and nullity of the said arrest of contumacy, had caused the execution thereof to be differred, forbidding there should be any more proceeding in such rigour. And how notwithstanding many had oppressed them, and meant to oppress them more, and more, briefly they presented unto him the whole proceed as above said. An occasion that he revoked the execution of the arrest of contumacy, and all such proceed as had been before done, and agreed by the Parliament as well from which, as from his Proctor general, he took away the Conisance of the cause, until he might be informed by one of the masters of requests of his house, and a D. in Divinity of the University of Paris, whom he had deputed to go to those places, to the end they might well and amply inquire of the life, 
The proceed used in the process of them of Merindol.  faith, and conversation of those of Merindol, and the rest. This revocation was published in Parliament, and insinuated to the Proctor general in the end of October following. The Parliament at the instigation of Oppede, commanded Philip Courtin Husser of the Parliament, to make great suit for the obtaining of the K. letters to execute the arrest, and notwithstanding the interdiction, the Articles and instructions were made by the said precedent, with a request signed by the Proctor general; yea the pursuit was made for money, which had been ordained by the Parliament, for the charges of the suit: Whereupon Courtin did so much by his diligence, and subtlety, that through the favour of the Cardinal of Tournon, he obtained letters in the month of january following, under the name of the K. Proctor general, from the privy council, to put in execution the arrest of contumacy, notwithstanding the revocation above mentioned.  
john Minier chief Precedent, having received the letters sent unto him in january 1545. which he concealed until the 12. of April, assembled the Court, and there recited the K. letters, by which it was commanded that the arrest should be put in execution, so as certain of the Parliament were appointed Deputies for the execution. Minier promised to aid them, for because in the absence of Grignan he was left his Lieutenant, in the government of Provence, 
The war lie exploit of Minier upon the execution of arrest.  he had before at the K. commandment levied troops of men of war, to go against the English, but he served his turn with them against these. Moreover he had sent a commandment to Marseiles, Aix, and Arle, under great pains to all such as carried arms, that they should put themselves in readiness, and march at their first call: there came likewise succours unto him out of the county of avignon, a possession of the Churches. Their first course notwithstanding was not against Merindol, but over the Country near to the town of Pertuis, so as the 15. of April Minier accompanied with a number of Gentlemen and Captains, came to Cadenet, in the time that some of his company overrun two Villages near unto Durance, where practising a thousand pillages and insolences, they put all to the fire and sword, except a great number of cattle which they carried away with them, there was no less done in other places. They of Merindol seeing all on a fire round about them, presented a supplication to Minier, craving only liberty to departed in their shirts with their wives and children into Germany, but having for answer that he would send them all to inhabit in hell among the devils, they abandoned their houses, and fled into the woods, passing that night near the Village of S. Falaise in great fright. The inhabitants of the Village were already determined to fly: likewise the B. of Cavaillon vice-legate of Avignon, had given charge to some Colonel to make a short dispatch of the world, so as the next morning they got somewhat further into the wood, for there was every where danger throughout: and Minier had forbidden upon pain of death, that no soul should help them, but that they should be all alike sacked wheresoever they were found. The like forbidding was made in all places round about, bordering upon the Pope's territory: besides that the Bishop's defrayed a great part of th'army: The poor paisants than marched on through a monstrous vile way, carrying their little children upon their shoulders, in their arms, or in cradles, yea some of their wives following them great with child. Being arrived at the place appointed, they found many who had saved themselves there, after having lost all: but soon enough news was brought them, how Minier had gathered together all his men of war to come and follow them: This was towards night, an occasion that after a whiles consultation, they took a sudden and an hasty deliberation, and for that they were to pass by hard and rude ways, they left their wives, daughters & children, with some other, among which was one of their Ministers: th'other went on to Mussi, as they had agreed, hoping the enemy would take some pity of such a multitude, without weapon, and unable to defend itself: Every man may well guess what groans and sighs, what tears, what embracings they made one with another at the parting, having travailed sore all night, and in the end gained the top of the Mountain of Lebron, they could discover nothing but a number of villages and farms all on fire. Minier hereupon divided his troops into two parts, and for that he had understanding by a spy which way they of Merindal were gone, he went to the village and sent the rest to follow them. Before that these men had entered the forest, a certain Quidam of pity being moved, ran before, so as being at the brim of the Rock, and having cast two stones where he guessed those people rested, cried out to them that had reposed themselves, that they should fly to save their lives, albeit that he no ways perceived them. At that instant too of those that were gone to Mussi, gave them warning that their enemies were coming, and then they made the Minister run away, with the rest which were left to guard the women, showing to them a high way throughout the Forest, by which they might escape: hardly were they departed, but that the soldiers were come with fair naked sword, and great howtes, crying that all should pass by the point and edge of their sword: notwithstanding they put none to the sword. But after many insolences, they led away the women bare both of victual and money, hindered of doing worse by a Captain of horse, who by chance passed by, and threatened that they should die if they did the contrary: but commanded them with all speed to repair to Minier, so as the enterprise was clean broken of: in sort that having left the women, which were above 500 they rushed on upon the butyn, and cattle. Minier in the mean time came to Merindol, and finding it clean void of inhabitants, peeled and burned it, after an horrible execution done of whatsoever was found therein, for having met with a young lad, he made him be tied to an Olive tree, and slain with harquebus shot: from thence he went to the town of Cabrieres, battered it with Canon, and by means of Captain Poulin, persuaded the inhabitants to open unto him the gates, and yield themselves, promising them that they should sustain no injury: but anon after that the Soldiers became masters, every one was cut in pieces, without regard of age, sex, religion, alliance, neighbourhood, or any other respect, some fled into the temple, other into caves of the castle, but they were all drawn thence, and led through a meadow, where being stripped bare, they passed all by the sharp of the sword, not only men, but women, and of them some great with child: afterwards Minier made about 40. women to be enclosed into a barn full of hay & straw, where he set it a fire, and as some strove to quench it with the wind of their gowns, and prevailed nought, other ran to the windows of the barn, into which they were wont to pitch in the hay, with intent to have leapt down: but being driven back from thence with blows of Pikes and Clubs, they were all burnt the 21. of April. After that Minier sent one part of the army against La cost, they so no sooner were departed, than those were found which were thrust together in the cave of the Castle of Cabrieres, than all cried out against those that were shut in the cave, and calling back those which were gone to La cost, they made likewise as strange a shambles, without reserving any one: eight hundred were counted for dead, as well without as within: sundry infants which were saved were rebaptized, that done Minier sent his troops to La cost: the Lord whereof had already persuaded the Citizens to carry all their arms into the Castle, and to raze the town in four places, promising upon his credit with Minier, that no injury should be offered unto them, he was believed and obeyed: but departed from thence to beseech Minier, he was not far until he found the army, which spared not to pass forward: at the first entry they did nought to the town, but the next morrow they gave a more fresh assault, upon a few that defended it, so as having set the fanebourges on fire, they took it at their ease, because that many that were fearful slunk away, and slipped down by ropes, abandoning their companies, and the place ordained for their defence. In sum, the town being taken and peeled, with great murder of all such as were met there, they run all to a garden near unto the Castle, where without any regard they enforced the wives, and maids which were retired thither with a great fright: yea having shut them in a whole day and a night, they entreated them so inhumanly, as such as were with child and the young maids died presently after. In the mean time they of Merindol and their companions, wandering through the woods and rocks, if they were taken, as soon slain, or sent to the Galleys, saving those which died of famine. About 25. were hidden near unto the town of Mussi, within a cave, but being disclosed they were all as well strangled as burned, There was not then any kind of cruelty that was not practised, some but very few escaped the slaughter, who saved themselves at Geneue, and places bordering upon it. Now for that the K. before continued the persecutions and burning pains against the Lutherans. 
The princes of Germany writ to the King of France in favour of such of his subjects as were persecuted.  In the month of May the Protestant Princes of Germany, besought the K. by letters written from Ratisbone, for his subjects who were so researched & pursued for the same faith which they held. And for that some made their own peace, redeeming their life, their goods, and estates, by abjuration of their faith, they besought him that that condition might be taken away, declaring how dangerous a thing it was so to wound and make servile the consciences of men. But the brute of so strange an effusion of blood animated them the more, and offended many, which greatly abated the credit which the King had gotten throughout Germanye: no less then in Zuizerland where the reformed ceased not as nearest neighbours, to be mediators towards the K. that he would take pity of th'escaped: but for a full answer, he sent unto them word, that for just cause he had commanded that execution to be done, and that they had no more to do with what he did in his own country, or what punishment of justice he made over his malefactors, than he had to intermeddle with their affairs. See now how the will and nature of men changing with the affairs and reports: King Francis ordained a punishment for the Authors of this tragedy: how his son Henry carried himself in the execution thereof, and all that which followed, to serve for most remarkable occurrences, which may possible happen to any estate.  
That which moved Henry 2. King of France, to publish his letters patents, in form of adjournment, against those of the Parliament of Provence, who had shed the blood of the inhabitants of Cabriere and Merindol, and other neighbours about, was that his Father King Francis at the point of death, touched with remorse and grief, that he could not before he died make a punishment in example of such, as under his name & authority, 
This touch at the point of death, leaveth neither King not subject unsought, without any respect: an especial warning to all princes.  had wrought so strange cruelties against his subjects of Provence, charged his son with great obtestations, not to defer the punishment, how otherwise God who leaveth no such outrages and sackings unpunished, would work the revenge, and so much the more (saith he) as this affair toucheth our honour among all nations, it cannot be better repaired, then in making all them suffer, who in such cruelty abused the duty of their charge, without sparing great or small, weak or mighty: that by their example all men hereafter might take heed of any the like enterprises. This was the occasion why King Henry decreed by his letters patents as followeth.  
Letters patents against the executioners of the arrest in Provence, upon Cabrieres and Merindol.  
HEnry by the grace of God King of France, to our first Hussier greeting:  
Our Proctor in our great Council, appointed by us Proctor in causes after mentioned, hath caused to be delivered and told unto us, how in the year 1540 the 18. day of November, there was a certain judgement given in our Court of Provence, which they would call and term the arrest of Merindol, by virtue of which 14. or 16. particular men therein named, inhabitants of Merindol, stood condemned for default and contumacy, to be burned as heretics and Vaudois: and in case they could not be apprehended, to be burned in picture, and their wives, infants, and maidens, were defeated and abandoned: and in case they could not be taken, they were then pronounced banished, and their goods confiscate, a matter notoriously injust, against all law & reason. And albeit that the inhabitants of the said Merindol were never heard nor called to their answer, yet by the said judgement it was set down that all the houses of the said Merindol should be thrown down, & the town made unhabitable. And in the year 1544. the said inhabitants made their repair to the late K. of famous memory our father last deceased, whom God absolve, & others who were likewise held for heretics, declaring how against all truth they were termed Vaudois, and heretics. They obtained letters of our said late Lord and father, whom they had let to understand, how they were daily troubled and molested by the Bishops of the Country, and by the Precedents and Councillors of our Parliament of Provence, who had already sued for their confiscations and lands for their kinsfolks, minding hereby to drive them clean out of the Country: beseeching our said late Father, that he would search out the truth. Whereupon it was ordained, that a Master of Requests and a Doctor of Divinity, should go down to those places, and thoroughly inquire of their manner of livings and for that the said Lord could not so readily send thither, he should in the mean time take into his own hands, all such suits as were depending by reason thereof: and forbidden all cognoissance thereof to the people of our court of Parliament of Provence, the which evocation was signified to our said court the 25. of October following: which standing much discontented with the contents thereof, sent to the K. an Hussier to pursue letters of revocation, which were obtained the first of january after, by which upon information made to the late Lord the King, how they had been in arms, in great assembly, forcing towns and Castles, pulling prisoners out of prisons, and rebellious to all justice, keeping it in subjection, the said late Lord permitted them to execute the Arrestes given against them, revoking the said letters of evocation, in regard of the relapse having not abjured: And ordained that all such as should be found charged and culpable of heresy, and the Vaudoise sect, should be extermined. And that to that end the Governor of the Country, or his Lieutenant, should thereto employ his forces, whereby justice might be obeyed: which letters were not signified but kept until the 12. of April following, which was the day of Quasimodo, on which day after dinner, the first Precedent Master john Minier, caused the said Court to assemble, and caused our Proctor to present the said letters, and require execution of the said pretended Arrest, of the 18. of November 1540 of which no mention was made in the said letters, but only in general terms of arrests given against the Vaudois: and hereupon it was set down, that the said pretended arrest should be executed according to the form and tenor, making like error as before. And that the said Commissioners already deputed, should go to the said place of Merindol, and other places requisite and necessary for the execution thereof, and that all those that were of the said sect should be extermined, and such as were taken prisoners should be led into the Galleys for a prison: there were appointed for the executioners, Master Francis de la Fond, second Precedent, Honore de Tributiis, and Bernard de Badet Councillors, with whom likewise, M. john Minier Precedent, went as Lieutenant to our said late Father, to give as he said a strong hand only to justice, and to that should be needful thereunto: and carried with him▪ men and artillery, who never keeping the way to Merindol, went to Cadenet, in which place the said Minier held a council in the said quality of lieutenant of our said late father; and upon that they said it was reported unto them, how there were a great number of the said inhabitants in arms, who made a bulwark, without any further inquiry, they concluded to go assail them to break the said Bulwark, and kill them all if they resisted, and if they fled, that their houses should be burned, distributing to the Captains sundry villages to be burned, & consequently ransacked, albeit there was no mention made at all thereof in the said pretended arrest, which they would seem to execute, nor any of the said inhabitants either in general or particular, at any time called to their answer. Sundry villages were distributed to Captain Poulin, appertaining to the Lady of Cental, who had both advertised him, and also the said Minier; how her Senates were good labouring men, and good christians, and not of the Vaudois sect, praying them not to offer unto them any injury, offering to make them submit themselves, and obedient to justice; whereof the said Poulin advertised the said Minier, President, and how he had sent unto him a man of the long robe to know what he should do. Notwithstanding without having any regard at all to the said advertisements, there were 22. towns burned & pillaged, without any inquisition or cognoisance of cause of those which were culpable or innocent, & without any resistance made of the inhabitants part, or any bulwark, and therewithal the goods of the said inhabitants had been peeled, and many women & maidens forced, and other execrable crimes committed; that done, the said pretended Commissioners went to Merindol, where they found only one poor boy of 18. or 20. years of age, who had hid himself, whom they caused to be tied to an olive tree, and killed with harquebuses shot; then pillaged the town, and burned it, and that done they went to Cabrieres, where were slain men, women, and maidens ravished, even within the Church: great number of men bound together, and carried into a Meadow, and there cut in pieces, and sundry other most execrable cases committed, the said Minier there assistant. About La cost were many men slain; women & maidens ravished, to the number of 25. within one grange, and infinite pillages committed for the space of more than 3. weeks: and the said Minier imagining the better to be able to cover the said cruelties and inhumanities', made a commission narrative, how he was advertised that they had as well pillaged and sacked the good as the bad Christian and Vaudois, by which he commanded to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet, a forbidding to pill any save such as leave should be given against, by our said late Father, or himself. Also he set forth another commission in these terms; ye Captains and Soldiers, who have in charge to ruin and waste the persons & goods of the Vaudois, touch not the tenants of the L. of Falcon, who was his kinsman, forbiddance was also made by sound of trumpet, as well by the authority of the said Minier, as of the said de la Fond, not to give either to eat or to drink to any of the Vaudois, without knowing who they were, and that upon pain of the jibbet: by reason whereof many women, children, and old people were found along the ways eating and feeding upon grass like brute beasts, and in the end dead for extremity of hunger. After the said cruelties and inhumanites thus committed and done, they sent commissioners to inform who they were which were suspected of heresy, and made a number be carried to the Galleys, by form of prison, where a great part since is dead: other their inditements being made, they enlarged quousque, saving unto our Proctor more amply to inform, and other they condemned in little fines, other they purely and simply absolved, and chief the subjects of the Lady Cental, as appeareth by the judgements produced: and yet all their houses should remain burned, and their goods pillaged: for this cause the said first & second Precedents, and the said de Tributijs & Badet councillors, seeing how evilly they had proceeded, and contrary to the tenor of the said letters of our said late Father, which required cognoisance of the cause, seeing also how the people of our said parliament of Provence, had given judgement contrary to all right & reason, the better imagining to be able to cover their faults, assembled together the 5. of May following, and upon the speech & report of the said Minier & de la Fond, they gave another judgement upon the pretended arrest, that the execution begun should be perfected, and that to this end should be sent of the commissioners of our said Court, into each of the benches, to make their process, and declare the confiscations of goods, and again the 20. of the said month & year they again assembled, & gave an other judgement according to the precedents, containing sundry heads still thinking to cover their faults; and knowing that the complaint was come as far as to the ears of our said late Father, they sent the said de la Fond towards him, who under his information and process verbal, obtained letters. yeoven at Arques the 18. of August 1545. approving under hand the said execution, never having let our said late father to understand the truth of the fact, but supposed by those letters, that all the inhabitants of such towns as were burned, were condemned and adjudged for heretics & Vaudois: by which letters they were commanded to receive to mercy all such as would repent and abjure: and since we being advertised of the truth of the fact, how, without any distinction between the culpable and the innocent, contrary to all form & order of justice, and without any judgement or condemnation before given against them, they proceeded by way of fact, and of force, whereupon those cases and crimes abovesaid ensued, had appointed commissioners to inform, and that the criminal process should be made to the said Minier, lafoy Fond, de Tributijs & Badet, in the proceeding to whose judgements, our Proctor did require from the first day commission to call the people of our court of parliament of Provence, to come to answer by Proctor or Sindic, to such conclusions as he purposed to take against them, for the iniquity & ocular error of the said judgements, which were the causes of the said crimes, cruelties & iniquities, upon which there hath not as yet been done him any right: and seeing that they passed further in judgement of process, without thereupon doing any right, doubting he would say that he was not the appellant, he presented a request to the Commissioners chosen by us judges of the said process, to the end he might be received appellant, of the execution of Merindol, and of that which ensued thereon. And for that to receive our said Proctor appellant of an approved execution, by an arrest or judgement of a court of Parliament, depended only of our authority, and the power and commission of our said commissioners stretched not so far, and for that it grew also a case wherein judgement was to be given against one of the courts of our parliaments: we willed & ordained that our court of parliament of Paris (which is the first and principal court of all our sovereign courts) should have the proceeding and trial thereof: and to that end we made our letters patents be dispatched the 21. of january, but it was found, how the very day that the said first appellations (which were of the said conclusion to burn, made at Cadenet, of the execution done in the person of him which was shot through with harquebuses, of the forbiddance to give no food) were pleaded by our said Proctor before our said Commissioners, and that in pleading of the said appellations, the said Precedents, Minier, de la Fond, de Tributijs & Badet, councillors, stood principally to the points not to receive, saying that they were the arrests & judgements of our court of parliament of Provence, & that by the letters patents of our said late Father, the said execution was allowed, so as he could not be received appellant, but that his request and appellations were joined to the process criminal, for that cause he presented another request, to be received appellant of the said judgements or pretended arrests, as given by such as were no judges, without ever hearing of the parties, upon simple requests of the Proctors of our said late father, without cognoisance of the cause, and containing unrighteous errors, cruelties & inhumanities', persisting to that, that according to our said letters patents, the said appellations might be pleaded in the great Chamber of our Parliament of Paris, etc. For this cause it is that we after having understood the quality of the fact, which is in question, the scandal which was and is not only throughout this Realm, but also strange countries, and to the end that in like sort as so miserable executions having been done in the said places, were publicly done, so they may be publicly repaired, if there be any faults, and the truth known not only to our judges, but also to all our Subjects and Strangers, who may stand therein amiss conceived, as well as for the duty of justice, and preservation of the memory of our said late L. and Father, have by these presents, of our certain knowledge, full of puissance and royal authority, evoked, and do evoke to our parson, the instance of the request made by our said Proctor of the Queen's Chamber, presented before the judges of the said chamber, and the appellations form by him, of the executions done in the said place of Merindol, and other Villages, upon which the parties have already been heard before the said judges, appointed to council, and joined to principal process, to be anew pleaded, as the said requests and appellations being inseparable, with the request and appellations a new cast in by our Proctor, with the request likewise presented, tending to the end to be received, to carry himself for appellant of the pretended judgements and executions of the said letters patents above specified, and all the whole we have by these said presents sent back, and do send back into our Court of Parliament of Paris, in the said great Chamber of pleading, on the 20. day of May next coming, there for to be publicly and with door wide open pleaded, and the parties being heard, to ordain thereon what shall seem fit by reason.  
So we command and ordain by these presents that the people of our Parliament of Provence, together the said Minier, De la Fond, Badet and Tributijs, and others to whom it may appertain, be cited at the said day, to our said court of Parliament at Paris, in the said great chamber of pleading, to maintain and defend their said judgements and executions, and of the said letters patents, and the proceedings and other wrongs and griefs, and to see them repaired, corrected and amended, if need so require; if not, to proceed further according to reason, and to adjourn at the said day the said people of our Parliament of Provence, to appear in our said Court by Sindic or Proctor, who shallbe appointed by them to defend the said appellations, and answer to our said Proctor, and likewise the said Minier, De la Fond, de Tributijs & Badet, and other the adverse parties of our said Proctor if any there be; commanding them that they be and appear, at the said day in our said Court, if they see it needful, and that the said appellations may any ways touch them or appertain unto them: making unto them such inhibitions and forbiddances as are in such cases required, to which our said Court of Palament of Paris, in the said chamber of pleading, of our special grace, full of puissance and royal authority, we have (as is above said) attributed, and do attribute, the cognoisance and decision of the said appellations, notwithstanding any establishing of our said Parliament of Provence, or any appointments given by our said Commissioners, upon the request of our said Proctor, joined to the criminal process, with the first appellations already pleaded, wherein we will not prejudice our said Proctor, and what other edicts soever, commandments, restraints & forbiddances to the contrary notwithstanding: from which, wherein it shallbe needful, we have derogated and do derogate of our said puissance & authority by these said presents; for such is our pleasure.  
Yeoven at Montereau the 17. of March, in the year of grace 1549. of our Reign the 3. So by the King.  
Sealed with the great seal of yellow wax, upon a single Lable.  
These letters of evocation being signified, and the Parliament of Paris possessed of the cause, there appeared in person the Precedent Minier L. of Opide, de la Fond, de Tributijs & Badet, and the overplus of the Parliament of Aix by a Proctor. The cause was pleaded in the great Chamber of the Palace, by the most famous advocates of that time, Riant was for the King, Robert for the judges of Provence, Auberi for them of Merindol & Cabrieres, an other for the Lady of Cantal, to the number of 12. & their plead and declarations endured a long time, more than 50 hear. Every man ran thither out of all parts to hear such matters as never were heard the like, for excess of cruelty: and albeit the Advocates of the Plaintiffs part did not recite the tenth part of that which was, yea rather dissembled the cause for which so much innocent blood had been shed, yet so it was as all men were ravished with a kind of astonishment, hearing so great and strange matters, an occasion that every man expected a last judgement worthy of the matter, after such and so long pleadings, but in the end from so high mountains there can come out but a very little smoke, which also very suddenly doth evaporate itself into a cloud out of the sight of men: the Precedent Minier chief in all accusations, having been a long time detained prisoner, attainted, and convinced of whatsoever they would lay to his charge, in the end escaped their hands: 
Guerin hanged at paris.  the Advocate Guerin being hanged at Paris, Minier found means not only to escape, but also to be restored to his former estate, after having promised and assured, that he would cleanse Provence of these new Christians, yea & that all his life long he would be revenged, for that by their occasion he was driven so near his neck verse. Let us now look back into the designs of K. Henry, who prepared himself to lead an army, for the Protestants secure of Germany against the Emperor.  

The voyage of the army of Henry King of France, for the succour of the protestant princes of Germany, against the Emperor Charles the fifth.  K. Henry 2. having assigned day and place to such forces as he would conduct to the succour of the Germans against the Emperor, which amounted near to 25000. Fantassins of French, 7000. Lanseknights, 1200. men of arms, with their archers, two thousand light horse, and as many arquebusiers, mounted under the Duke D'aumalle, went to hold his bed of justice in the Parliament of Paris, where having admonished every man of his duty, advertised his subjects of his enterprise, & made a number of ordinances as well for the reformation of justice, as the discipline of war, and ordained the Admiral D'Anebaut Viceroy throughout France, causing the Constable to march before with the vanguard, he passed on his way to Ginuille, where the Dowager of Lorraine presented herself, to yield herself with her son, and the whole Duchy into his protection, and also to excuse herself of some intelligences, 
Privileges of Metz debated.  which it was reported she had with his enemies; afterwards she retired herself to Blamont: from Toulh the Constable advanced the army right to Metz, the deputies whereof had until that time debated of their ancient privileges, confirmed by a number of Emperors and Kings of France, offering notwithstanding victuals to the whole army, without that any other saving the K. with certain Lords might enter in: but the Constable who as the stronger, would not debate such pretences, by any other laws, than the right of the Cannon, having limited unto them a day for their last answer, resolved to enter therein with 2. Ensigns of 600. men, which being doubled, they were found so long, that the first which were entered had means enough to repel the inhabitants, 
Metz, Toulh, Verdun, Nancy, etc. taken by the French.  whilst that the rest entered piecemeal to assure that Town, the tenth day of April to the Flower de lys: in the mean time that the King entered in arms within Toulh, followed with his whole train, the Heralds of arms clad in their Crimson velvet coats, azured, thick embroidered with Flowers de lys, with their Trumpets, 
Privileges of the towns maintained.  Clarions, after having sworn to maintain their privileges, and reform the government and policy at his pleasure, he advanced forwards to Nancy chief City of Lorraine, where came forth to meet him, the young Duke, conducted by the earl of Vaudemont his uncle, & sundry others. The K. having made his entry as at Toulh, ordained there Vaudemant Governor of the Country, to the profit of the Duke, and having provided him of his estate, he sent him under the charge of Bordillon to Rheims, where were the Dolphin and his brethren: after going further, and approaching near Metz, he saw his army in this manner. There were three square battles of infantry, 
The army of France represented in the field, and first the infantry.  of which the first was of the old ensigns, paid & entertained in the time of the late K. for the wars of Piedmont, Champagne, & Boulogne, with other new companies, levied in the beginning of these wars (without comprehending therein any soldiers of mark, or young gentlemen who were there for their pleasure and without pay) to the number of between 15. and 16000 men, whereof between nine and ten thousand were armed with Corselets, Bourguinots with bevers, vambraces, gauntelets and tases, down to the knee, carrying long staves, and the greatest part a Pistol at their girdle: and between a five and six thousand harquebusers, armed with jacks and sleeves of mail, with rich Morions, and of goodly workmanship, a harquebus or handgun, bright, well polished and light, their furniture exquisite and brave, the rest being armed according to the quality of their persons. The second battle was of Gascoines, Armignacs, Basques, Bearnois, Languedois, Perigourdins, Provenceaux, and Awergnacs: making show between ten and twelve thousand men, expert, and used to the war, as well at Sea as land, whereof between eight and nine thousand carried long staves, armed with corselets, and almane rivets, and two or three thousand harquebusers, with nails and morions. The third was of Germans, to the number of 7. or 8. thousand, under the Count Ringrafe their Colonel; men of war & assured, as they made good proof in their order, and march of battle, well enough armed according to their manner, as well Pikes as shot. 
The men at arms and light cavalry.  Touching the men of arms, and light Cavalerie, the whole was ordained by ranks upon the flanks of these battles, in number of 1000 or 1100. men at arms, with the company of archers. The men at arms were mounted upon great Roussins, or coursers of the realm, Turks and Ginets, with bards of of such colours in silk, as the Captains carried from the crown of their head to the sole of their foot, with head pieces and pouldrons, the lance, the sword, the dagger, the courtlasse, or the Mace, with reckoning their train of other horses, whereon were their servants & grooms: over all which right well appeared the chieftains and members of these companies, and other great Lords, very richly armed with guilt, & cunningly engraved harness, upon readiehorses, bard and caparisond, with bards and of steel, light and rich, or else of strong mail and light, covered over with Velvet, cloth of gold and goldsmith's work, and Embroiderers, with great magnificence. The archers lightly armed carrying the half lance, the pistol at saddle pommel, the sword or the courtlasse, mounted upon horses stirring, and curuetting at pleasure, among which according to the power of each one, nothing was forgotten to set forth himself, who should do best. 
Light Cavalerie.  As touching the light Cavalerie, there might be near 2003. light horse, which were armed with corselets, vambraces, and bourguinots, the half lance or pistol, the courtlasse, if it seemed good, or the Geldersword mounted upon cavalins, double courtals or horse well shaped and very swift. 
arquebusiers mounted.  The arquebusiers on horseback were between 12. & 1500. armed with jacks & sleeves of mail, or curates, the Bourguinot, or the morion, the harquebus of 3. foot long at the saddle pummel, mounted upon good courtals, every man according to his ability, under the Duke of Aumaile, general of all the light Cavalerie. There was also 3. or 400. englishmen departed out of their country to practise the war, under a certain Lord, upon geldings and little nags, swift & prompt, 
Englishmen.  without being much armed, clad in short jerkins & red caps, according to their manner, and a lance like a half pike, which they very well know how to handle, They are good men, desirous to know and exercise the wars, as such have very well proved as have been with them. But as all men mused much at the sight of this army, even such as were appointed to keep the baggage, a number of soldiers, servants & peasants, come out of Theonuille broke in, chiefly on the side of the Lanceknightes, from whom they carried the better, before people could be appointed to follow them, which occasioned since many young Frenchmen, especially of the light horse, to attach the garrison, and to try themselves, against those of Theonuille with more pleasure & warlike exercise notwithstanding, than harm that happened to the one part or the other.  

The K. army before Metz.  The King having taken great pleasure at the order, equipage, behaviour, and salutation, which all they did unto him, commanded them to march continually in battle, armed at all pieces, afterwards he was saluted by his artillery, placed a little above the army, within the vines upon a platform: to wit, 16. great Canons, 6. long culverins, 6. lesser, 12. bastard culverins, the whole conducted by D'Estre, great master and general of the artillery of France: the next morrow the King entered into Metz, at the gate Champanoise, with great magnificence under a Canopy, carried by four of the best Gentlemen of mark in the Country, marching after the Officers, the Clergy before followed by Cardinals, than the Constable barehead, armed at all pieces, bearing a naked Sword before the King, who at the gate of the great Temple swore upon the Evangelists to maintain them in their rights and ancient privileges: 
The K. entry into Metz, and privileges granted to the town.  after having given order to the government and fortifications, above all to cut the town, to raise there a rampire upon the height of a mount, which commanded, and having left Arthus de Coss called Gonor, brother to the Marshal Brissac governor, with 200. light horse, a company of ordinance, twelve ensigns for the guard of victuals which from all parts was to come to the army, he departed the 20. of April, after his Auantgare led by the Constable: and leaving behind him in form of arreregarde, four hundred men at arms, with a number of light horse, to advance and assure the rearegarde, in like sort the three troops marched continually in battle, and all their arms on their back, how dangerous a time and place soever they found. An occasion that many, who before had lived at great ease and delicacy, died: and many more for having drunk too much of those old waters, fell sick at their return. The army rested two days in the fair and rich plain of Sauerne, about the beginning of May 1552. to refresh the Soldiers, after the Cavalier gave within one league of Strasbourg. In the mean season, and while the King remained at Sauerne, to repose his army, and attend news from the German Princes, they of Strasbourg wise by the example of the Messins, negociated with the King, as well for the commodity of his army, 
The K. approacheth to Strasbourg.  as surety of their town: the King had already demanded them to provide victuals for the army, and for that cause they deputed Pierre Sturme, Gotessem, and Sleiden, who brought unto him great quantity of Come and wine, but the Constable no whit regarded what they offered, by reason of the greatness of the army: And albeit the Ambassadors were departed from him in such sort, that they were to advertise the Senate, and after to yield him answer: yet the very next morning he sent two gentlemen, 
The K, demand to them of Strasbourg.  by whom he pressed them to answer with a long discourse of the King's good will towards Germany, and for what cause he had entered into arms, and been at so great a charge: to wit, to recover their liberty, now eslaved by the Imperials, his other demand was, that by reason the men at arms, stood in need of sundry things, that it might be lawful for them to buy them within the town, and that it might be permitted to the artificers, to bring their ware to the Camp, and sell it there: whereupon the Senate answered, that in matters of so great importance, they were not accustomed to conclude of aught, but by advise of the general council of all their signory, and that after having consulted with them, they would send Deputies to declare their mind, so leave being given them to depart, the next morrow, the same men were sent to the Camp, which as yet remained at Savernes. Their tale being heard, joined thereto that they brought a little more munition then at first, and their reasons set down why they might not suffer any men at arms to enter the town, the Constable began to speak in choler: and in delivering how unjustly they judged of the benefits of the King, and of the injuries of the Emperor, he added certain biting terms, the end of his tale was that the next morrow the King would speak with them in person, and confirm whatsoever he had uttered. The same day the Ambassadors repaired to the King, with whom was the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Prince of Vendosme, and the Constable, where they recited as much as had been delivered by them to the Constable, at two parleys, and presented unto him as much Oats as they had done before Wheat, and a little more Wine; beseeching him that for the ancient amity which the signory of Strasbourg had with the King of France, and for his own courtesy, he would take in good part their offer, the rather for that there was a great Garrison within the Town, called thither for fear of surprise, and a great number of Paisants were likewise retired thither out of the Country, which caused the City not to be so well able to spare her provision. The King after having conferred with his Council, began himself to repeat the cause which made him come into Germany, in like sort as the Constable had the day before delivered, how that victuals was a matter most necessary, and not to be denied to any person in the ward, offering to pay for them, were he not an enemy, otherwise if his stood in any need, he would find means to find it, cost as it could, which would turn to a great damage, as every man might perceive. In the mean time he refused nothing which was offered, but would needs have bread, the Deputies on the other side besought him that he would be contented with corn: as they could not fall to agreement, so away they went without doing aught, the Deputies being returned into the Town, the Senate ordained, that albeit they were not able to deliver any of the Corn within the town, yet they should make bread in the Countries near hand, as much as they might be able, for they had both told the King and the Constable, that the estate of the town and disposition of the time was such, as they were not to tarry for aught, but if they could reap any thing of the Countries about, they would most willingly part with it. The which the Senate had ordained, to the end no wrong might be offered to the people of their Villages, nor their goods, so whatsoever could be found in any the Towns or Villages, was carried to the Camp, but it was no great matter.  
Now all Lorraine being surprised, together with the Town of Metz, 
Strasbourg levieth men▪ fortifieth itself by the e●●mple of Metz.  they of Strasbourg suddenly levied five thousand men for the defence of their town, afterwards they pulled down many buildings, as well public as particular, they spoilt the gardens, and rooted up the trees, and generally all that which might either hinder the view or serve the enemies use, and of that part which they esteemed most necessary, they fortified the Town the best that they were able: that without all doubt annoyed some of the French in such sort, as the Constable could not hold his peace, the last time that he spoke to the Deputies: and the Germans persuaded themselves, that as under a colour of some amity they had entered into Metz, so they would attempt the like at Strasbourg, but knowing the town to be marvelous strong, and seeing all things so diligently prepared for the defence thereof, they changed their minds as they say; and the better to pass by the removing of their Camp, 
The Prince's deputies sent to the King.  they took the way of Haguenau and Wisbourg, thither the deputies of the Prince Palatine, of the Archbishops of Maience and Trewes, of the Dukes of Cleves and Witemberg, who had been assembled at Worms for the good of the common wealth, came unto the King, whose request was, that he would not waste the plain Country, and would take pity of the poor commonalty, 
The Germans be●●●●h the K. not to enter Germany▪ but retire.  and since that he protested that he had made this war for the liberty of Germany, that he would stay his army, for that if he passed further, it would be to the great damage of the Empire, they besought him then that he would incline his heart to the making of a peace, of which as they had already spoken to the Emperor, so would they again deal with him, having a good hope thereof. As touching his demand of making an alliance between them, they besought him to have regard to their honour and good renown, for that they could not by any means perform, by reason of their faith, by which they were bound to the Empire; notwithstanding they would employ all their endeavours to the establishing of a public peace. Moreover they most affectionately besought him not to endemnifie the territory of Strasbourge, which is a free City of the Empire, and that at his request Albert Duke of Brandebourg, would more courteously entreat the B. of Wicibourg. At the very same time, to wit, the eleventh of May, Maurice sent letters to the King, wherein was contained all that had been done at Lincy, where the confederate Princes of Germany had entreated of certain articles of peace with Ferdinand, who negociated the same for the Emperor, of whose part he had promised a good and prompt resolution, for the benefit and quiet of all Germany. In like sort he required of the King (whom he would should be comprehended in the same treaty of peace) that he would set down under what conditions he would compound with the Emperor. These letters being received contrary to his expectation, and knowing well that the Queen of Hungary with troops of men of war, had taken Satenay, and burned whatsoever she met without defence, judging beside of maurice's purposes as he thought good, he determined of his return, so as having divided his army into three parts, the better to conduct it with fewer discommodities, and to make it march by divers ways, and yet arrive altogether at one place, he left Germany; but before his departure he answered to the Prince's Deputies, 
The K. answer to the Deputies.  that he had obtained that, for which he was come into Germany with all his army, for the Captive Princess should be delivered which was the occasion of the war: he had then attained glory enough, if ever it should happen that Germany should stand in need of him, he would neither spare travail nor expense, nor would fail to put himself again into all dangers, for to secure them; at this present he would retire into his own Realm with his army, for he understood that the enemy did overrun his Country. As touching the complaints of the poor people, he received great displeasure thereat, but discipline can never be so good in a Camp, but that military licence will breed some damage; for his own part he gave the best order that he was able, that no man should be interessed, if not, yet the least that might be, and that the offenders should be rigorously punished: As touching that which they wrote of the Emperor, and of a peace, he referred himself to them; through his travail, diligence and prowess, Germany stood now freed from those miseries in which she stood enwrapped: henceforward it was for them to look to it, that they did not villainously lose that liberty, which he so honourably had rendered unto them, he could not deny their demand, on the behalf of those of Strasbourge, albeit that at such time as he was with his army upon their marches, many behaved themselves insolently and immodestly towards his people; notwithstanding to entertain his confederates, and to have a man always in Germany, which might assure him of the true estate of the affairs, as they passed between the imperials and the confederates, and the better to be advertised of the Emperor's intents, he left Du Fresne B. of Bayonne his Ambassador about Maurice, who did there as you shall understand, after having represented unto you the estate, in which in the mean time stood the armies of the Emperor, and of Maurice joined with his allies, together with the conduct and last end of their enterprises; in which it shallbe an easy matter for you to judge, what favours and disadvantages the K. of France his army brought to the one side and to the other.  
We have before told you how Maurice was departed from Lincy, 
The exploits of maurice's army upon the Emperor's troops.  where they had articulated certain conditions of peace, Ferdinand suddenly after the assembly, took his journey to Enipont towards the Emperor, to make him understand the whole. In the mean time Maurice being come back to the Camp, drew towards the Alps with his companions, where being egged forward by the Ambassador of France, he determined to set upon those troops which the Emperor had caused to be levied in that country, so as the 17. day of May approaching near unto Fiesse, a Town situate at the entry of the Alps upon the river Lech, and having underderstoode by his spies sent to descry the countenance of the enemies, how they had seized on all the straits, and had so ensconced themselves, as it was unpossible to do them harm, he contented himself to send certain of the chiefest, which galloped even to their Camp, and took some, which they brought away with them, 
The princes gain the straits of the mountains,  among whom they took Langue du Keste. The next morrow advancing forward with the Infantry, 200. men at arms, arrived at the straits of the mountains, which about 800. of the emperors soldiers kept with two field pieces, but they quickly severed them, so as they being put to flight, sufficiently astonished those which were near unto Rute, the rather for that the Princes following them foot by foot in such sort, set upon the rest, that they defeated them, in killing about one thousand, and sundry other as well taken as drowned within the River of Lech, with an Ensign there left behind.  
The next morrow they battered the fort of Ereberge, with so good hap as they took the fortress seated on the top of the Castle, thereby rendering themselves masters of the Causey, and of the great Cannons which they found there, which done they clambered up the mountain, strong and painful, even to the Castle, albeit the bullets fell among them like hailstones, notwithstanding which, it was for all that rendered up unto them, by 13. Ensigns of foot, whereof nine were taken, 
The defeating of the Emperor's people.  and four saved themselves, and among them three were of Germans, and three of Italians, about two thousand prisoners were led away, with some loss of the other; this done, and as Maurice would have gained the Causey, the soldiers over whom Rifeberg had charge, refused to go on any further, 
Sedition in Maurices Campe.  except they might receive extraordinary wages, by reason of the taking of Ereberg: whereupon having caused one of the seditious persons which cried out highest to be taken, the rest did not only bend their Pikes against him, but many in like sort shot a number of bullets at him out of Harquebuses, in such sort as he hardly saved himself: in the end notwithstanding the Chieftains appeased all, and the 21. of May, two regiments were sent by the Alps to Enipont, which was but two days journey thence, the cavalry remaining with a regiment of Fantassins about Fiesse and Rute, to keep the passage: 
The Emperor flieth.  then Maurice and the Princes allied, followed the next morrow, and joined with the Infantry near Ziole, distant from Enipont two leagues; an occasion why the Emperor having received news of the winning of Ereberge, departed from Enipont in the night in great haste and much trouble, with his brother Ferdinand, who was come thither but a little before to persuade a peace, as hath been told you, so as by keeping the way of the mountains on the left hand, which leadeth to Trent, 
The D. of Saxe delivered out of prison, but followeth the Emperor throughout Germany.  he retired himself to Villac a town of Cornia upon the Diane: he likewise had set at liberty a little before that, john Frederic Duke of Saxe, whom he had caused to be shut up in prison five whole years together, and now released him, for fear lest the enemy should arrogate the same to his glory, which likewise the captive was not himself desirous of: being at liberty, he notwithstanding accompanied the Emperor whether soever he went.  
Maurice being arrived at Enipont, whatsoever was found left of the emperors stuff, or appertaining to any of the Spaniards, or to the Cardinal of Ausbourg, was peeled, but no harm was offered to the goods of Ferdinand, nor of the Citizens: And for so much as there rested then but three days of the truce, which had been accorded in respect of the future treaty, Maurice went from thence to Passau, but the princes his companions, returned back the same way they came, and rendered themselves at Fiesse the 20. of May; and afterwards published letters at Ausbourg, as well in their own name as in Maurices, in these terms.  
The confederate Prince's letters against the Emperor, for religion, and the liberty of Germany.  
WHereas in our former writings we have affirmed that our entrance into arms, was for the defence of religion, and the liberty of Germany, the matter itself & our bond duty doth require that we ordain sufficient Doctors for the Churches, and instruction of youth, for it is most clear and hath not any need of more ample proof, how the enemies of the truth have ever employed all their force to destroy the good Doctors, thereby to establish their Popish Idol, and cause youth to increase therein, being nourished in these errors, and false doctrines, for even at that instant when they durst not publicly speak their minds of religion, they then studied by all means to root out at the very bottom all true doctrine, and not only have they imprisoned the good doctors, 
Ministers and Schoolmasters restored by the Protestant princes in Germany.  but likewise in this very town unlooked for, and with great inhumanity have they constrained them by oath to depart out of the whole territory of the Empire: and albeit that this oath be most wicked, and not grounded upon any right or equity, yet to take away all occasion of detraction, we have revoked the self same Ministers and Schoolmasters which our adversaries had chased hence: wherefore we declare all those absolved, which have been cast out by means of the band wherewith they stood bound through their oath: we restore them to their full liberty, with commandment that not only in this city, but also in all other places they preach the word of God purely, and according to that confession which hath been here at other times presented, and teach their youth rightly and holesomelye in good learning, relying upon our succour and protection. We forbidden in like sort, that none taunt them with any injurious word, as if they had done aught against their faith and oath, considering that without any desert, but merely for confession of the truth, that they have already lived many months in exile, we make no doubt but good men will greatly pity them, and esteem them worthy of being succoured and relieved with all favour. And for so much as those which in the absence of the other have taught in this City, be men suspected and unconstant, so as by reason of their divers fashion of teaching they may not be commodiously with those which we have called home. We require the Senate to take from them the chair, and to carry themselves in such sort as this our present Edict may remain in force.  
After that the Princes had published these letters the 7. of june, five days after they installed again the Protestant Ministers in their places, and gave them again a great charge to preach, to the wonderful rejoicing and pleasure of the people.  
Maurice went his way in the mean time to Passau to entreat of peace, where the first of june all that had been handled at Lincy was repeated, 
Maurice his complaint against the Emperor.  and the whole matter set down and explained at large by Maurice. There were present the Emperor's ambassadors, King Ferdinand, Albert D. of Bauiere, the Bishops of Salisbourg and Deistet, and the Ambassadors of all the Prince's Electors of Cleves, and of Witemberg. Maurice greatly complained how the common wealth of the Empire, which ought to be the freest of all other, was governed by strangers, how the authority of the Prince's Electors, was from day to day diminished, how many things were done without ever once demanding their advice, how sundry appertinances were dismembered, and clean aliened from the Empire, and the means sought how their right might be utterly taken away from the choosing of the Emperor, how in the imperial days for the most part they left behind the opinions of the Electors, how the particular assemblies of the Electors remained there, I know not with what fear how their jurisdiction diminished, for so much as contrary to the ancient custom the Chamber received the griefs and complaints of those, which were the appellants of that which they had ordained: the differents of the estates of the Empire were thereby increased, and could not be pacified until both parts were greatly interessed, how it grew to too great an expense and trouble, but to have audience in the emperors Court, for that causes could not ordinarily be throughly understood, for want of well understanding the language: how not only great charge grew thereof, but much time there spent without any profit; how at the imperial days there was small amity, for if any one proposed aught for the benefit of the common wealth, it was straight construed in the worst part, how Germany drew itself clean dry through these so often and long assemblies, and in the mean time many things went to rack at home, and yet for all that the public estate waxed not better but worse, and still enwrapped in more miseries, how it was forbidden by a rigorous Edict, that none should be entertained in wages by strangers, how such as are reconciled are bound not to carry arms against any of the emperors provinces, and by that means are separate from the Empire; how those which in the war of Smalcade served but their own Lords, were condemned in great fines, and how they levied money in like sort of those, which during the said war continually remained in the amity of the Emperor, yea upon pain of seeing their goods sold before their eyes, except they made a quick dispatch; and because their Deputies accorded together, incontinently proclamation was made that they should depart from the Court upon pain of death; how often they had brought strangers, men at arms into Germany, and after the last water dispersed them throughout the provinces, where they committed a thousand villainies and disorders, and bragging how they had tamed Germany, and boasted that she should be annexed to the emperors patrimony, and how in the chief and principal Cities should be erected forts and bulwarks to bridle them in, how as it were in mockery, they carried out of Germany to strange nations great quantity of pieces of artillery, and furniture of war; how some for extreme covetousness of vain glory, have engraved in such pieces as they caused to be new cast, the arms of the Princes of germany, as who would say that they had won them from them; how they had imprinted little books, yea with privilege of the Emperor, to the great dishonour of Germany, as if she had been utterly tamed and brought into bondage; how at public assemblies some were received to the number of the Princes and estates, under the name of the emperors provinces, which was craftily done, to the end that the number being increased, they might gain their wills by multitude of voices; how four years passed they had erected a Parliament of the Chamber, and how laws were private made by some, and since published not without the great damage of a number, and especially of those, of the religion of Ausbourg, for they gave unto them no place at all in this assembly; it is then most necessary, said he, that the laws should be examined at the very first assembly, Maurice proposed these things and sundry other more, requiring to have them amended, considering how they touched the Empire, and that the Empire might be restored to her ancient brightness, and that it might not be lawful for other to scoff them or despise them: the Commissioners after having consulted together, judged that these demands contained nothing in them but great equity, and yet to the end the emperors honour might be preserved, and that himself might the rather be persuaded thereunto, they were of opinion that many matters which concerned the reformation of the public estate might very well be reserved to an imperial day.  
There was also Duke Fresne the French Ambassador, who made his oration in full audience of all the Princes, 
The French Ambassadors oration.  the 13. of june, saying: That in old time and long before ever the name of French was heard of among men, there had been so great a conformity of life between the Gaulois and the Almans, that at other times they were called by the Latins, Germans, as brethren to the Gaulois: but after that the French had seated themselves in Gaul, the two nations were so united together, that it was one self same Empire, under the same Prince and the same laws. Afterwards as in change of time the empire was transferred to Germany, so did the Saxons and other Emperors always entertain amity with the French, for because they were descended from the Kings of France: in such sort as Philip Augustus caused to be engraved in letters of gold, that ancient alliance which was as it were clean abolished through antiquity, and to be set up in the most holy place, and not without cause, for whilst that this conjunction endured, the common wealth of both the people flourished, and the force of Germany was so great, as it gave laws not only to the Hungarians, Bohemians, Pollakes & Danes, but also to the very Italians: and the Kings of France in like sort curious to amplify Religion, did often bear arms against Saracens, Turks, and other enemies of Christendom, through Asia, Africa, and Europe, in achieving of most glorious victories. Since that, we are come in a more unhappy age, when as some Emperors as it were engrafted in, and not of the natural stock of Germans, and unworthy of their estate, have clean abandoned this amity of the Kings of France: whereupon there ensued great misfortunes in the Common wealth. But this soar was healed by the grace of God, by means of the noble families of the Princes of Luxembourg, out of which some Emperors descended, men of high renown, and great friends to the Kings of France, for the Father of Charles the fourth died in fight for the King of France. The Princes of Austria have been in like sort affected, among whom Albert the first could not possibly be induced by any of the Pope's promises or threats, to make war against France, which he recited to the end it might be understood, how ill some of the familiars and and servants to the most puissant emperor Charles the fifth order the common wealth, not only seeking by all their travel to disjoin these two most excellent Nations the one from the other, but before this through their subtleties and wiliness they have prevailed so far, as the most famous Prince King Francis was condemned for an enemy without being heard. It is true that that redounded to their particular profit, but to the great damage of the Commonwealth, for it may evidently enough be perceived, how hard a matter it is to decay the liberty of germany, and to build their Realm to make it last so great and so long, as the amity between these two nations hath endured, for because at this present standing in fear of the French armies, they proceed therein more slackly, and insist not so lively to impose their Spanish yoke: they be they for certain, which have obtained peace at the Turks hands, by prayers and tributes, and who under colour of Religion and obedience, have brought a thousand enormities and factions into Germany, which have beaten her with her own rod, warring against her with her own power, which have drawn money from all, and rendered the condition of Germany into so piteous an estate, as may be well seen by the Spanish Garrisons, disposed on the one side and the other, which have unfurnished those places of arms where they were kept in store, which have made open the way to the examination of the treasure, for it is grown to that pass at this day, that the seal of the Empire, and the judgement of the Chamber, and the right or privilege of imperial days, is in the sleeve of the B. of Arras, for what meaneth this, to execute by way of justice, or to banish in offering great rewards to the murderers? all those, as for their maintenance, have put themselves into the wages of strangers; I omit so many murders, so many whoredoms, pilferies, and sackings of Cities, and above all religion; which now was handled of one sort, and now of another, accordingly as the time served. Certes whatsoever hath been done since some years passed, hath tended to no other end then to trouble the laws of the Empire, or constrain or allure King Ferdinand by fair promises, as also to terrify the Princes by fears and dreads, to the end the Prince of Spain might be chosen Emperor: were it not rather to be wished by men of valour, to die then to see the light of the Sun in such miseries and calamities? I do not think that any man can be found so blockish or barbarous, that he doth not feel himself galled with these things. Therefore no man ought to marvel, if at the last some Princes have been found, and among them the elector Maurice D. of Saxe, which stand resolved to hazard their lives for the recovery of the liberty of their common Country, and which finding themselves too feeble, and not able alone to sustain the charge, have demanded succour and alliance of the King of France, who clean forgetting any mislikes of the time passed, hath not only employed thereto all his wealth and treasure, but also hath not spared his own person in a matter of so great consequence: contracting an alliance with them, wherein among other things there is set down, that they shall not make any accord with the enemy, without the King's good liking: and albeit that Maurice be bound thereunto, yet desiring the prosperity of the Country, and to accommodate himself to Ferdinand, which did so earnestly require it, he very lately besought the most christian King, to signify unto him, under what conditions he would have the peace treated of: that, to say the truth fell out otherwise then he hoped for, considering his benefit towards them to have been such and so great, that he thought it fit to entreat nearer hand, and not so far off, of matters which so nearly concerned him: nevertheless forsomuch as he ever preferred the public weal before his own particular, he would deny nothing to a Prince his ally: wherefore if the soars of the common wealth might be healed as they ought, and that good assurance may be given that in time to come they shall not be refreshed; if the Captive Princes may be released under the conditions set down in the treaty, further if the ancient alliances between France and the Empire, and the last Capitulation with Princes, may be so confirmed, as that for ever they may remain in force: if these things I say may be well brought to pass, he is so affectionate to the Common wealth, that not only he will willingly accord to a treaty of peace, but also yield most humble thanks to God, that herein he hath aided you with council, and succours. As touching private matters, as the Emperor hath detained from him many things by force, and made war upon him without any just occasion; the King thinketh it a matter very reasonable, that he which hath been the occasion of the injury, should first show the way of satisfaction. The King in truth no whit distrusteth at all of his own power, nor yet of the equity of his cause, and notwithstanding he will give them to understand how much he loveth peace; and how much he desireth to agree with them all, and with Maurice.  
The Princes answered hereunto, that his discourse fet from antiquity, 
The confederate Princes answer to the French Ambassador.  as concerning the conjunction of Germany and France, was most agreeable unto them, and no less that the King preferred the common wealth before his particular profit, making no refusal to the confederate Prince's accord with the Emperor, for it is not only the profit of one nation,, but of all Europe, which having been turmoiled with civil calamities, tended to an evident ruin. As for the conditions which the K. demanded, they doubted not but that they might be obtained, for the Emperor always bare good will towards the common wealth, both heretofore and in these present troubles, he never understood that the liberty of Germany was any ways diminished. There was likewise great hope that in very short space he would set at liberty the Captive Princes. As touching the renewing of their ancient alliances; the King well understandeth in his own wisdom, that a matter of so great weight could not be brought to pass in this assembly: notwithstanding they greatly desired that the amity which ever had been between the two nations might remain firm and inviolable: they likewise desire above all the rest, that the differentes between the King and the Emperor might be pacified, protesting that therein they would neither spare travail not diligence whatsoever. But forsomuch as the K. said that the Emperor did possess sundry places which appertained to him, and openly made show of many which he would repeat; it seemed unto them a matter very reasonable, that he should declare what they were, for they were determined fully to inform the Emperor thereof, and to be a means in the cause. Further they besought the King to take the same in good part. 
Family of Luxembourg.  That which the Ambassador spoke of the family of Luxembourg grew upon this: Henry Earl of Luxembourg had a son named Henry, who afterwards was the seventh Emperor of that name, he had a Son named john, who by manage was King of Bohemia, and gave succours to Philip de Valois against Edward the third King of England, being present himself in person at the day of battle; but there remained he, for that the Englishmen had the better. Among other he left Charles his eldest Son, who afterwards was the fourth Emperor of that name, Father unto Wenceslaus and Sigismond, who both came after to be Emperors, and the latter was likewise King of Hungary and Bohemia, 
Albert of Austria.  and solicited the council of Constance Albert of Austria of whom he spoke, was Emperor son to Raoul the Emperor, who always entertained good amity with Philip le Bel, King of France, albeit that Boniface the eight, inflamed him as much as possibly he could to make war. But it is now time to look back to the French.  
I have told you how the King of France being come as far as Strasbourge, with an army of thirty thousand men, for the succour of the Protestant Princes against the Emperor, afterwards resolved of his return, understanding of the Peace concluded between the Germans, had divided the body of his forces into three parts, to make them to march sundry ways the easier, and with less discommodity of victuals; 
The Q. of Hungary causeth the K. army to return.  and especially to encounter the sooner the Q. of Hungary's army, which she had to the borders of Champagne. This Princess knowing how the affairs of the Emperor her brother, went but even hardly by reason of those occasions which I have made you to understand: and above all that this French army would prove a cross gird to his intents, determined to retard the same by such troops as she could levy throughout the low countries, which would be in such sort able to prejudice the realm; as the K. should be enforced to return for succour of the same; and so having solicited Martin Vanrosse, the bastard and Marshal of Cleves she caused him to come down into the duchy of Luxembourg, with 3000. soldiers of Cleves, Valois, and Geldres, 
The Imperials army in Luxembourg.  assisted with 600. horse, all which being joined with Count Mansfielde, the governor of the Duchy, the bailiff of Auanes, the Governors of Cimetz, & other chieftanes, made up the number of 12000. Fantassins, & 3000. horse, with which they determined to enter into France, and there to do the worst they should be able; they took Satenay upon the Meuse, by a Lorraine Captains voluntary delivery thereof, which the Dowager of Lorraine had left there without other Garrison; where suddenly they employed themselves to repair the breaches, and to restore it into his former estate, building of a bulwark behind on the side of Dun le chasteau, and a platform towards La justice. Now upon the bruit that they meant to assail Villefranche, Bourdillon went in with seventeen horse, and the same night made his company of men at arms to enter in, with as many men and provisions as he was able, but being advertised how they changing of their opinion were determined to return to Mouson, he left Chastellus his Lieutenant at Villefranche, issued from one of the ancient houses of Burgundy, with such full authority as the Queen, and the Admiral D'Anebaut had given unto him to command there; and with the rest of his company entered at break of day into Mouson, where Roche de Maine was with his company of men at arms, and the three hundred Fantassins of the Barons of Cerny; but if the chiefest sort did not agree, much more were the inhabitants perplexed through the feebleness of the place, commanded by a high mountain near unto it, notwithstanding any rampire which they were able to make to cover it: beside, that the principal of the town had already trust up their baggage; Bourdillon notwithstanding having assured them of the Kings coming at hand, and having caused his cobbarde, and other more precious movables to be brought in, and swearing not to abandon them, they a little assured themselves. The Imperials for all that being saluted with the Cannon shot of Villefranche, and counseled not to remain there, crept along the river, as far as the village of Brioles, where they burned the Church and the fort, then to Montfaucon which they burned, and so descended into the plain, to put men into the Castle of Boulandre, which they took, by stealth getting of victuals and provisions, which they carried to Satenay: from thence all along the river they sacked sundry villages as far as Grampre, a little Town upon air, near Chalons and Atigni, where they rested: and understanding how the Admiral having put the Legionaires of Champagne in arms, and united the Zuizers with the French men of war, approached near; they set fire on Grampre, Boulandre, and other places, to retire themselves to Satenay, where they had intelligence that the light horse of the King's army who advanced forward, were already at Luxembourg: an occasion that to retire themselves, they all abandoned it, leaving the most part of those of Cleves and Geldres, for the assurance of Yuoy, if any should go about to force it. King Henry in the mean time, who heard the complaints of these miserable Subjects, the sooner to hasten the revenge, 
The K. army advanceth forward.  put out of his army almost all the sick persons, and left the baggage under the conduct of the Earl of Arraine, and wisdom of Chartres with their companies, and some light horse, and Harquebusers mounted, for the conveying thereof into Metz, or any other place which they should think more assured: afterwards the discamping of the imperials being known, & the immoderate diligence used at the retiring of his troops, the conquest of the duchy of Luxembourg was deliberated of and resolved to annex it unto the crown, as a proper succession fallen to the house of Vendosme, by the death of the Constable S. Paul, true Lord & peaceable possessor thereof, in carrying the name and arms, as the authors of that council maintained, albeit that since that time Charles Duke of Burgundy had ever usurped the same, the rather for that many neighbours thereabouts said that it was the very true refuge of thieves and outlaws, therefore did the army draw right to the Castle of Roc de Mars, all alongst the Mozelle between Treues and Theonuille, seated on the steep of a hill, strong enough for situation and fortification, with a little Town beneath it, under the title of Viscount. The Castle summoned made refusal, for a number of Gentlemen, Ladies, and other neighbours of reputation, were retired thither, imagining that the King would first employ his forces against Theonuille, and that at all assays they might ever be received at an honourable composition after the first brunt. But the King contrariwise was counseled to attempt that, in respect of the victuals and provisions which the army so much wearied should there find, & that the sacking thereof might rather be given to the Soldiers, how Theonuille was too strong and well provided, 
What place the army was first to attempt.  to be gotten in so short time, which they were not any ways to consume but with assured profit, how thereby they should lose the occasions of executing other things, how in the mean time they would fortify the rest of the places with all commodities: besides how Theonuille stood between Metz and that Castle, which they might so repair, as the Garrison of Theonuille should be blocked in, and their provisions clean stopped, which would be a means that in the end it should likewise be rendered up to the French, with less charge, less loss of time, and less hazard: six Cannons were planted on the hill for battery, two Culverins battered against the wall, where there was but one gross square tower for a flanker, and the portal which served for another. After between the town and the Castle was dressed a battery beneath, right against a great Tower and a canton of the wall, so as they within besieged, feeling the shaking of the Towers and walls, were not hard to Parley. But the Soldiers having the sacking promised unto them, fearing lest a Parley would cause a voluntary rendering, and never tarrying other volley of the Cannons, leapt into the ditches, which were deep, high, and broad, 
Roc de Mars besieged, battered, taken & sacked, by the French.  whereof some clambering up, others mounting with their Pikes to the wall, while the rest were with wood and fire at the gates, so greatly astonished the besieged, that all retired themselves into Caves, Chambers, Sellers, and other secret places, to shun death, which was even before their eyes; especially after that some French men having found and broken open the gate of a Postern which went out of the base Court into the Ditch, had made themselves to be perceived and feared on all parts, for that as soon as being mounted, they gave entry to all the rest, which had no regard but to throw down, rifle, and take all. At such time as the Earl Ringrave Colonel of the Germans, who did not imagine the taking thereof upon such a sudden, went to beseech the King in consideration of all his services, to spare unto him that place, the Lady whereof was his near Kinswoman, which the King granted unto him, commanding Coligny to cause the Soldiers to retire. Afterwards Mont S. jean, Solieure, and other places were sacked and burned, during the continual and fresh skirmishes between the French and imperials before Theonuille; from whence the army being passed Estain, turned face to take again the way of D'anuille, about which was already the Admiral d'Annebaut, with the Legionaires of champaign, 4. thousand Suizers, and 200. horse, with which he had already hindered such succours, as Marcy governor of that place attended from his partakers: it is in a place plain and fenny, but the hot season dry through the Solstice of the Summer, 
Deanuille represented, besieged, battered, and rendered to the K. discretion  was so favourable to the approaches of the French, that two thousand Fantassins, and 3. hundredth light horse since named Carabins, nor the Cannon shot could have hindered the artillery from being planted on the top of the Castle ditch towards the Meadow, without the battery from a little hill, of six culverins, to bar and annoy such defences as it was very ill provided of, albeit it was made at pleasure, to the end it might be impregnable: 
The K. entry into Verdun.  during these approaches, the King made his entry into Verdun, albeit it was full of the sick persons of his army, and after that the Cardinal had feasted him at Dinner within the Bishop's Palace, he returned to view the battery, which lasted from the fourteenth to the sixteenth of june, making two breaches, whereof one was towards the river, and the Castle ditch was for all that full of water the height of a Pike, and above that they were feign some to ascend more than a fathom and a half: but as the Fanterye presented themselves at the assault, those which were within refused of any composition, rendered themselves in the end to the discretion of the King, which was that the chief and principal persons should remain prisoners, that the Soldiers should depart with white sticks down, having full liberty to go whether it pleased them best, the goods should remain to the King's use, which he afterwards bestowed (the artillery reserved) upon the Earl of Coligny called Chastillon, whereat the Soldiers began to murmur, seeing themselves frustrate of the sack of both those places, being ill appareled and little in their purses by reason of their long voyage, and the most part of them very sick. The Captain Villefranche one of the chiefest men of mark among the old bands had the government, but having been hurt there with a Musket shot, he died: and Le Bruil a Bourgonian Gentleman, before Lieutenant to Salsedo, had his company, and Rabodanges the government.  
Whilst that the King with promise of honourable entertainment received the Prince of Salerna, who greatly grew discontented with the Emperor, the Constable having understanding how the Earl Manfielde was gotten into Yuoy, whereof Strinchant was Governor, sent to block him in with two thousand foot, 
The Prince of Salerne quitting the Emperor cometh to the King.  and a number of horse, to hinder any doings forth or entries in: after the rest encamped there, the Earl showing himself a great husband of his provisions, and causing no sally to be made forth, which proved not very hurtful to the French. The Town is situate at the foot of a Mountain, 
Yuoy and his representation, siege, battery and yielding up to the K.  and on the other side is a meadow, and a fair spacious plain, alongst the which runneth La Chess, a little River which cometh towards D'anuille, swelling greater hard by with many other brooks which fall into it: afterwards it cometh into Meuse near Sedan. The greatest part of the Garrison was of Germans, Clevois, and Geldrois, not accustomed to abide great famine nor long thirst, no more then to sustain other discommodities of such sieges, with the Earls company of 100 men at arms, and 500 horse, as well of the Gentlemen about; was of these Carabins, and arquebusiers mounted. They very well performed their duties by ordinary sallies, and right sharp skirmishes to hinder the aproches of the artillery: but in the end it was planted in 2. places, as near the brink of the ditch of Mouson side against a little Canton of a wall, which only remained of the rampire, the height of 3. fathom and somewhat above, which battered in point blank. They had set upon the hill 6. culverins, which spoilt all the streets and the length of the courtins, right on the back of the breach, so as those within besieged, not seeing any walk sure for them, without being scared, and so near their ears that the hear remained there, lost their courage, and being with one consent assembled under the hale and with them the bravest of the company, albeit that the greatest breach could not hold fifteen men in front, besides their traverses, trenches, trains, chanssetraps, fricasses, and other devices proper for the defence of a breach: and albeit that the Earl were armed and ready of his charge, declared unto them their duty, the value and renown of the German nation, with the dishonour and loss as well of life as goods, which would ensue so cowardly a resolution, would make no other answer, but that if the French did assail him before, they would dispatch him behind. In sum, seeing them the far stronger, and notable but to curse his life, and detest his ill hap; he set a French Gentleman at liberty, to be a witness of his duty. Afterwards being retired with salt tears into his Chamber, Strinchant made a Trumpeter go upon the side of the trenches to demand a parley of the Constable, which being granted, Strinchant went out hoping of some advantageous capitulation, which could be no other than that of D'anuille, so the Earl having learnedly and eloquently (as he was very well studied in learning, with the knowledge whereof he honoured the profession of arms) bewailed his misery unto the Constable, was with the rest of the chief carried to Paris. A notable example said some of the French, for all such as reposing themselves in any prosperity passed, or in the merit of their own valour, consider not that the duty of a Captain is so inseparably joined, to theirs which obey him, that he ought to stand no less assured, and before the blow come, provide for the same as well as his own, 
The Governor of a place his duty.  except he would fall into the like inconvenience that this Earl did. All the goods of Yuoy which were very great, were given unto the Constable, who distributed the greatest part unto his own company, and his sons Montmorency, at which the old bands openly mutined, and after that began to break themselves, and to quit their Ensigns. So the Town being rendered up the three and twentieth day of june, received Blaineau, afterwards Haucourt for Governor. Mommedy (which rendered itself life and jewels saved) had the Captain Baron a Parisian, 
Mommedy yielded up.  a young Soldier, but old enough in warlike experience, with a hundred horse and three Ensigns, D'anuille, Yuoy, Mommedy, Luxembourg; and the most part of the Duchy, had been before taken by Charles D. of Orleans, third son to Francis the first, and after rendered again by an agreement between the King and the Emperor; 
The first conquest of Luxembourg.  but they were not then in so good state, D'anuille was as then but a little borough Town, and since all burned, and after re-edified according to the fortifications at this day, with Bulwarks, Bastions, and platforms of defence, the rampires large and high, 
De An●ille.  and of good hold, the whole new repaired with walls of good stuff. 
Yuoy.  Yuoy was strong, and not taken by assault, neither was there any reasonable breach made to enforce it; but the Captain Guelphe having invented, and himself made a great quantity of Mortier pieces, which shot exceeding great bullets from the hill down, so greatly astonished them, that giles de Levant, chief for the Emperor yielded himself, life and jewels, saved with some artillery.  
During the siege of Yuoy, the Marshal of Sedan heir to the house of La March, besought the King that he would help him to recover his Duchy of Bovillon, which he said the Emperor unjustly detained from him, 
The Marshal of Sedan heir to the house of La March, undertaketh the conquest of the duchy of Bovillon.  at the persuasion of the B. of Liedge, who gave unto him 4000 men and five pieces of artillery, wherewith he battered the castle of Bovillon, which was seated upon a high and steep rock, going out of a mountain, from which it was separate by a broad ditch and deep, of an hundred and fifty pace, in diameter, made by chisel & hammer with long travel; in the plain and circumference whereof, the better part of the Castle is hewn out within the main Rock, with like workmanship almost in form of oval, having on the dich side a platform so high, as it almost overtoppeth one of the Mountains: at the foot whereof is a form of Casemate well pierced, to keep it from any aproches: on the other end is the portal which goeth out of every side fifteen foot, with lights to keep the flankers, and which serve for the platform, within it is a core of ancient building, in form of a square Pavilion, covered with slate, which underneath hath his sellers vaunted within the very rock, with an excellent good Well of fourscore fadomme, the Castle is pierced to so good purpose, that a Chicken cannot peep up in any place, but it will be discovered; furnished with artillery and all other provisions for a long season, receiving but one way unto it, and that very narrow and painful, the borough is underneath, in time past a fair town, but so torn asunder by the wars, that it remaineth almost unhabited. Semoy which cometh towards Mommedy, runneth there with a mighty fall of stream, especially when it swelleth, by reason of the Winter rains and snows, on the one side it is shadowed with another Mountain, full of woods and craggy rocks, so sharp that it is almost unpossible to dwell there, not to hurt the Castle on that side, not able to bring any Cannon, the rest of the places are very low valleys and dangerous. The Marshal notwithstanding to make his troops appear greater than indeed they were, made his companies to pass and repass many times in one self same place, to make it be thought that the whole French army was there assembled: afterwards he planted his pieces upon the Mountain, but so uneasily as they were feign to bind them hard with great and huge Cables for fear of tumbling down, 
A wile to make one's troops seem greater and astonish the enemy.  from whence there was not above six volleyss shot, having only a little scratte the top of the wall with small appearance of any breach, when as the Captain Bastard of the house of Haurion, very ancient in that Country, besought a Parley, and obtained pardon: so as if he had no succour within three days, he should yield up the place, (life and goods saved) the artillery and other munitions there reserved, and his son in hostage. The three days being expired, he departed with his Leigers, the Marshal confessing that he had undertaken this conquest at an adventure. Likewise the Captain had his head afterwards struck of, for his so good service, Bovillon was yielded up the very last day of thirty years that the Duchy had been out of the hands of the right heirs, and afterwards the Marshal easily recovered all the appendances, and having left there Des Auelles with a good Garrison, he returned to thank the King for this so great a benefit: upon this the army drawing towards Cinets, and the Lumes being dead, the Castle of Lumes was delivered up to Vielle-uille, Lieutenant to the Marshal S. Andre by Merembarque, who kept the same for the imperials, the forts whereof were undermined and thrown down, no more remaining but the dungeon, which the King gave with part of the confiscation of this rebellious vassal to the D. of Nevers, and Earl of Retel, and the rest to De Conflant a French gentleman, who had married the Niece true heir of the Lord, the Castle is at the foot of a Mountain, where the river of Meuse runneth by it, and on the other side a fair Meadow, half a league from Mezieres, to which it had done many shrewd turns, because the Lord pretended certain rights, besides that it was a retreat to all lewd persons, an occasion that Francis the first had there builded a blockhouse, which for all that served to no purpose by means of the evil government thereof. The Lord of which had been brought up a Page in the kings house, and ever held the French party, until that upon some spite he changed for the Bourgonion cross, with which he died of the shiver of a piece which he tried: afterwards the King being determined of his return, and having made the D. of Nivernois Governor of Luxembourg, all also furnished Roc de Mars, and the other places with all necessaries, notwithstanding the daily roads of Theonuille, and other imperial places, sent his army to batter, take, and cut in pieces; all those that were retired into the Castle of Trelon, 
Cimetz battered, taken, sacked, and burned by the French.  which was undermined and raised, as Glaion and other places: and to content the old Ensigns, the sack of Cimetz was bestowed on them, a Town and Castle of the Duke of Ascottes, whither many of the Country and of Ardennes were retired, with chiefest goods of value: but seeing the battery, they clean left the town, and ran into the Castle, the great Tower whereof was no sooner battered down; but those that were besieged being willing to parley, were knocked down by the Portail and other places, where they found an entrance to sack and rifle, with so great greediness and indiscretion, as within one of the tower vaults where the Powder lay, were above six score Soldiers roasted, by means of the fire which the kindled matches of some of the arquebusiers put thereto. After the Town and Castle was consumed to ashes, which greatly astonished the Bourguinions and other the borderers, which already feared the siege of Auanes, whether the King had indeed caused his army to march, had it not been for the sickness which day by day increased among the Soldiers, of whom a good part were already secretly stolen away, some charged with good booties, some with sickness, some with tedious and long pains, and many with blows more than riches, hard to be endured in war, although but sudden and of small continuance, even of the most hazardous. An occasion that in the end of july, the army was parted into Garrisons, attending what the Emperor now would undertake: who much troubled with the Protestant Prince's army of Germany, saw himself then brought as it were into two extremities: either to accord almost whatsoever Maurice and his companions would demand, as well for Religion, as the liberty of germany, and so to enter into France, and revenge such injuries as he had received by King Henry, or else to let him alone at his ease to gain the Country, whereby he might another time enforce the Germans to submit themselves to the yoke of his power: notwithstanding whether it were that an injury received from an equal, seemed unto him more hard to be abidden, than the offence of an inferior; and one especially bound with a kind of duty of subjection, or whether he thought himself in better readiness against the French, or whether (as some say) that his hatred conceived against King Henry, did more passionate him, then against any other Prince; the Emperor resolved himself of a peace with Germany, as it were to espouse a war with France, by such means as I will deliver unto you.  

The principal demands of Maurice.  Maurice stood principally upon two points, besides the delivery of the Landgrave; the one, that Ferdinand with Maximilian his Son, and the commissioners, might from thence take notice of such matters as were hurtful to the liberty of germany, and judge thereof according to the ancient custom of germany: the other, that Religion should be let alone in peace, and no harm in respect thereof to any man in the World, until the difference might be decided. The Commissioners allowed of this form, but the Emperor showed what he desired and judged fit, how it was reasonable that such as had ever remained loyal towards him, and thereby greatly fallen into calamities; might receive recompense for their losses. After long debating and some articles eased, it was concluded that the Emperor should give his full answer by the third of july, and that in the mean time there should be a truce and cessation of arms: The Commissioners than sent their letters to the Emperor the 26. of june, to exhort him to a peace. Afterwards the French Ambassador being pressed to deliver the occasions of his masters discontentment, and under what conditions he would enter into a peace: having received news from his Master, answered, that the King had not undertaken this war in respect of his own particular, but to secure Germany so far going to decay: 
The French Ambassadors answer to the Commissiones for peace.  as touching the conditions of peace, it was not the custom of the Kings of France to demand it as became themselves in all respects: therefore he did not think he had any cause to propose aught, without an assured hope of obtaining the same: especially considering that the Emperor had most unjustly made war against him, while he marched for their succours; notwithstanding he would quit much for a peace, so as he might see it general, and refused not but that they might take knowledge, and determine of these differents, to which if Charles would not do reason, he protested the fault should only light of his neck, for all the miseries which might ensue thereon.  
In sum, that these Princes perceiving the delays of the Emperor, 
Peace throughout Germany, and the occasions thereof.  had no sooner besieged Francforte, where was a great Garrison of the Emperors, but by the advise of the most part of the Princes of germany, the peace was concluded the last of july 1552. See the occasions which drove the one and the other to conclude the same. Among other reasons the great danger was laid before Maurice, which he should stand in, as well on the emperors side which had already prepared a great army, as of his Cousin's behalf jean Frederic, whom the Emperor meant to send home free into his Country. The Emperor likewise stood in fear of the force of the Germans and of the French. The landgrave's son for the long detention of his Father. Among other articles the Captive Princes were to be set at liberty, no disquiet for their Religion, which they would advise of at the first assembly; within six months the King of France was to declare unto Maurice his demands: Albert was comprehended therein if he laid down arms. The King misliked with the whole course, yet he sent back the Hostages, and Maurice his: to wit, the Earl of Nantevil, and jametz.   

The History of France.  
THE SECOND BOOK.  
YOu have here before seen what preparatives the Emperor, and the Catholic Princes confederate for Religion, made of all parts, against the Protestant Princes, to furnish the great army that they might be able, to the end they might range them at devotion. The Germans notwithstanding had the party and were so well succoured, as at the last the Emperor accorded part of their demands at Paussau, in the end of july, upon conditions over and above before rehearsed, that Maurice should carry such people as he had to the succour of Ferdinand King of Romans, against the Turks come down into Transiluania. Afterwards the Emperor extremely fretting at such losses as King Henry had caused him to receive, fearing worse, 
The Emperor persuadeth the Protestant princes and other, to secure him against the K. of France, for the recovery of Metz, Thoul, and Verdun.  and marvelously affected to a revenge, practised by all means possible, to persuade the Christian Princes, and above all the Germans, to secure him against the King, whom he endeavoured to render, a no less enemy to the Empire, then to his own particular: he prevailed at last so far by the dexterity of his own wit, that the rest of the Princes and imperial cities as well of the association as other, were by little and little gained to furnish him with men, money, and artillery; chiefly in respect that he protested that he would not employ any part thereof to his own particular, but only to the recovering of Metz; Thoul, and Verdun, three free Cities, and holding of the Empire, which the King of France (said he with a discourse very stout and full of great persuasions) had withdrawn from the Empire of the Germans, under colour of coming to aid them for the maintenance of their Religion & liberty, which said he is not to be presumed for many reasons, but principally for the diversity of the religion, whereof he hath always made profession, and by the effect which ensued thereon: having so much dismembered the German Empire, which he had more annoyed, had he been permitted to have passed the Rhin, and entered into the Country full of garboils and factions of all parts, whereof he full well knew how to make his profit; for his own part he promised, that he would employ therein all his forces and means, to repair so great an injury: therefore he hastened the old Spanish and Italian bands, which he caused to come out of italy, both by Sea and land; which being joined to the troops of Lombardy and Piedmont, traversed the Alps, to repair to the rest of the army, which was assembled in Germany, as well of Bohemians, Hungarians, Pollaques, Germans, Hannuyers, Walloons, Clevois, Flemings, Burgonions, as other, whereof he furnished the number of fifty thousand Fantassins, and twenty thousand horse, with great provision both of gross and small artillery. Now for as much as Albert of Brandebourg would not agree to the conditions of peace concluded at Paussau, 
The emperors army against the K. of France, for the recovery of Metz, Thoul, and Verdun.  and for not laying down his arms, he stood as banished the Empire, he assembled a troop of men as malcontent as himself, who disuniting themselves from the former confederacy, continued war against such towns as refused to secure the league against th'emperor, as Nuremberg, out of which he received a great sum of money; afterwards besieged ulme, enforced the Bishops of Bamberg, & Wissembourg, to very strange conditions; entered into Worms, Spire, Mayence, Trewes, and sundry other places, whence he received great treasure, so as making war apart, and yet as under the name and pretence of the K. of France, whose arms they bore in their ancients, and cornets, he made himself more renowned for his rigours, and extreme cruelties, them for any other feats of war, notwithstanding being followed with 2000 horse, 8000. pietons, & certain pieces which he trained to make him open passage, and enforce any places of resistance, in the end he came as low as Treues, which he ransacked; and as he passed forwards towards France, the King in whose name he made the war, 
Albert of Brandebourg why not comprehended in the peace, and banished the Empire, with the exploits of his malcontent army.  and caused such places as he took, to take their oath, sent unto him john da Fresne B. of Bayonne, altogether freshly returned out of Germany, to understand his intent, and agree with him touching his own pay, and such of his people as would continue their course of living under the title and pretence of the service of France, endemnifying the enemies as much as might be, and chiefly upon the frontiers of Luxembourg. His first answer was very honest and gracious, saying that as touching his own appointment, he was not come to the K. service for a particular profit or hope to enrich himself thereby, but that all his life long he had ever a desire to employ his person and means, to do unto him all humble service, considering the good zeal of his Majesty, in having so well maintained the franchisies and liberties of Germany, the very occasion why he was separated from D. Maurice, esteeming the King so reasonable, as that he would give an appointment equal to the merits of his Soldiers, men of choice, and ready to die for his service; with many other gracious speeches. But the King and his council had a further reach into the matter, 
The answer of marquess Albert to the B. of Bayonne, and his behaviour against the K. and Emperor, and their reciprocally towards him.  and as he mistrusted least the Emperor went about to practise him, certain particulars happened, soon enough to make him apparently to judge how his atonement was already in good terms, the conclusion whereof the Emperor had notwithstanding ever delayed, hoping to prevent him, and under colour thereof so to shut him in, and enclose him so near with his army, which he had in the field, that he would have him upon what condition himself best liked: the which the marquess had no less doubt of, setting before his own eyes such entertainment as his kinsmen and allies had before received: an occasion that he ever sought to gain the forwards, resolved that if he were ever able to join on the Frontiers of France, he should rest assured, and be well appointed by the King, and that the Emperor would be most glad to agree to whatsoever he would demand. Some counseled him to rest upon the King's offers, other to follow his fortune from higher of his own Country, upon these plaits and secret inductions, he notwithstanding passed further, mounting towards the river of Mozelle, and coasting of Theonuille, he came to encamp at Roranges, three leagues from Metz, where as soon as he was arrived, he sent to demand victuals of the Duke of Guise (whom the King had already appointed Governor at Metz, as well for the opinion of his valour, as the credit and reputation which he had in all those Countries) for the entertaining of his army, 
The behaviour of marquess Albert of Brandebourg towards the D. of Guise, governor of Metz, and his towards the marquess his army.  who to take from him all occasion of discontentment upon any refusal (albeit it had been reasonable) did his best to help him with some for certain days; which notwithstanding being otherwise considered of by him, he ceased not to importunate him from day to day, to yield the same unto him in as great an abundance, as if there had been no question but of taking all at his own pleasure, without any regard to the future necessity, nor to the place where this Prince was ordained, the time of his keeping thereof: being altogether uncertain. In sum, that he so hardly pressed him and so often, that he was constrained to declare unto him by Pierre Strossi, how the reason of the war which he was not ignorant of, permitted not that one should disfurnish a place of guard, (chiefly of such importance of Metz) of victuals and provisions whereof it should be furnished, to distribute them to a Camp, which might be master of the field, and follow any other way or Country, as towards Sallines, a most fertile Country, wherein he should not only find all commodities: but in eating and consuming thereof, he should the more disadvantage the enemy, in not being able to recover the like there. At which seeming to content himself, he demanded some guide, which knew the Country, and might conduct him and lead him thither: whereto was ordained by the Duke of Guise, and expressly sent from Metz, one Gaspard de Hus, a native Gentleman of Metz: notwithstanding in very short space he changed his mind, for instead of taking the way towards Sallines, he came the more nearer within one league to Metz, and encamped in a place called Aey, where he made some stay, using all the scales which he could imagine, for under colour to gain the good grace of the Emperor by some remarkable service, enticing the Duke of Guise to give him some traverses, or to trouble him by some disorder, had not the Prudence of that Prince been so great as to foresee and remedy the same. Then having by divers removes traversed all that Country; and being turned towards Treues, to fetch there a number of Soldiers which he had left there, he came down to Pont Camouson, never having for all that resolved any thing with the B. of Bayonne, either of his own appointment, or pay of his people: albeit that the King had again sent back Lonsac unto him for the very same cause; notwithstanding he could conclude upon nothing with him, training always the effect in diversity of demands, coloured with fair words, whereon it was a very uneasy matter to lay any foundation, and therefore they entered into the greater suspicion of him, so as the first mistrust began to increase more than before: wherefore with as much speed as might be the King who having known the emperors intents and preparatives, had already caused all his Garrisons, bands and arrear bands, and other new companies, to repair unto Champagne, made his Camp to assemble at S. Michael, a little town of Lorraine, upon the river of Meuse, 
The French army assembled with all diligence at S. Michael, a little town of Lorraine.  six leagues on the side of Pont Camouson, as far from Verdun, and ten long ones from Metz, whether likewise repaired the Constable, the D. of Nevers, the Earl of Anguien, the Prince of Conde, the Earl of Aumale, the Vice-count of Rohan, the Marshal S. Andre, Chastillon general of the French infantry, the Earl of Villars, Bourdillon then ordained Marshal of the Camp, the Earl Reingrave, and Reiroc, with their Regiments of Lansquenets, and sundry other great Lords and Captains.  

The imperial army at Deuxponts scattered over the Country of Vaulges.  As touching the Imperial army, it was altogether ready, and grew great by view of the eye, having so far already marched, as being arrived at Deuxponts, it extended itself throughout all the Country of Vaulges, in sort that it was very requisite to lodge, and cause to enter into Metz all such succours, as well of men, of artillery, and other munition, as had been determined to be sent thither, and therefore the most commodiously that he was able, 
The Marquis Albert's army very dissolute about Pont Camouson.  the Constable sent from Saint Michael the companies of horse and foot which were ordained to this purpose under the charge and conduct of Horace Farneze Duke of Castres', carrying with him a number of pioneers, and store of powder, for the better strengthening of the town, though not in so great quantity, for all that, as the Constable could have wished, and as he had done, without the fear he had of the marquess, who was always at Pont Camouson, his men being over the plain Country round about, given to all insolences of war, pilling, & leaving not aught but what they made no account of, or could not carry or bear away. The which was found very strange, and greatly augmented the distrust which might be had of him. Notwithstanding to bring him to some reason, they sent unto him the Duke of Aumalle, de Chastillon, and the Earl of Reingrave, 
The last answers or resolution of the marquis to the French, and the behaviour of his army.  to pray him to cause his people to leave of their wasting and spoiling of the Country: and finally to resolve with him the last accord of his appointment and pay of men. Then they soon enough discovered what had been before conceived of him but as it were in a cloud, rendering so ambiguous & haughty an answer, with a spiteful and malcontent gesture, that he demanded almost the moiety of a king's ransom for appointment. And as touching the order of his men's living, he showed that he had already settled his affairs, answering in the end with an assured resolution, that he was a friend to the king, and an ally to the house of Lorraine, but he meant that his soldiers should have wherewithal to live, and take it where they could find it, in case of refusal, he was resolved what he had to do, and whether to retire himself: yea, so far, as refusing to receive such money as the Constable had sent unto him. Whereby they well perceived how he was reconciled to the Emperor, by the practice of some. Who perceiving that he was out of his reach for doing him any harm, and that he had himself great need of people, pardoned him all his faults, and forbade that any should make his process in respect of the war passed: ratified the contracts made with the B. of Bamberg and Wicibourg, released him of going to the war in Hungary, yea, so far as to agree with him the more, he pardoned the Earls of Itigen, both father and son, & Albert de Mansfeld and his children. Now the Emperor lying sick of his gouts, and as well for this cause, as for the importunity of the time, his army sojourning in the county of Vaulges, with as great diligence as was possible, they placed again the French army at S. Michael, strengthened it as well with the French infantry, Germans & Zuizers, to the number near hand of 30000. footmen, and between seven and eight thousand horse: wherefore the French began to hope better than ever, so as the advise of some was to charge upon the Marquis whilst that the greater army of the enemy was so far of, the means were the gallantness of the French army, the discontentment of the Marquis' people, not able besides to make any retreat into any place, wherein they should not be pursued as enemies for their insolences passed, present, & to come. Other prevailed in council, which persuaded that it would be better to go more covertly to work, and underhand to withdraw the better part of his captains & soldiers, by means of such Germans as were already come to the king's service, with assurance of ready pay & good entertainment to come. Which was so well handled, 
Colonel Reifberg with a regiment of the marquis Albert's, retireth himself to the king's service  that with a great mutiny happened between themselves, the colonel Reifberg with his regiment, accepted from thence forward of the French party. Whereat the marquis being extremely despited, and seeing otherwise how the army of France, which every day was mightily increased, grew near neighbour unto him: how already men murmured against him, and how his soldiers mutined among themselves, whereof many both covertly and in sight were retired to the French, and how through all these accidents he was in danger to be surprised and enclosed, 
The Marquis demandeth passport to return.  he certified the Constable, how that since it pleased not the King to entertain him into his service, not willing to accord unto him reasonable appointment and pay, his request was to have a safe conduct to departed, protesting that in other places of his enemy's Country, he was able to do unto him as good or better service as there, and could conquer lands, which might perpetually remain unto him without sticking at a trifle: assuring him notwithstanding upon his faith, never to take part with the Emperor against him. The King being advertised hereof, and the matter thoroughly debated of in Council, grew of opinion how it was much more expedient, to make a bridge to a man's enemy, seeking to retire, than to put arms into the furnace to heat him any more, as well to assure the people of the violent coming of the man, seeking nought but his own adventure without respect of his life, as also honestly to convoie and conduct him, for in being willing to fight with him by strong hand, albeit that fortune were favourable, yet could not the victory remain but with great loss, peradventure of many brave men, whereof the King as then stood in great need, a far greater enemy being at hand than the other, 
The D. of Aumal appointed to accompany the Marquis.  as also to the end it might not be reproached unto him to have defeated one which came to his succours, especially a German, one of the most ancient friends and confederates of the French. To this end was the Bishop of Bayonne left near about him for his better surety and conduct, to cause him to have a safe and free passage throughout all the kings Countries. Of the other part the Duke of Aumalle was appointed to accompany him with two hundred men at arms, and five hundred light horse, to hinder any of his men from spoiling or ruining any of the king's subjects. For during the three weeks that Albert made his abode near de Thoul upon Mozelle, they understood of so strange disorder, and most excessive excesses, which his people did as well to the Nobles, as peasants and church men, that in the end perceiving how the Duke of Aumalle, to whom they addressed themselves, told them that he was not able to have any other reason at his hands, albeit he had certified him thereof, they assembled themselves to kill and truss up as many as they were able. Whereof he greatly complained to the Duke, who answered him that he would have regard to his duty, leaving him the passage free, but he had gone against his word in permitting so great an insolency. Constrained in the end to displace, he went and encamped near unto a pool upon a marish, where in the night it rained so hard, as he thought he should never have found means to escape thence, especially his Artillery sticking fast in the mire, and bemoyled even to the very axle-tree and truckes of the carriages, where the Duke of Aumalle had fair means to have clean ruined him, without the loss of any one man, had he been so disposed to have done.  

Advice & counsel among the Emperor's Captains, if they ought to besiege Metz at that time of the year.  October was now well spent, when the imperial army as yet remained in the Country of Vaulges, and towards Deuxponts, the Emperor still continuing very ill disposed, as also for that he attended succours out of the Low Countries, which were not as yet arrived, and his artillery and munition which he caused to be brought down the Rhine as far as Confluence, from thence the easier all along the river of Moselle, to make it be landed almost hard by Metz. And for that the sharpest colds of the winter begin in this season, such a delay caused a number of persons to be of opinion, that the Emperor would not so late undertake a siege of so great consequence, and that he would not expose so fair and well complete an army, to think to vanquish both the rigour of the time, and a Town so well provided, as all the Captains imagined: who counseled him rather to assay the recovery of the rest of the towns, as well of the Duchy of Lorraine, as of Barois and Luxenbourg, in which he might well cause his army to winter, and keep it covered from the evil season, in which mean time they of Metz should be constrained to spend their victuals, and consume their munitions, being continually notwithstanding held in subjection by such roads as the soldiers should daily make upon them, and the Country about more and more to affeeble them, and clean take away all means from them to recover victuals; whereof towards the spring they would stand in so great necessity, as they might then easily set upon them to their greater advantage. Showing further, how that before he cold well dispose and appoint the siege of this so great a town, and that his artillery could be planted and prepared for the battery, winter would so hardly be come on, that it would be a cause of interrupting all his means, as well by reason of snows, winds, rains, and extreme frosts, causing a great number of his soldiers to die, as through the difficulty which they should have to recover victuals, being detained and stayed back by the constraint and indisposition of the time, as also in having them oftentimes be met with, and taken away by the French. Besides all that, together with the loss that might fortune him to receive there, such and so great a shame, as he would rather wish it had cost him the crown of his Empire, so as he had not been at all there. For after having combated, and been in part defeated by the fury and violence of the time, he should find beside another enemy strong and puissant, which attended but only an occasion to ruin him for ever. This advice though it were the most certain for the emperors security, yet could it not by any means be received of him, for his spirit being pricked forward and solicited by an extreme desire of being revenged, forgot all accidents and perils, to be happily resolved in the end of one only point, whereby he might know but how to be revenged of the King. And among others it seemed best unto him, first to address himself to the town of Metz, within which he well knew were many of the principal Princes and great Lords of France: and that beside, it was perfectly furnished and provided with great store of munition. Wherefore it seemed unto him, that if by the surplus of the rest of that year, he could work so well, as to be able only to recover it, he might easily by means of such prisoners as he should find therein, obtain and get again at the king's hands whatsoever he had taken from him, persuading himself that he would help himself with the French men's own rods and preparatives to constrain them thereto, and that being come once to the top, and having subdued this first and principal fortress, wherein was the very flower of the French soldiers, he easily promised to himself the compass of his lesser enterprises. So as in the end the Emperor marched with his army towards the river of Moielle, never following for all that the right way, as if he had meant to descend towards Theonuille, and the Duchy of Luxembourg. Whereof the Duke of Guise being advertised, not willing to lose or leave in pray one of the old Ensigns of Captain La Prade, which was within Roc de Mars, took so good order; as in the sight of his enemies, the rather by the means of a skirmish which the Duke of Nemours, and the Earl of La Rochefoucaut made before Theonuille, the Ensign having set all the Castle on fire, was retired and saved, together with the better part of the Artillery which was therein.  
The Constable in the mean time who still remained at S. Michael to see and know what course the Emperor meant to take, having intelligence how the imperial army marched, holding on that way, doubting the event of sundry things, among other, least leaving of Metz, it might address itself to Verdun, which was not strong enough, nor almost of any reasonable defence, or to some feeble town or unprovided, caused the French army in like sort to march, and approached near unto Verdun, in which as then the Marshal S. Andre remained Lieutenant for the King, with his company of one hundred men at arms, and Tauannes which was governor with his company of fifty men at arms, and eight Ensigns of French infantry, of the legion of Champagne, two companies of light horse, and as many arquebusiers on horseback, who without ceasing either day or night, caused them to travail about the fortification, replenishing otherwise this great Town, with corn, wines, and all other sorts of victuals, which they could find round about. As much did Rabaudanges' Governor of D'Anuille, and De Blaneau then Governor of Yuoy, and the Captain Baron Governor of Mommedy, striving as it were with a kind of envy, and forcing themselves who should best better his place; for albeit that they were already strong and well appointed, yet did they continually watch to advance thereto whatsoever they might presume to be wanting therein. Now there rested no more but the town of Satenay, by corrupt speech called Astenay: which the Imperials being already in the field, men doubted might be first assaulted and taken on the sudden, unprovided of every thing, as indeed it was: albeit that before time the late King Francis had caused it to be repaired and fortified, to serve him for some shadow or colour, against them of the duchy of Luxembourg: since notwithstanding the evil situation thereof having been declared unto him, and how much more hurtful it would grow unto him, if after having fortified it, it should happen to fall into the enemy's hand, he caused the forts and bulwarks in many places to be cast down and razed, and the flankers and defences to be ruined; putting it again in this sort to the domanie of the Duke of Lorraine, sometime after notwithstanding the King having again recovered it, and thrust out the Bourgonians which had seized thereof, and began to repair it as you have seen, to aid themselves against him, ever since held it in his own hands, without adding for all that any new fortification, but only to hinder that it should not be hurtful unto himself. Hereupon afterwards having been showed unto him by the D. of Nevers, how it might be made strong & defensible, and that himself without any danger would undertake to keep it, he commanded that all means and devices should be sought out to fortify it with all diligence: to which this Prince voluntarily rendered himself so subject, that any great labour seemed to him but a pleasure, for the perfecting of his work, which he had in so great recommendation, that much and the principal part thereof was found well forward before ever it was imagined that the foundations were as yet laid; & not only that, but having intelligence how in a little town named Vireton within 5. leagues of Satenay, there were a number of thieves & banished persons assembled, living upon nothing but theft & spoils, which they made about the country, foreseing further that if the siege should fortune to come before Satenay, that this receptackle of brigands would serve very fitly to his enemies, 
Vireton surprised and besieged through the secret and great diligence of the D. of Nevers.  to retire thither their victual, munitions & other necessaries, he surprised them so fortunately, as in a morning before that ever they could have thought him awake, having no means to save themselves, or to have rescue from their partners, they saw themselves enclosed and enwrapped by this Prince, accompanied with ten Ensigns of French infantry: to wit, two of Verdun, two of D'anuille, 2. of Yuoy, two of Mommedy, and two of Satenay; of Cavalerie of the companies of the Duke of Bovillon, of jametz, and of La Roche du Maine, of light horse and arquebusiers on horseback, of Captain Sapoigne, and sundry Gentlemen of his own house, so as being arrived before this town in this sort, to the end readily to execute his determination, he caused it to be battered as suddenly as might be, without giving any leisure at all to make any trench, or dress any baskets of earth, but the artillery being only covered with Cartes, Tables, doors, Wagons, and such gear, as at that instant they were able to find to put before it, he so planted it and cunningly traversed it to the mark, that the wall was greatly shaken;, and a very reasonable breach made; the which they within endured without any semblance at all of fear, or willingness to yield themselves. The French Soldiers seeing the gap, had so burning a desire to go to the assault, as being impatient of temporizing, and without tarrying for the General's commandment La Chesne Ensign to Captain La Land, followed with some number of Soldiers, ran hastily into the ditch with his head forwards, to thrust right into the breach, who notwithstanding was valiantly put back by the Bourgonions, and sore hurt, whereof afterwards he died. Arbelay likewise the Ensign of Captain Baron was there slain, and many valiant Soldiers. In the end they within besieged, seeing the rest of the preparations, and not finding themselves provided, nor strong enough to sustain a general assault, made a sign of being desirous to parley, requiring that some respite might be given unto them within, who if they had not readily succours, promised to yield themselves, their lives and goods saved. The Duke of Nevers would by no means accord unto them one only hour of delay, but answered that if they did not yield themselves at the instant unto his discretion, their lives saved, 
Vireton rendered up to the discretion and mercy of the D. of Nevers.  he would cause them all to pass by the edge of the sword; so as having a while considered of the danger, they yielded themselves to the mercy and discretion of the Duke, which happened in very good time, for there remained no more but two bullets of a Culverin left: they being gone out, to the end no leisure should be given to the French soldiers to amuse about the spoil, fire was put in divers places of the Town: as for the prisoners the Duke of Nevers had already given them leave to depart, when as they were as well known unto the Captain Sapoigne their neighbour, Son to giles de Levant sometimes governor of Luxembourg, against whom Sapoigne declared unto the Duke, that the honestest man among them all had one hundred times deserved death, and how he should show them too much favour to save their lives, for if he should set them at liberty, it would be a means to make them do more harm to the French: Therefore the greatest part of them were retained and carried prisoners to Satenaye, afterwards some were sent back, the principal being reserved, chiefly the Captain Dalumont otherwise Malladerie, and his ensign named Arbonniere: all these matters being thus happily achieved in one only day, the army returned the same very night to lodge at Satenay with all the companies, except those of Mommedy, who in respect they were near hand retired as then from the place, commandment being given, that they should daily repair thither by hundreds, to make even with the ground the rest of Vireton, which the fire was not able to waste or consume, and on the next morrow having dispatched S. Simon to carry news unto the K. who continually remained at Reims, and commanded Despotz's Governor of Satenay, to receive of the inhabitants within the town, the oath of fidelity in the K. name, he dparted towards the constable, who caused the army to temporize, attending what the Emperor would attempt; who finding all his forces assembled, and the succours which he attended out of the low Countries being arrived, took the high way again towards Metz, and was approached as far as Sarabuc, 
The Imperial army approacheth within 7. or 8 leagues of Metz.  seven leagues from thence: and a few days after the D. of Alva, Lieutenant general of the Emperor, and the marquess of Marignan Colonel of the Italian Fantassins, with fourteen thousand foot, four thousand horse, and six field pieces, approached so near as to discover the Town, and the fittest places for to pitch their Camp in, which was not done without a furious and brave skirmish of the French soldiers, 
The D. of Alva and marquess of Marignan came to descry Metz.  who being sallied forth, for a beginning made them well to perceive and feel with what affection they were determined to defend themselves, and maintain the place, wherein the French as then achieved great reputation as well of the Duke of Guise as of their enemies: who afterwards retired themselves to S. Barb, two leagues back, with small advantage, and loss of near hand eight or nine score men, and of French men there was lost Marigny Picard, issued out of the ancient and most renowned house of Salezart, and five Soldiers which were slain on the place, Silly Mompha and the Captain La Vaure, died there of their wounds.  

The D. of Aumales advertisement to the K. upon the determination of the marquess of Brandebourg.  In the mean time the D, of Aumalle standing well assured of all the plats and solicit which they practised with the marquess Albert, advertised the K. thereof who was at Reims, to the end to provide of all sides, as well on that part as towards Picardy, certifying him that the most expedient way was rather to set upon him, than to suffer him to join with the enemy, and so to make him the stronger, and to bring that to pass, he let him to understand that with such means as he already had two hundred men at arms, would be sufficient to defeat him. The King made answer that he liked his device very well, provided that it were wisely executed, and without too much hazard, and presently he commanded Bourdillon to go and join with him with a hundred men at arms, and obey him wherein soever for his service he would employ him: whereupon he came towards him within three leagues, near unto which place, he readily advertised him how by the King's commandment, with all possible diligence he had made his repair towards him, to obey him, beseeching him to signify his pleasure, and what he was to do. The D. of Aumalle answered him that he was marvelously contented at his so great diligence used, and that the marquess having already passed over the river of Muse, was ready likewise to go over the other of Madon, to retire himself to the emperors Camp, and he knew not any great means how to follow him any longer: wherefore in brief he determined to retire himself to Thoul, to make war against the enemy. This answer was the cause that Bourdillon stirred not from Blanieau attending his return. Three days after notwithstanding the D. of Aumalle sent his Trumpeter with letters to the marquess, to suck always some intelligence from him: but so it was as finding him at the borough of S. Nicolas, whether he was gone with a small company to conclude with the emperors Deputies, making small account of those letters; the Trumpeter was stayed, to the end that readily returning he might not discover the secret, nor make report of what he had seen: who marveling greatly at this strange entertainment, went to the Marquis' truchman for it was told him that he had been brought up in France, 
The D. de Aumales trumpeter stayed by the marquess Albert.  thinking by that means that he would have carried some good affection to have pleasured those of that Nation, whence he had received all kind of courtesy, but contrariwise he found him a brave and presumptuous Gallant, who judged himself of the highest valour, by reason of the familiarity which he had with his Master. The Trumpeter be sought him to procure his dispatch and return. He contrariwise without making any answer at all to his request, railed extremely at the French, and wishing unto them a thousand curses, he protested with great oaths, that before it were long he would bathe himself in their blood. So the Trumpeter was enforced to tarry until the Thursday before the day wherein the defeat should be accomplished, as they told him and how that the morrow after he should return with his answer: which came not to pass for all that: for that day all things being changed to the worse, the Trumpeter was more rigorously entreated then before, led, bound fast, wrong hard, and trained, as if how-erlye he expected nought else then to be hanged or die miserably. Thus the marquess had determined the next morrow to take his way to the emperors Camp, and there rested nothing but to unite and appease some of his Captains & Soldiers, who had no great mind to turn their face to take oath to the Emperor, in respect of the evil entertainment which they had found both at his hands and the Spaniards, in the wars passed. The 28. of October the D. D'aumalle being informed of this departure, dislodged at the break of day, with all his Cavalerie from the Port of S. Vincent, where he lay, and put himself in battle upon the top of an high mountain called La Croiz du Montier, above the marquess, to consider well and view what he would do, and what course he would take; who in like sort ordered his battles to follow his intended way, without having any opinion at that day to fight with the French: yet these two armies were not long time neighbours, but that the skirmishes began hotly, as well by the Country people as some French Soldiers, 
The courageous persuasions of the marquess to make his people to fight.  who were run thither hoping to rob and spoil some booty at the tail of the marquess. To whom report thereof was made two or three times before he would believe aught, answering that the D. D'aumalle did not make search after him. It was about the beginning of November that these plaints redoubling of all parts, himself with his truchman, would needs go see how true indeed it was, where he was very fiercely repulsed, so as with a harquebus shot his truchman was slain hard by him, which moved him in such sort, as returning to his people, and with lively and affectionate prayers and exclamations, having declared unto them, 
The D. de Aumelle and the French charged upon fiercely.  how the D. D'aumalle with a great number of French Cavalerie, attended them in the passage to hue them in pieces, and that the least that could befall them was death, which they could by no means escape without doing some notable and great exploit, he used all pains and means to encourage them to the Combat, laying down before them in like sort, that if they had any doubt of the rigour and punishment of the Emperor, they were much less to hope or look for any better entertainment of the French. All these persuasions could no whit for all that move the infantry of Albert, who mutining for want of pay, refused so go any further; but well the Cavalerie, especially the chieftanes, and above all; George of the noble family of Lichtebergh, who was as in the Protestants war his Lieutenant general: the which fiercely went to charge upon the companies of the D. D'aumalle, who was upon the point and determination to retire, albeit that the B. of Bayonne egged him forward to the defeat of the marquess: but it was so late that they were already at hand to join together, and to fight with so extreme evil luck, as at the first re-encounter they met with a troop of servants, who had been set in that place but to make a show; 
The D. companies put to flight by the marquess.  whom they incontinently put to flight: and by and by charged upon an other squadron of light horse, and arquebusiers on horseback, the which in like sort they disordered, finding an onnerture without fight to charge upon the very ranks of the men of war, which they set upon and caused to recoil with Pistol shot, as troops and companies evil provided of Lances to defend themselves. The D. of Aumalle seeing his cavalry thus broken, and fled on all hands, greatly aggrieved, and foreseeing an unhappy end to ensue this enterprise, willed Breze the Lieutenant of his company to retire, and the best way that he might be able to save his company. Afterwards notwithstanding seeing the great fire kindled near unto him, and the enemies much intermingled with the principal troop of his men of war, and nearest to his person, where the combat was most sharp, and the enemies courageously rescued, by the small number which was there of gentlemen, he joined him together with those few that he had left, crying unto them with a smiling and assured countenance; my ompanions, my friends, Battle; Battle, afterwards abandoning himself to fortune, which he had ever notwithstanding so ill cheered, and entertained until then, without respect of his life, with the Sword in his fist he thrust into the press, and did as many great acts as was possible for him to do; but the throng of his enemies continually waxed greater, and the number of his own diminished, as well by being abandoned by those which fled, as by the death of the bravest men slain and beaten down before him, other sore wounded, and unhorsed, taken, & led away prisoners: in such sort as himself sore hurt with two Pistol shot in the body, and in his head, the horse slain under him, 
The D. de Aumelle sore hurt taken Prisoner.  was in the end thrown down & taken. The B. of Bayonne saved himself, the viscount of Rohan was there slain, for as 2. Germans which held him prisonner had already taken from him his head piece, quarreling who should have him, arrived a third, 
Death of Vicecount Rohan.  who after many disputes shot him into the brain with a Pistol, whereof he presently died. He was greatly lamented of all men, as one who greatly contraried, and withstood stiffly this enterprise: the company of D. D' aumalle was almost all there defeated, and among other of renown were slain De Nancay guidon of the said company; De la Motie Dusseau guidon of the Vidame of Charstres company, the guidon of the Earl of Sancerres company, S. Forgeus Captain of the light horse, the Baron of Couches, De joncy the youngest of the house of Rochebaron in Charollois, the young Vaux, and sundry other Gentlemen to the number of two hundred, of prisoners remained many, together with the D. D'aumalle, among other Desguilly master of the Camp of light horse, the Baron of Guerres, and Do lieutenant of the vidame of Charstres company, who for not being known, and by the help of their friends, escaped for a small ransom. As for Bourdillon the same night some speeches having been reported unto him, which the paisans coming from thence used touching the defeat, presently caused a Gentleman of his company to mount on horseback, accompanied with some other to go learn the matter better, and bring him the certainty thereof: afterwards within a short space following two Gentlemen of quality, which were hardly escaped thence, rehearsed unto him how all the matter passed. Upon this occasion, without making any greater loss, or causing more travail to his men, he dispatched that night Castellus lieutenant of his company, to carry the sorrowful news to the King: and presently sent his Trumpeter, to the Earl of Vaudemont, to pray him to permit the bodies of Rohan and the Baron of Couches, to be buried within the Church at Nancy, as they were afterwards, and others in like sort.  
The marquess Albert having now his heart puffed up, and received far into the emperors good grace, took again his way on towards Nancy; where he had much speech with the Earl Vaudemont, touching this defeat, for amidst his discourses and pleasant tales, he laughed at the great hardiness of the D. D'aumalle. Afterwards he returned to encamp at Pont Camouson on the other side of the river, whether anon the Emperor sent unto him a number of horse to strengthen & aid him, until he might be joined to his camp, which was already assembled, and encamped about Metz. A little above the Pont aux Moras within the wines, near unto an Abbey dedicated to S. Martin, was the quarter where the 13. of November the marquess Albert went to entrench himself, from whence having caused the D. of Aumalle to be dressed, 
The Castle of Clermont in Argonne surprised by Chastillon.  he sent him prisonner into germany to be kept in good surety. The King's army was arrived at Clermont in Argonne, a little village well situate in the country of Barrois, above which on the top of a mountain, is a Castle naturally strong in respect of the height, unaccessable in two or 3. places; the which being very commodious and convenient for many necessities, Chastillon partly by craft, and partly through fear which the captain of the place had, seeing the French army to arrive, surprised and rendered it to the disposition of the Constable his Uncle, for the K. afterwards men wrought a long time to fortify and amend it better, and an other little town named Varenne; and in the villages round about all covertly was the K, army lodged; the Constable, (the D. of Nevers remaining Lieutenant general in the army) departed thence, to go see the K. at Reims, very sorry and grieved at this evil adventure.  
As these were eagerly in arms there in Lorraine, 
Du Reux with the imperial army would feign surprise Lafoy Fere in Picardy.  so the rest would not be at rest in Pickardie, for Du Reux the emperors Lieutenant general in the low Countries, with a number of Flemings; Hannuyers, and Walloons, amounting to forty Ensigns of foot, and above two or three thousand horse, having entered into the field with resolution to enforce and surprise La fere in Picardy, which appertaineth to the D. of Vendosme, and after finding that hardly he could compass it with his honour, the Admiral D'Anebaut being there within, well provided of whatsoever was necessary for him; after having burned the town of Noyon, Nelle, Chaunis, Roye, and a magnificent house which the late King Francis caused to be builded for the pleasure of hunting, called Foulembray, with between seven & eight hundred villages, whereof the most part were of the D. of Vendosme his patrimony, and to speak truly done infinite mischiefs always, by the means of the Queen of Hungary, went to besiege Hedin: the town was quickly taken, 
Hedin besieged by Du Reux.  not being strong enough to sustain the battery nor the assault: shortly after the Castle was besieged on the Park side, where a great tower which defended the towers on that side, being much broken and the defences beaten down and shattered to pieces, they found means to undermine and dig down a great piece of the wall, and with Cannon shot to break down the squares and spurs as well of that great tower, as of the wall: wherefore the whole sunk down and was turned topsy-turvy within the ditch, which filled it up, and made a bridge very easy to go to the assault, the rampire remaining merely uncovered and worn, they had no baskets nor platforms to cover it, and albeit the rampire was as yet seven or eight foot high, they within notwithstanding seeing the wall so suddenly fallen down & the ditch filled, were so amazed & astonished, as without tarrying any assault, they yielded themselves to composition, 
Hedin yielded to the Emperor by de Rasse.  their lives and goods saved, & the composition was made by the Rasse and janlis, to which D'ouoye of the house of Querqui would never consent. At this loss the K. much marveled, considering that a little before De Rasse had certified him that he had no doubt at all of the holding out of that castle, but that which was found most strange, and that gave to the French occasion diversly to speak, was that De Rasse had ever a good reputation of a valiant Knight: 
Admiral de Anebaut dieth at La Fere.  hereupon the King understanding of the death of the Admiral D' Anebaut, deceased at La Fere in Picardy, whether he was retired to defend it from the Imperials, departed from Reims to approach as far as Challons, whether the D. of Nevers, the Marshal S. Andre, de Chastillon, and the principal chieftanes of his army came unto him, to the end to advise and conclude as soon as might be, of some way how to recover Hedin: 
The D. of Grise assured within Metz.  therefore the D. of Guise was sent unto, to know of him how long time he could be able to defend Metz, and if he were in any necessity, he should be the sooner succoured, who assuring himself of the will of God, and of the faith & loyalty of many valiant men which had followed and watched about his person, certified the King that there was no doubt at all of his town, nor of those which were within, in all whom he knew alike and semblable affection for his service, choosing rather to leave their lives then to go out of that place with dishonour. Besides that he had want of nothing whatsoever, whereby he should not be able to keep it against all power of man, with the aid of him, without whom he watcheth in vain, which will undertake the keeping of any places: he advertised him in like sort, 
The distribution of the Imperial army about Metz.  how that the second day of November the D. of Alva with the greatest part of the Imperial army, having quitted the lodging at bell Croix (Brabanson being left there with three Regiments of high Germans, two of low, and three thousand horse) and passed the River of Seille, was come to encampeneere unto the Town, distributing his army in the places about, as at S. Clement, and at S. Arnoul, where he was lodged with the spanish companies: One part of the Germans was lodged at Pont de Magny, Dom Lovis d'Auilla with the Spanish cavalry at La Maladiere, the Seneshal of La Morauie with the Bohemian horse at Blery, the overplus at Ollerye, S. Priech, at the grange aux Dames, at the grange aux Mercieres, and other places about: certifying him further how that they had begun their trenches near unto the port S. Thibaut, as if they purposed there to plant their principal battery. In the end he wrote the names and surnames of such as had best performed their duty in sallies out and skirmishes; not forgetting many other affairs as the time served, in his answer. 
The D, of Ne-Lieutenant general over all the K. forces in Lorraine.  The King thus standing assured on that part, ordained the D. of Nevers his Lieutenant general over all his forces, which remained in Lorraine: and for the good and agreeable services which Gasper de Coligny, called Chastillon, had done him and daily did, he honoured him with the office of Admiral of France, and at the very instant constituted him his Lieutenant, to bring back his army into Picardye, there to resolve upon and execute, whatsoever should be most profitable and necessary for his service. 
Chastillon being made Admiral of France bringeth all the K. army from out of Picardy toward Hedin.  Afterwards all the chiefetanes being advertised and instructed in their charges, the army was levied by the Admiral, to cause it to take the right way towards Hedin: the Marshal S. Andre was retired to Verdun, the D. of Nevers with his company, and that of La Roche du Maine, retired to S. Michael, to the end to cut of all victuals from the enemy and turn them away parting themselves in sundry companies within the Valleys: within S. Michael there were already the Ensigns of Captain La Prade and of La moth Gondrin on hundred lighthorse of captain Pelous, and one hundred arquebusiers of Captain Laventure and Bourdillon with his company, who a little before was returned from that place, whether the D. Aumalle had written unto him. 
The D. of Nevers his companies make roads to cut off victuals from the enemies.   
As soon as the D. of Nevers was arrived at S. Michael, there was a road made by his company, with certain light horse and arquebusiers on horseback, under the charge of Movy, guidon of his company, a valiant and resolute gentleman, as far as Malatour, a little town strong enough near unto Gorges, and in other great villages, which covered a valley strong enough, full of hollow woods and dangerous places, which they of the Country called La Veur, into which certain soldiers were retired, as well Spanish as Germans, of the imperial avantgard. Some were slain, and the rest carried away prisoners. This misfortune fell upon those as returned from the castle of Aspremont, thinking to have taken the Earl there in his bed, to whom it happened so well, as at that instant he was at Saint Michael near unto the Duke of Nevers. For in stead of thinking to take, they were taken, & carried away with some booty. Such roads there and about were continued by the Duke of Nevers for the space of three weeks, himself being there sometimes in person, which so sore annoyed and troubled his enemies, as they were enforced to forget the way of that quarter. Yea, by reason of these continual alarms, the imperial army was oftentimes constrained to remain half a day in battle, with great travel, colds, and other necessities. But if they endured much, the French men were not clean exempted, because that oftenest times they were feign to mount on horseback at midnight, enduring so sharp frosts and cold, as some of them have ever since had diverse of their members benumbed, and other dead, lost by the pain and insupportable torments which they endured, having continually the snow up to their horse bellies: & in such equipage passed they the day and night without food, after in the day time, & when they thought to repose themselves, and take a little breath in their lodging, they were feign to keep the watch for fear of surprisal: so as, as well to keep themselves, as to annoy and plague the imperials, they endured their part of the discommodity of the time, but much less as they well witnessed, which had abandoned them: the Italians above all, who daily went threedmeale from the emperors camp, to beseech the Duke of Nevers to receive them into the King's service, who moved with pity, 
The Italians of the emperors camp repaired to the Duke of Nevers to be entertained in the king's service.  seeing some dead, and half passing, other hunger starved without money, used all liberality possible towards them, and caused money to be given them out of his own coffers attending the kings pay. Afterwards he sent them to Captain Andre de May More, a man of approved hardiness, to dress of them companies as well of foot as light cavalry. By them & other spials the French were advertised of the most great diligence and wonderful preparatives which the Duke of Alva had made to address his battery, the great plains, the trenches, so ample, large, and deep, as hath been seen of long time, the great number of artillery and munitions, the almost innumerable quantity of baskets, which he caused continually without any rest to be made and filled, making no account of the life of those miserable vascadors, no more than of bruit beasts exposed to the mercy of the artillery and counterbatterie of the town. They reported likewise the great harms and annoyances that they within did incessantly unto them, their resolute sallies, so furious & in such sort, as some thought them rather ghosts and devilish spirits than mortal creatures. And others reporting how the conduct of the most part of their sallies was happily executed, attributed all to a rashness and bold hardiness, more than to wisdom or any discreet foresight of the inconveniences like to happen, in such sort; as one Sergeant of a band, accompanied with five or six soldiers only, with his halberd chased away, and constrained to abandon the trenches more than three hundred men. Some other in like sort durst go and nail their artillery, and kill their canoneers upon their pieces. The which the enemies notwithstanding would not repute as a fact worthy either of them, nor of a valiant and magnanimous heart. Besides that, twice or thrice a day the cavalry issued forth, putting the imperials often enough in such disorder, as some of the most hardiest Gentlemen, which would do any act worthy of memory, or for the remembrance or love of their mistresses, would go break their lances, and strike with their swords even within the enemy's tents, so far as to cut their ropes asunder, executing strange things, and not heard of in our memory. Now if the French by such feats were desirous to show themselves loyal subjects to their king, and curious of honour, the Duke of Alva reposed not less of his part, who showed himself so desirous and inflamed to render into the obedience of his master the Emperor, that puissant City, to rejoice him with the taking of so many princes, great Lords, and valiant men as were there within, that not sparing any labour, nor the lives of his, he planted his battery ready the twentieth of November, beginning to shoot at the defences, to wit, at that of the portal of the port Champenois, and of a bulwark which is within a great tower, the which is towards the river called La Tour D'Enfen, and surnamed La Tour de Lanques, & at a little Church being within the town, where there was a platform, in sum, they razed and ruined as much as they could, whatsoever might serve as they judged to the defence of the town. The six & twentieth he began to cannon it with such an impetuosity, as in the memory of any living man was never heard the like, having in front forty great pieces, which carrying bullets of an extraordinary weight, shot day and night without any intermission, other than to refresh themselves. In the mean time the besieged slept not, but with the princes and great Lords, and generally even to the very lest, they carried earth & panniers to rampire, in such diligence and carefulness, as at any place where they imagined the breach should be made, in less than twice four and twenty hours they made up the rampire the height of a perapect, leaving between the old wall and the rampire convenient flankers, & a trench farced with diverse drogs, to feast the most hotly disposed, if they meant to go to the assault. Attending which; I will look back again into the exploits of the French army.  
As soon as de Reux with the Flanders army, which as yet remained about Hedin, perceived the French to approach, without any countenance at all made to be willing to fight for maintenance of them which were ready to be besieged within, he retired, leaving his son in the castle, to whom he vowed and swore great punishment if he yielded the place with dishonour and reproach. With the same charge he left with him his companion, a Henault Gentleman named Harenuille. So the breach being made far stronger by them than before, and standing provided and strengthened with whatsoever they could imagine to be necessary for them, they sowed a bruit that both the one and the other would rather die there within, than yield themselves so good cheap as they that first went out thence. Shortly after the French army being arrived, the Duke of Vendosme, Lieutenant for the King in Picardy, caused his approaches to be made, and one of his batteries to be planted in the very same place where the Bourgonians had addressed theirs, and the other upon the slope of a little hill of the side of Therovanne. So Hedin began to be cannoned the seventeenth of December most furiously, and there were discharged four thousand three score, 
The castle of Hedin yielded up by de Reux his son to the D. of Vendosme for the king.  and six shot of Cannon, without making any breach or overture, that had not yet a rampire behind eighteen or twenty foot high. Yet faintness of heart and fear of death ceased the besieged, who yielded themselves by composition, their lives and goods saved, their Ensigns displayed, with two mean pieces of artillery at their tail, without taking away ought, or transporting of any thing else of that which they had found within: so the castle of Hedin was yielded and rendered unto the King's obedience, by the conduct of the Duke of Vendosme, the eighteenth of December. And albeit that the chief was acquitted of his duty in keeping it, yet fearing his father's choler, he remained a long time not daring to present himself before him. Suddenly after the Duke of Vendosme being advertised that the enemies meant to pass over the river, to give him battle at the hour that he parled with them of Hedin, by the King's advise he purposed to ease them of that pain, and himself went to seek them out with his forces, with intention to fight with them if they would abide. But not finding themselves strong enough, they retired towards the strong towns, and further into the heart of the Country, quitting unto him the passages to execute his good pleasure, and a means to revenge himself of those cruelties which they had committed upon his lands.  
At such time as these affairs thus passed there, the Duke of Nevers having caused on the side of Saint Michael many and sundry roads to be made, to the great damage of the enemies of the crown of France, departed thence by an intelligence which he had, how that on the side of Espinaux, by the County of Vaudemont, 
The D. of Nevers at Vauco●leu●s, to stop such victuals as came from the French county to the Emperor's camp, & his courses to annoy the imperials.  ordinarily came down great quantity of victuals & provisions to the Emperor's camp. Therefore with those few men of war which he was able to recover, being two hundred men at arms, two hundred light horse, and as many harquebusiers on horseback, he retired towards Vaucouleurs, a little French village, renowned enough upon the river of Meuse, within five leagues of Thoul, included within many of the lands of Lorain, from whence within two days after he departed to go towards Thoul, thither causing his forces to approach, which he made to be lodged in a very fair and great village named Blanieau, a temporal lordship & royalty of the Chapitre of S. Stephens of Thoul, and in other little ones adjoining. Shortly after their coming was a role made of the men at arms, and archers, the most likely and best mounted, to the number of six score, conducted by Movy, to break and cut up the head of a marvelous great pond in the county of Vaudemont, thereby to drown and destroy a number of villages which were underneath it, whether many victuals had retired themselves, and where the enemies forages found yet great store of corn and forage: which notwithstanding was already found broken and cut up, to the great hindrance of the County. The French men having made the hole greater, and returning homewards, met with a great troop of wagons & chariots, laden with all sorts of victuallers and munitions, addressed to the imperial camp. Whereof having made the greatest spoil that they were able, with a great deal of wines of Arbois, and marred the overplus, and having slain some of the guides and wagoners, led away as many horses as they were able, and retired with great danger, notwithstanding that they were constrained to pass at full day through sundry villages where some of the enemies were lodged, as well of foot as horse. The which notwithstanding fell out without the loss of any one, in respect they were not known, appareled like merchants, without any white crosses or scarves seen, and their harness covered with their cloaks, being likewise thought to be avantcouriers, to draw them to an ambuscade, or fearing lest the greater troops of the enemies were covered and lay hid. Wherefore the D. of Nevers very much contented herewith, anon after retired to Vaucouleurs.  
Now to look back again to what the Emperor did before Metz, 
A guile to pass amidst ones enemies without danger.  he traveled there with small advantage, all the thunder and strange impetuosity of his artillery not able to make one hole or passage fit to give the assault, which the Marquis Albert demanded of him; 
The emperors battery at Metz.  thinking thereby further to advance himself into his good favour, for that having well near shaken all the great tower D'enfer, all the great part of wall between the tower and the port Champenois, with the bulwark which covered it, he could not raise the vaumure, otherwise termed fanse-braie, which held up the quarters of the wall that fell, and were stayed the one upon the other, between this vaumure and the foot of the wall, no ways filling of the ditch, which remained as neat, large, and deep as before: nay, they served them within for a stronger rampire. 
Mines begun to be made by the imperials before Metz, to make a breach.  Wherefore it was thought good the battery should be changed to another place a little above, and to undermine that part, to turn topsy-turvy into the ditch that same vaumure and fanse-braie: whereof the Duke of Guise being advertised, he caused countermines to be made within in sundry places, in which he might have any knowledge, and provide for their passages, in such sort, as they had not long digged and hollowed their mines, but the sentinels and scouts of the besieged might easily hear and perceive them, the which began to discourage them, to daunt and quail greatly in their enterprise. join that then, as well by reason of the marvelous coals, as through the necessities and defaults of sundry things for the men of war, the very Germans began even to fail of courage, who caused to be signified unto the Emperor, that it would please his majesty to command a reasonable breach to be made, to enter and take the town, choosing rather to die honourable at an assault, than miserably to fall by cold and extreme famine. It was then that the Emperor judging of the impossibility of the taking thereof, was pricked with an acknowledgement of his fault, and with a great grief to have there settled so evil a beginning, for seeing so shameful an end to so hot designs, yet to make them lift up their hearts, and encourage them to his power, he promised them that if by the end of the year he did not make a reasonable breach, he would give them leave to depart, which made them to temporize, and take patience. Whereupon to make proof of this good affection, he commanded again the Duke of Alva with all diligence to cause these mines already begun to be continued and pursued, the which he did with so great and fervent a desire, that he abandoned the work neither night nor day. But the time was so contrary unto him, as all remained unperfect, wherefore if then in the enemy's camp every man failed of force and courage, the French increased from hour to hour, making more and more continual sallies and charges upon them, wherewith they daily diminished their army, for some stole away, and retired by whole troops into their Countries, others in great number were found stiff, and frozen within the trenches, lodgings, tents, and quarters, and many pale, diseased in their livers, and dead for hunger, partly for that they were so evil paid, the emperors treasure being very much consumed. Who seeing the term promised to the Germans to draw near, having before his eyes a fearful kind of shame to return, without having done any honourable action, himself being there in person, caused some to practise with them, to sound them whether they would be content to go with him to besiege Thoul, an imperial town, whereof men could not be able to finish the fortification, by reason of the plague which had taken away so great a number of the inhabitants. To which they made answer, that they had not deliberated upon it, and they were commanded by the Princes & electors, not to pass any further until Metz were first taken or yielded up. Therefore if it would please his majesty to make any breach he opened as he promised, they were all ready either to die there, or enter in: from this time about the eighteenth of December he began to cause his best and greatest pieces of artillery to retire. A little after having assembled together all his Council, to conclude of an honourable retreat, it was commanded to the Earl of Aiguemont, Colonel, and chief of two Regiments of cavalry lodged at Pont Camouson, to go down with his forces all alongst the river as far as Thoul, & as much lower as was possible for him, to discover the Country, and know what number of men of war might be there all along with the Duke of Nevers, doubting least at his retreat some greater anoiances might be done him. Whereupon this Earl departed with his cavalry from Pont Camouson, & passing along the Mozelle as far as Thoul, caused it to be summoned in passing through the suburbs, addressing his Trumpeter to D'esclauolles, who was the governor. Who having understood the Chiamade, made a sign to him with his hand that he should retire, albeit that he had just occasion to doubt upon this summons, seeing the want of victuals, the town pregnable, and to be battered on every side, evil provided of artillery and munitions, whereof he advertised the Duke of Nevers, who was at Vaucouleurs. But the Gentleman of his house who carried the news, named Torte esper, was taken by the way by some of that cavalry, scattered to find some wandering booty as it befell unto them, for having taken from him an hundred crowns which he had under his saddle, they stripped him no further: but he showed himself so accord, as finding himself half at liberty, he saved himself across the wood, through the darkness of the night, and so performed his message. And as soon as the Duke of Nevers received this advertisement, he sent all night long to fetch his men of war at the instant to come unto him, which was lodged one or two leagues of. And Albeit that it was at a time of rest, and that the most part were already asleep, his commandment notwithstanding was, that every man should bring his armour on his back, and readily mount on horseback. So they parted all the night with keeping a good watch, as it was reason, because that this Earl approached as near them as they could, and went upon the brink of the river into a village called Dagny upon Meuse, thinking to surprise them. But seeing the fire of all sides, hearing the noise and neighing of horses, and by other tokens knowing how they had warning and attended him, he retired back his ways, where returning up the river of Muzzle, he passed near unto a little town named Gondreville, seated upon the bank of that river, of the side of Nancie. On the other part a little before was arrived the Baron of Guerres, which returned freshly from a road, who not advertised of his enemies being so near him, wanted very little of passing the river of Bac, which if he had done, as much had happened unto him as did to some others that were of his company, who for having crossed the river aleady on the enemies side, were surpised, some hurt, others taken prisoners, and few or none killed or slain, the Baron saved himself within the little town, and was not rigorously pursued, as well for the darkness of the night, as the fear which they had lest they should be charged upon. That very same night was S. Simon, a Gentleman of the house of the Duke of Nevers sent with five and twenty horse as far as Thoul, to understand of Esclavolles the success of the enterprise above said. Upon whose report Fouronne, a Gentleman of his house, was forthwith dispatched and sent by the Duke of Nevers to advertise the King of all the proceedings. Who in short answer sent unto him, and prayed him to search out by all means possible that he could, how that town of Thoul might be preserved, and hold out only for fifteen days, within which time he would not fail himself to come to secure it with all his power. The Duke upon this answer, would not put any other in trust with this charge, but reserving it unto himself, the two and twentieth of December followed by Bordillon, De Bigny master of the Q. household, d'Eschenets and de Giry Ensign of his company, he went and lodged within the town thus unprovided. As soon as the Duke was there arrived, he made the round upon the walls about the town, and visited a beginning of rampires and platforms, which D'Escauolles had begun to frame within, the which was found to be excellently well invented by the ingeners and masters of fortifications, whom he caused to come thither, to consider of, and address the disposing and finishing of this fortification, enterprised and imprinted so deeply in his affection, that there remained not one man about his person, to whom he gave not some commission, and he himself the most part of the time stirred not, interrupting the ordinary hours of his meals, so greatly was he affectionate to that work, that there rested very small time that he saw not some platform made up in defence, which carried his name, De Bordillon was as busy about another, and they seemed to be almost jealous of the perfection of their works. Besides, he made search to be made throughout all the houses, garners, and sellers, and to take an oath of all those which inhabited there, to know what corn, wines, hay, fourage, and of every kind of victuals might be within the Town, to the end that order might be taken therein. But there was a small deal found, having been carried away before by the Burgesses and those which were retired to other places for fear of the plague, and that which remained within the town was consumed and spoiled without reason, by the soldiers, and such as remained there during this peril. Then being informed how that into two little towns, Thoul, and Gondeville, great quantity was carried as well out of the plain Country, as little towns and French lands, for fear of the enemies, he sent to summon them, and gave commandment that it should be brought and stored up within Thoul. To Gondeville was sent Eschenets, followed a far off by an Ensign of footmen, with a certain number of horse. The Provost and the inhabitants, after some difficulties, saw themselves so suddenly surprised, that in the end they advised themselves to obey. They of Thoul grew stubborn, forgetting themselves in the regard of Movie, who was sent unto them with fifty, horse of the Duke of Nevers his company, and an Ensign of fanterie, to summon them to obey the King's Lieutenant. Notwithstanding after his honest persuasions, seeing the Provost contestate, and at his dissembled presumption the inhabitants rebellious, he caused the town presently to be scaled, and taken as she was by assault, they somewhat felt the payment of their refusal. Movie notwithstanding caused the fury of the French soldiers to cease, already heated at the slaughter. The Ensign of infantry remained and lodged there, until that all the victuals which were within were carried to Thoul, without taking or carrying away any thing, thereby to maintain them always in their neutrality: so all victuals and munition were carried to Thoul from all parts, by the commandment of the general, with so good order, as every man lived somewhat better, and with more discretion than before. And after having considered how in case the siege should be, the town would be very ill provided of footmen, he caused four other companies to enter in, which made up the number of eighteen hundred fantassins, & some light horse, over and above the ordinary garrison.  
The Duke of Nevers being hereupon advertised, 
The Emperor upon the point to retire from Metz.  how the Emperor even longed to retire himself, and how his army every day broke and diminished, seldom suffered any day to pass without sending some people over the Country to hasten their going: so as oftentimes in stead of advancing forward, they caused them to recoil back enough with a number of prisoners which they took. notwithstanding they found them in so great poverty, as they were feign to let them pass without any harm doing. In this estate remained they until the last day of the month of December, that the Emperor understanding of the taking of the castle of Hedin, seeing himself to fall and to diminish of every thing, fearing besides the return of the King's army, and to fall into greater loss, was one of the first which retired on new years day, leaving all the charge to the Duke of Alva, for the departing of his army, and ordering of the retreat. As soon as his departure was known throughout the camp, the ways and villages round about were suddenly full of soldiers, which retired themselves, the one into their quarter, the other whether they were able, in so great misery, as very beasts, were they never so cruel, would have taken pity of those miserable soldiers, falling and staggering along the high ways in extreme necessity, and most commonly dying near the hedges, and at the roots of bushes, to become a pray to dogs and birds. And which is yet more to be lamented by men of courage, to be enforced to die so poorly, without having made any great proof at all of their valour. The which ought greatly to move the hearts of such men, as God hath rendered so happy in this world, that they never felt nor assayed the hardness of war. And when they speak with a full belly and the cup in their hand, it seemeth unto them a wedding, to live in such an estate as consisteth not in thousand and thousand of perils, more than in the danger both of soul and body, except it be wisely & justly executed. Not to lose any time upon the intelligence which the Duke of Nevers had received, he sent Movie, and the Captain Andre de may More, with about five hundred horse, as well of men at arms, as harquebusiers on horseback, to put on their spurs against the inhabitants of the County, retiring themselves into their quarters, where there wanted very little, that the son of Granuelle, the Baron of Carlaon, and others, had not been there stayed, but doubting themselves of that coming, by slack and long treats, they saved themselves. Having failed of this their first enterprise, they at one treat went at the point of day to lie in ambuscade near Ramberuilliers, within which was a Commissary of victuals, which came from the Franche comte to the Emperor, and the master of the money of Besanson, with two other merchants which brought great quantity of all kind of victuals and provisions. The commissaries and merchants were before horsed and guided by a Lorrainer, who served for a spy, by whom the Duke of Nevers was certainly advertised what he was to put in execution for their surprisal. Wherefore as they were in ambuscade near enough to the town, Andre de may sent certain Italian soldiers, which were to advertise the ambuscade, by a sign if they entered, and gain the port upon the guards, so as feigning to come from the imperial camp, and to endure great cold and hunger, they lamented so much, as they were let to go seek some victuals. Anon after some other came thither, who did as the first, & in such wise as seeming strong enough to repulse the guards from the ports, who were but Lorain peasants armed with old bills, rotten staves, and rusty brigandines, Andre speaking excellent good Spanish, was no sooner arrived, but the soldiers who were advertised of the sign made them, charged upon the porters half asleep, and the rest drunk, of whom some were massacred, other constrained to abandon the gates, which were a little after opened to all the rest of the ambuscade, who being advertised thereof, courageously entered in. I leave you to think what good husbandry there was made. The commissary was found there hid in the bedstrawe, and with these merchants was carried prisoner to Thoul, the victuals and provisions dispersed, and spoiled as much as they could. They did as much at Espinau, a castle situate upon Mozelle and Rimiremont, where great violence was offered to the Abbess and Ladies, especially by the Italians which were newly come from the Emperors camp to the King's service. The Duke of Nevers had sent Chastellus Lieutenant of Bordillons' company, towards Metz with like number of cavalry, to learn out and make a certain report of the truth of this retreat. Who passing by the Pont Camouson, found that the Count of Aiguemont with his regiment of cavalry was departed thence: where was only remaining a great number of miserable sick creatures. From whence he passed as far as Metz, where he found that the Dukes of Alva and Brabanson, with the greatest part of the imperial army were dislodged in strange disorder, 
Retreat of the imperial army before Metz.  departing in the night with two fires only for signal, the most secretly that they could, without any noise, trumpets, mischiefs, and drums sleeping, the tents left behind, and great quantity of all sorts of harness and weapons, pipes full of cannon powder, with an infinite deal of movables and stuff, and under the ground a great part of their artillery 
* There were above seven thousand men put into Abbeys by the D. of Guise and relieved, as often hath been reported unto me the Translator, by the most renowned Lord C. H. L. high Admiral of England, who himself saw all, remained in the town all the siege, and served the day that the Duke of Aumerle gave battle to the Marquis, narrowly escaping, being of the suit of the vidame of Chartres, in all those wars.  remaining for hostages, an incredible multitude of sick persons, towards whom the Duke of Guise, and the rest of the chief, even to the simplest French soldiers, used most great charity, furnishing them with all necessaries, and such relief as poor sick strangers had need of. Upon the tail charged the vidame of Charstres, so as having defeated a company of light horse, and caused a great deal of their powder which he had taken away in their sight to be burned, he returned with more prisoners than he was willing, without the loss of any one of his own. The Marquis Albert remained the last to serve for help and arrearguard, not without great pain and hazard, through the continual alarms which day and night he received. Besides that, he prayed the Duke of Nevers to hasten him to go, so as the third of januarie he departed from Thoul with his men at arms, and cavalry, and three Ensigns of fanterie, accompanied with Bordillon and sundry other Gentlemen and Captains. After he went to dine at Pont Camouson, where the rest of that day he tarried to hear news of the Marshal of Saint Andre, who was gone the lower way: having in like sort sent Movie to the Duke of Guise, praying him to advertise him of the resolution of that affair, whose answer he attended. But Chastellus being returned, and by him assured of the whole, especially how the Marquis sought all means to save himself and retire, he went forwards towards Metz with two hundred horse. The rest of that day the Princes took great pleasure to see the brave sallies and skirmishes of their soldiers. Upon the Marquis & his Germans whom they went to seek out in their own fort, and give them thrusts of pikes, and arqebus shot even within their tents, 
Sallies & skirmimishes between the soldiers with in Metz. & Marques Albert's camp.  to provoke them to come out into the plain to fight, which they would not do but by constraint, keeping still close together, and united, without breaking or severing themselves. In this estate and pain were they constrained to tarry from morning until night, not once daring to enlarge themselves so much as to seek out victuals. For as soon as they were found in any small number, by and by, by the Marangetz and Fovillardz, villains of the Country, they had their throats cut, and were defeated. Wherewith being the more annoyed, they ought rather to come out as the French desired, considering that they could not enforce them but with great loss. Therefore to the end they might the more vex them, the Duke caused four mean culverins to be placed in a little Island above Pont au Mores, which shot even within them. In sum, they did so sore annoy them, as two days after the Marquis having lost the better part of his men, departed thence in a far less number than he came with, taking his way towards Trewes. He was a little followed after, and they made a good market with his people, being combated enough with cold, famine, and other miseries. But the French moved with pity made no account thereof: but in stead of tormenting them, they opened unto them the passage, and suffered the members to go scotfree, wishing only that they might have gotten the head to have paid for all.  
The Duke of Guise advertised the King by Randan of all the success of his siege, 
thanksgivings to God by the French for the siege raised at Metz.  who after having yielded thanks unto God for so good an issue, commanded that they should make public and general processions throughout his Realm, to praise and thank God of so great and especial a grace for all France. The Duke of Guise did the like at Metz with a general procession, where he himself was present with all humility and devotion, as also did the rest of the Princes and Lords which accompanied him, to wit, the Princes of D'anguien, de Conde, Montpensier, la Roche Suryon, de Nemours, Horace Farneze, Pierre Strossie, le Vidasme de Chartres, Montmorencie, D'anuille, de Gonor, governor of Metz, De la Brosse, Lieutenant of the Duke of Lorraines company, and De la Rochefoucaut, the Vizecount of Turaine, and De Martiques, D'elangues, Entragues, De Byron, and Saint Remy, and generally all the Captains, Gentlemen, and soldiers which remained after the siege. Afterwards having ordered the garrison which should remain there within, and disposed of all the rest of the affairs, the musters being taken as well of the men at arms as the fanterie, he gave leave to all to go repose and refresh themselves in their own houses, and he himself went to the Court, leaving De Gonnor to command in his place.  
During the time that the Emperor patiently carried the misfortune happened unto him, under a hope of a more favourable to come, and as he retired to the Low Countries, he excused himself towards the Princes and Cities of the Empire of so pitiful success, laying it upon the slackness of their forces and means. For which cause, said he, he was enforced to set upon that place in the dead of winter: The King of France triumphed over his miseries, and increasing them by his Letters and Embassages to all Christian Princes, the more to diminish the authority and credit of his enemy, whose power he said was altogether broken by the issue of so miserable a siege, passed the most part of the times for revenge of so great rains and sickness, as had been endured by the continuance of the wars passed, in ease and rejoicings which he took in feastings, tiltings, tourney, and other royal pleasures, among which, the marriage made at Paris with rare magnificence, between Horace Farneze Duke of Castres', and the Lady Diana his natural daughter, was most famous. But the Emperor prompt and active in his actions, pricked beside with an extreme desire of revenge, which by all means in all places he practised, soon troubled this good cheer, for in the beginning of the spring, with such a number as he was able to assemble, and first under the conduct of du Reux he sent to besiege Terroanne. But prevented by death, that charge was given to Binecourt, a knight esteemed one of the most sweet & gracious among them. That City, albeit that it was little of circuit, had a renown great enough throughout all Europe, of which the Romans make honourable mention in their writings. It was situated upon the little river of Liz, in the confines of Gaul Belgic, a nation of a long time esteemed warlike by the historiographers, called by the Latins Morini, now they call it the Cauntie of Ponthieu somewhat near the great Ocean sea, in situation somewhat hanging, environed with fens & marshes, woods, and great forests. Besides, curiously fortified by the Kings of France, to whose hands it hath a long time since been fallen, to serve them as a bulwark and frontier as well against the English, as Flemings and Hanuiers, among which it is enclosed, having done a thousand spoils, and an hundred sundry enterprises, which they would attempt upon Picardy. Wherefore it was once clean raised and made even to the earth by the Englishmen, and there was salt sown in sign of eternal ruin. But yet is it much more odious to the Flemings, Burgonians, and Hanuiers, who for this occasion importunately induced the Emperor to this enterprise. Now forsomuch as it was esteemed impregnable, & that as well by intelligence, as other considerations not thought, that the Emperor would convert his forces to that place, but rather into Champagne, towards Mezieres and Yuoy, they had not so carefully furnished it with victuals & sure munition, as was requisite for so long a siege. Whereof the neighbours being advertised, the enemies used so great diligence, that it was suddenly besieged, De Losses being alone, within the principal and chief, with his light horse and some people of the Country, in no great number, nor of any great defence. join that through the covetousness and negligence of former governors, a thing natural to us French men, this key remained bare and unfurnished of all provisions: therefore it was necessary to make a virtue of necessity, & where prudence could not take place, there it was necessary that force should second it. In such sort, as even in the beard of the enemy, and in spite of them, being as men judged for the most part not used to the art of wars, they strengthened it with men, victuals, and whatsoever they were able. D'esse, otherwise called Panuilliers, knight of the order, most renowned for his virtue and prowess, being sent thither Lieutenant for the King, and with him Frances of Montmorencie, eldest son to the Constable, with the most part of their companies, followed with a great number of other Lords, Gentlemen and soldiers, who entered therein to seek for honour: and the rest following their Captains to defend and keep the place. But as such a victualling thereof despited the Emperor, and making him obstinate, reiterated his despite, to cause it to be battered and assaulted, the King contrariwise assuring himself of an impossibility to force it, slacked it in such sort, as without any other succours or preparatives, he left his enemy to do whatsoever he listed. For albeit that they within, and the Duke of Vendosme with the men at arms of the garrisons about, impeached and gave alarms unto them as much as was possible, yet their number being much greater and stronger than the French, they could not so hinder them, but that they made their approaches, where they themselves thought best even to plant their battery where they pleased, and knew might most annoy the town, putting the very mouth of their artillery nearest, and upon the brink of the ditch between the castle and the tower Du Chapitre, upon a little hill where the gallows stood hard by. Having brought from many towns and castles of Flanders and Artois all sorts of Artillery, with innumerable munitions of powder and bullets. So glad was that nation to see it environed, that not only women and little children ran thither, but for joy sung songs, and vulgar rhymes, carrying and bringing into the camp all sorts of grain, drinks, beasts, and other victuals by heaps, which made their army seem far greater in number; than well furnished of good soldiers.  
Their battery began about the end of june, strange and furious enough: but albeit the bullets fell as thick within the town, as great hailstones out of the sky, and that there was not upon the rampires, through the streets or within the houses, any sure place and without danger, yet they within besieged were smally seared therewith. Now making continual sallies and recharges upon their enemies in the midst of these thicks and smokes, they sought them out, and by heaps beat them within their own forts and trenches, and sometimes constrained them to abandon their trenches, and had leisure enough to stick up some of their pieces with nails, and set their powder on fire, so as they dragged into the town one of their culverins, and after shot many shoots at them, albeit the great store of artillery and munition which was continually brought to the camp, hourly repaired any disorder or annoyance, which the French with great labour and danger could do them, being a far greater loss to lose one man besieged, than ten besieging. Upon this the tempest and thundering battery of the enemies grew greater daily, & there remained not within the town, tower, or turret, to the least battlement that fell not to the ground, there was not any defence without or within, which they raised not. Briefly, in seeing it thus battered, & thrown down, one would easily believe that they determined to lay it all to dust. They within without any respect at all of their own lives, to the same place whether they saw the bullets bend, from moment to moment carried upon their backs earth, faggots, turfs, and dung, which notwithstanding much weakened them by reason of the continual toil which they in the day had to rampire, and in the night to watch, to keep sentinel, and sustain diverse alarms with little rest, for a necessity practising the office of soldiers and labourers both together, by reason of the small number of artificers and pioneers, and less store of any necessary tools that was in the town at a pinch, as pickaxes, spades, shovels, mattocks, crows, and such sort of iron works, whereof they stood in so great need, as the soldiers within were constrained to peck the ground with spits, dagger's, fire shovels, and as a man may say, even scratch it with their nails: for which and such like wants, many towns in France have been gotten by the enemy, albeit that they were well furnished beside for good men: for help whereof, and to give some rejoicing to the long travel of the besieged, they caused the Captain Grille to enter in with one hundred harquebusiers on horseback. The which he bravely enterprised and executed, and with such conduct, as having forced the watch, with small loss of any of his soldiers he entered in, in the sight of them all, which greatly increased their courage. The same day they made a sally in like sort out upon them luckily enough; & made their retreat like men of war, without receiving the worse. But that nation showed itself so great an enemy to this poor miserable town, that she forgot nothing whereby she might make her extreme desire appear, of seeing the total destruction thereof, and how much by day & night they ceased not to torment it, by all means which they could possibly imagine, by so much more increased the courage of the French, to repulse them back, for in less than one hour they had made up the rampire without the ladder, where they perceived the artillery to begin to shake the wall, and made stronger in an instant, what in one day had been thrown down, than it was before. Notwithstanding the lightning of their artillery was so terrible and violent thundering without intermission, as there was neither rampire, bank, nor defence which it turned not over without remedy, the which continued so furiously for the space of near hand ten days together. Within which time the enemies supposing that they had made a breach reasonable and great enough, as in deed it was of threescore paces long, the wall, rampire, & all the defences as well of the castle as the great tower being broken down and battered, no more remaining but a little mount which they within had caused to be made, and the parapect and top of the ditch, which was yet strong, and hard for them to mount up unto, notwithstanding that as well with the quarters and ruins of the wall, as with faggots and hurdles, they did what they could to fill up the ditch, to make the scale more easy. That being known to those within, they resolved to abide them, and you may easily believe that they left nothing in their lodgings that was not brought out. After many volleys of artillery, as well from the mountain, which gave right on the back of the besieged, willing to defend the breach, as from that which shot in face of them on the river side, with a great noise of mischiefs, 
A furious assault to Terroane by the flemings & Hanuiers, held out by the French.  Drums, Trumpets, and diverse cries after their manner, they went furiously to the assault of all parts, carrying ladders and all kind of engines to scale and force the town, and there was that day a most marvelous combat seen. For if the enemies were wilful to enter in, much more had the French a better will to defend themselves and repulse them. There could one have seen nothing but wild fire, and unquenchable crackling of armour, and all kind of weapons, piteous cries of those which were burned, maimed, turned over, and drawing towards death: generally all sorts of most terrible and furious executions, for the space of more than ten long hours, the enemies refreshing themselves three times. In the end the resolute constancy of the besieged prevailed, and vanquished the obstinacy of the imperials, repulsing them with a great butchery of their most brave men, not without great loss of them that kept it, among whom the valiant Knight De Hesse lost his life, whose prowess was already renowned beyond the frontiers of France in many places, namely in the Islands of England and Scotland, as also did De Viennes, De Beaudisne, De la Rocheposay, De Blandie, and the Captain Ferriers, all men of mark, and of laudable conduct, with other valiant Gentlemen and soldiers.  
The King being advertised how courageously his men behaved themselves, persuaded himself that to so victorious a beginning, there could not ensue but a most happy end, 
A stratagem of the Captains, Brevill & Saint Romain.  without ordaining any further succours for this little town almost torn in pieces of all parts, saving only that he caused De Hedin, the Captain Brevil, and S. Romain with about three hundred footmen, to assay if they could enter in. Which they most fortunately performed, not without great danger and hazard of their persons, the enemies having with their trenches and mounts compassed and environed the town round about, even so far as to place their Corpse de gnets within the ditches, who being never a whit the more cooled nor discouraged for that, fought daily hand to hand with the French which kept the breach, and grew much more earnest in returning unto it, assaying by all force possible to carry it away, and did not only give fire to diverse hollow mines in sundry places, the most part whereof they found false and vented, but they beside practised a slight never before used, which was to dig under the parapect and back of the ditch, being very hard and uneasy to mount up to the breach, all the flankers and defences (as I have told you) being raised and broken down with the artillery, having made certain Taudis, which they call Mancelets, in fashion of blinders, only to cover them from hand strokes and stones, whilst that they did approach to the foot of the breach, under which they hollowed & trained, their mine as themselves could desire. Whereat the French marveling enough, persuaded themselves that the enemies were not able to hollow and dig so far as under their feet, which were above them upon the breach, but rather that they would draw out the earth from under the castle, or the great tower Du Chapitre, but contrariwise they still digged under the parapect, the length of the very breach, holding up the burden with shores and piles, filling the ditch full of the earth which they drew out. The work being finished, and fire put thereto, it happened that one part of this parapect was blown up, and fell within the ditch, and the rest sunk in a heap, swallowing up many French soldiers, 
Terroane surprised upon the terms of composition.  the which made the mouth of the breach far greater, and so easy, as a man at arms might mount up on horseback armed at all pieces. Whereupon Frances of Montmorencie, according to the counsel of all the Captains which were within with him, considering how there was no more means to defend the town or make any resistance, advised at the least how to save the persons, and demanded composition, which was granted unto him. But whilst that they parlyed, the Germans and Burgonians entered in at diverse places, and thereupon the old Spanish Ensigns ran up the great breach, crying, Fair wars, fair wars. Whereupon some French men drew to them with their pikes, and stretched out their hands unto them to keep them from being murdered by the Germans. 
The cruelty of the Germans & Burgonians at the taking of Terroane.  Nothing being able to be otherwise concluded by this composition by reason of such a surprisal, where you might have seen most strange cruelties which the Germans and Burgonians committed, speaking of nothing but cutting of throats, so as the miserable French men esteemed themselves most happy to fall prisoners into the hands of more gracious Lords, from whose fury hardly could Frances de Montmorencie save himself, who only remained there within lieutenant for the king, whom in seeking to cover and defend, D'ouartie was sore set upon and hurt in his presence, yet afterwards he was known and carried prisoner to Binecourt, the emperors Lieutenant. The other more apparent prisoners, as the Viscount de Martiques, 
The principal prisoners taken within Terroane  Dampierre, de Losses, Baudiment, Bailet, de S. Romain, the captains Grille, le Breul, and Saint Roman yielded themselves to diverse masters, as the hazard gave them leave: and forasmuch as the simple soldiers were the first which entered in, and not the captains or Lords of authority, such prisoners as could readily make any money, went out good cheap, as the Viscount De Martiques, Dampierre, de Saint Roman, and the Captain Breul. But such as tarried tardy were known, 
The humanity of the Spaniards towards the French soldiers.  and in great danger there to abide by it long. The surplus of the soldiers found at the Spaniards hands (to whose mercy the most part were fallen) an honest entertainment, taking of such as had means reasonable ransom, and the poor having stripped them of their weapons and best stuff, they sent back safely, and oftentimes themselves conducted them. Within this little town was found a great deal of good and gross artillery, chief two very fair and long culverins.  
In this time the great Turk Sultan Soliman carried himself too rigorously towards the person of Sultan Mustapha his eldest son, which he had of a slave. 
Soliman the great Turk causeth his son to be slain.  Who having been sent with his mother from his first youth into the province of Amafia, which was given unto him, was so well and carefully brought up, as he there achieved great honour and amity, not only of all in that Country, but throughout all the governments of his Father. This mother being absent; Soliman took another slave unto him named Roza, of whom he had four other sons, Mahomet, Bajazet, Selim, Giangir the crook back, and one daughter, which was married to Bassa Rostan. Roza being endued with admirable beauty, accompanied with all the flattering delights and allurements which possibly one could imagine, 
Religion lightl● a colour for any villainy.  knew so well how to play her part towards Soliman, who was as it were a man ravished, that by the help of Muchthy (as much to say, as the sovereign Priest of the law of Mahomet) and under colour of religion, she was not only made free of condition, but lawful wife & spouse of Soliman, to which never any before her attained. Raised now unto such honour, and seeing herself entirely beloved, she had no greater care than how to establish the Empire unto one of her children after the death of the father. But foreseeing that the singular virtues of Mustapha would be so far contrary thereunto, that whilst he lived she should never have rest, (because that he had gotten the love of the men of war, and how the eyes of all men were upon him, for the great hope of his magnanimous courage and singular dexterity) she studied as much as she could to make him become odious to Soliman, to which her son in law greatly aided her, for that he as then governed all the affairs. Her reasons were, how that Mustapha building upon the love and favour which he had gotten of all men, through his great liberality, courage, & dexterity of spirit, burned with such a longing to reign, as every man feared least in affecting the Empire, he would shorten the days of Soliman, as already Selim had done to his father. Therefore she urged Soliman, and besought him with many and great tears that he would take order therein, thereby to provide for his own safety. Now albeit in the beginning she smally prevailed, and that Mustapha had well discovered the crossebarres which she ordinarily prepared for him, yet she never ceased to continue, by the help of a jew, a most renowned enchantress, who having given unto her certain drugs, she caused the amity of Soliman to be redoubled towards Roza, so well, as she assured herself of a good event at the last to her enterprises, albeit a delay might be for a time. Finally, after many practices, she found means to suborn the governor of Mustapha, and caused him to write (though falsely) unto Soliman, how his son meant to take in marriage the daughter of the King of Persia. This old man moved by the continual plaints of Roza and Rostan, easily gave credit to these news and false advertisements, so as in the year 1552. having caused a bruit to run of the Persians coming down into Syria, he sent Rostan thither with a puissant army, for (under colour of going to meet with his enemies) to cease upon Mustapha, and bring him prisoner to Constantinople, with express commandment to kill him, if otherwise he could not take him. But Mustapha advertised of the whole matter, and how that the Persians were not at all in the field, came towards him with seven thousand men of the best experienced in the wars, which caused Rostan to make a quick return without doing aught. Whereat Soliman being the more provoked, the next year caused the same bruit again to run, and how having levied a great army he meant to go himself in person against the Persians. Being arrived in Syria, he commanded his son to come unto him to his camp. Mustapha knowing how it was him alone which they shot at, albeit he was prayed and greatly solicited to avoid the fury of his Father, and retire himself into some other part, trusting in his own innocency, and thinking it a matter more commendable and worthy of his greatness, to die in obeying of his Father, than living, to incur a note of infamy and treason, yea, though thereby he, might gain the Empire of the whole world: thinking in like sort, that for that he never made any refusal, by his own presence he might appease the fury of his father went on his way thither, but being entered within Soliman's tent, he was suddenly taken and strangled in his own presence, after at the same instant, the Bassa his head of the Province of Amasia, was struck off. This cruelty being come to the knowledge of Giangir, the crook back, one of the rest of the four brothers, he manfully rejected the gift and spoil which his father had presented unto him, so that lamenting the death of his brother, he could not command himself, nor refrain from uttering these speeches.  
Ha cruel Traitor, I cannot say Father, take now to thyself the treasures, the Horses, the tapistry, and the Province of Mustapha, and govern it at thine own pleasure: could it fall into thy thought O infamous man! and without humanity, to cause to die against all law, so valiant a parsonage as never was nor never will be the like in all the house of Ottomans? Ha, ha, it shall not be true, and I will take order, that thou shalt never be able impudently to vaunt, that ever thou didst the like to me poor Crookebacke: and at the instant drawing out his dagger, he stabbed himself so far into the body, as he fell down stark dead, which being known to his Father, he marvelously mourned, and notwithstanding he spared not to seize of all his goods, which caused a great tumult in Mustapha his Camp, but it was nothing in respect of that they did after they understood of his death. In such sort as Solyman with great danger of his life, was constrained to banish Rostan, and deprive him of all honours and dignities. This death fell out very fortunately for the Christians, to whom Mustapha was a sore enemy, and took singular pleasure in shedding of their blood: it was likewise taken so grievously of the Turks, that from thence forth this proverb is grown among them, Gietti Sultan Mustapha, all is ended since that he is dead, all is done whatsoever we thought of: for they imagined in their own fancy that it was he which should enlarge the bounds of their Empire in another manner of sort then ever did his Ancestors, which they could not expect at the hands of any other.  
Let us handle again the siege of Teroene.  
The Emperor lying at Bruxelles, and being promptly advertised of the taking of Teroene, conceived a very great pleasure thereat, 
Teroene razed to the foundation by the emperors commandment.  sweetening by the hap of this good fortune, the bitterness of his former disgraces, so as throughout all the Countries of Flaunders, Arthois, and Henaute were seen great bonfyers. Afterwards he commanded that it should be razed and thrown down to the very foundations, to the end nought might rest but the place, where it might be said Teroene had been. Afterwards he sent the Prince of Piedmont his Nephew Lieutenant general in his army, to quench a sedition and a certain envy which the Princes and great Lords bare to Binecourt a worthy Chief of these troops. But such is the malice among men, that it was never, nor ever shall be, but that envy will be among equals, albeit that often times it may lie dissembled.  
The King understood of these sorrowful news as soon as the Emperor, which at the instant seemed as strange unto him, as any thing which they could have made report of, considering how he had before received an entire contentment of that furious assault which the French had so resolutely sustained: but being certified by divers reports how all the matter was handled, he was greatly grieved at the taking thereof, and much more bewailed his men, which he thought to be in a far greater number dead, then afterwards it was found to be. Now albeit that among the French the plaint was great, and the loss very prejudicial, yet necessity (the inventresse and mistress of all Arts) sharpening the wits of men to assay strange things, stirred up the King's spirit in a sort, joint with the sorrow and grief of the loss, so that being advertised how his enemies shortly after this ruin took their way, and prepared themselves to come and do as much at Hedin, he made ready all preparatives to fortify the same with men, and all things fitting to stay them short, or at the least until such a time as he imagined his army could be in a readiness, to the end to raise the siege and drive them into their own Country. Now the D. of Bovillon Martial of France, desirous more and more to persever in the K. service, 
The D. of Bovillon within Hedin, Lieutenant for the King.  had long time before undertaken the defence of this Castle, to which would needs accompany him Horace Farneze D. of Chastres, and the Earl of Villars, with a great number of other Lords, Gentlemen, and good Soldiers, who to make proof of their courage, of their own accord presented themselves to this service, albeit that the K. stood in some doubt of the force and validity of that place, and had no affection at all to expose thither such personages of such authority: they notwithstanding preferring an immortal renown before their goods or lives, went to enclose themselves within this fort: to this very end were dispatched couriers and commandments to the Captains of the men of war, to have in readiness all their companies, and as soon as it were possible to cause them to march and to render themselves near Amiens, where the Constable was, hoping to assemble together there the King's army, commissions were distributed to the Captains of the infantry, to make their levies as soon as they were able, and to those of the old Ensigns, and entertained companies to furnish them complete, and well armed to conduct them surely, and without plaints unto the Rendezvous: there was also proclaimed throughout all the Realm, that the Rirebands according to their duty, and the King's ordinance, should forthwith march and furnish themselves to the same place, afterwards they advertised and besought the Zuizer cantons of the French league, to send to their succour a certain number of footmen of their nation, the best armed and complete that they could, according to the agreement between the Kings of France and them. The King in sum caused great diligence to be made, and commanded that all things should be provided for the putting of his power into the field, 
Great diligence used by the imperials to besiege Hedin.  where his enemies being advertised and well assured, that if they did not employ that small time which they could get, (within which the kings army might be made ready) so to purpose as they might enforce Hedin, hardly they should attain to the chief of their enterprise, or retire without a battle, or other peiudiciall accident: they advanced with such diligence their affairs, that the Town being void of inhabitants, (who were fled and retired into France with whatsoever they could carry away of their goods) was in very short time taken by them, in respect it was not much defended by Soldiers, who shut up themselves within the Castle, esteeming it impregnable. There they planted on the one side one of their batteries, and the other towards the park, and the greatest of all by the Tower Robin, where the French had already made theirs, but notwithstanding any resistance which they within besieged were able to make, they were not able to divert them. This Castle being little, which in all could contain but 2000 men, and that hardly having in times past been builded by the Dukes of Burgundy, only for the pleasure of hunting, & not to fortify it in any sort, so not losing one sole hour by day or night to batter it so furiously as was possible, they travailed not only to throw it down by their artillery, but undermined it so diversly and in so many places, that it was impossible that a Coney berry could have more holes and hollows under the ground, than were under the foundations of this castle, 
Hedin besieged, battered, undermined, taken, and sacked by the Imperials.  all the countermines & secrets within being known & practised by many of the enemies, the place besides being very subject to this imperfection. Now the enemies had already battered and digged down the greatest part of the parapette and rampire of the great breach, where a great number of valiant men remained, and already given a false assault, when all the dangers were declared to the D. of Bovillon, and withal the irrecoverable loss of so many brave men as were within so vile a place, the taking of Teroane serving them for a fresh example, without comparison far stronger than that Castle, wherefore of every side were proposed terms of composition, the which the Prince of Piedmont willingly enough agreed unto, standing assured how the chieftains which defended that place were men of valour, and the soldiers full cunning at such an occupation, considering likewise that the time was very short to make any long temporizing, curious beside to get good cheap, whereby afterwards he might the better employ his army to matter of greater consequence. But as the Gentlemen and Trumpeters went from the one side to the other, to resolve of the composition already in good forwardness, nothing resting but the delivery of hostages on both sides, and the signing with the Prince's hand, two misfortunes happened to the French: the one, that a Priest not wittingly as since it was known, but through lack of foresight or some secret malediction, set on fire such works and preparations as they had made ready to abide the assault: the other, that the Bourgonians greedy of the pray, by the sweetness which they found in the sack of Teroane, gave fire to the trains of their mines, fearing to be frustrate of so great a booty as they expected: so as one part of the Soldiers being burned and consumed in these fires, another swallowed up and perished in this gulf of smoking mines, the rest which were a very few astonished as if they had fallen from the clouds, without daring to make any resistance, in respect they were forbidden to stir from their places, or move their weapons, attending the Princes signing and confirmation, were surprised and found themselves at the mercy of their enemies, before they ever thought them as yet to have been entered. The Prince of Piedmont knowing this adventure so happily fallen out for him and better than he hoped for, would not afterwards sign what he had before promised, forgetting all the precedents, through the joy which he had for the recovering of that place, and the prisoners at so easy a rate. So as presently mounting up the great breach, he entered the Castle to go to the D. of Bovillon, who as soon as he perceived him, moved with an extreme choler, which made him forget all fear of death, said unto him: why how now Sir, is this the keeping of your promise? will you not send such hostages unto me as you promised, and perform what is agreed between you and me? to whom the Prince answered with a smile, sufficient testimony of his joy, how that he had spoken too late, and how it was no more needful to give hostages when all his people were already within. In sum, that after many speeches the resolution was, that they should remain prisoners, to wit, the D. of Bovillon chief and lieutenant for the K. De Riou Governor, La Lobe Ensign of the Duke's company, the Earl of Vilars, De pry Lieutenant of his company, De Guenon guidon, De Vanze Martial of the lodgings, the Baron of Culan, De Marets Lieutenant of De Riou his company of foot, with sundry other, whom seeing by appearance to be of some mark, he would needs have their names, and afterwards more ransom than otherwise he had: so this Castle was again recovered by the imperials the 18. of july, after the death of Horace Farneze D. of Castres', whom a bullet of a great piece carried away, and hard by him De Magny a renowned gentleman in the feats of arms, there died also the viscount of Martigues, 
Horace Farneze D. of Castres', De Magny, the Viscount of Martigues, Moninuille Cizieux, Dampierre, Lusignan, and others dead at Hedin.  who being delivered out of prison at Teroane, presently repaired to this castle, having always spent his time in many honourable actions: Moninuille of the house of Amboise, de Cizeux Commissioner of the wars, the C. Lusignan ensign to De Riou, De Dampierre, who had likewise been prisoner at Teroane, and came again thither with the Seneschal of Castres', and Captain Vifargent, who were sunk within the Ours, the Captain Malestrot Lieutenant to Maugeron, the Captain Morarque, captain of a company of footmen, and the Captain Coq Ensign of Captain Cerf his company of foot, were there slain among the first in the base town. The Emperor most joyful of the taking thereof, commanded that with all diligence they should cause the Castle to be razed, but K. Henry much more redoubled his former sorrow, being enforced notwithstanding to run to the most expedient remedy, albeit there was before no other brute throughout all France, then levying of men of war, and all the ways covered over with Soldiers, he sent again to hasten all his companies, and in as short time as was possible to make ready his army to hinder them from doing any other enterprise, thinking it sure that they would as they threatened to dourlan's (where the vidame of Chartres was) a Castle of less strength than Hedin, which the late King Francis had caused to be dressed up with earth, to serve for a bulwark and counterfort to Hedin, at such time as it was enemy: therefore on all sides posts flew about to solicit this preparation. As touching the men of arms and French cavalry, they were by & by ready and on foot, as well in having been placed in garrisons, as for the commodity and leisure which was given to the men at arms, to look for a little time into their domestical affairs. The French fanterie was likewise very glad to be joined together, the old Ensigns being complete in their garrisons, and places ordained, with such good order as the new captains had set down to make suddenly their levies, and through the advertisement which they had given to their Soldiers to be ready at the first warning, as for the Germans and Lansknets, such as the K. had retained for his service, having always been entertained and paid were already in the field, so in very few days and about the beginning of the month of August. the K. camp grew far greater & greater, about Amiens and Pequegny, none remaining but the Zuizers and Grisons, 
The French army assembled near Amiens and Pequigny.  who as well for abiding far of, as being of themselves heavy and massy, came but by small journeys, especially to the end they might not be tired, when they should arrive at the camp, but be fresh and prompt to fight suddenly if need so required: therefore they arrived not before the end of that month: after the taking of Hedin all the time while the K. army assembled, the imperials did nothing else then raze it to the ground, and employ themselves to robberies, and burning of Villages all alongst the river of Authia: and albeit that they had summoned the Castle of Orlan, and spread a brute that they meant to besiege it, they made no semblant thereof for all that, nor that they were willing to attempt any new matter, until about the 13. of that month, when, having had advertisements how the Constable had caused 4. ensigns of the French fanterie, and 2. companies of light horse to pass over the river of Some, they determined with 4. regiments of their cavalero to surprise, and defeat them so readily, that as they would have executed the enterprise before that those which were about Amiens should be advertised thereof: it fortuned that the Constable had addressed the same day another party to go visit them as far as their own Camp, Paul Baptista having commission to pass the river with 50. horse to attack the skirmish, and draw them to fight, the D. of Nevers remaining in ambuscade, with 3. companies of light horse, in a wood upon the bank of the river of Authia, who finding himself at any time to be overmatched, had Sansac to rescue him, who was behind half a league of, with 5. other light companies, the Prince of Conde was a quarter of a league on the right hand of him with 3. light companies: likewise the Marshal of S. Andre with 500 men at arms, a mile farther behind towards the camp, the constable being half way between all his companies and the river, accompanied with 4000 horse, as well of companies as Rirebands, and 20. ensigns of infantry, half French and half Lansknets, and 4. field pieces, but easing the French of the pains to go seek them out, they approached near the Marshal S. Andre, having left all their light Cavalerie behind them, so as three hundred horsecouriers rushed even upon the Constable without discovering any of the ambuscades. Hereupon Sansac his light cavalry began the skirmish nearest to the Marshal's ambuscade, where the French were borne down, and rudely put back even to the hindermost man, so as they took two prisoners, who told them that the Constable was not above a quarter of a league of with all his forces, the which caused them to hasten to give the charge upon the companies of the D. of Vendosme and of Sansac, who at the same instant was covered and charged by an other thousand horse, and upon this medley the Marshal began to march with a great trot right towards them, which quickly stayed them, and by and by they discovered the Prince of Conde in set battle galloping to join upon them, whom as soon as they saw, they put themselves in such disarray, as being recharged only with fifty helmets, they were put to flight: for the Prince of Conde so roughly set upon them, as he and his company pursued them a long League, where were slain of theirs between 7. and 8. hundred men, among whom there was found of renown the Earl D'espinoy, and other great Lords of the low Countries, seven as well Ensigns as Guidons gained, 
The D. of Asco● prisonner.  near 500 prisoners in number, among whom the D. of Ascot was found. On the French part for men of reputation, the son of Canaples, and of La Roche Guion, and the Guidon of Sansac, remained there prisoners, with some other soldiers, especially of the light cavalry, not any great number either taken or slain.  
This re-encounter so happily executed, greatly quailed the courage of the imperials, who since did no matter of importance, for incontinently after they departed from Beauquesne, where they were encamped, so as having razed the tower and the fort, they came by great journeys as far as Anchor & Miraumont, within 4. leagues of Peronne, French lands, where having put to the fire, and lodged ten Ensigns of their bravest men within Bapaulme, thinking that according to the common brute, the first fury of the French would be there discharged, without making any longer stay, the body of their army retired towards Arras, which was not as then very great or puissant, for many of them especially of the borderers of Artois and Henaulte, retired to their own houses, to gather together the best of their goods, and enclose it within strong towns, or hide it in sure and secret places, knowing that the King's army was all complete, and was to put into the field within a few days, the which in the end of August was assembled together near to Corbie; 
The French army in the field.  and the first of September the Ensigns of France were displayed about the little town with a mighty great number of men, the which the K. would needs see upon a little mount, especially the Zuizers, now they set their battles in such ordinance, as they carried the prize over many nations, a thing which marvelously was agreeable & pleasing unto him: The Constable being general of the army, and the first chief in the vanguard, was accompanied with the Princes & Dukes of Vendosme, Nevers, Anguien, Montpensier, and the Admiral: each one of these Princes having a regiment of men at arms, which is of 200. men at arms, and over which they commanded 49. ensigns of French sundry, making up the number between 15. & 16000 men, of whom Chastillon Admiral of France was general, the Earl Reingrave colonel of the Lanseknets, with Reisberg had 4. regiments, which are 20. ensigns, making the number between 10. & 12000. men, four Ensigns of Scots, and two of English, amounting between twelve and fifteen hundred men. Sansac was the principal chief of the light cavalry, near to two thousand horse, comprehending therein three or four hundred English men, brave men, and well skilled in this occupation. The nobles and rierbandes were complete very near three thousand horse, whereof La jaille was general, there were few of the particular companies of harquebusiers on horseback, for that the King had a little before made an ordinance thereupon, to every Captain of one hundred men at arms, to levy fifty arquebusiers on horseback, armed with corselets, murrions, vanbraces, or sleeves of mail, with an handgun or arqebus, or a firelocke or cock, within a case of well tanned leather, mounted upon good curtailes, and unto every one of fifty, 
A new ordinance of arquebusiers mounted.  five and twenty in like equipage, conducted by a man at arms of the greatest experience, especially to that end to be chosen out of their own company: all which made well up the number of twelve or fifteen hundred. A thing well invented and by good counsel, to assist a man at arms in any narrow or uneaeasie place, and which gave great countenance and grace to the army, in being the first before the companies, together with the diversity of their apparel. In this battle was king Henry near unto him, the Prince of Ferrara, the Duke of Guise, the prince of La Rochesuryon, and the marshal Saint Andre, every one of these princes having a regiment of men at arms as the rest. The great Escuyer de Boisi, and Canaples, with their bands of the royal house, and the guards as well French and Scots, as Suizers, and a number of great Lords and Gentlemen following the King, as well in respect of their fidelity, as to make known unto him their virtue and good will. Of all sorts of artillery there was about one hundred great and small pieces, over which Estre was great master and chief governor, a Gentleman very watchful and of great spirit, for the first day of this voyage the army made no great treat, encamping that night a league of Corbie in two little villages, upon a current and small river, being very commodious for the same. The next morrow it followed almost the track and way of the imperial army, to lodge at Miraumont, it happened that in the way the Duke of Nevers slipped out of the army with his regiment, taking the left hand towards the woods and forests, over against Arras, where some scouts were discovered, who saved themselves by their swiftness within the thick of those forests, which being well looked about, there was not one enemy found that made head, only a fort within a little village, which a little after was forced by the harquebusiers, and found worse provided than they imagined. The which caused him to turn to Miraumont, to take his quarter. The second of September the D. of Guise with two regiments of men at arms, between a thousand and twelve hundred horse as well of the light cavalry as of the nobles, and ten Ensigns of French fanterie departed from the place, drawing through the rout of those woods towards Arras, to discover and clear the most dangerous places, & subdue the forces of any which should be retired thither, but he found not aught which was hard unto him, having discovered as far as the suburbs of Arras. So returning for a testimony of this voyage, fire was set on all the villages round about, with a desolation and most lementable pity. 
Bapaulme represented.  Now from Miraumont there were but two good leagues to Bapaulme, a strong place, barren more through the situation of nature, than any workmanship, but much more odious and hurtful to the French bordering upon it, than ever Terroane was to the Bourgonians, so as secretly the better to know the place, and tempt the resolution of those that held it, the third of September the Constable with the most part of the Princes, accompanied with five thousand horse, & as many of the French fanterie, went to view this place as near as he was able, whereof Huntsimond a knight was Governor, (much esteemed of among the Bourgonians) furnished with ten or twelve Ensigns of Fantassins, and three or four hundred horse, who at the first fight did not any ways show himself sparing of powder and bullets, beside they within showed themselves very slack and loath to come out to the skirmish, but as far as the Bullets of their artillery might play, they kept a loof of, and performed their duty bravely enough almost four hours, while the skirmish lasted. In these light reencounters there were hurt the Captain Breul with a arqebus shot in the thigh, and young Molimont Son to Molimont the Governor of Saint Dizier and of Nogent, who afterwards died at Peronne: during the skirmish the Admiral with a small company went round about the place, and found it pregnable, the rampire being of bad stuff, and the fastening wherewith it was made but a thin crumpled sand, which is no good earth. But the greatest difficulty of all was the remediless necessity of water, albeit that the Constable had caused a great number of Pioneers to seek out Conduit heads and springs, but no veins of any lasting could be found out, so the determination of the siege was broke of and put over until another time: during this linger there arrived at the Court the Cardinal of Saint George, being a Legate from the Pope to treat of a peace or truce between these two Princes: At their departure hence, all the Villages, abbeys and mansion places appertaining to the enemy, not so much as sparing the windmills near to the gates of Bapaulme, being partly consumed, and the rest as yet of a flame and smoking, the ground and ways grew so dirty and slippery, by reason of a whole day and night's rain, that the Soldiers and footmen could hardly get to their other lodging, named Morlincourt within two small leagues of Peronne: and the wagons and baggage sustained no less, whereof as well the garrison of Bapaulme, as the rest of the Peasants about got good booties, spoiling the most scattered and worst convoyed sort of them: the imperial army in the mean time coasted them within five or six leagues, having the river as a bar and separation between them, albeit it was far less than the French; for first even at the nose of the imperial Camp, the French went and burned and set fire on the Villages next unto them, in respect of the few alarms which they gave unto the French, except it were sometimes upon their valets and fouragers, the which they rather supposed grew by the spoiled and desperate Peasants, then by the men of war: and less hurt was done to the victuallers & provisions brought into their Camp, all victuals being at a competent rate in the midst of an enemy's Country, where they found nought but Granges void of Corn and fourage, all sort of victuals being already transported and withdrawn into the strong holds. The which being come unto the King's knowledge, 
The dessein of Charles 5. Emperor against the French.  and sufficiently foreseeing that his enemy hoped and attended nought else then to make him temporize about some town or other enterprise of small consequence, to draw him on until the season of rains, which beginneth soon enough in the cold and occidental Countries, to the end to ruin and weaken him, as well in cutting of all his victuals, as by diseases and colds, afterwards to give him battle upon his advantages, concluded with his Council to give remedy thereto. The resolution than was to reduce his enemy into two extremities, the one of which he persuaded himself was unpossible for him to shun, and perhaps yield to them both: either to hold his forces close together for the meeting of a battle, or to separate them for the defence of so many of his places, uncertain which of them all should be first attempted by the King, considering the secret of his dessein, and the variable turning of his army, without any apparent resolution of the place whether it would turn head, upon which persuading himself of the advantage of the first, and that the Emperor durst not hazard a general combat, considering he had not so many men as himself, and that they were more then half tired with the long time that they had remained in the field, he thoroughly resolved to get by force, sleight, or any other mean: the first place he should attempt, and to sack it, and ruin the whole country about in the eye of the Master, and so to return in triumph, as having braved and caused him to refuse the day in his own Country, and whereof he had vaunted himself to be the first challenger. Charles on the other side measuring his advantage rather by the valour than number of his people, supplying otherwise the long wearisomeness of these travails of war, by discretion of well choosing his advantage, rather than to accept of battle, no less assured himself to make vain the attempts of the French in any place which they should go about to besiege; always provided that his would have the patience to suffer the first heat of the French, a little to evaporate as into smoke, knowing that Henry notwithstanding the better to prevail therein, made account to sound Cambray, as well for that the taking thereof would be an example to sundry other of renown, as thinking to provoke the imperials rather to battle, then that they would lose such a place, in which especially he knew his own credit not to be so deeply rooted, but that for a small matter the inhabitants would shake of the yoke which not long before he had imposed of them: join that the town having been always Neuters, such occurrents might so happen, as he might make it partaker with him, or at the least favourable, if they would assist to the recovering of their ancient liberty, considering that in terming itself Neuter, it was not lawful for him to have any greater authority over it then the King, and the rather for that the magistrates and popular sort began to feel themselves outraged by the usurpation which he had made over them (having proceeded so far to his own advantage, as to build a citadel to keep them in subjection) he feared lest they would even make plain onuerture to the King, being as then the stronger. In sum, if the imperials showed themselves of good courage, the French caused no other brute to run, but of the desire they had to battle, and how the King sought no other occasion then such as the place and time yielded unto him: to wit, being there at hand in so large and spacious a plain, to present battle, or to summon the Town according to the accord of neutrality, to make him onuerture, and give him victual, or proclaim it as his enemy: and so not far from that place near to Peronne, the French were encamped a two little leagues from Cambray. And the next morrow by break of day the King caused his army to be set in order of battle ready to fight, sending a herald of arms to summon the town of her duty, signifying unto them that he was not come thither to oppress them, but rather to restore and settle them in their ancient liberty, which he well knew had been already corrupted by the Emperor, of which if they would be revenged and leave that bondage, they could not have better means then by his coming, that if the Emperor would quarrel for other advantages, he was there in person both to declare, and fight with all his forces to the contrary: if they did otherwise, they would be an occasion of much mischief to themselves; first in losing the title and privilege of being called Neuters, which is not affectionate to either the one or the others quarrels, by which means they had only obtained the liberty to be able to traffic in both their Countries. Moreover they should thereby exempt their Country round about from the miseries of the war, otherwise they should remain for ever subject to imposts, loans, subsidies, and all other manner of exactions, and be besides that in danger to be partaker of the sundry travails whereto a particular Country is abandoned and accustomed to suffer for his Prince. In sum they demanded twice four and twenty hours of the King to be advised thereof, and to yield their answer, so the King caused his Camp to retire a great league further back, being lodged at Crevaecaeur, of the appurtenances of the Queen, and it was proclaimed throughout the whole army, that upon a great pain of corporal punishment no man should dare take aught within the territory of Cambray without paying for the same. During this delay the emperors party within Cambray certified him of this summons, as then lying at Breuxelles, who to comfort and relieve them with hope and courage, set down many things unto them: among the rest that they held of the Chamber of the Empire, and that he was the Emperor to defend and protect them, not a King of France who sought nothing but their ruin; so as having set before their eyes the example of Metz, he promised the deputies that in case they should be besieged, he would secure them by all means whatsoever. And from thence gave order to the Prince of Piedmont, who was gotten with his army towards Valenciennes, that he should yield unto them as much succour as they would demand, or well needful for them, ordaining thereto for chief and principal Governors the Earls of Bossu and Brabanson. The time of delay being expired, albeit the King knew well all these news, 
Their answer of Cambray to the King.  yet he sent again to summon them to know their resolution, but they sent word that if it might so please his Majesty they were all content to remain his humble neighbours and friends, no ways refusing to give him victuals, but that as yet they were not masters over their own goods, for that the Emperor spite of their teeth had put men and great garrisons into their town, wherefore it was clean out of their liberty and power to be able to dispose of any more. Upon this answer and mild excuse the town was adjudged for enemy, and the same day being the eight of September, the Constable with two regiments of men at arms, 
Skirmishes before Cambray.  and 3. or 400. light horse and Rirebands, followed by the Admiral with ten Ensigns of French fantery, went to pry and view round about, but in steed of hearing the crowing of Poultry before, now nothing was heard but Cannons, arqebus shot, and noise of all parts, especially from the citadel, which made the earth to tremble with the artillery shot, wherewith they played upon the French soldiers, entering therewith as thick out of the Town as wasps use out of the hole of a tree after him that stirreth them: but so maintained and the skirmishes so gallantly handled, that they continued six whole days together, in one of which there was killed De Brese captain of one of the French guards, and before the Citadel Curvet was slain, Captain of one of the companies of the French footmen. Of the Bourgonians there was of reputation taken and brought prisoners the Earl of Pondevaux of the French County, De Trelon of the Duchy of Luxembourg, and other. In the meantime Bourdillon sent unto the King by Newy Ensign of his company, two Cornets of Bourgonians, broken and defeated at La Haiette, near to Maubert Fontaine, the Governor of Cimetz, one of their chief remaining there prisoner, the Bastard of Auanes another of their chief leaders by his good speed and well flying, saving himself. Now to return before Cambray, it was perfectly viewed and by the advise of such as had marked round about from the one end to the other, join the report of the spies and such as likewise had viewed it within, 
Description of the town of cambray.  found to be as much subject to the Cannon & mine as any place might be: it is a great town, situate half in a bottom, and half hanging, where there is not any show of Bulwarks, Rampires, or fortifications according to the new fashion. On the side of France and the East, it is in a champion and arable Country, 

This town of Cambray was ever coveted of the K. of France, but never able to be reduced to the Flower delice, until Francis D. of Brabant, Anjou, and Son of France, and only brother to the King, had by siege taken the same, and so annexed by his prows at this day to the Crown of France.  
The Citadel of Cambray.   discovered well eight hundredth or a thousand paces in breadth, not so plain notwithstanding but there is a little descent still unto the Town having certain small bottoms and barricades between both, but I call it plain for that it is not overshadowed with trees, nor thorns, nor other places hindering the prospect; on the west side where it is most low and the suburbs lie, there are gardens and groves of willows, with some meadow and marsh. Southwards there is a little hanging plain towards the Town, and a little further there are little hills and valleys, on the North side is a little Mountain which taketh part of the coigns of the citadel mounted over the highest part of the whole town, where there was wont to be an Abbey or Cathedral Church, almost square, notwithstanding one of the coigns stretcheth more towards that little mountain, than any part of the rest, resembling a coin in form of a spur, serving for a defence to the flankers with a platform. As touching the situation and foundation of the Citadel, one would judge it at the first appearance white earth, as mars, if it were stone within, I would think it tender and easy to be hewn, as you see ascler whereof some houses are builded, but it is rather a white chalk than a hard stone, so as some hold that it was rather builded to hold the neuter town in subjection, then to make an impregnable fortress for being joined to the Town as it is, it were needful to fortify it, the one to secure the other, by reason that the town being taken would endemnifie the Citadel, which also being forced would be the cause of the loss of the Town: but the Emperor partly in consideration that this great town would hardly be fortified, or at the least not of a great and long time, and partly for that he would not oppress the inhabitants with sudden surcharges, first builded this little citadel, to set one foot within, and to be meet with the mutinies & rebellions of the citizens, to the end that by little and little he might make himself master of the whole. Therefore they held out through the hope of a great number of men sent unto them, furnished with victuals, munitions and all other necessaries: besides the Imperial army which fortified itself near unto them, to cut of victuals, and annoy as much as might be the French: and lastly the rains which ever begin at that season in those low Countries, so great presumptions had they to recover the siege, for besides the divers alarms which they gave unto them, with continual and hot skirmishes, they sent out of the camp part of the field pieces, and caused it to be given out, that there were far greater coming from Amiens, Corbie, S. Quentin, and Castelet, a great number of Gabions being already prepared, and sleds made ready to draw them to those places where the approaches should be made, so far as the Marshals of the Camp went to mark and view the situation, the better to order their quarters: notwithstanding the council had no such intention, but to the end that still holding them in this iolitye and opinion, they might break and consume the Imperials by little and little, who for that cause had more enlarged and separated themselves: wherefore without any longer delay, all the forts round about being thrown down and ruined, even to the very Churches, the Towers and Steeples being undermined and battered, and fire put to all the Villages, Granges, and cottages, even to the very suburbs and gates of the town, 
Feeble places ought not so much as to offer to hold out against an army bringing canon.  the French dislodged marching strait to the castle of Cambresy. In the way there were two forts taken and ruined, obstinate upon very small reason, whereby they well felt the effect of the conquerors choler. The first endured six and thirty Cannon shot, and a great and wide breach before it would yield, where the Captain Pierre-longue was slain, and twelve French Soldiers slain and hurt, notwithstanding there was not one living soul found within, having conveyed themselves under ground, and hidden in some caves and mines, therefore they stopped close all the ventes which they were able to find. The other was not so strong as the first, for that it was but a scurvy poulier of earth hanging hovelwise to the half of a great tower, with dry ditches, where they within standing very obstinately to their defence, notwithstanding any summons, made abode two shot of the lesser sort, after which having answered that they would not yield without sight of the Canon, they made a sign to yield, but it was too late, for the Soldiers not as yet cold of their first fury, never stayed so long as the once discharging of a Canon, but rushed in as mad men to beat down the gates, where afterwards it was great pity to behold the slaughter which was there made, for there was not so much as one man taken to mercy: the battle lay encamped round about the Castle of Cambresy, without suffering any body to go in saving one Ensign, the which was lodged there to repel other, if they should go about to make any stir: for the inhabitants were in great doubt what should befall them. His Majesty and the most part of the Princes and great Lords was lodged in a sumptuous house of pleasure near hand, which appertained to the Bishop of Cambray, where in stead of being revenged of the burning of his Castle of Foulembray, which was done by Du Reux a kinsman of the B. he not only straightly forbade they should not set it on fire, but that nothing should be carried thence or spoiled. A little above the river the Constable remained with the vanguard. Now all these boots and devices were but to mark the enemy's countenance, for the French being advertised that they stirred in no sort of the world to follow them, without any alarm, or semblance to come upon them, having sojourned a whole day in that place, descended down to Quesnoy, approaching within two leagues of Valenciennes, where the imperial army was imparqued within a fort which they had there addressed. The next morning the 17. of September the baggage remaining in that place, and one hundredth men at arms with about 2000 foot for their guard, 
Representation of the Imperials fort.  the rest of the army advanced forward to seek out the imperials, and to present them battle. Their fort was about a Culverin shot distant from Valenciennes, upon the same River of Lescau which passeth along by Cambray, compassed in form of a square, environed with trenches and ditches of a Pikes length, and between 10. or 12. foot hollow, seated half on the hanging of the hill towards Valenciennes, and half in the bottom along the River, having on the side of the French a little hillock which went sloping even to the fort: beside that it was very proper to place there the artillery, and shot level into the fort, with great discommodities, therefore even as the army marched their ordinary pace in battle, the avante couriers and light horse rushing before to attack the skirmish, found a great number of their cavalry already in order of battle upon the little hillock ready for the Combat. And hard by they took one of the Country on Horseback in habit of a Merchant, some judging him to be a spy, who certified them that the vanguard of the imperials had passed the river to come to fight with them, so as being brought unto the Constable, and from him sent unto the K. he was the cause of the advancing forward of the army, and with as much speed as might be ordering of the battles in their places. In the meantime the skirmish grew warm, through the sally of a number of the imperial fantassins, which greatly annoyed the lost children, without any stirring of their men at arms at all, who kept themselves a little above them, saving such as sometimes went out of their ranks to break a Lance where they saw their opportunity against the French, light horse encamped front to front. During these skirmishes the Imperial army ranged itself, part into one only square battle within the fort, and the rest was divided by the flankers, especially the arqebus shot, in the same manner as they use at the assault of a Town. The artillery was planted one part upon mounts of earth, which drew above the hillock that I said was one the side of the French, and the rest was disposed as well to scour the defences, as all along the trenches. The ordering of the French army was in this sort.  
In the vanguard were two square battles, on the right hand whereof were 24. French Ensigns, 
The order of the French army hoping to gain the battle near Valenciennes.  among which was the Constable, the D. of Mompensier, and the Admiral with their Regiments of Demilances, which was six hundred men at arms to each one, and a little below a party of the nobles, and somewhat higher all their arquebusiers on horseback: that on the left hand was of 19 Ensigns of Lansknets, there was in this wing the Princes, and the D. of Vendosme, of Nevers, of Anguien, with the like number of men at arms as the right, and a party of the nobles a little more backward, with their men of ordinances, than the Constables were to conuer a little hill which was on their left hand, and the Harquebuziers more forward, near unto a little Village which was burned, to keep that the enemy should not so much as creep on all four by that way, without being espied. In the battle were two other square battalions, that on the right side was of the old Ensigns, in number 25. In this wing was the King with his whole household and guards, and the Marshal of S. Andre with his Regiment of men at arms, on the left side were of the Switzers and Grisons 30. Ensigns, the most part armed with corselets, vambrases, cases, and the best furnished that of long time hath come into France. In this wing were the Prince of Ferrara, the D. of Guise, the Prince of La Roche sur-yon with their Regiments of demilances, each one 600. men at arms, the Captains Momus & Eurard, two of the most ancient and best experimented, had the leading of the lost children. Now for so much as the field was very fit, plain and champion near hand a great league, the whole was so equally handled, that it hung with one same weight and measure, especially the spaces which remained between the battalions of the footmen, and the ranks of the men at arms were so well compassed, that it seemed unpossible to the French, (without some very great desastere) that any harm at all should happen unto them: for to begin with the battalions of the footmen. The order whereof was so well established, as that the author seemed to take the invention thereof from the practice of the Romans, that if the first ranks were at any time put back, they should retire into the second, and the first and second into the third, so might they three times resemble and fight unto the very last, 
An invention of the French so to order, as all their troops in one day should fight in battle, taken from the ancient Romans.  each battalion having his flankers of pikes and arquebusiers which were able to make head in all places, and secure as well the horsemen, as the core of their battalions: The whole was so well armed and covered, that when the Sun had shone, you would have judged all those troops to have been heaps of Silver. As for the horsemen each regiment extended far, so as there were always 200. men at arms in a front, and their suit of Archers at their back all along, in such sort as if a man at arms had been overthrown, the second had strait stepped into his place, so as they had all means to fight even to the very last. The Ensigns of the men at arms were in the midst, and the Guidons in the midst of the rank of the Archers: as touching the light cavalry, it was divided into four squadrons, that of the vantecourriers which was at the skirmish was led by Paul, Baptista and Sansac kept the other in ambush within a little hollow, on the hanging of a small mountain on the left hand, the Prince of Nemours had an other behind a little hill between the army and the fort of the imperials And the prince of Conde lay in ambush with his in a little bottom all along the high way to the Town, to stop the passage that way. Touching the artillery, 
How the artillery was ordered and disposed.  that of the vanguard was upon the front of the right wing, and that of the battle upon the hanging of a little hillock, on the left hand of the Zuizers and Grisons, who had already made an end of their ceremonies, with intention to fight and die even to the very last man, before they would make one false point. Now besides that the assistance of so many men was able enough to put courage into the most faint hearted, 
The K. presence giveth great encouragement to the Soldiers.  the presence of their King set them a gog much more, who being accompanied with a great train of Princes and other great Lords, went notwithstanding to visit and encourage such as had any need, with so sweet and amiable language, stirred up with such vehemency and affection, that each one seemed most willing to die for his service. Now his whole army being thus ranged in order of battle, and the skirmish growing more and more eager on the one part and the other, the Imperial cavalero stood still, and seemed ever ready to all events upon the little hillock. And so were they attending their coming more than three long hours, a brute of their coming flying up and down so long among the French, that night at the last approached. In the end the Constable foreseeing that they cunningly delayed until the night grew dark, either to surprise or put them out of order, advised the light Cavallerye to join together to seek out the height of the Imperial cavalry. 
The charge of the French cavalry.  The which was readily executed, but with such a cheerfulness and dexterity, that they beat them back, and lively drove them in less than nothing, even to the very board of their Trenches, causing them almost all to fall huddle upon one another's tail into them; where of the French side of reputation was slain jenlis a gentleman of the Duchy of Bourgondie, having been brought up of a Page in the King's house: it was then that their artillery, as well that of the flankers, as that which was upon the mounts of earth, began to play their prize, the which killed some, and hurt more of the French then were found to have been hurt by any handstrokes. Among the rest there was slain the Captain Steph an Italian Gentleman, Lieutenant of the companies of light horse to the Captain Senetaire, and De Ferriere Lieutenant of the companies of light horse to Giury of the house of Estanges. This bickering endured for all that more than a long hour, where on the French part there was slain of horse and foot about one hundred men, so as when the retreat was sounded the Sun was already set, and the night closed in. Now had the Council long debated, whether they should assail them even within their own fort or no, considering the good hap of their first charge. But the better part were of opinion that they were rather to content themselves, in that they had already done them so great shame in their own Country, as not only to have executed a part of their Princes will, but to have presented unto them the battle, 
Consultation whether the enemies were to be assailed within their own fort or no.  which they still threatened to do from the beginning, and now coldly enough and with a slender excuse had refused. Their reasons not to attempt any further were; first that the French Soldiers were grown weary and faint, as well with marching as with the weight of their armour, contrariwise the enemies were fresh and reposed, not having for certain days together run the field. That the Country was theirs, and their proper inheritance, which would encourage them to fight the more courageously. joint that considering the situation of the place, they could not be assailed but to their great advantage, as the battle of Poitiers and La Bicoique might well serve for example. Likewise that the French were not only to fight at the first fort, from which though it were lost, the Imperials might easily retire into the town, ready to begin a fresh; especially when they should be able to do both the one and the other, the French should be sure to be the first which should take all the pain and hazard of the enterprise, a good part of them left behind in gage, if not all, as well for that it is not the property or nature of a Zuizer or Lansknet, to assail a town or fortress, as in that they are not otherwise so affectionate or inclined as subjects are to their Prince, whereby if it should so happen that the K. should be in an enemy's Country, unfurnished of the better part of his forces, 
Retreat of the French.  it were to be feared that many mischiefs would ensue, according to the uncertain occurrence of feats of arms. And therefore it was concluded that it was far better to retire with honour, than to hazard aught under the hope of an uncertain & adventurous good luck, so they placed again the battalions of fantery in single ordinance: afterwards they returned to the place where their baggage was lost, the Constable with all the Demilances and cavalry of the vanguard, was the last which departed to see if they would play the wags in the end, and set upon them behind, which they never once offered; so as by the light of the fires which burned the Farms and villages for three leagues round about, the French in the end found their first lodging, where at night it was proposed in council by some Lords, that there was very great means and occasion offered to return again to seek out the enemy, to fight with them, and enforce them within their own fort, for that by the report of some prisoners which were newly come thither, it was not of so great defence as it was adjudged: assuring that on the South side in the bottom by the river it was very weak, and that there their trench was not perfected nor five foot high, that there would be means enough to pitch and order the battles, and to make it be assailed by the lost children, whilst that the artillery planted upon the hillocks of the flancker should shoot level in. The which would either make them to come out in disorder and so quit the place, or suffer themselves to become a deadly mark to so many Cannon shot, as would shower down upon them. But albeit that this advice was at the first allowed for sound, yet after that the old and experienced Captains, had delivered their mind, and spoke as they thought good, they found that the latter opinion was the more sure: following which, after one days abode to refresh themselves, the army retired towards the castle of Cambresy, where likewise the French remained another day, without setting fire either on that fair house, or the town, only all the victuals within were taken out, for that the enemies should not be relieved therewith. Afterwards they retired as far as Fonsomme, two small leagues from S. Quentin: and there was the army dissolved about the 20. of September, 
Retreat & departure of the French army.  for the Zuizers well paid and contented, had leave to retire into their own Country, and part of the Garrisons was put all along the frontiers, and the rest sent home to the government of their Captains: as much was done with all the Nobles and rirebands. The other part of the Demilances and light cavalry, 
The Marshal. S. Andre sent with part of the army to recover the County of S. Paul.  with the old Ensigns and the Almains, were retired and assembled at Auchy to Chasteau below Hedin, & led very shortly after by the Marshal S. Andre towards the county of S. Pol to destroy it utterly, and to waste and ruin for ever, as well the Baylifwicke of Hedin, as the county of Ponthieu, and all the rest of the country of Arthois, which was put in execution by him in the very view of his enemies, without any resistance, remaining still superior, with such fury and desolation, that there was not so much as the poor shepherds cottages or hovels spared, but the whole country set on fire, & ashes round about Air, S. Omer, Lislars & Perne, the castle whereof was by force taken, & about 50. spanish soldiers slain & hewn in pieces. Thus was the voyage of the French army, more remarkable for fires, ruins, sackings, and all other sort of desolations, by th'example: and in revenge of the Hannuyers and Bourgonians over France, then for any trick of notable virtue, saving a brave skirmish which the vidame of Chartres made before Lissars, with fifteen Ensigns of French infantry, and almost two thousand horse, against nineteen Ensigns of the Spanish infantry which lay encamped about the little town, for that the inhabitants had shut the gates upon them, fearing to be sacked by them as their neighbours had been. The skirmish lasted almost a whole day, each party being obstinate to the gaining of the victory, which after a long hazard & uncertain combat, remained to the French, very few of them being either dead or hurt, but many more of the Spaniards, whereof in like sort divers were brought away prisoners. After all this coil the French returned to Anchy, and about Hedin, 
Count Reingrave.  where the Almains were put in garrison, the bayliwick whereof was given by the King to the Count Reingrave. In sum towards the end of the month of October, some companies as well of the French infantry, as light cavalry being cast, the rest were divided and put into garrisons, to pass over the winter which drew on.  
In the mean time the Emperor proceeded on to pursue a marriage between his son the K. of Spain, and the infant Mary new Q. of England, with such earnestness, as he forgot nothing which might serve to the consummation thereof; 
A marriage treated between the K. of Spain, and the infant Mary new Q. of England.  seeing himself almost out of all hope to have succour elsewhere, or recovering of any money at nearer hand: which many of that Realm sought to hinder foreseeing an immortal war with the French, which was prepared for them by this means; remembering well the losses and damage which they had already sustained, in having upholden the war against this nation, from whence the Country of England reaped great commodities. Notwithstanding so much availed the persuasions of the Emperor, with the instigation of the two Queens Mary and Elinor, and above all the inductions of Cardinal Pole cousin to the Q. that she being clean ravished with this new love, and with the ambition to see herself wife to the Son of an Emperor, the better to assure her estate against the reformed and other malcontents, in spite of the advise and liking of the greatest of her Realm, keeping her sister Elizabeth likewise a prisoner, consented to this marriage. Afterwards with as much speed as was possible she affianced by Proctor (which was the Earl of Aiguemont) Philip K. of Spain hoping shortly after to perfect and consummate the overplus. The K. knowing that all these things tended to no other end, but chiefly to endamage and annoy him, made a great mass of money, calling such to his aid and succour, as he knew were most obedient and faithful unto him, and as he thought best able to aid and do him service.  
Pope july to the end to pacify these great troubles of Christendom, 
Cardinal Pole sent to treat a peace between the K. and the Emperor.  had sent the Cardinal of England to mediate a peace between the King and the Emperor, for you must understand that upon the pursuit of the wars of these two Princes, Pope july seeing all Europe as it were much moved with the fear of mischiefs which was likely to ensue to every Country, by reason of the particular quarrels of these two monarchs, with a secret remorse and gnawing of conscience, for himself had been the Author, had sent the Cardinal of England his Legate to the King and the Emperor, to advise, and by all means to unite, and cause them to condescend to a good peace: in which he employed himself so virtuously, that laying aside all ambition, or fear of hatred, or other considerations, he never ceased to lay before them the infinite miseries wherewith the poor Christian people were afflicted, together with the uncertainty and miserable estate, whereunto the Catholic Church by their dissensions was reduced. And albeit that many accounted him to favour the Emperor more than the King, yet he seemed to have so well managed their hearts, that the hope of a peace was already common through out France, and quarters neighbouring about: yea so great that the poor borderers of the one and other Lord, persuading themselves thereof, so assured themselves by little and little, that they re-edified and began to reinhabite their cottages and small tenements, as yet besmoked with the fire, wherewith they had been burned to ashes, so far as every man promised unto himself a happy repose, if it would please God to mollify the hearts of these two great Princes. But even as all the tokens of Moses and Aaron hardened the more the obstinate courage of Pharaoh, to the end afterwards to make the great wonders of the Lord to appear: so this great God, not yet satisfied and content with so small a punishment for our enormous sins, would not permit unto them the understanding to receive a good and assured peace, for the ease and repose of all Christendom: wherefore the Legate after many trot to and fro of each side, returned very sorrowful unto the Pope, leaving in the hearts of these two Princes, this so inveterate an enmity, whereof the clamours could not so soon mortify the effects.  
The Queen was delivered at Fontaine-bleau about nine of the clock and three quarters passed in the morning, 
Birth of monsieur.  the eighteenth of March 1554. of a son named Hercules by Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, Anne de Montmorency Constable, and the Duchess of Guise daughter to the D. of Ferrara: afterwards leaving that name he was called Francis D. of Alencon, and of Anjou.  
In the mean space and about the first of the spring there arose a certain brute of a war at hand between these Princes, and much furniture and weapons were dispersed, whereby they might be polished and made ready to the service, afterwards to be mustered, as soon as the fame was spread throughout France, how the Emperor had prepared a great levy of men of war, and all other sorts of provisions, towards the Countries of Liege and Ardennes, with intent to besiege the Town of Mesieres, having established Mariembourg and Auanes, as store places and markets to his army, so as Bourdillon who then was at the Court, was presently sent back to fortify & strengthen this little Town, with whatsoever should be necessary to attend their coming. On the other side the K. foreseeing the Empeperours' determination and intent, made all means to assemble his forces, to the end to meet him and prevent him of this small enterprise, having sent sufficient enough of succour into Piedmont and italy, thereby to pursue and continue such good beginning, as fortune in that part had presented unto him. Besides he dispatched Captains and commissioners to bring him men of war as well out of Germany as from those Cantons of Zuizers as were his confederates. This was about the end and issue of the Spring, when as the Sun raising himself high, to send among us his great heats, burned and consumed the fruits of the earth, with so strange a drought, that together with the long travail of the war the poor people expected nought else to the aggravating of their miseries, than a great and mortal famine for the heap of all their poverties, which notwithstanding came not to pass, and so certain days passed over, that the King seeing all his forces ready, albeit that his enemy made semblance of nought else, then busied in the consummation of his sons marriage, determined to advance forward, and by the same place that he was threatened to be assailed, 
The K. army assembled in divers piece.  to assay him, and enter within his Countries. To this end he assembled his forces and divided them into three, to wit, in Pickardy about Saint Quintin, under the Prince of La Roche Sur-yon, in the Valley of Laon, towards Crecy under the Constable, and at Mesieres under the Duke of Nivernois. Under the Prince of La Roche Sur-yon, might be nine or ten thousand footmen, the most part Picardes, and the rest of the old Ensigns, with three hundred men at arms, and five or six hundred horse, and Harquebuziers on horseback. Under the Constable were five and twenty Ensigns of French fanterie new and old, two Regiments of Germans of the Count Reingrave and Reifberg, and five and twenty Ensigns of Zuizers, with four hundred men at arms, and near eighteen hundred or two thousand as well light horse as Harquebuziers on horseback, whereof the Duke D' Aumale was General, a little before come out of prison, and almost as many nobles in the Rireband, under La jaille their General, there were also some companies of English and Scottish Cavallerye. The D. of Nivernois had twenty old Ensigns of French infantry, drawn from the garrisons of Metz, Verdun, Thoul, d'Anuille, Yuoy, and Montmedy, (comprehending therein four English and Scottish Ensigns) in place of which other new were put in, two Regiments of the Count Rokendolphe, and of the Baron of Frontenay, three hundred men at arms, near eight hundred light horse and Harquebuziers on horseback, whereof the Prince of Conde was general, and two hundred pistoliers Germans. The army then being thus divided in three divers places, 
The French entereth in 3. places within the emperors country.  to the end to hold the enemy in doubt of what they had deliberated to execute, and on which side they would surprise him, the French entered by three several places into his Country. The Prince of La Roche Sur-yon having passed the river of Somme, gave within Artois, with a most cruel and furious a beginning, burning and ruining all the Country alongst as he passed. The Constable having taken his way towards Mauber Fontaine, the 23. of june, feigned as though he would address himself towards Auanes; the common brute being that he went to besiege it: but as soon as the Ensigns of France were discovered by those of the plain Country, they abandoned Villages, boroughs, Castles, and other places, constrained for their surety to retire within the Ardennes, with the better part of their movables and cattle, esteeming themselves (considering the places unaccessible, through the difficulty of being able to bring artillery) exempt and out of all perils, amidst the thickest of those woods, by reason whereof they were able the more easily to ruin the Village and Castle of Cimetz, the Castles of Trelon, Glaion, Commins, and other little forts near hand. Besides their retreat served them to very small purpose for the Duke of Nevers being determined to tame and bring under his obedience, this nation smallly frequented through the difficulty of the Ardennes, dislodging from Mesieres, encamped his army at the entrance of the Ardennes, in a Valley rough and unpleasant enough, at the end of which there is a little Village called Vieil-mesevil, a name very aptly given, 
The army of the D. of Nevers and his exploits.  for that it was rather composed of old ruins of manors, then of houses of habitation. And that night he dispatched De Marets a Gentleman of Nivernois; one of the most ancient and experienced men at arms of his company, together with his Trumpeter to summon the Castle of Orcimond, distant six great leagues thence, to whom the governor called Colas Lois, Lieutenant to Bayson a Gentleman of Liege, who a little before nothing mistrusting their coming, was departed thence, answered that he would never yield except he saw the Cannon, not for that he esteemed the Castle tenable, but by reason of the height of the Rock upon which it was situate, which was almost unaccessible on two sides, notwithstanding they planted the artillery in a little plain towards the wood for the battery, the place appertained to Barlemont General of the emperors finances. This answer being heard, the Prince determined to go somewhat nearer to view them, and to lodge his army one league from the Castle, 
The difficulty of the Ardennes.  if the difficulty of the places had not stayed him half way, in some places so hard and stony, that it was impossible for either men or horse to stand sure, and beside so strait, that they were enforced to march single by one and one, and in some so steep and painful, that their breath failed them in climbing, and else where the descents were so steep, that they were feign to creep down pace by pace, and to grasp and hold fast, except their head should first tumble down, to their assured death: so as the horses served to very small use for drawing of the artillery, the force of men's arms being there much more needful, for the better and more sure managing and conducting thereof: true it is that throughout there was so good order kept, as the enemies could hardly give any impediment thereunto, for that all the ways were furnished with Harquebuziers every ten pace, for the surety of the whole train: this night being the 29. of june, the Prince encamped in another Valley called the Valley of Suranda, near unto a rock, where was wont to be the fort of Linchant, 
The fort of Linchant ruined. Stream of Semois.  at this day for the most part ruined, under which and all alongst this valley runneth a river, or rather a swift stream called Semois, which runneth towards Bovillon, and falleth into La Meuse, underneath Chasteau Regnaut, from this place he sent Iamets with a Regiment of French infantry, and artillery to batter the Castle of Orcimont, which as soon as it was saluted with two Cannon shot, they within being altogether dismayed, without concluding in any other sort of yielding, never set themselves to any defence, but the Chief secretly shut up all the keys, and by a secret postern which opened into this valley between the rocks, saved himself with 12. of his most favoured Soldiers, leaving the rest well astonished and doubtful of the event, 
The Castle of Orcimont summoned, besieged battered, and yielded up by the flight of the Defendants.  who notwithstanding shortly after yielded themselves to the mercy of the Prince, whose prisoners they were: when the Captains of the rest of the forts all along these ways, had received advertisement that for certain the Prince had trained his artillery, which before they would never have believed, without further endeavouring how to annoy his passage, or to stop and hinder his ways with great Logs and trees field down, as they are wont, clean abandoning their forts, munitions, and all places whether they were wont to retire themselves, they fled of all hands, so as being arrived at Lovettela grand, after their departure from the Valley of Suranda, they found a little fort called Villarcy, of earth and timber, all void, the which 25. or thirty Couriers which had been there within had quited, under the charge of the Captain La Loss borne at Mesieres, which ever since his tender age had been brought up in the service of Lumes, and after his death continually followed the parties of his master. Abandoning thus this fort, he set fire of all the houses and surplus of the rest of the village, whereby the Vastadors ordained thereunto by the D. were eased of much pains, A Church likewise which the Ardennois had caused to be fortified called Fort de jadines, was found open and abandoned, which in like sort was all razed, and beaten down saving a great square tower, whose coins and fastenings in the building were broken and scattered about, by the Cannon shot, which the Prince in passing by caused to be given. In some all the villages, fair enough considering the barrenness of the Country, were burned and destroyed. And for that the fort of jadines was the most hurtful of all the rest to the French, bordering upon them, the governors of Mesieres oftentimes assayed to take it, but ever in vain until this blow. About the last day of june, the Prince encamped at the village of Valsimont in the bottom of a valley, 

Valsimont the 4 lodging of the D. of Nevers army.  
Stream of Vovye.   where a swift stream runneth called Vovye, which cometh from the mountains and falleth into Meuse near at hand: thence he sent the Harrowlde of Angoulesme with his trumpet or to summon the Castle of Beaurin, in the confines of Ardennes, & upon the limits of the country of Liege, which likewise appertained to Barlemont, the emperors favourite. Report being made unto him, how the soldiers had brought great booties out of the woods, with a number of women and young maidens, knowing that in this fury of war, they could hardly help and protect themselves, he made them all to be shut up, with commandment upon pain of life not to do them any force or violence: but to bring them all into a certain lodging, where having used great liberality towards the soldiers, he made them be safely kept until the next morrow that the Camp was departed. And then upon the report of the Harrowlde of Angonlesme, how they of Beaurin meant not to yield except they saw the Cannon, they marched thitherwards. Hereupon such as were appointed to take the view were received by them with the bullets of many harquebuses a croc, 
The Castle of Beaurin summoned.  and muskets, willing to show that they were provided as well of courage as other necessaries, so attending until four Cannons were presented unto them, ready to give fire. But finding what danger they were in, and being advertised that if they did not yield they should all pass at the swords point, and such as escaped by the hangman's hand, after having a while parleyed and demanded to escape life and goods saved, they were in the end reduced to this extremity, that they should yield themselves to the good mercy and pleasure of the Prince: who caused the chief of them to be kept prisoners, and sent away the rest of the petty companions, every man a white stick in his hand. john Colichart borne at Bains in Heinault Captain of this Castle, was led away prisoner with 40. of his best soldiers. 
Beaurin Castle yielded.  Among which was the Captain of the fort of jadines, named Le Grand Gerard and La Loss, of whom I spoke before Captain of Vilargy, who was not put at all to any ransom, but sent back shortly after to Mesieres, there to be punished as a traitor. The D. of Nevers lodged within the Castle a company of foot of the old ensigns, and 50. harquebusieres on horseback. At their departure from this siege, each man began to rejoice, that he should out of this grievous and painful desert, and enter into Liege a country so pleasant and delectable: taking their descent by the ports of Givets the most renowned upon, the river of Meuse. But before I pass any further, I will not forget how as well to render the Navigation of this river which runneth all alongst the countries of Liege, and Brabant easy and open unto them, 
Cap. Salsede commissioner general for victuals, conquered all the Castles along the river.  as to enforce the rest of the small Castles and little forts, alongst, there was left there the Capitane Salsede, general commissioner for all the victuals and munitions, with six companies of French fanterie, and two Cannons. Who after that by force he had taken the Castle of Sumet, appertaining to the D. of Ascot, he clean abandoned that of Hurge, which appertained to Barlemont.  
As the Prince of La Roche Sur-yon burned all Artois and the borders about, without any resistance at all made to his little army, so the Constable having caused the bruit to be given out that his determination was to besiege Auannes, so far as that the light cavalry had more than once skirmished before it as though they meant to view it, albeit it was well strengthened with a Garrison & other munitions, being notwithstanding advertised how Mariembourge had but a bare ordinary Garrison, and that small, the most covertly that was possible, caused the Marshal S. Andre to departed with the Suisers, and some companies of French foot, assisted with two or three thousand horse, and the most part of the artillery, who made so good speed, having all that night cleared the ways and Lanes, which the enemies had stopped, and hedged in. As the 23. of june, at ten of the clock in the morning, he was come with all his troops before Mariembourg. Whereat they within being altogether astonished, and much more the night after when they understood that the succours which they attended were driven back, and no possibility for them to enter, yet to show themselves as men not dismayed, they played infinitely with the Cannon, which for all that would not serve the turn, any whit at all to stay these new come guests from beginning their approaches and trenches. So as the next morrow the Constable being arrived with the rest of the army, and seeing the good beginning of this siege, to bring it to a better end, he caused the approaches to be continued with such diligence, as the third day of the siege, having made five or six Voleys of artillery only to break the defences, a parley was requested by the besieged. In some many of their Articles being refused, they condescended in the end to yield up the place to the K. lives and goods saved, all saving armour, munition and artillery, and De Rinsart remained prisoner with the Captains and principals of the City. Which being well stored with all munition of an inestimable price, was thus yielded up the 28. of june, 1554. Whereat the K. much rejoicing, shortly after departed towards Laon, 
Mariembourg taken by the French.  there to find again his army the last day of the month. The which in sign of joy at his arrival was pitched in order of battle, and the whole artillery discharged, yielding a marvelous report and echo between the woods and the rocks of the Ardennes, giving notice to the rest of the imperial towns of the yielding up of this. Which in respect it was the rampart of the whole country was well enough fortified. It had been in former times a little village where all assemblies for any great hunting still met, in which Q. Marie took singular pleasure. But for that she found the seat thereof very proper and delectable, she fell a building there sparing nothing which was any ways requisite to the beauty or fortification thereof, which she would in far better sort have perfected, had not the K. taken it who not only was studious to finish what as yet was unperfit, but better to fortify and rampire it, than ever it was before: commanding them of Mariembourg, to name it from thence forwards Henriembourg.  

Rocroy a small village between Maubert-fontaine and Mariembourg fortified for the safety of the passage.  Now to the end to make the way more easy, and the better to be of discovery, as far as the little town of Maubert-fontaine which was the next, they caused a little village called Rocroy to be fortified, within which they lodged the Capitane La Land, with his ensign of 300. men on foot, the Capitane Brevil of Bretaigne with three companies of French still remaining in Mariembourge. Shortly after Gonor was sent thither from Disnan: having already been governor of Metz, who received the King, order to remain Leiutennant general at Mariembourg, at the hands of the D. of Nevers. Who at his departure from Ardennes, a little after the taking of the Castle of Beaurin, had sent the Harrowlde of Angoulesme, with his praetor, to summon the Castle, and town of Disnan, and to know whether the inhabitants determined to continue in neutrality such as was accorded in the country of Liege, or if they would hold out, for and in the name of whom, of the Emperor or the Bishop of Liege. But in stead of yielding an honest answer, or speaking like a soldier, far forgetting themselves, 
Their answer of Disnan to the D. herald and trumpeter.  they answered them that if they had in their hands the K. and the D. of Nevers hearts and livers, they would soon make a frycasse of them for their breakfast, pelting there with so many harquebus shot at them, that they were compelled to return with all speed and deliver their report. The D. of Nevers being come down with his army, as far as the ports of Givets the first day of july, found that the Castle of Agimont not yet yielded, standing on this side the Meuse a quarter of a league from the other Giuets, albeit it had been already summoned. Notwithstanding the same day he made a number of his light cavalry to pass the water, with certain companies of foot, to environ the Castle, attending the K. army which marched from Mariembourg of purpose to join with them. Now as the vanguard of the K. army arrived, the footmen made semblance as though they would scale it, and give the assault, 
The K. army.  which in the end turned to good earnest, for the soldiers entered so far and furiously in sport that they within could no longer sustain their assault. In such sort as they were compelled to acquit and abandon the defences, and to give them entrance: so as being entered with fury, they put all to the sword, that offered to make any resistance, which was for all that no great number, nor men of any mark. And there was taken prisonner the Captain of the Castle called Eurard de la March, own son to the Earl of Rochefort, Father to him who then lived, Lord of the place, and the most part of the rest of the soldiers, were sent away the morrow after. The whole army remained on this side at Giuets, encamped for the most part between the borough and the Castle, in a long & spacious plane: and notwithstanding that this great river made a separation between the two armies, yet did not their kinsfolks, friends, neighbours, and companions fail continually to cross over to visit and feast one another. The King himself being moved with the good report which he had heard of the D. army passed over in person to see it in battle on Wednesday the sixth of that month, and found it in so good order, and equipage, that he grew thereat much contented. Now there remained but a little fort called Casteau Thierry which appertained to the Bailiff of Namur, or else all round about was subjecteth to the K. obedience. Therefore there was sent thither the same day a regiment of the French footmen, with artillery, and some companies of horse: but those which kept it understanding what entertainment they had had at Agimont, never tarrying their coming quit the place in good time; So was the Castle found empty, and abandoned, but furnished with most fair movables as was possible, and great quantity of all sorts of grain. These two armies sojourned at the two Giuets six whole days together, and the seventh dislodged▪ the Kings feet kept on the way on this side the Meuse, and the D. of Nevers for the difficulty of the ways, was feign to encamp that night in a valley two leagues from Dinan, above which there was a Castle called Valuin, which was found empty, and he lodged in the base court. The next morrow the two armies encamped about the Town and Castle of Disnan and Bouines. The artillery being planted upon the height of an hollow through which the high way passed which went to the plane above, battered Bouines so furiously until three of the clock at afternoon, 
Bouines furiously battered and taken by assault.  that a breach being made at a portail, and within a Tower, the assault was therewith all given, and carried away with small resistance, being only defended by them of the Town itself, with whom it fared full ill for their labour: For upon the first fury there was made a sore slaughter, some thinking to save themselves leapt into the water: and yet for all that they could not escape death, the most part of them being slain with arqebus shot, whilst that they dipped to the bottom of the water like Ducks. The rest albeit that they had crossed the river, and so taken prisoners by the French, were afterwards hanged, and strangled: for having so rashly resisted and held out against the K. power. True it is that in the recompense of the fair wars which the Spaniards made unto the French, at the taking of Teroenne, the K. pardoned and saved a number of their lives, 
Forts punished for holding against the K. power.  which were retired into the great Tower which stood above the Town. Afterwards of his great & accustomed humanity, he caused the women maidens, and young children to be all saved, and gave unto them for their better safe conduct, a Harrowlde and a trumpeter. Now the very same morning as the D. of Nevers hard by the Castle of Disnan, would needs himself with Iamets go near to take the view, jamet's horse next adjoining to his own person was slain with a arqebus a croc: himself being warned there by, how such chiefs of an army ought not so venturously to expose themselves to such peril: for that day notwithstanding the battery was not begun, for that the artillery came not time enough; but only all the rest of the day, many Cannons played, to begin to break down the defences, 
A chief of an army ought not to be to venturous.  and certain Gabions, as well upon the portaile, as at a little round Tower above the Town, which greatly annoyed them: so as all that night was employed in making with all diligence the aproches and trenches, but not without great danger for the numerable shot, of artillery & Harquebuses a croc which played from the Castle, without any murder for all that, or loss of any person other then miserable pioneers. The next morning this Castle was saluted with thertie great pieces of artillery, fifteen on the D. side, and as many on the Kings on the other side of the river which gave all along the hollow, and even within the very Castle: so as a wall of Brick which was the highest was pierced through by day, they battered likewise in flank, a great round Tower, at the corner of a core of lodging which looked towards the North. On the Duke's side was battered a great round Tower, seated at the end of the same lodging, cleaving to the bulwark of the portal: and this thundering continued without ceasing day and night until Tuesday, about three of the clock in the afternoon, that these two Towers were raised and battered down, and a breach made at the end above this lodging about ten pace long, notwithstanding it was very uneasy to climb, for that the Cannon could not fasten upon the foot of the wall, being amain Rock. joint, that they must be feign to creep a Pikes length, and the ascent was very slippery, and unsure under the soldiers feet, by reason of the earth and cement which continually fell upon it. But for all this it was resolved at the instant to give the assault. And the Admiral led such companies of French as were ordained thereto unto the foot of the breach, praying and exhorting them with many fair, and gracious remonstrances, to remember the immortal renown, which the French had achieved for feats of arms through out the whole world: and of their duty where with they stood bound for the faith and assurance which the K. reposed in them, this speech being ended, some Capitanes followed with their valianttest soldiers, marched on, and with an assured gate advanced forward to climb up: the Capitane Maugeron being one of the first, so as they within esteeming him to be followed hard, and that the French would of themselves stoop, and creep in, set fire of a train which they had prepared, which being quenched if the soldiers pursuing their enterprise had but assayed to enter the enemies could never have held out longer, the walls having been already so shaken & broken with the artillery, that it was unpossible for them any longer to endure. But if some of the French performed their part well, there were other which behaved themselves so coldly, that they have left a very bad opinion of them. The Capitane Saragose being ensign colonel went to it very bravely and was sore hurt, so did the Capitanes Gourds, La Mole and Le Fort, whose ensign bearer called Le Basque was there slain, and flung down from top to the bottom, and his ensign thrice taken up, they still being cast down which took it up, so as at last it remained in the hands of a Gascon soldier named Fougasset. The Admiral Colonel of all the French fanterie, seeing his soldiers thus to wax cool, excusing themselves by the narrowness, and evil access to the breach, to give them heart began a little more severely to exhort them, showing unto them, that if in the K. presence they would make no better proof of their hardiness the good reputation which they had heretofore gotten, would turn them to a far greater reproach, and a perpetual infamy. The which he had no sooner finished, but the further to set them in a heat he began first himself, and after him the more to encourage them, Monpesat (albeit he had no charge at all in their bands) seized upon one of their ensigns, and bravely before them all carried it up to the top, where he covered himself behind certain quarters and ruins of the wall which was fallen down; calling them and making sign with the ensign that they should follow him. It was impossible for all that, to make them take any further courage unto them: whereby some Captains before well esteemed of were very ill thought of ever after, of whom some were disgraded, cast from their charge, declared villains and unable to bear arms in the face of the whole army, which witnessed their fault. As the night came on, so was the retreat sounded. That day they of the Town of Disnan, yielded themselves at the mercy of the K. into the hands of the D. of Nevers: who forgetting their foolish and rash words received them, and assured them of their lives, and that their Town should not be burned: to that end the Captains Duras, and Boisse, were sent with their companies of French fanterie: but albeit that these companies were lodged there for their assurance and safety, yet could they not warrant them from the sack: for the Almains of the new levy, imagining that these companies had been gotten in only to have the sack among them, ran thither upon a huddle, and broke open the gates with hatches, crows, and great beams: the rest which had not the patience to tarry, crept up, and scalled the walls, leaping in, in a number of places, where they made a marvelous piece of work: and not content with this, understanding how they had caused all the women and young children to retire with certain Citizens into the great Church, they gathered together in troops before it. And after that they had by violence beaten down the gates, and porches of the temple: notwithstanding any resistance made to them by the French which were within, they ravished and trained out the men, women, maidens, and young children: so as for that cause was raised a crueell medley between them and the French which would have put them out. The which endured all that night and until the next morrow in the morning until the King sent expressly to appease this mutiny. And afterwards it was proclaimed throughout the whole army, that every man upon pain of death should deliver up the women of Disnan: which he caused to be nourished until their departure with his own provision, albeit that the soldiers themselves were in great necessity. After that the French were retired from the assault, the artillery began on fresh to batter the Castle, to make the breach greater & more easy, continuing the battery all that night: while that they sought other means to have it by the fall of the wall right against the breach making it more easy to climb. Notwithstanding the 13. of july about seven of the clock in the morning, they offered to parley, and being admitted thereunto, there came out first de Floyon governor of the Castle, and Hamon Captain of the Almains, who were conducted to the D. of Nevers tent: to whom having proposed Articles, and it being resolutely denied unto them to carry thence any weapon, artillery, or ensign, they agreed that they should departed with sword and dagger, and some other trifling baggage. But julian the Capitane of the Spaniards, to keep a kind of authority which that nation maketh itself much to be marked for in feats of arms, insisted with great persuasions that he and his people might departed with their weapons: the which for all that the Constable would by no means grant. Now while that they were reasoning about this and sundry other things, Bourdillon, and the Rabaudanges were secretly sent to know, and conclude with the Spaniards whether they were willing to come forth with like condition as the rest: to which they most willingly consented demanding nothing but liberty. Wherefore the capitulation being brought back to the Constable, signed, and accorded, was showed to julian, who after the Spanish fashion making great exclamation said that he one of the chief and principal of all did not consent nor approve it: and required with great importunacy that he might be conveyed back again to the Castle, which he undertook to keep only with his Spanish companies: the which of favour was granted unto him, with protestation, that if he were taken by force, he should hope for nothing but to be the first hanged at the gate. Whereupon by leisure his choler was moderated: having occasion to think rather of the danger wherein he stood, then to shut himself up with his soldiers, which desired nothing but coming forth one after an other: the K. being still present, who took great pity of them, the most part of them being so worn and tired, as they looked like frighted bodies, and true Anatomies, through the pains and necessities which they had endured: the whole amounting to above 800. of all sorts, and there died one another about eight score, or two hundred. Tauannes his company was appointed to conduct the rest in safety the way of Namur, and this Capitane julian was kept prisoner, not only for the answer which he had made, but for an other more especial occasion. This Castle was reputed amongst one of the strongest and fairest houses of the B. of Liege, with B. Eurarde, of the house of La March, uncle to Iamets then living, had caused to be re-edified, upon the old ruins, but far more excellent and strong then ever it was before: likewise sundry other as Hue, Franchemont, Stoquehan, Bovillon, and Floranges. It is situate upon an huge Rock, which may be about & of circumference near four hundred paces, issuing from the side of a mountain of great scope, upon the river of Meuse in form oval: unaccessible two ways, on the Town side and on the rivers: very uneasy likewise on the side where the breach was made, upon the two fronts are two bulwarks, in half circles, or as they commonly say in form of horseshoes, the one vieweth and defendeth all the plain of the mountain, serving for a platform, the other above the Town and river is almost in the same sort, saving that it was not so high, and the upper part made of Brick, no whit at all rampired. Within the Castle is a square court of about forty pace in Diameter and widthe, environed with three great core of houses, of a marvelous fair building and workmanship: propped up underneath with great colomes, the most part guilt, specled all with white and grey spots, of which was likewise all the foundations made, and the upper part of Brick. The under story was all environed with fair and long galleries and walks: and above were many great rooms proper and well fitted with Chambers and a Chapel taking light towards the Town: without towards the North stood these two round Towers, which the Cannon ruined even to the very foundations: and below a curtain or false bray flankered with Torions which was almost broken down & battered. At the root of this great Rock all along the river stood the town, well builded & adorned with houses, situated most properly for the bringing of all kind of merchandise, especially copper, brass, and all sort of russet colours: on the other side of the river about 200. pace off standeth the town of Bouines which is not much less than Disnan, of the County of Namur, and it is found that in ancient time the two towns made warlike wars together. Disnan holding the party of La March which was for France, and Bouines of Burgundy. Disnan being a neuter town lost her neutrality, for at the appetite of their B. uncle to the Emperor to subject themselves to one particular, who by violence (said some) did usurp the Bishopric of Liege, from the Abbot of Beaulieu to whom his said uncle had resigned it. Whereupon the humanity and sweetness of this Prince was much to be marked, who by no means would have the town of Disnan burned as Bouines was, but had regard unto the subjection which the Castle so much commanding over, always had the town in: & therefore in the most fair and strongest part thereof, it was by his own fault beaten down and battered, for ever after to be an example, that neuter lands, & especially of the Church ought not to be partial or cleave to any one more than another.  
Whilst that these two armies stayed about Bouines & Disnan, the other of the Prince de La Rochesurion burning all the country of Artois was sundry days skirmished withal by a number of Flemings which sided & followed him continually to interrupt his purpose: whereof the Prince being advertised, & of their courses which they still kept between Arras and Bapaume, came so fitly upon them that having wrapped them in upon the way, he charged them in such sort that there lay above 200. & of their principal chefetaines there were brought away prisoners, De Fama governor of the Citadel of Cambray and his Lieutenant, Varluset Capitane of the light horse: so as if it had not been for a good horse upon which De Hausimont governor of Bapaume was mounted, he was in as great danger to have borne them company. Two Cornets of their cavalry were there defeated & taken which the Prince sent unto the K. whereby he might be the more assured of the advantage which he had over his enemies. The 15. day of the month many French merchants which by river had brought victuals to the camp, having sold them, and going back again to Mesieres with their boats laden with booties, & certain soldiers, and the Capitanes Garragosse, Gourds, and La Mole hurt in the former assaults, were re-encountered by the Bourguignons not far from Giuets, & constraining them to come aboard, killed part and part, they carried away prisoners, among whom were these three captains, to whom they made very fair war, & gracious entertainment, sending them away upon their faith. 
English & scott's taken at the ports of Giuets by the Bourguignons.  At their departure thence understanding how at Givets were certain English & Scottish companies pertaining to the French, they suddenly went to surprise them, and constrained them to retire into a house tenable enough, but brought away fourscore and six of their horses.  
The Emperor who as then lay at Bruxelles near enough, being advertised of all this, and how the common bruit of the camp went, that at their departure from Disnan they meant to besiege Namur, caused as many soldiers to be lodged there as he esteemed necessary, knowing it otherwise but meanly fortified for any artificial fortification, and that as a great number of men were needful for the assailing of so great towns, so as great & careful diligence for their defence to be requisite. Seeing in like sort all the commons of the plain country so moved & out of heart as all was abandoned he sent his nephew the D. of Savoy for his Lieutenant general, with as many soldiers as he was recover, readily to emparke himself in the town side in a place called Givelou, between the two rivers of Meuse, & Sambre, where he got together and assembled his army with extreme diligence: having sent for succours out of all places. As soon as the Prince was fortified in this place, he scattered his cavalry upon the way where he thought the victuals would pass for the French, as well to weaken them and give them occasion to retire, as to learn & know their determination causing a bruit to be sown, reported by spies and prisoners, that if they adventured to march further, or to pass the river of Sambre to enter into Henault, he would present himself a head to give them battle. 
The emperors army under the prince of Piedmont.  But the K. as not being so far entered into his enemy's country to return without passing further, having likewise left the way of Namur, stayed to pass over the river of Sambre, & to burn the country of Henault, whereby he might make proof of the imperial forces: from whence such being returned as went to view the places & way which the army must pass through, having sent back Bourdillon with his company to Mesieres to cause certain Bourgingnons to retire, which burned certain villages about, the K. raised his army from this place the 16. of july to continue his determination: knowing notwithstanding the difficulty to recover victuals, & how the enemy had gotten all within their strong towns, & broken down all mills, he thought good to advertise the whole companies, to make provision of as much victuals as was possible, even so far as to lad their horses with provision: the D. of Nevers remaining upon the Meuse side, as well to make the surplus of provisions to be distributed, as to tarry the raysure of the Castle of Disnan, and of all the rest of the small forts about, whence he departed the 18. day of that month, and went to find the King at Storne a small village, where the Lord of the place, as he was ready to go to dinner, was surprised by the light horse. The next morning, at their dislodging, that was set on fire, and all the villages round about. Now as the army lying between these two rivers there was no means honourably to retire, but by the issue of an happy combat, so already and resolute for the show, marched in battle strait to this river. Their couriers notwithstanding having given as far as the brinks of La Sambre, found not so much as one sole man to make them resistance, and passed forwards freely so as the whole cavalry followed after, than the ●●nterie and men at arms without the loss of any one vallet, were it not by some other accident. Likewise the imperials not finding themselves strong enough as then, contained themselves close within their fort, and instead of going out to seek them, they were shut in and fortified with good trenches the best that was possible. Notwithstanding that night there were certain troops of their cavalry discovered, which presently drew back into the woods, having perceived a number of French companies, which were ready to accost them. So the poor popular people abused with the hope, which they imagined of the imperial army, were surprised within their houses, with a mighty number of cattle, & other movables, not without great pity: all the plain country being set on fire and extremely ruined, especially one little Town called Forces, within the county of Assebais. This night they encamped on this side the river in a Copice, where the whole army kept close and well united, perceiving the imperials to be but one league and a half of. The twenty day of the month the French army began to make her entry so furiously within the countries of Hanault, that there was nothing but fire, cries, flights, and all things pitiful to hear, but much more to see, without so much as one burrow daring to make resistance. All the people flying away from the re-encounter of this horrible fury, which continued until eventide, that they encamped in the village of jumets, very famous for the two new forts which were there: from one of which a number of imperials having been advanced thither to cut off the victuals from the army, had already given the slip at the bruit of the vauntcouriers. These Castles were in the strongest places ruined & raised. In this place the K. did an act worthy of a most Christian Prince: for having been told him by a guidon of the D. of Nevers company how a poor woman his hostess was delivered of a fair son, himself would needs be godfather, carried it unto the Font, & their caused the Cardinal of Lorraine to baptize it by the name of Henry, bestowing certain presents of him: beside that he made it be written over the house door, to the end it might not be destroyed nor ruined with the rest. Thus is the house where the K. Christened the child. This night the comte Roquendolphe with his pistoliers, his regiment of Almains, the D. of Bouillon's company, 
An act of a most christian K.  & two small field pieces, undertook to go surprise the little Town of Nivelle, the first town of Brabant: notwithstanding finding it better furnished with men of war than he supposed he returned without doing aught else then burning the suburbs and villages about: from whence he brought away great booties. At their dislodging thence the army drew strait to Bains one of the principal towns of Hennault, leaving for all the ways behind it nothing but flames of fire, smoke and all kind of calamity: whom the D. of Savoy still followed with the imperial army from lodging to lodging: given at their tail as many alarms as he was able, to annoy and weaken them, being of himself grieved enough to hear and see the plaints of the miserable common people so destroyed & ruined: to whom he could give no other comfort, but say that they still fled before him, & he followed still after to be revenged of them. An occasion that the same day they encamped about Bains where they lightened far greater fires than the first, 
The imperial army followeth the French from place to place.  for that there were spoiled & consumed to ashes the most fair Castles and gentlemen's houses, which were possible to be builded. Among the rest the most sumtuous house of Marimont was set on fire, curiously builded for the singular pleasure of Q. Marry, furnished with as many singularities as was possible to be imagined. another excellent fair Castle, called Tragny was burned and the greatest part ruined, 
Marimont a house of pleasure to Q. Mar●e burned.  where were found sundry movables and rich vestments as well of men as women. The 22. of july the Town of Bains being summoned, and no ways willing to yield, was most furiously presented with the Cannon, and in another manner of sort then when D'Alegre lost his life there. Which having endured out six volleys of the Cannon, yielded themselves to the kings mercy, who for all that commanded it to be destroyed and burned, not forgetting his Castle of Foulembray and other Towns of Picardy, which Q. Marie had before caused to be burned & entirely ruined, at such time as he was in Germany. They did as much to a sumtuous Castle which she had newly caused to be built, replenished with all exquisite things as of sundry varieties of Marble, Tables, plate pictures, and embossed statues, colours of all sorts, whereof notwithstanding in small space was made great waist & destruction. De Blosse who was governor thereof was brought away prisoner, with the chiefest of mark which were found both there and within the town: the K. still using all meekness towards the women, young maidens & little children, which he made be conducted & put in safety, by a Harrowld, & a trumpeter. Afterwards the same morning de Giry Lieutenant of the D. of Nevers company, was sent with 4. other companies of men at arms, to keep scout to those, which set fire on the Castle of Reux, which the late master thereof had caused to be re-edified, and better masonned then ever it was, when it was first builded, being vowted from the bottom to the top: from thence they were at Bais sur Bais a village: afterwards at a little town of Bavets, very anucient first builded by the Troyans', (as they of the country tell) which passed beyond the forest of Mormant, calling it after the name of their Prince Bavo. At this time smally inhabited, but to ruin it the more fire was put in many places. The imperial army still followed them very near, being better strengthened as well by the succours of Almains which the D. of Brunswich brought, of 2000 Reistres, which they call in France Pistoliers, as for that all the Emperor's Garrisons, which he had distributed among the towns which he had left behind were retired thither. The which caused the French to march in better order, & closer than before: as always ready to fight, from one place to another, for doubt of the enemy, being very vigilant, subtle & courageous, where he could spy any advantage to assail them: whereat the Constable well advising, to support the charges, & enterprises, which the enemy might give upon their skirts, ordinarily remained there with the vanward, and dislodged ever last. Thus the alarms redoubled at their departure thence, having as it were cooped themselves in between six great Towns of their enemies to wit Mons in Haynault, Auanes, Landrecy, Lequesnoy, Valenciennes, & Cambray, and the imperial army which was at their heels, & had assailed them as by a despair had not been the good conduct of their chefes the imperials having adventred so far as in clear day to force their whatch, after they had surprised one of the sentinels of Tauannes his company: notwithstanding not daring to adventure further, as soon as they were perceived, they were driven in as far as Lequesnoy. Now this night their light cavalry skirmished long, & with luck enough, which was a cause to make them forbear, & take some rest the surplus of that night. Having then from Villie encamped at Souleine, and from thence at the burrows & Castle of Gommigny which they burned, they marched forward the 24. of the month, when as their enemies as it were desperate, in seeing their country burned, destroyed & sacked by them, without any doubt of being followed, or fear of being famished, proposed to give them a charge, taking vantage of the rainy & misty weather: knowing likewise that they had two reasonable bad rivers, to pass which were swelled that night where they hoped to delay them and put them in such dioder, as they would have them at devotion having all their own garrisons joined together. Therefore they divided into two troops about 4000 of the best horse they had, laying part of them in ambush within the woods upon the way, & part of them within certain villages at hand according as they might most commodiously sustain one another, the D. of Savoy remaining behind with other 4000 horse & some footmen, having belaid the field with 4. or 5. hundred couriers to entice forth their light horse: whereby they being first discovered by the D. D' Aumale, 
The imperials enterprises upon the French army  it was thought fit to send to the Marshal S. Andre, who remained at their tail with two regiments of men at arms to know if it were best to charge them: who sent back word that he was not of that opinion, fearing they had a greater company. Wherefore Paul Baptista, & the capitane Lanque were sent to view them more near: who made report each one of his side that they had descried two other troops of 2000 horse a piece which anon after as soon as the wether grew clearer, discovered themselves at full, & so near as they attacked skirmish with the light cavalry of the French hard by the camp, without setting, or giving in earnest upon any of the other ranks of cavalry, and men at arms: which made them headlong enough, & in their view retired and passed this last river: afterwards they returned without carrying the honour to have had any advantage at all over them. The regiment of the Duke of Nevers was sent another way, where certain of their scouts were defeated, which brought great quantity of baggage, but part thereof was again rescued. Afterwards they encamped that night in a village, which the year before had been burned called Viellie. The same day a trumpetour which the Duke of Nevers had sent to the camp, called La Capelle, to understand what was become of a man at arms of his company, returned almost all naked, & stripped by some soldiers of the enemies, smally experienced in feats of war. But at the instant he was sent back again in the same estate, with a trumpeter, who was charged by the K. to tell the D. of Savoy, the Emperor's Lieutenant general, that if hereafter they used any more the like fashions, & all the privileges & liberties of war should be thus abolished, he would do the like at his next siege. Which being understood by this gentle Prince, to show how sore he was displeased thereat, he caused diligent search to be made throughout his whole camp, for those as had committed so base and lewd an act, to have them punished in example: so as having recovered the trumpeters clothes & horse with recompense for such other things as had been taken from him, he caused him to be safely conveyed back by one of his own. Now for that some of the imperials had caused the bruit to run, how that the French did fly before them, & that if they would but stay 24. hours, the Prince should give them battle, they answered, that they saw no cause to be so brag, nor so lightly to usurp such glory, occasion of combat having already been often enough presented unto them if they themselves had listed. Notwithstanding if the Prince had so great desire thereto as he made show for, he assured them on the K. behalf, that he would stay full 24. hours & no more, or if he would come find him out near Cambray, he did assure him that would tarry for him 8. days together, where nothing should be refused him. But whilst they sought out the most commodious places to lodge their battellons & men at arms, the imperials in the end retired to their first lodgings near to Bavets. An occasion that at their departure thence the French with one march got as far as Craevecaeur near Cambray, where the enemies had determined to fortify and repair the Castle, having already begun to make certain trenches & conduits to taste the water, purposing there to lay their foundations which the same day being the 26. of july, their pioneers began to raise: where the first wound of the miserable Cambresius was renewed, who had already set up & builded some little cottages, only to keep themselves dry: imagining that a long time there would not so great misfortune befall them, having according to their ability again sowed part of their fields, to have wherewith all to nourish, and keep themselves from famine: so as the richer sort, & glad to that they were with their best movables retired within the strong towns, were not exempt out of all these losses & adversities: for when the tenant is poor & afflicted, the Lord fareth never a whit of aught the better. Now whilst that in the plain country they made waste of Corn already ripe, & ready to be reaped, many brave sallies and skirmishes daily fell out between them of Cambray & the French: the Citadel still troubling & darkening the air with shot of Camnon, which lighted only among the worst sort, without slaying of any person of renown: which they did only by all means possible, seeking to hinder the loss & ruin of their fruits, being notwithstanding often enough repelled and driven into their own gates, so as these bicker continued for the space of 8. days, whilst that the French lay there encamped. The imperial army in the mean time was pitched and fortified in a place called Arçon between Cambray, Le Quesnoy, & Valeciennes upon the little river of Montet, which cometh towards the Castle of Cambresy, & a little lower falleth into Leascau, still continuing their courses to cut off the ways: which the Prince De La Roche Sur-yon well perceiving came thither, incorporating his army with the K. which he succoured with great quantity of victuals, whereof they stood in great want and necessity.  
In this time was the marriage concluded between Philip of Austria, and Mary of England, though with much more honour to the English, then to the Spaniards: having taken from him by the contract of marriage, 
Marriage of Philip of Austria & Mary Q. of England.  many commodities which ordinarily are proper and incident unto a husband, yea so far as to deny unto him the courtesy of England which carrieth. That a Queen enheritrice to England, coming to be married to a Prince stranger, 
Courtesy of England.  and afterwards dying, the husband should enjoy such goods as appertained unto her during his life, though no heirs at all were issued by marriage: wherein likewise may be very well noted the power of the estates and Parliament of England, over the disposition whether living or testamentary of their Prince. This marriage notwithstanding, though very honourable to their nation, yet stuck sore in the minds of many Lords and other of the country as well for the displeasure which they took in that they were to be commanded by a stranger, as for the change of Religion and policy, already as it were grown old and settled in the hearts of many: so as with a full resolution to hinder the same, and to set up jane of Suffolk as Queen, they rose in arms under Henry of Suffolk, Thomas Wyatt and sundry other as well in cornwall as the North country. Wyatt undertook to bring his men strait to London chief City of the Realm, hoping to draw the Londoners unto him under a pretext of the country's liberty, & hindrance of the alliance with a stranger. The Q. on the other side having levied a great number of men caused the Duke to fly to Warwick, from whence seeking to escape into France, he was apprehended and brought to London by the Earl of Huntingdon, who marched against Wyatt, gathering men out of the Duchy of Norfolk, the Duke whereof being taken prisonner by Wyatt, in no case would be persuaded to combat with this party, but afterwards being released, he revealed unto the Q. all the enterprise of Wyatt and his partners: with whom stood likewise suspected and kept as prisoner, Elizabeth daughter to Henry and Anne Boulen. Wyatt notwithstanding being arrived at London was much astonished. But the Queen though with small force, having publicly to all men rendered the cause, which moved her to take the Spanniard to her husband, and how that the country should there by receive much more good, then by her alone, or any other English Prince: beside; how she would lose nothing of her own, nor any ways diminish the liberty of her subjects, encouraged them so far as Wyatt clean out of hope of entering the City, and seeking to retire into Kent, being pursued was defeated by the Earl of Pembroke: afterwards brought to London, 
jane of Suffolk and her husband with sundry other beheaded at London.  within short space, both the D. of Suffolk and himself, had their heads cut off, being not long after followed by jane of Suffolk and her husband, for not having refused, the unfortunate Crown which was offered unto them. Thus began the marriage of Marie, with th' effusion of her subjects blood, as almost all the rest of her Reign consumed in division: and full of murder and punishments of the most notable personages of her Realm. These troubles being appeased the Prince of Spain arrived about the end of july in the isle of Wight: from whence being honourably conducted by my L. Paget and other, entering afterwards further in to England, followed by the D. of Alva, Earls of Padille, Rigomes, & Aiguemont, the Admiral of Castille, and Marquis of Languillare, the marriage was solemnized the 23. of july at Winchester, where Mass being finished, the Emperor's deputies declared how in favour of that marriage, his Majesty did give unto his son the realm of Naples, Sicily, and jerusalem, the duchies of Milan, Burgundy, Brabant, the Earldoms of Aspur, Flanders, and tirol.  
Henry in this mean while, continuing still ready & upon his guard caused in the great plain between Craevecaeur and Cambray a general muster to be made of all his men at arms and French Cavellerie, about the month of july whilst that his footmen & cariadges had gained the advantage, and passed the River, for some companies of light horse being sent forth for watch and scouts, returned word back how that they had discovered near hand to a four or five hundred horse, and a great number of foot, making show as though the emperors Camp marched, keeping their way as though they went directly to Cambray, whereof they were no sooner advertised, then likewise ready, with resolution rather to fight it out in the field, then to permit or give them leave to fortify so near unto them, especially with the help and secure of so great a Town, whereby as much mischief might happen unto them as did unto the Protestants of Germany before Ingolstat, whereupon the D. D' Aumale remounted suddenly on horseback with the light cavalry, the better to be assured of the truth, and found how the imperial army was indeed removed with full determination to come and encamp near Cambray, but that the Emperor knowing how they were not departed thence, fearing to be enforced to fight to his great disadvantage, lodged in another place near unto the first, called Newille, which he caused suddenly to be renforced with trenches on that side, which was not flanked to the river.  
This night at sundry times were fent out some companies of French Cavallerye, and of the Admiral's men at arms to keep them in continual alarms within their fort, until the break of day next morning, that the Constable with the most part of the men at arms of his vantguarde, and two Regiments of French infantry went near to view and see if there were any means to force them within their fort, or to entice and give them occasion to come forth. But he found that very hard, for that this place was two ways enclosed with the river, and on the other sides well fortified and trenched in, assuring himself by the discourse of natural reason, and examples past, that for the smallness of resolution which would be had therein, he could not carry away more honour and profit, than he had done at other times, and in his young years at La Bicoque a simple Country house, of less strength than the place where the marquess of Gnast defeated all the fury of the French, Zuizers, and other partakers of the Flower de luce. True it is that in his return he espied some old Towers where sundry of the enemies were lodged on this side their Camp, as well to keep scout, as to endamage the fouragers: whereupon it was concluded that the Cannon should be brought thither the same day to the battery; by this means the rather to provoke the Emperor to come forth to guard and defend them. But the imperials clean acquitted them retiring within their fort. Notwithstanding to give all occasions which might be, as also doubting the descent of the English into the country of Boulonnois, the marriage having been already solemnized between the K. of Spain, and their Queen, Henry determined to make his army unto those parts. where according as the commodity presented itself, he might besiege on of his enemy's holds, to the end that if he would put himself into the field and strive to rescue it, the Emperor might be thereby constrained to fight. Having then sojourned certain days at Creveceur near to Cambray, the second of August he departed, and the same day went to encamp at Ondrecourt near the Castelet, whereof the Emperor being advertised, raised his army from Newille, and taking his way towards Arras, pitched at Marteau, The day after the French were at Mornencourt, two leagues from Peronne, and the next morrow passed before Bapalme saluted with infinite shot of Cannon. Notwithstanding the army made no long abode there through the discommodity which they found in not being able to recover water: but only the light horse skirmished sometime before that place whilst that the whole army descended to encamp that night all along the little River underneath Mirammont; whence they departed the next day, keeping their way all along the borders of the County of Artois, where they saw a wonderful waste which the Prince of Roche Sur-yon his army had made sundry fair Castles and Villages as yet smoking, the Corn and fruits of the earth clean destroyed and abandoned, which are the miseries and calamities that the wars and dissensions between Princes bring to poor people. That night being the 5. of August, they encamped Paz in Artois; where some cavalry of the Garrison of Arras keeping alongst the woods and covered country, undertook to free about upon the hinder part, but being encountered with their English and Scottish Cavalry, were defeated, and the most part of their Soldiers dismounted, and other brought away prisoners, whereby the loss of Givettes was now recompensed. There they made great waste, and continued it as far as the abbey of Cercamp, where the County of S. Paul beginneth; there they sojourned two days for many reasons, especially for that they had resolved to besiege the Castle of Renty. 
The K. army before Rentry and his designs.  The D. of Vendosme departed thence with a good number of cavalry and foot, training some artillery to go before to summon it; also to know whether any body were left within Fauguemberg, which he purposed to raze, with all other small forts adjoining; to the end likewise that he might be able to bring greater store of artillery, that which he had there being partly homecomed, partly cracked and dismounted, much powder and munition having been spent before the Towns and Castles which they had taken; the eight of August they traversed all the county of S. Paul, leaving Dorlan and Hedin on the left hand, and Terroanne on the right, to encamp the night following at Fruges; whence that night the Castle of Renty was again summoned, and answer made by the Captain, 
The Emperor before Renty & his disseines.  that he would never yield it up, assuring himself of the succours which the Emperor would bring unto him; who being informed of the K. coming thither, as well in respect that fort was very prejudicial to the County of Boulonnois, as to assay if they would hazard to fight with him and drive him out of the Country, was departed from Arras, where he had mustered all his forces, with which he approached as near unto the King as Terroanne on the Friday at night. But the French knowing his intent to be to keep on the other side of the Riverh, a place strong by reason of the length & breadth of the woods which stretched very far into the country, whereby succours might come unto him as well of victuals as Soldiers, and all other sorts of munitions, and being there fortified, his presence would easily secure and rescue the Castle with whatsoever should be needful, yea of all sides ready to cut of and annoy the besiegers, advised for the more sure, that the Constable with the vanguard should pass into that part, and fortify himself with trenches, to bemeete with and prevent all occasions of surprise; and to cut of the way to any succours which might be sent unto the Castle, bridges and boats were made upon the little River, whereby the two Camps might the more easily secure one another. Afterwards all the light cavalry being encamped at Fauquemberge, this castle remained so penned in, as there was not one man able to enter in without being discovered; notwithstanding the better to ascertain the Emperor of this siege, they caused to be planted on the top of a mountain on Montereul side four Culverins, to begin to batter these defences, whilst they advanced forward such great pieces as were taken and brought from the Towns above the River of Somme, which came thither somewhat late, and only the Saturday at night, but to make amends to this sloth, they made the approaches with such speed, as all was seen in battery by the next morrow, notwithstanding any shower of arqebus shot, which they were able to send out of the Castle, whence there was hurt the Captain Vauquedemars', one of the most ancientest and experimented Captains of the old Ensigns, the which redoubled unto the Emperor his doubt and fear of the place, seeing himself without all means or hope to be able so much as to cause one man to enter in: but in the end the grief and shame which he conceived, to suffer his Country so to be destroyed, and before his eyes, and that this place should be taken and enforced, so mingled themselves together, that making himself an enemy to his fear, he resolved to try fortune, and to do his best whatsoever should ensue thereon to secure it. Thereupon the same day he came to encamp hard by the French, but for all that the artillery never ceased most furiously to batter the Castle, and that in two places, to wit, on the Constable's side and on the Kings, the artillery being advanced, and planted on the very brink of the ditch, which battered a bulwark on the left hand, and a round tower within the dungeon on the right; they shot likewise from the mountain a little below the Swissers' Camp, with four culverins to break the defences, and you may not doubt but in short time this castle was as violently battered and cannoned, as any other place, so as the Emperor determined as the best way to raise them as yet to approach nearer, and so lodged on the top, on the plain of a mountain, between a little Village called Marque and Fauquemberg, where there was but one little Valley of an hundred and fifty pace large, and at the least as steep, which divided the two armies, and the valley on the other side, where the river runneth which maketh a marish, and overfloweth all round about the Castle on the right hand. Besides a wood on the left between the Spaniard and the French, above Fauquemberg, called the wood William, 
The Emperors and K. Henry's designs before Reinty.  which the Emperor thought good to seize upon to hinder their giving of the assault, and to compel them by shot of Cannon into their camp, to dislodge and quit the place. Now had the D. of Guise which commanded in the battle watched all that night, as also the Prince of Ferrara, the D. of Nevers, the Admiral, the Marshal de S. Andre, and other, assuring themselves that the enemy would not fail to spy out the wood to lodge in, and therefore was there set about 300. arquebusiers in ambush, within certain little caves, and some corselets which stood plain to be discovered, to the end the enemies first addressing themselves to fight with them, might be enclosed in, the easier to be defeated by the Harquebuziers: and so a little after at the point of day, the scouts reported how they had heard a great noise, and descried certain matches of Harquebuziers, the which himself afterwards perceiving, forbade them to discover themselves, but to tarry until they might be sure, and upon that went back into the corpse de gnet, which was retired in the plain towards the Campe. The Imperials still marched forward within the wood, according to the report of some couriers, which they still sent before, and perceiving nothing, went so far in that they found themselves enclosed within this ambush, not as yet discovered: wherefore the French suddenly all at one instant discharged so hotly on them, that they remained in the end so astonished and beaten, as in seeing a number hurt, they began to fly and turn their backs, glad that the day was no further forwards, and that the weather was misty. Now from the beginning of the day the battery was continued more furious than before, so as in a short space the breaches in every place grew reasonable ready to give the assault: whereof the Emperor being advertised, he was so angry, as the very same day being the 13. of August, about noon he made a volley of artillery to be discharged, to give them warning within that they should be of courage, and that their succours were at hand. Afterwards having concluded to give battle, (against the advice of the principal of his council) he caused all his camp to be set in order, but he resolved first to gain the wood, knowing the importance thereof, and at all hazards to chafe away the French. Therefore having chosen out of all his companies of foot about three or four thousand Harquebuziers of the best experienced, 
The Imperial army to give battle to the French.  some corselets, and Pikemen to support them, and about four thousand horse, with four field pieces, carried upon four wheels, ready to turn them upon any hand, (whereby they were afterward called the emperors Pistols) he caused them all to march right into the wood, the light cavalry under the conduct of the Duke of Savoy, and the Harquebuziers under Dom-Ferrant de Gonzague. All along the Glade of the wood in descending towards Fauquemberg marched a battle of Almains, led by the Count john of Naissau, and the Marshal of Cleves, on whose flank marched a troop of Reistres of about eighteen hundred or two thousand horse, under the conduct of the Count Vulfenfort, who promised the Emperor to march that day upon the belly of all the kings men at arms; followed not far of with a number of light cavalry, of about one thousand or twelve hundred horse, with four field pieces more. The Harquebuziers then being entered into the wood, encountered with the three hundred French, as fresh and with as good a will to recharge them as they had done at the first. And thereupon grew fair and hot skirmishes. Now albeit that the Imperials arrived there in far greater number, yet they behaved themselves so valiantly that they kept them a long time back, so as many remained on each side as well dead as hurt, and taken prisoners: among other of the French, the Captain Fort, and his Lieutenant Courcelles. Hereupon the Duke of Guise, who from the beginning had undertaken the defence of this wood, and by his presence animated and seemed to grace these martial actions, having carefully considered of the whole dessein of the imperials, advised the King that by their countenance and fury wherewith they went to the combat, he verily thought that that day should not pass without a battle. The King then which was in the plain on this side the wood, about 5000. pace in length, and 2000 in breadth, caused his battles of foot to be put in order, to situate them in a place commoudious and easy to combat with the men at arms, because that place was unproper for them both together, 
The French army represented before Renty to give battle.  as by the advice of the Constable and sundry other Princes and Captains, he had the day before perceived. Notwithstanding for the better countenance and to make head to the enemy, there was lodged both the one and the other as commodiously as could be; the first battle of foot were French, the second Almains, the third Zuizers, which followed one another with Regiments of men at arms ordained for their flank on their right hand. And for as much as on the left there was a little Valley, which as well from the quarter of the Zuizers towards Fauquemberg, as towards the wood, widening made a glade easy and commodious enough, as well to lodge foot as horse, in the opening of that plain they set the most part of the rest of the Regiments of men at arms for the other flank. And right before towards Fauquemberg was the D. D'aumale with all the light cavalry, and certain Harquebuziers on foot to fight, without keeping any order, to the end they might give notice if the enemy should come that way. And in the mean space the Duke of Guise not being able readily to have the K. answer upon such occurrents, being likewise no less curious to draw the enemy into the place most advantageous for himself, then fearful of the loss of the three hundred Harquebuziers in the wood, in the end resolved to make them retire from place to place, through the traverses of the wood, ever refreshing them with some companies of Cavalry, which notwithstanding so increased the imperials courage, as assuring themselves of victory, they caused their battles of Alamanes to march with all diligence which always flankred them on the rightside, as they saw their arquebusiers have advantage over the French. And even then Dom-Ferrant sent word unto the Emperor that he should hasten the rest of his army, for the vanguard of the French said he was already sore shakened, ready to set themselves in disorder: the which the Emperor did, and his army passed all along the Valley above, and at one of the corners of the wood himself tarried, to be partaker of the pleasure or annoy of the good or bad which should fall out: it was then as the K. answer came to the D. of Guise, that if occasion offered itself to receive battle, he should not refuse it; that he would come himself thither in person with as good a will to fight, as the most valiant of his whole army. Then the Duke of Guise went back to his Regiment in the sight and face of all upon the plain towards Fauquemberg; where of a famous warrior, 
The D. of Guise's speech to the gentlemen of his company.  gracious notwithstanding and with a smiling countenance, he used some words, as well to advertise the Gentlemen, of the fair occasion which that day was offered to attain honour, as to encourage those which might have any need; and showed them all in general, how the day was come wherein God presented unto them (in doing service to their Princes and increasing their honour and particular reputation) the matter and true subject, to make themselves for ever to be redoubted and feared of all the nations of the world, whereof the K. assured himself so far, as he would honour this glorious victory with his own presence, which indeed encouraged them in such sort, as having called upon the name of God, and recommended their souls into his hands, 
The K. answer to the Zuizers  every man prepared himself well and faithfully to perform his duty. In the mean time the Constable passed over the river towards the Duke with a Regiment of the Captain Glamay his footmen, who caused the first order a little to be altered; and retired the battle of Zuizers towards Renty, who according to their ancient custom, sent unto the King to demand some men at arms to support them, but the K. answered them, how himself would live and die with them, and that he so far assured himself of their promise and good will, that he determined no whit to abandon them, resolute to show unto them, how as well in life, as point of death, if it were offered he would honour them as his colleagues and faithful friends both to himself and his kingdom: whereat they were so stirred up, as there was no other intention among them, but to fight valiantly for his service. Likewise as a testimony of the pleasure which the King received therein, he did that which I will show you in another place. As all this was thus a handling, the Imperials were in such sort already advanced upon the French, as they had recoiled them, and driven them out of the wood so far, as their arquebusiers began to come forth, and show themselves in front of the first battle of the French, ready to join with them, pelting at them with a continual and marvelous noise of arqebus shot all along the glade. The Imperial battle supported with Pistoliers and cavalry, was approached with one hundred pace of the French, and there remained nothing but to charge, at such time as the D. of Guise gave a sign to the D. of Nemours, to charge with his regiment of light cavalry upon one of the corners of the Pistoliers, and upon the other he set the Guidon of his own company, and Tauannes to scour on their slancke, whereupon there began a most sore and furious combat; but the French were in the end valiantly put back, and there was slain the young Baron of Curton, Randan sore hurt, and his Lieutenant D'Amanzay dead, the Cornet of Auannes sore hurt, and his horse slain under him, Forges Guidon of the company of Tauannes slain, the viscount D'Auchy Guidon of the Duke of Guise's sore hurt, and sundry valiant men out of all the companies, 
The second combat in which the imperials were overthrown.  as the Son of Pied-pape, young jovy, Bourdilly, young Branches, and many others; whose death, hurts, and retreats gave such heart to the imperials so well to hope, as they already encouraged one another, as having gained an entire victory: whereupon the Duke of Guise and Tauannes, having assembled their troops together again, the which the D. D' Aumalle with all the light cavalry went to join, began with one front so furiously to charge upon the Imperials, as they opened, and threw down the Pistoliers of Vuluenfort so rudely, as they themselves broke the battle of their Almains to retire, who might best, whilst that the Duke of Nevers who had his Regiment placed along the glade towards Ranty, passed between the battle of the Almains and the French, to charge in a heap upon all the Spanish Harquebuzerie, which by favour of their cavalry was already come out of the wood, which they performed so courageously, and with such violence, as they were all overthrown and put to flight; yea in such disorder as they suddenly turned their back, to escape and get into the wood, where there were taken and razed seventeen Ensigns of footmen, five Cornets of horse, and four field pieces which they found clean abandoned all along the glade. The Admiral then who was the first which alighted before the battle of the French, caused a number of Soldiers to leave their ranks still to follow the victory, who entering within the wood at the beginning made a great slaughter of their enemies, ridding all such as they met of their miserable lives, by the cruel edge of their sword. There were the emperors Pistols found and brought unto the King, whilst that the companies of men at arms pursued the victory all along the glade and borders of the wood, especially the light cavalry and Tauannes his company, which descended down into the bottom of the valley, where was likewise defeated a great number of those which were come down out of the wood, hoping to gain their Campe. The rest of the troops tarried upon the top of the valley, upon which they straightways made the emperors artillery to play, which remained on the other board his side, whereby his people might somewhat the more favourably retreat. But to answer him, the French was as soon leveled against the corner of the wood, which made his quickly recoil back, the battles of the footmen which were already come together upon this top in the plain, still attending what might further ensue. During this time the Emperor caused his Camp with all diligence to be razed, trenched and fortified: doubting of a more hot pursuit. But the night coming on, was an occasion to the French to pass the rest of the time in peace, and to content themselves with the happy issue of this re-encounter. Now for that the companies of the men at arms of the D. of Guise, Nevers, Bourdillon, and Tauannes, were the first which fought, and most hotly pursued their enemies, the King was so highly contented therewith, as he Knighted the chief Captains and principal members thereof. Among the rest Tauannes whom he greatly honoured, and gave unto him the order which he wore about his own neck, 
Number of the dead French and Imperial.  using towards the rest great liberality, especially towards those as presented unto him either Ensigns, Cornets, or artillery, which they had taken or found abandoned. After the encounter the French Captains viewed over their bands, to know those which had been slain or hurt, where there were found of dead about two hundred or twelve score: but the Emperor lost there thrice as many men: for the charge and onset of the French was at the first so furious, as without respect of any, nor tarrying about prisoners, all such as presented themselves before them, were hewn in pieces, so as the D. of Savoy and Dom-Ferrant to save themselves were feign to run into the thick of the wood, where they remained so long, as it was a great time before any news could be heard of Dom-Ferrant, so as he was esteemed either to be dead or taken prisoner. And there was also taken a Colonel of the Almains, which a arquebusier found within the wood sore hurt, who being kept by the Baron of Fontenay, died a few days after in his hands. A Spanish Captain named de Castres', who said he had been page to the Admiral, being abandoned for dead, was taken by an other arquebuses, to whom they gave so good entertainment, as within few days after his wounds being brought into good plight, for a small ransom he was sent away, and conveyed unto the Castle of Renty. There was likewise taken prisoner, a gentleman of great virtue and knowledge of the emperors chamber, named De Silly, who afterward was employed to mediate a peace between these two Princes.  
After that the K. was retired with his battle into his first stand, the Constable encamped the same night within the wood, with all the Vanguard, in the very place of victory, but with small rest notwithstanding; for that all the night the Imperials kept themselves in battle, the two armies remaining in great doubt one of the other, for the French presumed how that the Emperor being a courageous & magnanimous Prince, would never endure such a loss, without doing of his best for revenge: but he seeing himself weak, and so unfavoured of fortune, knowing the puissance of the K. feared lest he would turn all his forces to defeat him for altogether. So as having with all diligence possible, caused his Camp to be enclosed about round with great trenches, by peep of day we might see them in so great forwardness, as they rested as impregnable. The same day notwithstanding to make an end of his part, the K. sent the Constable to view whether there could be any access or means to go search them out within their own fort, who gave advise of an impossibility, without danger of losing thereby a great number of valiant men: so this day passed peaceably over on each side, still continuing for all that the battery against the castle, until night that the Emperor caused all his artillery to be discharged in sign of great joy, and rejoicing for the good news which he had received of the defeat of Peter Strossy, and a great number of the French party in Italy. I will tell you else where how the matter was: upon this the fifteenth day of the month, the retreat of the army into France was resolved of in full council, as well for want of provisions for horses, as to change the air, which was already infected and corrupted with the stench of carrins and dead horses, whereof the plague is quickly engendered, and other diseases very contagious in an army; alleging in like sort that the K. would not lose so many brave men as followed him, before so little a place, and of no worth; but for all that the K. meant first to advertise the Emperor thereof, and sent him word that it was not for any doubt of him, and that if he would assure him that he would meet him, he would tarry for him four long hours on the way, as he did: for having caused the Cartes and baggage to be sent away, the army wholly remained in battle more than three hours in the same place, where the Monday before they had fought. But none presenting themselves, and knowing how that the imperials were close shut up in their Camp, having in their sight set fire on all the Villages about, they began with a soft march to retire, looking back sometimes to see if they were followed. And so late enough arrived at Montcaure, a league from Montereul, where they sojourned 5. days together, still to learn out & understand the enterprises of th'emperor, the which as long as the French forces were still assembled, the King might more easily prevent, and meet with them if they should put into the field. But having certain intelligence how the army was not as yet departed from their first lodging in the plains of mark, and that the Emperor expressly tarried to see the reparations and amendments of Rent, the K. purposed in like sort to give some rest and refreshing to his own; Notwithstanding that before the five days were out, want of fourage and evil air of the marshes caused them to dislodge and come nearer to Montereul, where they sojourned five other days entire; the K. being lodged in the Charter house, and the Camp pitched all along the little river of Cauche, where the English and Scottish companies received an evil bob, in being scattered and lodged two leagues farther than the vanguard, in a village called Marenlo, where the imperials having received advertisement thereof, and being guided by one of the same village, were to surprise them at midnight, so as their lodgings being set on fire, some of the masters, servants, and horses tied were burned, some slain, and some carried away prisoners: whereupon the Emperor being retired to S. Omer, without having any means to be able to undertake any matter of great importance or damage to the French; as also that the Winter and evil weather threatened him, the K. departed thence with the D. of Guise, and certain gentlemen of his house to go to Compeugne, after he had well munitioned and fortified the garrisons of the towns of Ardres, and Bolongne, to make head & keep strong against his enemy, if he would besiege him: the Constable remaining chief of the overplus of the army, as well to keep it united, as the better and more readily to be able to provide for whatsoever the Emperor could undertake: whose guiles the French have always feared, especially upon the end of a war; whereupon they took occasion to charge now & then upon his camp, as well thereby to know and learn some thing, as to keep scout for the fouragers, who were feign to go very far to recover victuals and fourage for their horses, who having no more left to nourish them withal, they were enforced again to dislodge and pass over the river on the other side, where the army was pitched & encamped in the villages of Brameu, Espimeu, Beaurin, & all alongst the river shore. They tarried there certain days, 
The K. army dissolved.  fearing lest the Emperor should besiege Montreul, Ardres, or Dourlan: notwithstanding being advertised how his Soldiers for want of pay, victuals, and other commodities, dissolved themselves: the constable not to consume the rest of the victuals of the frontier (which were already greatly diminished and grown dear) sent home the rirebands to their houses, and dismissed the Zuizers well contented & satisfied, as well with their pay, as with the order of knighthood bestowed by the K. upon Mandosse their General, and upon the Captains Theodore Inderhalden Colonel of the Cantons, and Petroman Clery Colonel of the towns, and Aonis who was afterwards the K. Ambassador to the Grizons, a few days after being accompanied with the Marshal S. Andre, he came unto the K. who gave the conduct of the rest of the army to the D. of Vendosme: whereupon the emperor who had always delayed and dissembled his determination, seeing his forces diminished suddenly, called back certain companies which before he had caused to depart the camp, to draw towards Hedin. The which the D. of Vendosme foreseeing, & that he meant to be revenged in burning the flat country, as the French had done his, caused his camp to dislodge, still to accost him and hold him in such awe, as he should not scatter his army, so as having passed the river of Authie, he encamped that night at Dampierre, until the next morrow about noon, when as he was advertised how the most part of the Imperial army and cavalry was come down to Auchy, a Castle appertaining to the Count of Aiguemont, and had fired the same, broken & defeated certain companies of light cavalry, which the Duke doubting of their coming to hinder the passage of the river had sent thither. The which caused him suddenly to raise his Camp from Dampierre, and imagining by the course which his enemy took, that he meant to besiege Abbeville or Dorlan, he approached nearer to these two places, the which he furnished and fortified with what ever was necessary. Afterwards on the morrow being the first of September, he passed the river of Somme, and pitched his Camp at Pondormy, a place very commodious both to keep the Country and passage of the river: the same day the Imperials began to make waste, and to burn the flat Country which the French had abandoned, for two or three leagues compass, encamping at Saint Requier, two leagues from the French, whom they thought should not dislodge thence without battle offered, or some charges or other braveries performed: an occasion that the next morning early the D. of Vendosme sent his light cavalry with three hundred men at arms to support them, under the conduct of the Prince of Anguian, who approached as near their Camp as he was able, and kept them so as they should not scatter to burn and destroy the villages, holding them in such awe and subjection, that they always marched in troops close together: at night the French overthrew at their tail certain wagons laden with victuals, which were nothing but apples, bonillons, and very naughty bread: the which caused them to think that in so great want and necessity of victuals they would not long keep themselves encamped: notwithstanding they marched afterwards all along the river of Authie, and set fire on the Castles and Villages alongst as they passed. As at Dampierre, Daurye, Marchy, Marchye, Mainthenay, and divers other places: an occasion that the Duke of Vendosme sent six score men at arms as well of his company as of the Marshal S. Andres, with 9 Ensigns of foot to lodge in the Town of Montereul, which the imperials made countenance as though they meant to besiege: whereof being advertised, and changing their purpose, they returned back to pass the River of Authye, and descended into the Marshes below Hedin, between the river and an other which cometh out of the County of S. Paul, in a place called Mesnil, fit to be fortified for the keeping and assurance of the baliadge of Hedin, and county of S. Pol. Then on the twelfth of September they began to rear and build up a fort, having for the more speedy dispatch of the defence, levied a great number of Pionners and labourers out of the Countries about, which they did without any let, for besides that they were within their lands, the French army was marvelously diminished and lessened every day, both by reason of sickness among the Soldiers, as of the companies which were sent unto the towns, which were threatened with a siege at hand. This done, the D. of Vendosme knowing his Soldiers to be very weary with the long travail of this voyage, to refresh and solace them, broke up his Camp; and sent certain companies of men at arms of the most tired, to winter in their ancient Garrisons, and his light cavalry in places nearest to the enemy, and to help and secure the poor people, to husband and sow their fields The foot companies of French, English, and Scottish, were lodged in the Towns and Borroghes all alongst the the bank of the River of Some. The Almains of the County of Reingrave, and Baron of Frontenay, at S. Esprit de Reux; which they caused to be fortified for a counterforte to Mesmil, and those of the Count Rocdolphe, and Reifberge, took their way towards Piedmont and Italy.   

The History of France.  
THE THIRD BOOK.  
YOu have already seen how the French and the imperials sought out one another with as great stomach as ever: each of them the more forward, through the presence of their Princes, which as then conducted the armies, when as Henry with great fury battered the castle of Renty, and had carried it, had not the Emperor brought thither all his forces, the better to encourage them which were besieged, and allay the fury of the French, by the skirmishes and hot sallies which he caused to be undertaken by the chiefest of his army; so as the Erench albeit they carried away the honour of the memorable re-encounter which I have mentioned, (in which the Spanish infantry put to rout, the Almane Pistoliers of Count Vul-uensort, since called Reisters, were broken and put to flight by the French cavalry) were yet in the end constrained to quit the place, retiring themselves in march, as if they should have presented battle to the Imperials, from which the Emperor kept them through the favour of his trenches. Afterwards the two Princes having for the reasons which I alleged elsewhere, broken & dissolved their armies, whereof they placed a good part in the garrisons of their frontiers, the better to be able continually to undertake an enterprise more secretly, & as opportunity served, held themselves a long time upon their guard, without much discovering themselves, through the discommodities of the Autumn, and violence of the blustering Winter: employing themselves only in some surprises and secret intelligences, whereof very few succeeded so well as the undertakers desired. These two Princes in the mean space pricked forward, no less with envy, than a reciprocal ambition, boiling with a worldly desire of revenge, by the remembrance of so great losses, old & new offences, made ready all kind of preparatives for a war at hand, and much more bloody than the former; so as the brute being spread throughout France of the roads which the Imperial garrisons still made, the French thereby soon took occasion to march under the Marshal of S. Andre, for to surprise, scale, at break of day, and cut into pieces, whomsoever they should find in arms, in the Castle of Cambresy. At what time the Spaniards had notwithstanding the favour of a fair war, to retire themselves whether it liked them best. 
Mariembourg.  About the beginning of the same spring Bovillon as the K. lieutenant in the absence of the D. of Nevers Governor of champaign, was sent thither to rescue those of Mariembourg: afterwards to enterprise upon the enemy as occasion should be offered, for the imperials meant no less to the place then to the Garrison, because that this Town (having before been a Village and pleasant seat of Mary widow to Lewis King of Hungary, which she had caused to be most curiously builded and fortified, whilst that she was governess of the Country for the Emperor her Brother) was builded and raised up much stronger, and far better provided then before: yea the K. would needs bestow his own name thereof, as this Princess before had done hers: which notwithstanding more happy in that, 
Pope july 3. deceased.  could not out of the memory of the people bordering round about.  
The three and twentieth of March Pope july the third of that name deceased, after having taken great pains in the latter end of his years, to reconcile these two great Lords, whom himself before had set to debate: an occasion that the ninth day of April the Cardinal Marcel Ceruin of Montpulcien in Tuscan, was chosen and proclaimed Pope, who by no means would change his name as the rest were wont to do. He was Bishop of Nicastre, 
Pope Marcel poisoned.  and Cardinal of the tittle of Holy cross in Jerusalem, who died poisoned for all that, as some affirm, the two and twentieth day of his election, for that he was of too good a life. But in very truth as he was before given to be sick of the yellow jaundice, the disease grew so sore upon him in his old years, as he died the three and twentieth day of his papacy. True it is that a few days before his death he made himself be crowned with very small expenses, and very modestly. Now as he was very wise, so men had a great hope that he would correct many things in the Romish Church, and especially that he would chase away all the dissolution and superfluity thereof, from whence the brute of his poisoning did grow: for indeed he abolished the superfluities of guards, and other honours which the first Bishops of Rome knew not once what they meant. 
Pope Paul 4.  Afterwards the three and twentieth of May the Cardinals those in their conclave, the Cardinal john Pierre Caraffa, Deane of the College called Theatin Neapolitain, 
Iesuistes.  named Paul the fourth, esteemed to be a man very eloquent and learned. The first author (being a Monk at Venise) of Iesuistes, of whom I will speak else where. For at divers times, and throughout all the Provinces of Christendom, yea as far as the East and West Indies, they have engraven and thundered out the name of their profession, through the merit of their pains, incredible hazards and cruelties, which they have suffered among the Barbarians, for the name of Christ.  
In this time Philip of Austria, by Mary King of England, as well to appease the mutinies which were grown between the English malcontents through the alliance with a Stranger, and other grieved with the change of the Protestant Religion for the Roman, as the better to entertain traffic and other commodities with the French, one part of the great riches of that insularie kingdom, curious on the other side of the general good and repose of Christendom, refused not with Charles the Emperor his Father, and Henry the second, to hearken to a universal peace, especially at the persuasions of the English Cardinal Poole, who having passed between the Emperors and the King of France, did marvelously solicit them to a good accord: whereunto the rather to induce them, he insisted both by words and wrighting. Among other means and persuasions, wherewith he served himself to bring them to this point, he used these.  
Whilst that you make civil war one upon another, the Turk stretcheth out at large his dominion, 
Cardinal Pole his persuasions to a peace.  and hath already taken two forts by land and Sea, to wit Belgrade and Rhodes, by means whereof he hath made his way as far as Bude, and is grown master of the Danube; that if God had not raised him up the K. of Persia for an enemy, it is very likely that long since he had put all Christendom under his obedience. By this occasion many false Christians are so multiplied in divers places, with such corruption of all kind of discipline, as well ecclesiastical as civil, as your power is not great enough to punish and correct them, which the mutinies grown in so many places well declare, the offices of religion left, the schisms and heresies which in the mean time engender and grow throughout all Countries; you ought to consider your own duty, and above all that you be Princes of christian religion. And albeit that God hath permitted Satan; (the author of all mischief, who goeth about to sift the Church like Corn) to move war among you who are the two most principal and noblest members of the Church, yet hath he not permitted his malice to exceed profane and civil actions: for he hath counter guarded you entirely in one religion, in one same faith and opinion, assembled and united in one self same body of the Church: otherwise it were not possible to find means to set you at accord. And albeit that many other Princes are revolted from the Church, and that the enemy of mankind hath spread his malice throughout, God notwithstanding hath looked upon you in pity, and brought to nought the attempts of the Devil. In which as for a certain sign of his bounty and clemency towards you, he showeth that finally he will be served by you, and unite you with one fraternal bond, together with his Vicar on earth, to take away these so perilous discords, and restore again peace, as well in the civil as ecclesiastical estate.  
Pole alleged many other things to this purpose, greatly threatening them with the wrath and vengeance of God, if they did not leave of these their passions, and take compassion of the poor people so greatly afflicted. And albeit that he prevailed nothing, yet for so much as the affairs of England came to his wish, he insisted in such sort, as he caused the Emperor and the King of France to come to this point, to send Ambassadors on the one part and the other. The Queen of England who carried herself neuter in this cause, caused a place to be chosen neat and proper in the field, between Cales, Ardes, and Graveline, Towns under the subjection of England, France, and Burgundy, situate as in a triangle, then having made cast a trench round, she caused four lodgings to be reared up for the time only, but commodious enough; where the three and twentieth day of May the Ambassadors assembled. On the emperors part the Bishop of Arras, among other for the French King were the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Constable; for England to mediate the Peace, was Pole, the Earl of Arundel, and Paget. The brute hereof being spread abroad, gave men occasion to think and hope for much, especially those who understood not the depth of the differences: for there was question made of the Duchies of Milan, Bourgondie, Savoy, Piedmont, 
The place appointed to treat of the Peace.  Corse, Navarre, Lorraine, Luxembourg, of the Towns of Thou, Verdun and Metz: matters having been long and stiffelye debated, as among other difficulties, the English mediators were of opinion that the knowledge of certain of the differents, were fit to be reserved to the deciding of a Council, they all departed thence without doing aught. The tenth of june Ferdinand and the estates of the Empire; besought the Emperor by their letters, that in treating of peace, he would have especial regard to what the K. of France had taken away from the Empire. Now nothing being accorded between the Ambassadors, the Emperor wrote back fifteen days after to the estates in like substance.  
The emperors letters to the states.  
I Greatly rejoiced to see that you took pity of those whom the enemy to myself and the Empire hath sacked. I always had especial care that they should be restored into their former estate, and before I received your letters, I gave express charge to my Ambassadors, and principal Councillors deputed for a peace, that they should in any wise press this, without yielding one inch. And albeit that in all the treaties of peace which I have made, I thought in respect of the public tranquillity they would not be to obstinate, yet they are departed away without doing aught, and notwithstanding I do not refuse a peace for the good of Christendom, so as they make me any reasonable offers, and as opportunity shall be offered. I will strain myself to get such goods as have been plucked from the Empire restored into their former estate.  
See how God which hath the hearts of Kings in his hands, making each party to judge the others demands to unreasonable, would not permit Christendom so soon to enjoy a benefit so much desired. In sort that each one keeping himself upon fear of a surprisal, easily made his neighbour think, how the cariadges of the Garrisons round about tended to more high enterprises. So as these two Princes tickled with the like fear, and quickly taking one another's actions for a sufficient defiance of war, as Henry divided his men where he saw it most needful, the Emperor first put his army into the field of twenty thousand fight men under Martin Roussan bastard of Cleves, who after many roads, burnings, and uncredible wastes all along the Meuse, encamped at Deux Givets, minding to build a fort upon that mountain, at the foot whereof this river runneth, there by to bridle all the quarters round about, & make a sure retreat there for all such as were able to endamage the French. The D. of Nevers in the mean space having taken good order for Maizieres, and other places of importance, resolved by the K. commandment to victual well Mariemburg. And to that end having speedily and secretly made ready all preparations as well of men as victuals, munitions, and companies under the Comte of Retheloix, he sent three hundred arquebusiers as well French as English and Scots, mounted to discover and bring back word to the chief of the eight hundred light horse, which followed them, what they should descry: who with the leader of the vanguard of two hundred men at arms, and eight ensigns of fantassins which marched after, and a number of arquebusiers close to the wings of the wagons, provided thereto whatsoever was needful according to the general's commandment, who led the battle of three hundred men at arms, and eight ensigns of fantassins, having on his back the arrieregard of two hundred men at arms, than one hundred Archers to hasten them, and to advertise the chief of every occurrence. In such sort as this order being thus followed, joined thereto the speediness of the march, and well disciplined obedience of the soldiers, was the cause that five hundred wagons as well of the K. munition as voluntary Merchants entered in without any disturbance, which either the enemy or badness of the way could yield unto them, fully persuading themselves throughout all the march, which was eight long leagues, that they were able enough to make head to the enemy, when, where, and with what troops soever he would advance, though he were double as strong as the French. Afterwards the D. having placed there, and encouraged Du Fumel governor, & left fifty men at arms, two hundred light horse, and nine old companies of the best soldiers on foot, departed thence, and making his vanguard of the hindermost, kept on another way to visit Rocroy, where the Capitane La Land was. So the Garrisons of Gampaigne, frontiers of Haynaut, and countries about being well provided, the imperial army was as soon dislodged through the infection and discommodity of victuals which they there endured. So as Martin Roussan being dead and many other, the better sort were sent to Giuets. Whether the D. of Nevers marched with his troops: against whom the imperials skirmishing, and setting on them with many sallies, maintained and doubled by their reciprocal succours, had soon enough recorded a memorable re-encounter, considering the advantage and evident favour still turning on the French party, had not Henry expressly forbidden his Lieutenant to fight, but in great, and in the field without assailing them in their fort. So as being retired and dispersed into Garrisons, the rest of the time passed over mildly until the midst of August, when the Emperor having sent the Prince of Orange with new forces to reassemble his troops, set forth an army under the general of the house of Challons: the effects whereof notwithstanding was but to keep in the French, and raise up the fort A Covins near Mariembourg, which was after called Philippe Ville. Besides the admiral Gaspard of Coligny governor of Picardy, took such order within his frontiers as he left nothing at random. Anthoine of Vendosme, had surrendered that government into the K. hands, at such time as being married to joane of Albert, sole heir to Henry of Albert, he went to take possession of the kingdom of Navarre, Duchy of Albert, Earldom of Foix, Armignac, Bigorre, and sovereignty of Bearn, after the decease of his Father in law. Since notwithstanding as some of the Garrisons of Picardy mingled with 15. hundred horse of the Rerebandes, whom they term the companies of the nobles, and four hundred pioneers had so happily overrun the country round about under La jaille their general, as they all returned laden with a rich navy inestimable booty, Hausimont governor of Bapaume, finding them between a wood a village and a river, (the passages whereof he caused to be broken down and kept) without scouts, without order, without any fear of the enemy, and without heart, charged them so roundly with a few men, as in less than nought, he made them leave together with their courage all their rich pickkerie, yea and their very lives at his devotion. The wood and the river notwithstanding saved a great number, La jaille hurt, and more than a third part prisoners the rest died in the place. The which the imperials took so greatly to their advantage, as they could not speak of any other more notable exploit, so far as it grew to a scoff among them, how they had taken the nobles of France without weighing them. Albeit that these troops were not indeed furnished for the most part but of Ronturiers, unnoble every kind of way, or of some servants which the old or sick Lords, widows and orphelins had sent thither: the gentlemen having been all retired to the ordinances of the K. who ought in respect of his own honour, and profit of his subjects to reform such and like lewd abuses, as are committed in the companies of bands and rerebands. In sum the enemies encouraged with such a success, took heart of grace to venture further upon Picardy: for the defence whereof the D. of Guise retired into the town of his own name, the Admiral into his government, & the K. himself advanced as far as Villiers Cottorets, the better to assure and dispose his forces where he should see need: yet they kept much at this stay, and within a little after the forces of the imperials dissolved without performing any great matter.  

The state of Piedmont.  
IN this time notwithstanding whilst they reposed themselves under a good guard, the French and imperials awakened but too often for the worst in Piedmont, under the Marshal de Brissac, and D. of Alva lieutenants for their Soveranes: for the Marshal having opened the passages of La Vaudote and of the Alps, thereby to give a more easy entry to all occurrences, as also in Lombardie and Italy, by the surprisal which he had made the winter before of Yuree, and the voluntary yielding of Bielle, withal appurtinances unto it resolved at the spring to stretch out further the bonds of his government. First he fortified Santia which some call Saint jaco, a place clean razed down, whereunto having given a square form, and a great bulwark on every flank, defended with two high platforms, discovering the whole circuit a Culverins length, and furnishing it beside, with whatsoever the art of that time was able to yield, he made it very sufficient to command the whole plain without any subjection: closing up the passage of Verceil, Cresentin, and all Lombardie, 
Captain Saluoson.  so far as he bridled the come forth and succours of Vulpian, which he determined to famish, if he were not able to enforce it at the second siege which he purposed to lay there. Afterwards he seized upon Crepacuore, the better to open his way, and keep the passage free, attending the execution of the enterprise which Saluoison one of his Captains was to make upon Casal, a place of the greatest importance & best defended of all that quarter. This chefetaine having reasonably well profited in learning, in which he was nourished and brought up by his parents, that by the desert thereof he might come to greater preferment, retired himself from the Universities for occasions slight enough. Whereby giving himself to carry the sword, and to make profession of arms, he could not long endure to live in France without seeing of Piedmont: where the exercise of arms pleased him in such sort, as being first enrolled in the muster Book, then through his own merit honoured with the degree of Corporal, which got him the halberd, afterwards an ensign of a company of fanterie, in the end was as well thought of by his Master of the camp, as mounting by all the degrees of war he grew marvelous well known and recommended of every man. Rich notwithstanding in honours and friendship more than wealth, or other recompenses, (which such as carry not a gentle heart prefer before all gentility) so far as he was made governor of virtue: where he wrought and addressed an enterprise which I will declare unto you, for an instruction to such as will give them to follow the like train of arms. Having got good intelligence of the town of the people and munition which was there, by means of one Fantarolle, a Merchant of Pont de stir who did ordinarily traffic thither: and having made ready all his preparatives to scale it by night, whilst a marriage of one of the most notable inhabitants was solemnized, where Figuerol governor of the place, which the chiefest of the garrison and country was assembled, the Physicians which he sent to fetch from Casal under the colour of a counterfeit sickness, to take away all suspicion which might arise, being no sooner come, but he with Birague, Vimerocat, and a number of soldiers, which found the guards, sentines and other the inhabitants almost all a sleep, made himself master of the town, after a little shedding of their blood which offered to resist him, seizing on the market place, gates, carfoxes, and other places of importance, through the help of a number of soldiers, which he before had caused to come in, clad in country folks apparel, as if they had meant to sell their fruits to the inhabitants. The count of Ladron notwithstanding; chief of the Almains, which he quickly got together: kept the place a long time against Saluoison and the Marshal himself, whose forces suppressed him soon enough, whilst that Figuerol, and a number of Spaniards, amazed at the cry of France, got have clad into the Citadel, which the Marshal of Brissac ready with the Cannon battered, and carried away in four and twenty hours, with condition of life saved to those that held it, who went away, without carrying any of the munition, whether it best liked them. Thus the tenth day of March, one thousand five hundred fifty and five, the store of provisions which was prepared for the recovery of Piedmont, was taken, and Saluoison established governor of the place, whence the assurance of the greater part of the Marquisat of Montferrat depended, which was already in the K. hands, as being the Key of all that province, and gap of all Lombardie: afterwards with the same foot he seized of all the forts about, and pushing forward towards Alexandria, battered, took, and ruined Poman, Saint Saluadour, and other little places not able to hold out, and unpossible to be fortified so soon as he desired, the better to open to himself the way to Milan. joint that he found it more expedient to remit his forces, & increase his army, which he purposed to put into the field, then to divide them into Bicoques in danger to lose them all upon the coming of so great an army as the D. of Alva prepared against him.  
In April 1555. there grew a notable change in Italy about the free estate of Syene, touching the principality thereof. To the which Cosme of Medici's newly created Archduke of Tuscan had aspired of a long time: as well for that this common wealth being of so great force and scope was enclosed within his lands of Tuscan, as to render the effects of his power conformable to the title which had been given unto him. In respect that the accidents therein grew very divers and were strangely handled, me thinketh it very reasonable that the course thereof be researched even from the first original. The Emperor being seized of Siene in Tuscan, had placed there for governor Don Diego de Mondoze with a Spanish garrison: against whom, having begun a Citadel under colour of doing it for the towns defence, but carrying himself to severe towards the inhabitants they all conspired to set themselves at liberty: foreseeing that the Emperor would bring in the forces of the Florentine their enemy against them, and that the Citadel was builded on the way to Florence. Mendoze in the mean time under colour of defending the people against the insolences of the Nobles, caused them to lay a side their armies, but exercising his rigour afterwards on both parties: who being accorded and forgetting their old quarrels, let the French to understand how rudely they were handled, advertising them of the strange designs of the Spaniards throughout all Italy. Against whom they besought secure, beseeching to be received under their protection, especially considering that this Principality would be a very fit thing for the K. the better to bridle the Imperials in Italy. Concluding that Kings being established to secure the afflicted, and that Siene having been at all times affectionate unto the French, deserved not to be refused in so just a request which brought unto him nothing but honour and profit, with a marvelous comfort to all Italy. In the end the succours which they demanded were promised. And albeit that Cosme had advertised Mendoze, of all the proceeding hereof: yet he nothing fearing the Sienois being bridled in and unarmed, set very light by the advertisement. So as the conspirators, and other fugitives throughout all Italy levied in the K. name six thousand men under the conduct of Nicolas Earl of Petiglian, 
The Turks scoured the coast of Tuscan.  of Hieronym Pisan, and Marie de Saint flower with a number of cavalry. Now as it fell out that in this time Dragut Raise a famous Corsaire, and chief of the Turks army by sea scoured all along the coast of Italy, the K. enemies took occasion thereby to make the bruit to run, how that he was come thither to put certain ports of Tuscan into the French men's ha●des, which came by sea in Galleys from Marseiles to the succours of the Sienois. So as the Spaniards begins to arm themselves, fortify places, and to demand succour of the Duke, who sent eight hundred soldiers of proof to Mendoze, seizing themselves of the places and passage of Siene, whereat the inhabitants were so stirred up, as within a few days after, they caused the Earl of Petiglian secretly to enter in, with forty thousand men, who drove the Spaniards out of Siene, with a great slaughter notwithstanding both of the one part & the other. The rest of the Spaniards got them into the Citadel, and into the convent of preaching Friars, which they had fortified. But afterwards with the eight pieces of artillery, which was taken from them, they drove them out of the forts, the Earl of Saint flower arriving there, with two thousand soldiers which rested of the levy. In such sort as they took the convent, and afterwards the Citadel, the most part of the chefetaines with the Florentine Capitanes' retiring themselves, and so all together by an accord made with the Citizens, they departed out of Siene, and seized of Orbitelle a place seated in a Marsh, but every way fit to annoy the Sienois. Hereupon the Emperor being constrained to quit Metz, and retired into Germany, where he understood of the success of his affairs in Italy, commanded the viceroy of Naples Dom Garzie de Toledo, that assembling together all the forces which he possibly could, he should block in the Sienois as much as in him lay. Which he accordingly did in january 1548. with twelve thousand footmen and fifteen hundred horse, as well Almains as Neapolitans. In the mean time the K. had sent the Cardinal of Ferrare to Siene, and De Terms with two thousand pioneers, assisted with the D. of Some, Earl of Saint flower and other of the Vrsins, fortifying the places as they should see need. Corneille Bentinuogle entered into Rosy with fifteen hundred soldiers. john de Thurin with three hundred men had the charge of Montalcin; Malian was given to Chiarmont, and La Turrite was governor through Galeas de Saint Seuerin with three hundred men. Ciusi to Paul and jordan Vrsins with two thousand men under Asinolonga. At Monticelle were Cipierre, Guy de Bentivogle, and the Earl of Petiglian with five hundred light horse, at Port Telamonius was the Earl of Mirendolle, and a Satean, joachin a Gascoine Captain accompanied with two hundred men. So as all the Terms his forces divided throughout all the garrisons amounted to twelve thousand footmen besides the Citizens in great number all enemies to the Spaniards and Florentines. But there was not above five hundred horse: every man travailing to fortify and provide for their places, De Termes and other even to the very women took marvelous pains to assure La capital, whilst that the viceroy overran the country, and attempted the towns, which he thought to carry by open force, surprise, or intelligence. Conducting the army with Ascanio de La Corn, he took some, and was forced to discampe before other, as at Moultacin, which was succoured with the men which Bellegard nephew to De Termes caused to enter in. The intelligence which he had in Siene was discovered, and albeit the Cardinal committed him unto prison which carried the news, yet he set him again at liberty, whereupon this Prelate was ever since suspected of treason.  
In this time did Charles D. of Savoy, driven out of his country by the King of France, leaving for heir of all his rights his only Son Philibert Emmanuel: 
D. of Savove.  to whom for recompense of many services the Emperor gave the Earldom of Ast to enjoy it until he should be able to recover his own inheritance. Charles was buried at Verceil almost in magnificence Royal. In the mean space the Marshal Brissac Leiutennant general for the K. in Piedmont, having taken Yuree and Verceill without the Castle, and peeled the treasures of the Savoyon within the Church of Saint Eustace, astonished many men in Lombardie. But approaching near Milan, Fernand Gonzaque came very fitly with forces for the Emperor. An occasion that Brissac retired back to Yuree, and quitted Verceil which he was not able to keep without the Citadel.  
The Imperials then not able to master Siene retired by little and little: so as De Termes had leisure enough to pass into Corpse, 
Isle of Corse.  and there to take the Town of Saint Florent and Boniface, a port of the Sea, in times past the port of Siracuse, from the Genoese which governed there in part. From whence retiring into France, being called back by his Prince, he left behind him a good Garrison, and jordan Vrsin his majesties Lieutenant to command there, with a number of French Captains. The King in the mean time to be revenged of the Duke of Florence, who held the emperors cause against him and the Sienois, De Terms being called home, sent Pierre Strossy for his Lieutenant General into Tuscan, with a number of men at arms, charged to draw unto him his Brother the Prior of Capove, who was retired from the service of the French, the which he did, and went with him to La Mirandelle to raise there an army. Being arrived at Siene, and communicating his charge with the Cardinal of Ferrara, he thought it not best that he should declare himself so soon for many reasons: especially for that he had no just occasion to war against the Florentine, except it were founded upon the ancient and immortal hatred between the Strozzis and Medici's, Strozzy notwithstanding levied at Rome, Urbin, and other places, where men make market of their life, as many men as he was able: whereof the Florentine advertised Pope july, exhorting him to drive the French out of Tuscan, and suppress the glory of the Sienois, promising him that that done, he would give his daughter in marriage to the nephew of his holiness, and give her a better portion than all the rest of his children, saving the Prince: setting down in like hand unto the Emperor the danger of his estates in Italy, if the King should make himself more great in Tuscan, and the means which might grow unto him both in Lombardy and the kingdom of Naples: in such sort as the Pope and the Emperor joining themselves with him, gave charge to jacques Le Medecin, marquess of Marignan, a valiant and wise Chief to levy an army to this effect: who gathering together all his forces, and assuring himself in his espials and diligences, more than any other means, did so much as the Sienois fearing nothing, and forgetting the charge which their Governor had given unto them, to finish the fortifications of their Town: Rodolphe Baglion Perusin general of the light cavalry coming about the beginning of january 1554. by night to Siene, with such diligence, and so secret was without the care of Laurens de Chastillon, who made the round upon the walls, the Town had become imperial: yea the Florentines themselves confessed that after the assault well defended, 
Syene besieged by the Marquis of Marignan.  if the Sienois had but sallied out upon them, tired with so long travail and sleep, they had been all defeated. But the Cardinal fearing lest they might have some intelligence within the town, contented himself with those which were slain on the ditches and rampire: the Hebrewess notwithstanding encamping before the Town, wasted the whole Country; afterwards he battered the town so furiously, as he had put them in great necessity, had not Strozzy who already had well furnished the strong places of the Country, by his entry into the Town, encouraged the hearts of the besieged, and diminished as much the hope of the enemies. Of whom having understood how Baglion and Ascane de la Corn had enterprised upon Chiusi one of the twelve ancient Cities of Hetruria, he went to charge them with six hundred Soldiers so hotly, as Baglion remaining there dead, and de La Corn prisonner, (afterwards sent captive into France) the affairs of the Emperor began to grow in evil case. joint that the King to make himself the stronger in Italy, sent over and above the supply of five thousand soldiers Zuizers and Gascons, with some light cavalry promising beside to send unto him succours by Sea, which entered into Siene without the enemies being witting thereof at all. The which emboldened Strossi to come forth with six thousand footmen, and five hundred chosen horse, many Sienois following him, whose going forth was no less concealed from the Imperials than their entrance in. Afterwards having given Moriane, (a place appertaining to the Luguois) for rendevons unto his army which was to come out of Lombardie, he overran divers places of the Flourentines. He took Montalcin and Montcarles, which he fortified to the great astonishment of the Duke of Flourence, who fearing to lose his own while he sought for an others, caused the marquess to retire from the siege, to defend the Country of Flourence, because that Strossi his forces were joined unto him. Then the marquess finding himself not to be strong enough, put himself within Pescia, there to attend the succours which Camille Colone, and john de Lunes were to bring unto him. Strossi was determined to charge him upon the sudden, but he retired to Seraval and Pistoye with such disorder, as it gave occasion to many to wish that there had been a better judgement in Strossi then he had, so fair means of hot pursuit being offered unto him, whereby he might clean have taken away such an enemy out of Tuscan, but Strossi said he did it to gratify the soldiers which were weary, and tired with the long march which they had made. In the end, the Imperial army growing stronger, and the succours out of France not being come unto him, he was feign to quit the field, and retire himself into Siene. In the mean time Leon the Brother of Pierre Strossi, took certain ships of Genua, laden with Corn, into which having put a number of soldiers he overran the coast of Tuscan, and scouring the ports alongst the Fourentine Seas, after many harms which he had made them to endure, he came and anchored before Scarlin, a small Town, and without renown: which while he was viewing for the scaling of it, he died of an harquebus shot which pierced his head. Whereupon his Brother being greatly passioned, caused the siege to be continued whether the succours of France came unto him being conducted by Monluc. Then having united together his forces, he made up his army of six thousand Italians, two thousand Gascons, as many Zuizers, two thousand five hundred Almains, and one thousand horse, as well light, as of the Ordinance, 
Civitelle besieged by the French.  with which leaving Monluc in Siene he besieged and battered Civitelle, a little Town of the Flowrentines, which the marquess went to defend esteeming it a place of consequence in a fertile soil, and serving as a port and Bulwark to the Duke's Countries. He was there so secretly, and with such speed, as he defeated and astonied many of the kings part: but Strossi repulsed him in such a sort, as besides a great number of them were taken, and the rest of them were slain, the guard prior of Lomberdie and Marie de Saint flower, and sundry other of the marquess side remained there captives. Strossi in the mean time being enforced to discampe seeing that there was no possibility of carrying away the place, by reason of the marquess his neighbourhood, addressed himself to Foyanbelle, a strong and rich place, which Carlot Vrsin held, who sent the Marquis word, that he was able to defend it but three days without succours. But the assault was such upon the very first day, as Carlot and all his soldiers were put to the edge of the sword, and the place to fire and blood. Hereupon the Marquis being approached, the two armies passed certain days in continual skirmishes, favourable sometime to the one, and sometimes to the other party. And for that the French Artillery greatly annoyed the Imperials, who day by day yielded themselves unto Strossi, the rest were retained by offer of a larger pay, especially the King party if they would retire: which some did, and had been followed by sundry other, had not Strossi played a Counter knack in presenting more pay and favour then the Marquis. But drawing towards Montpulcian, a number of Italians abandoned him, which greatly encouraged the Marquis to charge him in this advantage, which the better to avoid, Strossi purposing to retire himself by the mountains, sent his Artillery before for fear of losing of it, thinking through the favour of the mountains and rivers bordering about, to retard the pursuit of the Marquis. Who notwithstanding pressed him so near as having stayed him between Martian, Lusignen, and Foyan Royal Cities well beaten with the Artillery, and the Captain Bighet an Italian, carrying Strossi his Colonel being followed by many others, Strossi was in the end constrained to turn his back. And albeit that the Gascons and Zuizers stood well unto it, yet their rashness in going out of their fort to set upon the Spaniards, and Flourentines, was no less damageable, than the cowardliness of those which ran away: for the cavalry turning head against them, they were all cut in pieces. The Colonels of the Zuizers and Almains, Clermont, Monbazon, the Captains Blaise, jean de Ville, François de Record, Agapite Tody, and other to the number of three thousand, and more than five hundred prisoners remained there, the second day of August, 1554. The report whereof was brought unto the King before Renti, to abate the joy of his so favourable a re-encounter against the Emperor being himself in person, through the sorrowful news of so pitiful a defeat. Many which were hurt, and sundry other, retired themselves to Sienne, there to attend such event as the imperials should bring thither, Strossi and Aurele Fregose abandoning Foyan gained Montalcin, 
A Captain punished for cowardly yielding up a place furnished.  whether Bighet being come and the Earl of Elf, who had cowardly yielded up Lusignen a strong place, and furnished withal necessaries, they both had their heads strooken off. The Marquis in the mean time having taken almost all the little places about Siene, encamped before the chief City, resolved, as he assured the Emperor by his letters, not to departed thence, before it should be yielded, during which siege, the Turks came into Corpse, to the succour of the French: 
Turks come to the aid of the French sack all the coast of Italy  especially at the siege of Caluy, and Boniface. Afterwards they returned pilling all the coast of Italy, to besiege Piombin, and and the isle of Elbe, which appertained to the Duke of Flourence. Passing on further they did infinite mischiefs in the kingdom of Naples, Sicily, and Calabria, from whence they returned rich into Constantinople, without any man's seeking to hinder them, so great was the reciprocal hatred between these Christian Princes, that they choose rather to ruin themselves, then agreeing them altogether, to make war to the profit and honour of all Christendom.  
Now albeit that the endeavours of the Marquis, and the solicitations of the Flourentine by letters, together with scarcity of victuals, were very great occasions to move the Town to yield, yet Monluc resolved upon the point of honour, and the Sienois for the defence of their liberty, 
Siene besieged by the Imperials.  ceased not for all that to make very fair sallies upon the Imperial camp. An occasion that they battered it the more furiously, with the Artillery which the Duke drew from the store of Florence. But the courage and resolution of the inhabitants provided no less for the breaches and ruins, which were most dangerous, than the peasants of the Country about for the necessity of victuals, bringing into the Town by all means which possibly they could invent, to refresh their Masters withal, albeit that the rigour of the marquess, caused many to be hanged in their view. hereupon Strossi hoping somewhat of the death of Pope july, an enemy to the French, and of the carriage of Marcel elected Pope, borne at Montalcin in Sienois, 
Pope Marcel more devout than wat●er.  as I have told you, besought him to secure his Citizens, and maintain their ancient liberty. But as new come to the estate, and more given to Religion then to war, no other answer could be gotten of him, but Prayers to God to have pity on their fortune. Therefore seeing that Monluc whom he had caused to go see if he could levy an army at Montalcin, had done nothing for want of the money which the King had not sent unto him, in the end they addressed themselves to the Duke of Florence. By those means the Articles of the Sienois being rejected, the yielding of the town was in the end accorded upon these terms,  

Siene yielded by Composition.  
THat the Emperor should take Siene under the protection of the holy Empire, and maintain her in her liberties, and ancient franchises. That he should pardon all such as had borne arms, except such as were banished, or thrust out of Naples, or any other the territories of the Emperor, King Philip, or the Duke of Flourence. That he should preserve the Sienois, in their rights, franchises, honours, goods and dignities, as well movable, as unmovable, except what the soldier had already peeled. That it might be lawful for all such as would not remain under his obedience, to depart without ransom. That he should put in what Garrison it pleased him, without making or building there any Citadel, except it were with the consent of the Citizens, but rather should ruin such as were, the war being once ended. That he should establish there such policy as he would, always the liberty and dignity of the common wealth being preserved, and that the ancient Magistrates might participate in any matter of estate, and managing of news. That it should be lawful for all Captains, Chiefs, Magistrates, Governors, and soldiers of what nation soever they were, being at Siene for the King of France to depart, their weapons and goods saved, with their drums stricken up, and Ensigns displayed, together with their bag baggage, train, and Artillery▪ to whom safe conduct should be given, and free passage, throughout, until they should be arrived in their Prince's territories. And if within eight days they did not except these conditions, that they should no more look to be received into favour.   
But the end carried matter which seemed much more grievous unto them: to wit that Siene must needs fall into the hands of the Duke of Florence. An occasion that the Soldiers being already departed in such order as is here above said, were followed by the most part of the Citizens, choosing rather to lose their goods then to be subject to the Florentines whom they had in almost an irreconcilable hatred: 
Montalcin the retreat of the Sienois.  in the end a great number of the best Citizens retired to Montalcin, there erecting the body and Senate of the Sienois Seigneurie, which they named the ancient bailiwick: by which they governed their estate and maintained themselves in the same policy, which they had in the capital City. 
Setean taken.  Afterwards they dispersed their Garrisons to Chinsi Roset, and other Towns of the Sienois held by the French and their practisans. In the mean time, the marquess having sent the Earl Marie de Saint flower, to besiege Satean, seated upon the Clan, 
Port of Hercule a road for the french Galleys surprised by the Marquis.  which he enforced in the end to yield to composition, went to besiege with the rest, the port Hercule, whether the French Galleys retired themselves at the foot of the hill Argento, not far from Orbitelle, upon the coast of the Thirrene Seas which De Terms had to that end fortified by the King's commandment. 

Ferdinand Gonzague disappointed by the Emperor The Duke of Alva Lieutenant general in Italy for the Emperor.  
The Marquis of Marignau malcontent with the Duke of Alva, retireth to his own home   And albeit that it was resolutely defended, yet they within besieged, seeing themselves void of any hope of succours, and all their water failing, yielded themselves, albeit that Strossi employed all the means he was able, to levy men at Rome and else where, to secure the besieged, who retired to other places, whilst that the Marquis overrunning the open Country, replenished all, with the fear of his arms. Shortly after notwithstanding, as Ferdinand Gonzague Lieutenant general for the Emperor in Lomberdie, disappointed of his government, retired himself malcontent to Bruscelles, to render an account of his charge to the Emperor, this Marquis likewise malcontented through the Duke of Alva sent as Lieutenant for the Emperor into Italy, & making Dom Garzie de Toledo his Lieutenant, discharging all matters without any whit of his privity, quitted the army, and retired himself to his own home. 
Affairs of Piedmont.   
To join the state of Piedmont and Lombardie to the success of Tuscan, I have given you to understand with what hap the designs of the Marshal Brissac stood accompanied: especially upon the surprise of Cazal, one of the most importante places of the Country. So fortunate success, as that it was accompanied with the despite of the loss of Cazal and places round about. An occasion to move the Emperor (the treaty of peace being broken of which I told you) to send the Duke of Alva into Piedmont and Italy, as his Lieutenant general, there to reassemble his forces, and having joined unto them the troops of the Duke of Florence and of the Marquis of Marignan, (who disappointed of his charge was retired as I showed unto you) to take afresh new advantages upon the French, and drive them clean out if it were possible. The Marshal notwithstanding being advertised hereof, and of no hope: left of any peace, the purparle whereof each one trained into length to hasten the premises of the war, made a view over all his places, and provided thereunto as was necessary, afterwards he munitioned the forts which he had reared about Vulpian, as well to famish it, and deprive it of all succour, as for fear of sallies on his back, whilst he himself made head unto the D. of Alva, who put himself into the field about the end of july, with twenty thousand men, as well Spanniardeses as Almains and Italians, six thousand horse of Ordinance, and light cavalry, and thirty pieces of great and small artillery. Whereupon the Marquis not being able to answer him in great, retired all his forces, which from the month of june had been in the field, in number of ten thousand Suizers, French and Almains, with two thousand horse of all sorts, four Cannons, and two culverins, about Vulpian: & fortified himself near unto Cazal, which he feared would be assaulted and attending such succours as he had written unto the King would be necessary for him, he prepared himself to all events. The Duke notwithstanding making show as though he had meant for Cazal, took Farcinet du Pau, a small Castle three miles from thence: where thinking to bring all under his subjection in a few months, through the astonishment of a cruelty never before practised, among such as until then had made fair war one upon another, 
The first exploits of the D. of Alva rigorous to astonish them of the country.  he caused the Captain to be hanged, the French to be put into the Galleys, and the Italians to be cut in pieces. Afterwards the Capitane La trinity, commanding at Valle Feniere, went out by his commandment with three hundred horse, and four hundred footmen to discover, but being charged by certain French cavalry, he was constrained to leave behind him a good part of his company to the butchery, to retire himself into Ast, and Alexandria. An occasion that the D. having attempted all the places, where he might make the first proof of his fresh army, resolved whilst his forces remained yet entire, and that he had time and leisure, no succours being yet come out of France, to victual Vulpian with his provisions already which he within two days thrust, into the place, about the end of july. 
Vulpian victuaaled by the D. of Alua.  Afterwards he besieged Saint jaco, whereof he supposed the fortification to be unperfect, and the rather for that it was new would hardly endure the Cannon. But finding it in other case than he thought for, under Bonivet Colonel of the French fanterie, and Ludovic de Birague, accompanied with two thousand French, 
Saint jaco besieged, battered & lest by the Imperials.  and two Ensigns of the regiment of count Roquendolfe Almene, two of Italians, and one hundred light horse of Albanoie, under Theodore Beddaine, albeit that by the space of three weeks together he had beaten to the ground a great part of their fortifications, without any assault, he well knew in the end by the sallies and resolute reencounters of the besieged, that it was no easy matter, to enforce them: joint the coming of the Duke's D'Aumalle, D'Anguyen, De Conde, De Nevers, De Nemours, Vidasme de Chartres, Gonor, and other followed with ten thousand men, which the King had sent to rescue the place, animate his partakers, and cool the enemies of his Majesty. The gnerall whereof, abating his courage in the very eye of the French, who united altogether put themselves into the field to give him battle, quitted Saint jaco, leaving the great master of the artillery, and well fifteen hundred men dead there at the siege, to draw to Versel, taking notwithstanding certain Castles, which he ruined, except Gabiano, 
The D. of Alva retireth.  and Bourg Saint Martin, four miles from Cazal. This departure being known by the Duke D' Aumalle, rejecting their advise which counseled him to follow the enemy, fearing the inconveniences which had at other times fallen out to such as too violently pursued their fortune, joint that the whole action was left to his discretion, he resolved to besiege Vulpian, to deliver the country of the fear of this noisome garrison. So upon the end of August, two and twenty thousand, as well French, as Almains, Zuizers, and Italians, eight hundred men at arms, and twelve hundred light horse, were encamped about it, closing it so straightly in, as Emmanuel de La Lune, sent thither by the Duke of Alva, to make five hundred arquebusiers on horse back, Spanish and Italians, to enter in, had no sooner passed the Pau, 
vulpian besieged battered and assaulted yieldeth to composition.  but he was surprised and defeated by La Roche-Pozay of Poiton, who tarried close for him, suffering very few of them to enter into the succour of the besieged. But the place being battered without ceasing very furiously, for the space of four and twenty days, towards the mill, with four great Cannons, under the assurance of the Suizers, and with five other between the Town and the Castle by the French camp, and then on the side of the great bulwark towards the Castle with four other, it was in such sort shaken, as the mines trained under the great bulwark, which flanquered the town and the Castle, being ready, and opening at the very instant of the assault, caused the innermost part of the bulwark to fly up, where there was so large an overture made, as the Spaniards and the French, having long time in throng bickered together, shadowed with such a darksomnes but in the end cleared, as perceiving the besieged to be at the mercy of the assailants, they quitted all the bulwark except such as yielded themselves. But the rest not able to enter into the Castle, fearing least to save some the place and rest of the garrison might be lost, were for the most part cut in pieces. Among which was a Nephew of the Duke of alva's. But Sigesmond Gonzague, and the Capitane Lazare Lieutenant of the guard to the Duke of Alva, and sundry other remained prisoners. The other breach was better defended, for that having passed the up ditch in water to the gerdle, they were feign to climb and grapple up with ladders, and armours to heavy to carry. Albeit that the Prince of Anguyen, and of Conde, were there present for example to the rest of the youth. So as many French men remained there dead, and the Earl of Creance so sore hurt, as he could not escape. But as soon as the general had caused four Cannons to be placed upon the rest of the bulwark to batter the hinderpart of the breach, and play alongst the streets of the town, the required parley was accorded and afterwards concluded, that they should departed in men of war, Ensigns displayed, drums strooken up, goods saved, and safely conducted as far as the river of Dry near unto Train, all the munition remaining in the place▪ four & twenty hours after the Capitane of the Castle yielded upon the same conditions, saving that it was reserved unto him for his more honour and justification to his general, that they should shoot fifty Cannon shot against the Castle. At this accord, and yielding of the place, the Marshal was present, about the end of September, who for many occasions refused to be at the beginning of the siege. Afterwards the place being as soon dismembered, and unfurnished of all her fortifications, of a fair town of war there was made a country borough. This done, the army coasting all alongst the strong places which the Imperials held upon the way of Pont d'esture (which they thought best to take before the duke should have finished his fortifications, being determined thereby to make head to those of Cazal, and stop the way to the French from Cazal to Turin) skirmished with such as sailed forth of Trin and Crescentin. Afterwards the encamped at Velleneusne near Cazal, where knowing that the garrison of Pont d'esture was lodged even to the skirts of it, to weary the French, and in the mean time provide for the rest of the places, Automne being already far entered, and the discommodity of winter, they turned to Montcaluo, which lying close by Pont d'Esture, suspected nought. The which being taken, bridled Pont d'Esture, and the rest of the places upon the Pan, as far as the plain of the Marquissat of Montferrat: spreading over besides all the bounds of Cazal. Therefore the cavalry entertaining a hot reprisal of skirmish upon such as sallied out of Pont d'Esture, to cover the dismarch of the fanterie and artillery, which they carried for the battery of Montcaluo, as soon surprised as scaled through so sudden arrival, it caused the Imperials to think, that they had great intelligences therein. And immediately the approaches being made with the fury of the Cannon above twenty days together upon the great portal of the Castle which defended one of the flankers, to break the defences and disarm it, it was no sooner endamaged, the mine having opened the bulwark which made the other flank, but they took it to composition, goods saved; the Ensign displayed, 
Montcaluo taken.  with one piece of artillery, three bullets, and three shot of powder; but all the artillery which was found there dismounted, remained, The 17. of October the principallest of them being retired to Pont d'esture, were hanged for yielding up so slightly without any assault, the army still remaining about until the place was fully repaired. Afterwards the winter approaching, the two armies were dispersed into garrisons, 
Certain captains hanged for so slightly yielding.  who did no great matter worthy to be marked afterwards, except it were a running at the tilt with sharp lances, between four French men, to wit, the D. of Nemours, De Class eldest son of Vasse, the Captain Manes Rochepozay his Lieutenant, and the Captain Moucha Ensign to Pinars against the marquess of Pescaire, the marquess of Malespine, Dom Albe a Spanish Captain, 
Combat at the sharp between 4. French, and as many Spaniards and Italians.  and the Earl Charaffe a Neapolitain, Nephew to the Pope: De Class and the Captain Manes were so sore hurt in the neck, that they died within few days after: the Earl Caraffe was pierced clean through, and died in the place, the rest returned without any mischance. Moreover, as the Marshal Brissac seeing the Winter to come on, caused his Soldiers to retire into the Towns, having provided for the victualling and Garrison of Montcaluo, upon the retreat of their companies to their lodgings: it happened about the twentieth of November, that Clermontes company retiring towards Cazal, where he was appointed to Garrison, was surprised by the marquess of Pescaire, followed with three hundred arquebusiers, and eight hundred light horse, which strait put them to flight, all their baggage remaining behind, with five and twenty or thirty prisoners, the rest saved themselves within Casal. In revenge whereof, the eight day of December the Captain Saluoisin being advertised, how not far from him there were two companies of Italian light horse, departed speedily with a good troop, marching all the night, and in the morning entered into the village, even as the Italians were at breakfast, whom he discomfited and utterly defeated, 
Surprises of certain companies in Piedmont.  by the death of two of their chief Lieutenants, and well three score other, the rest remaining prisoners in the French men's hands, who carried with them more than three score horse, and a great quantity of armour. Thus they disturbed one another's rest in Piedmont, where we will leave them, to handle again the renewed travails of the French and Imperials in Picardy.  
The Imperial army remaining only but for the favour and defence of the forces of Giuets, and Philippe Ville against those of Mariembourg, Rocroy, and Mauber fontaine, passed away the time of war without other fruit, advancing the work, notwithstanding the most that the Ligeois and Navarrois was able better acquainted with the nurture and tedious abode of the troops than all the other, the rest of the Imperials remaining to weary the Garrisons, 
Desseins of the Imperial army.  and to put the King to charge in entertaining of them, and consume the victual of the Country, making account that Winter being come, it would be very hard for him to recover, and more hard to put in any more, hoping thereby to close them in and famish them, or at the least they promised themselves what advantage they would desire, over those that would victual them anew: an occasion that the D. of Nevers resolved, while time served to make a general victualling, especially at Mariembourg: but the time being consumed in Sansac his taking of Emery Castle, who was governor of Metz in the absence of the Marshal Vieilleville, (which had been surprised by the Captain Beavieu of the Imperial Garrison at Theonuille:) joint that the Admiral was not able to bring his men until the end of October, and likewise the great difficulty to get wagons and carriages, which the labourers of Champagne and Retelet wearied with their pains already passed, refused whilst that their tillage was to do, was an occasion that they marched not until the 30. of October, that the Admiral went to lodge at Rocroye, with the vanguard of five hundred men at arms, and some companies of French, having Sansac and Bourdillon for avant couriers with the light cavalry, three hundred arquebusiers on foot, and one Regiment of men at arms to support them, marching all the night, to view the woods and give their advice, notwithstanding the great rains and extreme cold, which so benumbed the men, and especially the draft horses, that it was impossible, for many wagons turned topsy-turvy, and broken, to reach but from Maubert fontaine to Rocroy, things not having been made ready in their time and season. Afterwards there arrived the Duke of Nevers with twenty Ensigns of Almains, conducted by the Reingrave: and for that report was brought, how the Prince of Orange tarried them in places very avantagious to stop their passage with his Fantery, assisted with his horse men and Reisters, they caused not the whole company to advance forward, for fear of being enclosed in, albeit that Sansac did since assure, how the enemy had no such matter in hand: an occasion that there entered but twenty wagons with Wine and Meal. So the last day of October the army was divided into quarters, in the sight of the Garrison, but so pitifully handled with cold, hail, and frosts, that many of the Sentinels were frozen to death, one league and a half from the Imperials, being encamped on the side of a Mountain, between Sautour and Philippeville. But the first of November they sent out certain companies to seize the passage, and streasse the victuallers, in whose favour they sent thither a number of companies to rescue them, and conduct them to the Camp: and there were seen two notable chances, the one, how a Spanish double real or twelve penny piece saved a soldiers life, who had a arqebus shot but six paces of, 
A notable accident.  without any harm, being notwithstanding prisoner, he was sent back again with money in his purse, by the Duke of Nevers, to carry news to the camp, how he alone was escaped of all the company: the other, a French Soldier seeing his brother to be taken by the Imperials, laid about him so lustily against thirty which held him, 
The part of a Brother.  that he brought him away sound and safe. In such and like reencounters and skirmishes there passed 8. days in great necessity of victuals, and marvelous discommodities of the air, before Mariembourg: until that almost all the wagons and carriages were entered in. Then they retired themselves to the garrisons near at hand, as also the Prince of Orange to Brussels to the Emperor, having sufficiently provided for Philippeville and Charlemont.  
To enter again into the estate of Almane, Ferdinand K. of Bohemia, assigned in that time in the name of the Emperor, a diet at Ausbourg of the estates of Almane, to accord about the point of Religion, and provide as well for the necessities of the Empire, as the particular of each one the year 1555. The Protestant Princes sent thither their Ambassadors, showing that they held with the confession of Ausbourg, according to which if they would give them surety, they would contribute to all reasonable charges. Hereupon August Duke of Saxe, and elector by the decease of his Brother the D. Maurice (whom the Pistol shot which he received the day of the battle against the marquess Albert, caused to die, as elsewhere I have told you) and Tovachin marquess of Brandebourg electors, the Sons of jean Frederic, the Landgrave, and some other Prince's neighbours about, assembled at Numbourg, upon the River Solo, and there renewed the alliance which is hereditaire between the houses of Saxe and Hesse. And upon that they concluded, constantly to stick to the confession of Ausbourg. But fearing least some suspicion might grow of any new and secret enterprise, the fift day of their assembly, they wrote the cause thereof unto the Emperor, insisting upon the article of the treaty of Passau, where the peace was concluded as I have showed unto you: and protesting that in all things they sought the repose of Almanie, they proposed the confession of Ausbourg, exhorting every one to a general quiet, and beseeching that he would not believe any which perhaps sought to trouble the tranquillity of the Empire. The K. Ferdinand had proposed upon the fifth day of February, such matters as were to be entreated of; but for that many came so slackly thither, they began not until the 7. of March. Then the Deputies of the Prince's Electors consulted of the byls, and against the advise of many, they all consented in the end, to begin with the point of religion. The like was concluded in the council of the Princes and towns. After a long debate it was agreed that they should leave religion in peace; but they differed, in that the associates of the confession of Ausbourg, would have it to be indifferently permitted to all kind of men to follow their doctrine, and that they might likewise be partakers of the benefit of the peace. The other side strongly withstood that, alleging that that ought not to be permitted to any Towns, which since seven years had received the decree made at Ausbourg touching religion, nor to any ecclesiastical person. And in case that a Bishop or Abbot should change his religion, they would have him deprived of his place, and another put into his room. They of the confession of Ausbourg alleged, that the divine promises as well of the old as new Testament, in which our salvation is contained, appertained to all men in general; by means whereof it was not lawful for them to curtal or straighten them, for fear of shutting both themselves and others out of the kingdom of heaven. There was neither jew nor Turk, were he never so little affectionate to his religion, but would wish to draw the whole world unto it: how much more ought we to be thus encouraged, seeing we have an express commandment from God for the fame: it must needs be then that all remain in their liberty. Notwithstanding, to gain peace, they permitted unto them that they should keep their fashions and ceremonies, use and enjoy all their goods, possessions, customs, rights and privileges, until the different of religion should be determined. But they would not allow the same condition to be prescribed unto Bishops, for thereby it might grow that they should be bound to make war against their allies of the same religion, and with great dishonour condemn their own cause, for it were as much as to confess, said they, that our doctrine and religion were not worthy of ecclesiastical goods, and that until this day such goods had been unjustly bestowed upon our Churches & Ministers. Moreover, we should confess the Papists doctrine to be holy, and their ministry grounded upon the word of God, and that their goods were justly devoted to their order, life, statutes, and ceremonies: and what a scandal would it grow, if we should defend their cause and goods, which serve to no end in the Church, and contrariwise we should betray them whom we ought to hold in singular recommendation, by reason of the same religion. The Catholics alleged other reasons, that if it should be lawful for ecclesiastical persons to change religion, within a while Bishops, and like chapters would be profaned, and being cut of from the Churches, would fall into the Prince's hands, and so remain unto them as an heritage: to which they answered that there was never any such matter meant, but that their intent was to reduce things to their first institution, and appropriate them to their true usages, annexing the goods for ever unto the Churches; and to take away all doubt, they promised to give caution that no goods of Bishops or chapters should be aliened, in case their religion should be changed; provided that after the decease or resignation of the Bishop or superior, the election and administration should be left free to them of the College. Now after many differents of the one part, and other as well by wrighting as by speech, there was in the end agreed and enacted, the five & twentieth of September, and read in public audience, according to the custom, such decree as followeth: the which being well observed, hath maintained the Empire and the Almains in good peace, until this present.  

The decree of Ausbourg.  
THat Emperor; the K. Ferdinand, and the rest of the Princes and estates, should do no wrong to any of the Empire, in case whatsoever: in respect of the doctrine of the confession of Ausbourg, concerning the point of Religion and faith received: nor hereafter compel by their commandments or other means, those which were confederate in the said confession, to abandon their religion, ceremonies and laws, instituted by them within their territories; or to be instituted hereafter: especially that they have not their religion in contempt, but leave them free with their goods, inheritances, customs, possessions, and all other rights: so as they may peaceably hold them. That the different of religion be no otherwise determined, but by holy, amiable, and peaceable means. They of the confession of Ausbourg, shall in like sort behave themselves towards the Emperor, the K. Ferdinand, and the rest of the Princes and estates, addicted to the ancient religion, whether Ecclesiastical or Temporal; and towards all other of the Church, and towards their colleagues into what part soever they shall retire to inhabit: provided that they acquit themselves of their ministery as hereafter shall be declared. To all these they shall permit in liberty, their religion and ceremonies their laws, possessions, tributes and other rights, and no man shall hinder their enjoying of the same. That if any suits or process shall fall but, they shall be determined both of the one side and the other, according to the customs and laws of the Empire. They which are neither of the one nor the other religion, are not to be comprehended within this peace. If any Archb. Bishop, Prelate, or other ecclesiastical person do renounce the ancient religion, that he quit his Bishopric, Prelature Benefice and together there with all the fruits▪ which he hath received: which notwithstanding shall not any ways turn to his dishonour or infamy, But the chapiter or they to whom it appertaineth by custom or right shall have power to substitute another in his room, so as he be of the ancient Religion. To the end that the rights of institutions, election, presentation, may remain with the entire possession of their goods, upon conditon notwithstanding that in any respect thereof any future accord of religion whereof it hath been spoken, be not any ways impaired. And for so much as certain estates of the Empire, and their ancestors, have usurped certain provostships, monasteries, and like goods, appertaining to the Church, which they have appropriated to their ecclesiastical ministries. Schools, and other holy uses: that by no means they be disquieted for that, nor called into any court of justice, but that all such goods shall remain in their order: to wit, all such as did not appertain to the estates of the Empire, or to any other Subject to the Empire, whereof the Clergy were not in possession at the time of the transaction of Passau, nor after. And that it be not permitted to the judges of the Chamber, to proceed by law, or commence any suits against them, or decide any thing, by reason of any such goods so usurped or aliened. That the ecclesiastical jurisdiction be not exercised, nor take place against the Leaguers in the confession of Ausbourg, against their religion, faith, ceremonies, laws by ecclesiastical ministries, but that she have therein her hands bound, not doing unto them any disturbance, until that the different should be appeased. In other matters not appertaining to their Religion, ceremonies, laws, and ministries, that they carry themselves according to the ancient right, and custom of the Country. Further that all Ecclesiastical persons enjoy their goods entirely, their revenues and other rights: provided notwithstanding that they in whose signory such goods are, lose nothing of such politic right as they had before the discord of Religion. Moreover that out of such goods they ordain and maintain, as heretofore it hath already been established, the necessary ministries, Parishes, Schools, Alms houses and Hospitals for the poor afflicted, without any regard of what Religion they be, for whose use succour, and nourishment they be ordained. If for this nourishment, and quantity thereof, there should arise any strife or debate, than arbitrators shall be chosen by the consent of the parties, who after inquiry made thereof, shall determine within six months, how much should be sequestered to the use of such ministries. During the hanging of which process, they to whom it doth appertain to give aid, and contribute to such usances, shall not be disturbed in their possession, but only shall contribute as they were wont in old time, until the success shall be determined.   
Now if the Almains were willing by these means to maintain themselves in peace, the French catholics seemed to be more and more animated towards the research and curious pursuit of such as they termed reform.  
The K. of France, stirred up by his favourites, had made an Edict, by which it was commanded to all judges, to punish without delay according to the exigence of the case, such as should be condemned by the Ecclesiastical judges and inquisitors of the faith, without any ways deferring upon any appeals. Afterwards it was sent to the Parliament of Paris, to the end it should be there read, and published, and after publication enregistered in the Grefferie, and proclaimed according to the custom. They of the Court finding it strange, that the succour, and last refuge to the miserable, should be denied to the condemned, demanded a time of advice, and afterwards on the six & twenty day of October, 1555. they sent deputies of their body unto the King, to inform him of their opinion, and take in good part the remonstrances which follow, the which they sent unto him at such time as the Cardinals of Lorraine and of Turnon were gone to Rome.  
By your own Edict (Sire) four years since, you have reserved to yourself and your judges the entire connoissance and punishment of the Lutheran heresy, without any exception, saving that heresy required some declaration, ere that sentence should be given upon those that had received holy orders. In present the Edict whereof the question groweth, ordaineth merely the contrary: for it subjecteth the people to the judgement of the Ecclesiastical persons, and of the inquisitors. In which they diminish your dignity wherein you surpass all other Princes; & give just occasion to the people to grieve, to see themselves abandoned from you, and made subject to the power of another. But yet the displeasure much more aboundeth, when without the succour of appeal, all their goods, their life and their honour, shall be in the power of the said Ecclesiastical persons. For without doubt appeal is the refuge and safeguard of innocency: you are the tutor and protector, as well of the appeal, as of the innocents and so is there none but you which hath power over the people. Now if authority be given to the inquisitors and officers of Bishops, 
Appeal of the last refuge of the condemned▪ and safeguard of innocency.  to judge without appeal, it shall be as much as to open a window, and beat a path, for to condemn the innocent, and make them to lose both body and goods. joint, that the judges of Churches seeing themselves in such authority and Royal credit, will forget their duty, & not keep within their bounds, seeing all estates subject unto them, and managing them at their own post, will not only leave to regard the vulgar sort, but will carry no respect at all to Princes. It lieth for all that in you, if it please you thus to meditate these matters. To wit that your judges take cognoissance of the causes, and therein give sentence, and if there be found any doubtful Article or opinion, that then Ecclesiastical persons may give resolution. Likewise that such as have received orders be judged by their judges. As touching appeals, that commission may be obtained at the Pope's hands, whereby it may be permitted unto the subjects, and in case it shall fall out, that sentence must be given of such as shall be appelants, that therein they take some of your Ecclesiastical Councillors, such as shall be chosen, or for default of them some other notable and sufficient personages. In regard of the inquisition that it be observed, to have the Pope's inquisitor deputed under him throughout all provinces, to be men of good renown and of entire life. And that the Bishop be at the charge, and not the accused, upon condition notwithstanding that the process being ended, the charges be recovered of those to whom it appertaineth. These things are proper to bound in and enclose such process within certain limits. Moreover for that it appeareth that by the punishments of Heretics, how necessary soever they be, they have not amended them until this present, but only it hath been showed thereby how detestable the thing is, and further for that it is far better to prevent a sickness, then to give it leisure to grow, and afterwards apply a remedy, you must herein (most gracious Prince) follow the customs and paths of the primitive and ancient Church: for she was not established either by sword or fire, but the diligence of Bishops hath always resisted against Heretics; because that they always insisted to preach the word of God, & show good example in their life. Considering then how the Church was by this means confirmed, there is no doubt but she would still be able to maintain and counterguard herself, if you would therein use your power, causing Bishops and Pastors in their own persons to govern their Churches, and likewise all inferior ministers. That they live holily, and teach the word of God or cause it to be taught by persons sit. And that hereafter the charge of Churches be not given but to men able of themselves to teach, without substituting Vicars in their rooms. This is the root, whereunto the hand must be put, this is the foundation upon which the building must be framed: for by this means there is hope that heresies will by little and little vanish away. But if no account be made of following this course, there is danger that heresies will increase more and more, what Edict soever can be made or remedies used to the contrary.  
In sum, few of the Lords of the privy Council remaining there, which would any ways contrary the same, the Edict which I will speak of else where, was engrossed, in the end concluded, and after published throughout the whole Realm, to the contentment of some, and displeasure of many other.  

Charles 5. Emperor yieldeth up all his estates and retireth into Spain to live privately.  In this same time Charles of Austria, Emperor of the Romans, tired with the enterprise of human actions, no less then pressed with his particular inconveniences, resolved to put end thereunto. So that as well to appease the violence of his Gouts, feebleness of stomach, megromes, headache, and an infinite of other diseases which day by day diminished his natural strength, as to see the inconstancy of mundane accidents and small assurance in the fairest designs of man, good fortune the companion of many his actions having been often times interlaced by the encounter of some Signal desastre. jointe the presages of Vesalins his Physician, and other upon the brevity of his days, he determined to exchange a public life, until then reasonable well governed, with a particular and solitary, which rather carried a Religious devotion, than any mundane managing. Therefore having from the month of September caused his son Philip King of England, to come unto him, to whom for six weeks together, he communicated his most important affairs, and the means which he ought to hold in the government of his estates, he caused the general estates of all his low Countries to be assembled at Bruxelles, where he declared the indisposition of his person, the good they had received from himself, and the favour which they might receive from his son whom as then rising out of his chair, and kneeling barehead before and over against the Emperor, putting his hand upon his head, he invested in all his patrimonial goods, & having recommended unto him Religion & justice, he gave him his blessing. Then the Prince risen up, and due reverence made unto his Father, and Queen Mary his Aunt, in the end turning unto the people, thanked God for his present advantages, besought him to assist him in all his actions to come, rendered thanks unto the Emperor for the care he had of his person from his first age until that day, & unto the people for the acceptance they had made of him, assuring them of so good a government, as they should not have cause to repent themselves of this hap and consent. Afterwards Queen mary dowager of Hungary, 
Marry Q of Hungary Governess of the Low Countries.  Governess of the Low countries seeing the tears trickle down the grey beard of the Emperor, his pale and earthly face, rose up to declare unto the people, that for thirteen years together, while her charge endured which she had received from the Ceasareal, and she had employed all the means which God had lente unto her, to acquit herself of her duty, that if any fault happened, it was unwitting, and not of any her malice, for which she besought all them to pardon her, assuring herself that her brother the Emperor rested content. This done, the Emperor publicly acquitted all his Subjects, of their oaths made unto him, and rising out of his Throne, caused his Son to sit therein, who presently received the homages and oaths of all his Vassals. 
Grace & sweetness the first actions of Princes.  Afterwards all the first Seals of Charles were broken in pieces, and in their place King Philip's were brought, wherewith there were presently sealed certain pardons and other dispatches. Thus did he disseaze himself of all his goods and estates, to lead a peaceable life in a house of pleasure, which he had builded in Castilia, called Just, reserving only to himself the usufruite of Castilia, and the superintendaunce of all the commaundaries. Afterwards, by his gracious Letters to the electors and Princes of Germany, he besought them to reconcile themselves together, unfolding unto them the small occasion which they had to quarrel one with another, advertising them of his purpose to pass into Spain, and how he had resigned the Empire into their hands, counseling and beseeching them to choose his brother the King of the Romans, whom they knew to be of desert and age. Fearing lest if some young Emperor should be chosen, he would increase the wars among the Christians, (a fit onuerture to the Turks to empayre Christendom) especially upon his nearest neighbours.  
In the end, he recommended unto them his Son, beseeching them, that if ever he had done any matter of worth for them and their Country, they would acknowledge it in the behalf of his Son, who being charged with great affairs, had need of his friends assistance. At the least, that they would not be contrary unto him, though some particularities might turn them from aiding of him. He sent likewise S●uler a doctor to his brother Ferdinando, to yield over unto him on his part all the charges of the Empire, beseeching him to reconcile the Princes one to another, in which the stay and increase of the Empire wholly consisted, the true and nearest cause of the ruin thereof proceeding from division. Then that he would yield all aid to his Son Philip, as a neighbour to such an enemy as the King of France was. In the end, being determined to depart, he was stayed thorough the violence of his diseases, contratyeties of winds, long stay in the preparation of his Ships, and thorough a difference fallen out in some of the towns, which would by no means receive his son, the father living, and other which would have his nephew Ferdinand second son to the King of Romans for their governor. joint the male contentment of a number of Lords, and other, who having employed all their means, and often times their life in his service, under a hope of great recompense, saw themselves by this his dismission; and departure into Spain, frustrated of all their hope, which they could not hope for at his sons hands, who as ordinarily new Kings affect new servants, would employ his means but to the advancement of his favourites, or in recompensing their pains and service towards him, of whom himself had been an eye witness.  
About the end of November, Ferdinand King of Romans, having assembled together the greatest part of his men of war, went down the Danube as far as Vienne, to make head against the Turk, who made great preparation for his descent into Hungary, to besiege again Vienne in Austria as I will show you.  
To open unto you the affairs and changes of the Realm of England in few words: Henry the eight, discontented in that he had no other heir but Mary borne of Katherine, aunt unto the Emperor, whom his brother Arthur had married at the age of fourteen years, and left her a Virgin, by the advice of the Cardinal of York, and many divines as well French, as Almains and English, divorced her, and having in full assembly declared his daughter mary illegitimate, married Anne Bullen, one of his wife's maids: the which Pope Clement the seventh so hardly could digest, as that he condemned this divorce, as unjust, and of evil example, especially for that Anne was a Lutheran, and he feared least the King and all his Realm would conform themselves to the like religion. Whereat Henrye took such disdain, as he declared himself head of the Church through out all England, with forbidding any to avow the Pope for head, or to transport any money to Rome, or pay Peterpence, a revennewe which every house yearly paid according to the ordinance of Inas in the year seven hundred and forty: Whereupon there ensued a great alteration of Religion through out the whole Realm, so confirmed by Edward his son, as that the catholic was clean banished out of England, at the least in public, which caused many English men to fly the Realm, to seek in some other Country a place of more free conscience. Seeing that the Dukes of Somerset and Northumberlande governed the roost in the year 1553. Notwithstanding as after the death of the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Northumberlande (seeing how the King was fallen sick of a Flux, which fell into his stomach from the month of February) had married his son Guilforde to ●an● daughter to the Duke of Suffolk, and cousin unto the sick King, he wrought so much, as that the young King rejecting his sisters mary and Elizabeth, declared for his heir, and Inherittice unto the Crown of England, this jane of Suffolk, to the end that by this means he mought traunsferre the royal into his own House, and disinherit the true Heirs of their right, and legitimate Succession. This Marriage and Testamentary declaration being done in the month of May gave occasion to a number, to think that this young King, whom they held for the pillar of men of knowledge, and gave great hope of future virtue, was poisoned, and that being assured of the time of his death, they had caused him to do whatsoever they would have him: well, were it of poison or of a Caterre, so it is, that Edward the sixth of that name, and the one and forty K. of England, died the sixth day of july, the seventh year of his Reign, and the sixteenth of his age, solemnly entered at Westminster, not without the tears of his subjects, who said that his death was presaged by a Comet which appeared a little before his departure, and by the great storms, winds, tempests, and thunders, which had that year tormented London the chief City of the Realm, as the witnesses of such troubles as shortly after ensued in England: for the people hating in secret this Duke of Northumberland, held for suspected the testament of King Edward, as a thing made too much to the advantage of the Duke and many Lords of the Country, terming him too ambitious, wrote unto Mary the eldest daughter of K. Henry the eight, encouraging her to declare herself Queen, and offering unto her all duty and service. Marry who had no great means, durst not so soon come to London, to the end that according to the custom, she might remain ten days in the Tower before her Coronation, but went into the Country and Dukedom of Norfolk, bordering on the Sea coast: from whence she wrote to sundry Princes and Lords of the Country, complaining how that jane of Suffolk, had enterprised against her, and that Edward was not able to dispose of the Crown which appertained unto her, 
Letters & plaints of Mary aspiring the Crown of England.  being the next daughter unto the late King Henry: she laid before them the wrong which had been done unto Katherine her mother, and next unto herself, and that none of King Henry his children were to succeed before her: protesting that she would pursue her right by the sword, and not suffer the Duke of Northumberland to vaunt how he would dispose at his pleasure of the Realm of England. These letters being brought to London at the self same time as jane of Suffolk against her will, was proclaimed Queen within the Tower of London, caused a great change of dispositions among the Lords there present and a strange alienating of their minds touching the case of jane, whom sundry from thence forth left to take Mary's part. The which caused the Duke of Northumberland to send certain troops of men at arms, into the Country of Norfolk, thinking thereby to hinder her designs. But in the mean time she was proclaimed Queen in Suffolk by the principal personages of the land. So as having recovered some succours from the Emperor on the coast of Flaunders, (albeit that the Duke had strongly armed upon the Seas to hinder their coming) she practised with a number of the chief of the Duke his army, which in the end incorporated themselves to hers. In the mean time Northumberland, to play on the surer side, would needs have the Duke of Suffolk Father to jane, to go as her Lieutenant general against mary: for he durst not leave London, fearing lest the Londoners would revoulte: But the Duke of Suffolk refusing to take this charge upon him, he was constrained to go himself the other remaining to serve to give counsel to his daughter within the Tower of London. The mishap notwithstanding of this poor Lord was such, as of a great number of men which he had in his train, he saw himself as it were even in a moment left clean destitute of them all. And as one mishap never cometh alone, having for want of men sent to London for soldiers from thence to come to his succours, and for some Lords which might serve for hostages and warrant of his life they were no sooner without the City, but they declared themselves for mary. Whereof it ensued that the Duke, who hoped to see his Son King of England, saw himself left of every man, and delivered into the hands of mary his enemy, afterwards conveyed to London, where his trial being made, he then was condemned to lose his head, the judgement being executed in the month of September, and Marie being proclaimed Queen at London by the Lords and councillors of the whole Realm of England, as the lawful heir apparent thereunto: and in the end the miserable princess jane of Suffolk, with her husband son unto the D. of Northumberland, had their heads strooken off at London, for that she would not release (as some said) the right which she pretended to the Crown. Thus ceased the trouble on that side within the Realm of England.  
Marry being thus received for Queen in England, they propounded unto her certain points to effectuate: as to re-establish the ancient Chatholique Religion, & the goods of the Church into their former estate, then that it would please her to marry with some Prince worthy of her and her Realm, thereby to draw a succour unto the Crown. Whereupon to the end that better and more ready order might be given unto the first, she was counseled to send for her coussen Raynolde Pole then a Fugitive at Rome for Religion, who coming as Legate, and with full power from the Pope, might better advance such a matter then any other within the Realm, Pole being sent for, and forward on his way with such authority as was required, was entreated by the Emperor Charles the fift to visit him as he passed by at Bruxelles: where he so cunningly handled any Englishman, as he promised him that he would further the marriage between his Cousin the Queen of England, and his son Philippe Prince of Spain, which took such effect as you have seen touching the second point which could not be so soon brought to pass. The Legate being received with great devotion and magnificence into his Country, was in full assembly of the three estates of the Realm, begun the 12. of November 1554. restored unto all his dignities, goods and honours, whereof he had been deprived by K. Henry the eight. Afterwards upon Wednesday the twenty eight of that month, the Parliament of England being assembled, and in the presence of the King and Queen, he exposed his Legation, and exhorted them to return to the holy Sea of the Pope, delivering unto them, how greatly bond they were unto almighty God, who now had enlarged towards them his divine grace, having bestowed upon them two such Princes as they had, further he showed unto them how the holy Father meant to use his benignity and accustomed clemency, by him his Legate: greatly thanking them for that they had received him into his Country, and restored him in blood, where in he had been so long attaint: and how in respect thereof he held himself the more bound to procure that they might be restored into the heavenly Court, as his principal desire was. That done he retired, to give the better commodity unto the Lords of the Parliament to resolve themselves. And straightways the Chancellor repeating the words of the Cardinal, showed unto them how much they were to thank God, who had raised up such a Prophet of their own seed to procure their salvation. In such wise as all with a common accord concluded to consent to the union and obedience of the Church of Rome. So as on the next morrow it was ordained, that the Cardinal's motion should be accorded, and to present with a common consent, a petition to beseech their Majesties, as the head of the realm to entreat the Legate to procure an absolute remission of all their errors passed: Promising to repeal all the laws, which had been in former times established against the authority of the Sea of Rome. The King sent the petition to the Legate, and the day after the Parliament reassembled in the place where the King and Queen with the Cardinal were set. There the Chancellor rose up, and with such great reverence delivered aloud the resolution which had been made by the Lords of the Parliament, beseeching in the name of them all, that their petition might be accepted, which was written in Latin, form and sealed by the Chancellor. The petition being opened by the Legate, was delivered unto the Chancellor to publish, who read it with a loud voice, and that done, put it to the question, which they all passed, and upon that the King and Queen arose, and presented the petition unto the Legate who read the same. Afterwards he gave unto them the Bulls of his Legation to read, where by might appear the authority which he had from the holy Father to be able to absolve them: that done, he made unto the man Oration in English, showing how much repentance was agreeable unto God, and how the Angels in Paradise make more joy of a sinner which returneth to repentance, then of ninety and nine just. And thereupon applied certain examples out of the word to his purpose. Then having ended his speech he arose up, and the King and Queen kneeled down on both knees before him, invoking God and the Saints, that it would please him, to pardon the penitent people, in the authority of him whose person he there represented, all the faults which they had committed in times passed; that done the Legate pronounced a general absolution. Afterwards they all followed the King, Queen and Legate to the Chapel, where was sung Te Deum. And after that the Cardinal had made his triumphant entries, he restored on the first Sunday in Aduent to the Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical persons, all the power, authority and prerogative, which had been taken from them. On which day, the Bishop of Winchester having been before times of the Protestant Religion, made a Sermon, after a solemn Mass, taking for his theme, Nunc tempus est de somno surgere, that is to say, it is now time to awake out of sleep, as if he would say that under the Reign of Edward King of England he had always been asleep. The Queen had in the beginning sent Ambassadors to Rome, with commission to kiss the feet of his holiness, and to present unto him the duty of a Catholic Queen, and an obedient daughter of the holy and Apostolic Church of Rome, which she acknowledged for the head, Matrice and Sovereign of all the Churches of Christendom, and mother of all the Princes making profession of the Gospel. Which was so agreeable unto the Pope, and the whole Court and people of Rome, that for a public testimony thereof they made Bonfires, and solemn processions praising God for this conversion. Afterwards, and in the year 1555. an other Parliament was summoned in England, in which among other things Queen Marie, wrought by all the means she was able, that the Abbey lands might be restored, for so much as the Pope did urge it very hard. But by reason that the Nobility and Gentlemen stood seized thereof, and that many had gifts thereof from the King, nothing could be brought to pass as she desired. Notwithstanding the Queen prevailed so much, as the tenths were granted to the Clergy: during this assembly they scattered and sowed about London little pamphlets very biting, among which some were sufficiently enough able to move the people to sedition against the Spanniardeses, 
Libels against the Spanniardeses in England.  (with whom the Englishmen played a thousand shrewd turns) and to turn the Queen from the love of Philip: Great search was made, but it never could be possibly known whence they proceeded. Before this assembly was dissolved and matters dispatched, the B. of Winchester being Chancellor died of a Dropsy; Thomas Heath Archbishop of York, who before that, had been in Germany with him of Caunterburie, and professed the Protestant Religion, succeeded in his place.  

An accord between the King and the Duke of Estampes, for his claim to the Duchy of Bretaigne  After the victualling of Mariembourg, and the attempts of Deux Ginets, the King being informed of the ancient claims of the houses of Blois and Mont-forte to the Duchy of Bretaigne, to appease with the self same hand the quarrels which were redoubled, by the Lady Anne Queen of France, and Duchess of Bretaigne, issued out of the blood of Mon-fort, in whose right the King himself claimed, to accord this old difference with Messire jean de Brosse, Duke of estampes, and Earl of Ponticue, heir of the house of Blois rights, he accorded in such sort, as this Duke released unto him, for himself and his successors Kings of France, all rights, titles, reasons, and actions, which he pretended to the Duchy of Bretaigne, in right of his mother the Lady Marle of Bretaigne issued out of the house of Blois, and the King clean acquitted and transferred unto him the County of Pontieure, saving certain Ports between Covegnon, and Havegnon, and the Seicheries of Cornoaille. Whereof authentical letters passed between them.    

The History of France.  
THE FOURTH BOOK.  
THe narration of matters passed hath made you able to know no less the desire than the necessity which the French had of a general peace, under the benefit whereof they hoped to forget all, at the least, part of so many losses passed, and of the present miseries, which caused them to fear much more mischief to ensue: you have seen how stout these Princes showed themselves upon their treaties, by the advantageous conditions which their Ambassadors had charge from them to repose. In the end notwithstanding, yielding unto the advise of their Council, they thought good to renew again the negotiation. jointe the fear which the Imperials had of the coming of the Turks, 
Occasions which moved K. Philip & Marie of England to hearken to a peace.  and the desire of Marie Queen of England to have her husband still about her, hoping there by to get an inheritor unto her Crown, to restore the Catholic Church into her Country, not to enter league with any one to war against another, to ease her Realm of so great charges, & not to breed any occasions of new riots and mutinies amongst her people: Of all which points she clean lost the hope, if her husband should be absent, employing in the managing and conduct of war. Besides the peaceable nature of this Prince, which made great account of the good Council which his Father gave him, to procure a reconciliation with all Princes round about him, were sufficient occasions to move him instantly to request the Cardinal Pole to renew again the terms of peace: or at the least to conclude a good truce, for a release to so great mischiefs. Whereupon seeing the difficulty of articulating the conditions with such advantages as each one desired, the truce was concluded for five years, the fift day of February, 1556. ceasing all quarrels, and beginning again to enter traffic, and Merchandise one with an other, as well by Sea, as land, every man retaining what they had gotten and taken by right of war, without being able to agree upon their prisoners, (among whom the D. of Ascot a Fleming, and Francis de Montmorency, eldest son unto the Constable were the principal) with many other conditions, which were proclaimed at Paris the sixteen day of February. And afterwards the Comte de Lallain was at Blois in April to confirm the same with the King, as also the Admiral De Chastillon was at Bruxelles with the Emperor and King Philip, to receive there the oath of their part: wherein it was not forgotten to motion a marriage, between Don Carlo eldest son unto Philip, and Prince of Spain, with the Lady Isabel eldest daughter unto the King. But if France and the provinces which confined on the Septentrional side, hoped for repose during the continuance of this truce, new occasions of more fresh mischiefs presented themselves on the other side especially towards Italy.  
You have seen the election of the Cardinal Theatin to the Papacy: and for that the house of Caraffe, out of which he was descended, and of Melphe, being of the most special mark within the Realm of Naples, have always remained devoted unto the Crown of France, which ever honourably entertained them, the Colonois, Vrsins, and other families of Rome partakers of the Emperor, fearing to be made stoop, and lest the Pope would too much exalt the friends of the French, whom he might call into Italy, (for that the Church of Rome pretendeth the Realm of Naples to be of her proper Domanie) and lest, together with the grants made unto the Kings of France, confirmed by the Pope's predecessors, and other matters which the King there demanded, he should make a new ratification, with intent to be able to prevail, held themselves in the beginning upon their guards, then as the fearful man interpreteth, all neuter things, simple and doubtful to his disadvantage, they suspected in such wise the actions of the Pope and his confederates, as they well furnished with men, armour, and other munition such lodgings as they had within the Town. Whereof the Pope being advertised, & as soon animated against them, he levied men: and by a general muster took away arms from those whom he thought had too much: he munitioned the places within Rome, and well furnished the Castle of Saint Angelo with all necessaries. Afterwards, as a man licenseth himself accordingly, as leisure and liberty is given unto him, he seized upon the strongest places which were about Rome, into which he put Garrisons. And at the same instance caused to be imprisoned or assigned a brief day, to the authors of their commotion, among the rest the Cardinal S. Fleur, Camille Collone, julian Cesarin, and Ascaigne de la Corne. All which stomacking, that they were so strangely handled, fled unto the Emperor and his son, vowing themselves vassals unto them, where by they might find succour, causing them so much to mislike the form, wherewith the Pope had proceeded, and to doubt in such sort the designs of the French party in Italy, as they sent strait to the Dukes of Alva and Flourence, to assemble all their forces, and having joined them together with such new as they appointed unto them, so to shut up the Pope and his adherents, that no means should be left unto them, but bare words, to express the repentance of such an attempt: which they performed in a very short space, having by the means and conduct of the Colonois among other, regained from the Pope many fortresses, whereof they rendered some to these complainants. Afterwards building many forts about Rome, near Ostia, upon the bank and course of Tiber, they put the Pope in such a strait within the Castle of saint Angelo, Rome in such necessity, and her supports so bare of means, as they were constrained to demand succour of the King of France, as of the first son of the Church, sending unto him by the Cardinal Caraffe, nephew unto Pope Paul 4. his Legate, a Hat after the fashion of the ancient Roman Senators, and a Sword, signifying the defence of the Church, and Apostolic Sea. Who being come to Fontainbleau about the end of june, delivered the presents unto the King whom he summoned, and abjured to secure the head of the Christian Religion, according unto the title of most Christian, which was given unto him thorough the endeavour of his predecessors, who had many times restored the Popes into their seats, against tyrants, pagans, and other: especially as his late father in fresh memory did touching Pope Clement besieged within Rome, afterwards in the Castle of S. Angelo, by the troops of Charles of Bourbon, and Prince of Or●nge, successively generals over the Imperial army. To whom having answered that he would take counsel upon it, he put him notwithstanding in a good hope, assuring him that he would fail no whit in the virtuous deportments of his ancestors, and would secure the holy Father with all his might, in any reasonable sort. Afterwards notwithstanding having given advice to the Emperor and his son, endeavouring to meditate the whole rather by persuasions, then to come to action, contrary to the covenants, so solemnly sworn of each part, for the repose of all the Christian Churches. According to which at a feast which the King made at Fontaine-bleau, he caused before supper all the Ambassadors to retire into the Chapel, in the presence of whom he told the Emperors to this effect. That his master was not able to excuse himself, but that the war which the Seigneur Marc Anthoine Colone made against the Pope, was maintained, and conducted at his expenses and provisions. Moreover this Cardinal had been not long before seen in France a man of war at the King's service, and was so favourably entertained, that he was soon laden with presents. Now for that there was no Bishopric void at that time, Bertrande the Lord-keeper of the great Seal, being requested by the King lent unto him his Bishopric of Cominges, which he bestowed upon the Cardinal Caraffe: and afterwards Bertrande was made Cardinal of Sens. Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, 
Charles Cardinal of Lorraine and his viage in into Italy,  being returned a little before from Rome, (having been sent thither to congratulate the election of the Pope, confirm the amity of the French, and if it were possible to draw him in League against the Emperor, and who with great capitulations had made Hercules the second Duke of Ferrare, the kings Lieutenant generally in Italy) seemed to favour the design of the Pope.  
In such an occurrence the King wanted no advise, & that very divers: they which counseled him to break the truce, laid before him the immortal honour which he should obtain to defend, yea and to free out of such a servitude the great pontiff the holy Father, and the universal head of all the Christians in the world; which he was tied the rather to do, for that he seemed pricked forwards thereunto, by a general emulation of so many Kings his ancestors, who to retire him out of his enemy's hands, and to carry themselves as the true pillar of the Christian building, have attained and preserved as it were from hand to hand, that fair and so honourable title of Most Christian, and eldest son of the Catholic Church. They likewise set before him the incredible profit, which he should make in the conquest of that goodly Realm of Naples, which being withdrawn from the Crown of France, by the ingenious malice of the Castilians, and Aragonois, stood so smally assured between their hands, that with the great authority which the Pope had throughout all Italy, and the particular means of his own house within that Realm, together with the favours of so many Princes, who desired nothing more, then to see again the Flower de Luce better founded there then heretofore, there was no doubt but that the army which he might send thither, would carry it away even at their first aboard, considering the discontentment which the Italians carried against the Spaniards, who mastered them with all kind of Rigour: and considering the small forces which were there, and the retreat of the Emperor Charles the fift: who not to confound himself in the vanities of this world, had quitted all his goods, and estates thereby to live private, 
Persuasions to perjury.  and out of all managing of humane affairs. And to remove from him any opinion of dishonour, which they would imprint unto him, that dissuaded him from breaking of his faith, given to the observing of this truce, they declared unto him that the accident since happened unto his holiness, caused so much more all occasions to vanish, which might move him to keep his word, as the Pope is above all the persons of the world. And as the Son could not be thought to do his duty, if he did not rush upon his kinsman or ally, what friendship soever were sworn between them, which went about to endamage his Father. So the malicious ambition of Charles, and Philip of Austria, who hold the Pope prisonner, to enforce him to do their will, to the servitude of all Italy, whence they determined to chase out the credit of the French, was sufficient cause enough for him, to declare himself protector of the holy Sea against all violence. All good conventions are lawful and to be kept, but the Pope Christ's Vicar is above all, is always & in all things excepted, as every Sovereign is in a reciprocal oath made among his subjects: for they cannot prejudice the rights of their Prince, much less than Christians the right of the Pope, especially in a case of such importance. jointe that Truces do not forbid war, but in Countries of obedience, not in other places where they have nought to do. Moreover they do not hinder one from taking upon him the defence of some friend or ally, by a much more strong reason then of him, to whom all Christians are redewable for what soever they have in this world, as to God's Lieutenant on earth.  
Anne de Montmorency, and his nephews Odet and Gaspart of Coligny, called Chastillon with many others, represented unto him for the contrary, the eternal and general dishonour in all countries, which he should get by breaking his faith, so solemnly sworn for the repose of his subjects, & universal good of all Christendom so miserably torn in pieces, through the continuance of so villainous warresl: yea and that there was a time, in which there was demanded of Princes only their word for all assurances: by reason that they saw them so wise and virtuous, as they would not change their promises for all the advantages of the world. But as the malice of men increased, whereto the Princes by little and little participated, so subjects and strangers have required at Prince's hands their faith, and oath, which all men, yea the very Turks, and other of contrary Religion, hold inviolable, saving at this day Christians, which first made show of being willing to dispense with so Religious a bond, as an oath is: which cannot but turn to the great dishonour and general obloquic of all Christendom: the which no longer acknowledging any assurance available among men, will fall into such a confusion, that the strongest, and most malicious, will make subject the good, right, honour and all virtue at his pleasure. By consequence then there is no appearance of honour to be gotten in succouring the Pope, who of himself, in respect of the duty of his charge, aught to be ashamed to ask it, and to give occasion to such perjury and disloyalty. Yea if he were asked, how he would truly judge, or practise in his own act if he were a King, he would make no difficulty to dissuade so pernicious a deliberation: much less the hope of a conquest of a Realm ought to stur him up thereunto, considering the impossibility of gaining it, or at the least keeping it, by men so far off, so evil husbands, and bad providers against a nation so near and well advised as the Spanniard: and especially that this hope is founded upon the amity of Italians, whom we have found for the most part unconstant, and variable in their duties, as so many examples passed may very well make us wise enough, to counsel well therein our survivors. And it is so far off, that the far distance of the Emperor ought to encourage us to do evil, as the good advices wherewith he hath instructed his son: the advised and provident personages, which he hath left unto him for counsel: the alliance of the English which will furnish him both with men and money: together with the resolution which he hath not to degenerate in aught from the virtues of his father, nay rather to increase them higher, if occasion did present itself, aught to make us the more to fear the undertaking thereof, and to assure us that we shall find enough, nay more forces and means to stay us even in the best of the enterprise, then if the father himself had taken the conduct thereof. All this notwithstanding, and many other reasons which were alleged, could not hinder the breach of the truce and the expedition which was made into Italy, chiefly in the end by the diligence of the Constable. For albeit that he held a hard string to the contrary, yet he slacked for two occasions. First, that he perceived, through the absence of these undertakers, he mought have fair and easy means to make great and assure his house: so as he was not in the end over sorry, to see them of the house of Guise, bearing arms to quit the Court, and go the voyage, whereof he hoped for no happy event. joint, that he sought to marry his eldest son, (whom 50000. crowns had a few days before redeemed out of prison) with the widow of the D. of Castre, 
Marriage of Mareschall Montmorency eldest son to the Constable.  the king's advowed daughter. Whereupon the marriage being accorded, even as it stood upon the point to be accomplished, his son let him to understand in October, by Odet and Gaspart of Coligny his cousin germans, how he had made a promise unto the Lady of Pienes, & that he could have no other. Whereat the father grievously displeased, endeavoured notwithstanding by all means to accomplish this marriage. So as having caused Pienes to be put in sure guard within the house of Fills Dieu, he considered with himself, that herein he should stand in need of the Pope's assistance, upon that he sent his son to Rome, 
The Pope the last succour to fly unto for breach of truce and oaths.  where he found Pierre Sirossy marshal of France, and they began together so well to bestir themselves for the Pope, as they recovered again the port of Ostye, and other places occupied by the Spaniards about Rome, which served him but as a prison. And yet all the means which mought be, was wrought with the Pope, that he should not dispense with him to marry any other then Pienes: fearing lest that being once obtained the Constable would break the designs of the war. Whereof he being advertised, and seeing how the Pope used him but with delays, & dissimulations, he besought him to content himself with the service which he had done unto him: So as having taken his leave, he returned to Paris, a few days before Easter, 1557. declaring unto his Father, that that which he let him to understand of the promiss which he had made unto Pienes, was only to induce him unto the marriage, but that in truth there was no other matter, in such sort as presently after the marriage was accomplished with the Lady of Castres'. The denial thereof notwithstanding proceeding from the promiss, which he maintained he made unto Pienes, was the cause of an edict which was then published, for the reciprocal duty of parents and children, upon the occurrance of their marriage.  

edict of children's marriages.  
THe K. ordaineth, That such children, as shall contract secret marriage, against the will, or unwitting unto their father; and mother, be disinherited, and declared uncapable of all advantages and profits, which they might pretend by the means of nuptial conventions, or by the benefit of customer or laws of the contrary. And that the fathers and mothers may revoke any gifts, and advantages given by them. They likewise declared punishable which shall give counsel & aid for the consummation of such marriages. That this ordinance shall take place as well for the time to come as passed; because there is therein a transgression of the law and commandments of God, wherein no man may cover himself, by any ignorance, or foolish error to the contrary. Reserved notwithstanding such marriages, as have been heretofore consummate by carnal cohabitation: and not comprehending sons above the age of thirty years, or daughters of five and twenty, provided that they use all duty to seek the advice and counsel of their father, and mother. It grew then when as the Constable began to mislike the enterprise of Italy, as I will tell you elsewhere.   
Hereupon the Cardinal carried tidings of the whole unto his Holiness, whilst that the King sent the Pope's griefs unto the Emperor, and his son as it were to be the means to render him content. joint that he would not so soon attempt any thing against them, for the opinion which he conceived, that they were not consenting, and less the authors of such novelties. Some assuredly gave out, that Philippe answering more eagerly than his Father, said that for his part he desired the continuance of the Truce, 
The King of Spain's answer to such griefs as the K. alleged on the Pope's behalf.  and rather a peace if it were possible to bring it to perfection. But how he had always found the Pope, and his affinity so great an enemy unto his house, that whosoever would declare himself his friend undertaking his defence, he would hold him for an enemy, & overrun him with all his forces. This notwithstanding, the King stirred not of a long time any whit in the Pope's favour, were it that his means were not yet in his hand, were it that he persuaded himself very well of K. Philip's good inclination to the continuance of the Truce, by the report of Renard his ambanssadour, who assured him that his masters intention was clean contrary to the answer abovesaid, o● else that he hoped that the truce would not leave to be kept inviolable in this case, now that the imperials armed themselves in Italy for the restitution of the Colonois: yea so far as by plaints, and requests redoubled, they knew that they were entrenthed at Rome gates, where the Pope was straightly enclosed within the castle of S. Angelo. And further how Octavian Farneze solicited by the imperials, and gained by the Cardinals Farneze his brother, & S. Fleur his cousin, was revolted from the King to them, who a little before causing his father to be slain, would disinherit him, which made him to listen ear unto them, who assured him that they meant to range the Pope to the will of the Emperor, and chase the French out of Italy. So as the King resolved to break the truce, determined to send an army under Francois de Lorraine Duke of Guise, composed of 6000. Swissers under the Colonel Frels, and 4000 French under the Duke of Nemours, with 500 men at arms, and 500 light horse, who having late enough made ready his preparatives, was enforced diligently to hasten to pass over the mountains of Savoy, and the Alps in the great frosts and infinite travails which Winter brought with it. Such was one of the principallest occasions of this war. I leave the pretence of the Realm of Naples, to those who fancy it unto themselves against those of Guise, without any great appearance. jointe likewise the particular reason, which some allege, to show how these Truces made, and entertained in dissimulation, were but to cover the progress, and effects of such intelligences as these Princes had one upon another. I will recite unto you the means by which the imperials as the French report, gave just occasion unto them to break the Truce, and despair of a peace.  
Without aggravating say they, 
Particular causes of the breach of Truce by the imperials.  the rigorous entertainment made unto our prisoners of war, more cruel than could be among the Moors & Infidels: Yea leaving apart how the D. of Bovillon was villainously, and traitorously poisoned, and afterwards sold being dead, it is most notorious, that a few days after the conclusion of the Truce, every man on this side, living with a hope of peace at hand, it was verified by the report of the conspirators, how many enterprises had been attempted upon the principal Towns of this Realm, as of the soldiers of Metz resolved to yield the Town, at the pursuit of the count de Meigue, Governor of Luxembourg, and with the privity of the Prince of Piedmont. The intelligence upon Bourdeaux in Guienne at the conduct of Barlemont, General of Finances to the Emperor, a little before Easter, and a month after the Truce accorded. Few days after there was taken an engineer, and maker of fortifications, named jaques de Flectias, who confessed that he was sent by the Prince of Piedmont, to view, and draw the plats of the principal Towns upon the Frontier, with money impressed, as Montreul, Saint esprit de Rue, Dourlan, S. Quentin, and Mezietes. Besides a provenciall soldier suborned with great presents to poison the well at Mariembourg, and consequently the whole Garrison, thereby to make the surprisal of the town the more easy. Thus did the Emperor first infringe the Truce contrary to the public oath. Albeit that all contracts and accords especially among Princes (who are themselves to be example of the greatest conformation to the Laws which they make) ought not only to be without deceit and malice, but exempt of all suspicion, considering that therein, besides the duty of conscience, and of an honest man, their particular act alone is not comprised, but the whole good, and universal repose consisteth. They add thereto the great preparations of men, and money, which Philip secretly made of all parts, namely at the soliciting of the King of Boheme, and Princes of Germany, to undertake a war against the King, for the recovering of free Towns, without ca●sering his Captains & men of war. So as soon enough the Garrisons of Mesneil, began to overrun the plat Country, about Abbeville, S. Esprit de Rue, Auannes, Cymetz, Rocroy, & Ambenton, under colour that famine enforced them thereunto. Henry then having seen how K· Philip still proceeded on against the Pope, and held Rome besieged, sent word to Pierre Strozzy (to whom he had given the office of Mareschall of France, in the room of the late Mareschall de Sedan) that he should put himself within Rome, & abide the brunt of the Spaniards, until that the succours should be arrived out of France. In this mean space, Don jean de Lune, 
jean de Lune a Fugitive into France.  malcontent with King Philip, retired from his service into France, towards King Henry, who courteously received him, and gave him an honest pension to maintain him, in such sort as it was not possible for King Philip's ministers to induce him to retire again into Spain, what fair promises soever they made unto him. Some say that the Governor of the Castle of Milan fled, being suspected that he would have delivered it up to the King. The which other avowing to be false, say that the matter was about a quarrel between him and Ferdinand de Gonzague being disappointed of the government of Milan, by the means of Don jean de Lune, and the chancellor of Milan. For Gonzague being afterwards returned into favour, and purged of the crimes laid unto him, pursued in such sort Don jean de Lune, as he being angry at the small respect, which was carried to the great services which he said he had done the Emperor, left Milan, and came into France, without ever making any practice against the catholic K. The Emperor's partisans in the mean time, the better to settle his affairs in Italy, & seeing how greatly Octavian Duke of Parma, and his territories (the defence whereof had cost the French so much) mought advantage him, especially in such an occurrence, employed the Cardinal of Trent, to gain him unto the Emperor, quitting King Henry, who had done him so great good, and for his sake had made war against the Pope and Emperor, to the end that the Duchies of Parma and Plaisance might be restored and assured unto him. In sum the Cardinal Madruch, Bishop and Lord of Trent, was he, 
Plaisance rendered to Octavian D. of Parm●●  who according unto the Accord between the Catholic King and Octavian, restored him into the possession of Plaisance, where he made his entry very sumptuously, and declared himself against the Pope and all his allies. The Duke of Alva in the mean space, overran and spoiled the terretorie of Rome, and besieged the city of Anagne, which the Pope's soldiers abandoned, having burned all the powder and munition. The which astonished in such sort the Cardinals at Rome, as they got the Pope to send to the Spanish General to parley of Peace, but all in vain, for as much as the Pope's deputies were not at the break of day appointed for the Pourparley. Which made the Duke so angry against the Pope, as he rushte upon Pilastrine and Segue, which yielded: whilst that the Cardinal Caraffe fortified Bellitre, attending certain troops out of Germany, which he caused to come, in hope of which and of the french succour, he would by no means suffer any parley of Peace, saying that it was not beseeming for the Pope to seek him, 
Point of Honour in a Cardinal.  who was but a minister of a vassal Prince, & feodary to the holy Sea.  
Already did the forces of Tuscan overspread the country of Rome, where the Marshal Strozzie was. In such sort as Monluc was to view Tivoly, to see if it were tenable conducting seven hundred Gascoignes to defend it, in case there were any means to fortify it. But seeing the place too feeble to endure a siege, and less proper in any short time to be fortified, he left it, giving leave to the Citizens to provide for themselves, and to yield it with the best advantage they could possibly make for themselves, as they did.  
After, Monluc being returned to Rome, and F. Vrsin to Vico-Valerio, the Tivoliens yielded themselves unto the Duke of Alva: which were followed by them of Vico-Valerio, in despite of F. Vrsin, who would have defended the place for the Pope, seeing how necessary it was to hinder any victuals coming to the Spanish camp from Naples side.  
Behold how the Duke of Alva was able to hold Rome in subjection, having the places round about at his devotion.  

The Duke of Alva besea●e h● Rome, with the Pope and cardinals so hard as he thought to fami●l●e them.  Afterwards he made a number of forts on the side of Ostia, to hold the Romans yet in greater necessity, and cut off their victuals from all parts, to the end to famish them. Attending the succours out of France notwithstanding, Alexander Colomne, which followed the Pope's party, was of opinion that Rome being divided into divers quarters, there should be in every one a several Captain put, 
The means which the French and Italians held to a li●e Rome and the Pope against the enemy's attempts attending succours out of France.  with his troops to defend it. Therefore Alexander was made Colonel of all the Romans, which mought amount to 7. or 8. thousand, whom he dispersed into places as he saw need, entermingling among them some ensigns of soldiers, as well Italians as Gascoignes. So as Lansac had in guard the gate called De Populo, having 1000 Gascoignes under his charge. The D. of Palliane, nephew to the Pope, had the keeping of the gate S. Agnes, having 800. Almains in his company. jourdan Vrsin come out of Corpse, commanded 6. Italian companies at the gate of S. Laurence, the Cardinal Caraffe at S. Sebastian, having 500 Italians, and the rest of the Gascons were under Monluc his charge at the gate S. Paul. Aurelie Fregose kept between the Tiber, with 1500. soldiers, Camille Vrsin commanded the quarter of S. Peter, with 2000 footmen. So as these troops pefourming well their duty, the Spanish General durst not hazard himself to make any attempt to the town, only he kept himself slyelie watching his commodities, above all to cut off victuals, whose temporizing notwithstanding was an occasion, that the Cardinal Caraffe went into the field, overran & wasted the Neapolitan country, whilst that the D. of Alva, was busied about the Isle & City of Ostia, 
Ostia taken by the D. of Alua.  whereof he made himself Master to the great disadvantage of the Romans. This place being seated upon the mouth of the river Tiber, where she falleth into the Tyrrhene Sea, which upon this occasion serveth as a chief Magasin for the bringing of victuals to Rome. Notwithstanding he took not the Tower and Fort of the City at that blow. In the mean time the Pope hastened forwards the kings succours, and solicited him hard, not to suffer the Duke of Alva thus to spoil the holy Sea: as he likewise did unto the Venetians, hoping to draw some succour from them, 
The Venetians secure not the Pope.  but that Seigneurie comforting him with words, condoled his grievous mishaps, without using any other duty, or office of amity, saving that they took pains to seek to appease the differents, and mediate a peace between him and the spaniards. While these things were a doing, and the Spaniard battering the Fort of Ostia, the Mareschall Strozzie came to the succour of it with such Troops of France as he had, rearing up certain rampires, and retrenches, that the enemy should not carry away the cattle, and other goods of the Romans, enclosed within that Isle. About the end of December, the King, as I told you above, dispatched the Duke of Guise for to be General of the army, which his Majesty sent to the succour of the Pope, and with him Duke Aumalle, and Duke Elbause his brethren, the Duke of Nemours, 
The D. of Guise matcheth to Rome with the French army.  the Earl of Eu, the vidame of Chartres, and other Chieftains, all which met together in januarie 1557. (having overcome with a constant and opinative patience, the sharpness of Winter, and difficulty of the Alps,) at Turin the chief City of Piedmont. For fear of whom the Spaniards fortified Milan, knowing that the French army was composed of such a number of men, as I have told you. 
The port of Ostia rendered by composition to the spaniards.  During which time, such as were besieged in the Fort of Ostia, having abidden many assaults, their powder failing, their soldiers and citizens for the most part hurt, in the end yielded themselves by composition, which Ascaigne de la Corn caused to be accorded reasonably enough, whereat the Romans were sore abashed. So as by the means of the Cardinals of S. jaques, and of S. flower, they came to make a Truce for ten days. During which, the Duke of Alva finished the Fort which he had begun in the Isle, bordering on the port of Ostia, 
Truce between the Pope and the D. of Alua.  whither the Cardinal Caraffe went unto him, of whom he procured the prolonging of the Truce, free and marchandable for forty days, with a hope of a general peace. But Caraffe tended to no other thing, then to solace his own until the arrival of the French, of whom he held himself already all assured. And in the mean time he assayed to draw the Venetians to the party, who in the end refused to declare themselves against the K. of Spain. But the D. of Ferrara followed the Pope's party, as well for that he was a vassal and feodary, as in favour of the K. of France, following the association already concluded and agreed between them. So had he already assurance, as I said before, of the title of defender of the Church, 
D. of Ferrara named the Defender of the Church.  which the Kings of England were wont to carry. The League between the Pope, the K. & the D. of Ferrara carried: That the Pope should to the number of twenty thousand footmen, & one thousand horse furnish the whole charges of the army. The K. should put the like number of fanterie into the field, and 2000 horse, & the Ferrarois 6000. soldiers, 200. men at arms, and 400. light horse with 20. pieces of battery. 
League between the Pope, the K. of France and D. of Ferrara.  Thus the D. of Guise being entered into Italy, with an assured hope to join such succours to the forces which I have showed you, and a great number of the nobility which followed him for their own pleasure, (& such as he mought well vaunt that he had near hand the two tierce of the flower of the nobility of France) could not imprint into the heads of the Italians, but a fear of great mischief to ensue unto all Italy, which he put into arms, in divers hopes and dangerous partialities, through a sudden entry of so many people. Moreover every man doubting with himself, and fearing least under the colour of the Pope's succours the D. of Guise would give elsewhere, was an occasion that first they fortified Milan, with all her dependences. Then they provided suddenly strong Garrisons for Cremone, Pavia, Lode, Ast, Valence, 
Italy in arms upon the coming of the French.  and other places of importance. And in the mean space the Duke of Florence; armed himself, and put Garrison upon the Frontiers of Ferrara. He furnished with soldiers Florence, Pisa, and other Towns under his obedience in Tuscan, and above all, those which neighboured upon Bologne.  

The D. of Alva his disseins.  Upon this the Duke of Alva, who was no whit ignorant of the Spanish forces coming against him, was once upon the point to retire to Naples, as well for the doubt which he had, that he should not be able to sustain the furious assault of so fresh Troops, as to draw them and hem them in within the enemy's Countries, thereby by little and little to consume them with Famine, and other diseases: and had done so, but for the Counsel of Ferdinand Gonzague: He resolved then for the more expedient to rest there, and to send Garzie de Toledo, the count de S. flower, Vespasian Gonzague, and other of the Realm of Naples, to furnish the Towns of Capue, Arian, Saint Agathe, Venose, Nolle, Civitelle, Aterne, and the rest which are upon the Portuguese Sea: joint that the bruit ran how the Turkish army was to land there in favour of the French, as it had before done in Corpse. 
The first attempts of the French army joined with the Marshal Brissae.  The Duke of Guise in the mean time having joined his forces in Piedmont, with the Marshal de brissa's, was at Valence, which had for Garrison two thousand soldiers, part Italians, part Spaniards, and Grizons under Spoluerin.  
Now, as the Duke of Guise had caused the bruit to be given out, that they had taken Pavia, and that the Duke of Guise had caused Valence to be summoned to yield, or that if he took it by force, he would use all the cruelties which could be looked for in a mortal war, Spoluerin fearing the loss of his great wealth, did so much after some skirmishes, and number of Cannon shot, as the soldiers condescended to the yielding of the place, provided that they mought be suffered to departed, lives, & goods saved, the which was granted unto them about the 8. day of januarie. 1557. But this Captain Spoluerin and many other of the Garrison, 
Valence yielded up to the D. of, Guise.  being retired to Pavia, were beheaded for yielding so cowardly, having victual and munition at commandment, within a very strong place, and without seeing aught which mought move them to yield it so soon. It was then, as the Cardinal of Trent, sent to summon the D. of Guise, to render Valence up into his hands, the which he had taken against the articles of Truce: but it was answered him, how the D. of Alva having first broken, he ought not to marvel if he followed his example: & therefore that he look for no other effect at the hands of the French then war, until that reason were yielded to those which were most interessed, further, that he had justly handled them of Valence, for that his forces marching to the succour of the Pope, had been braved by that Garrison, the which had saluted them with Cannon shot. As the Duke of Guise marched towards Rome, Strozzy, Monluc, and the Duke of Palliane, perceiving the Duke of Alva to be retired from before Rome, beset Ostia, with five hundred soldiers, as well Italians as Gascoignes, 
Ostia and 〈◊〉 for't there of taken 〈◊〉 Stro●zy & Monl●c  and six hundred horse, which carried it away without any great pains. Afterwards, they besieged the Fort, the which was yielded unto them in the end by composition, and the Spaniards departed, lives, goods and weapons saved with some pieces of artillery. At the very same time, the Pope's people took from the Spaniards, the towns of Bellitre, Tuscule Marin, (which was in old time called Villa Marij, and Grotta Ferrata, some hold it was Cicero his place and Seigneuriae, 
To unes taken from the Spaniards.  which he called Tusculanum) and divers other within the territory of Rome: They took besides Palesan, and S. Ange, a fort situate upon a mountain: S. Paul being likewise besieged by the enemy. The Duke of Palliane succoured by the Marshal Strozzy was there, and received the place again being abandoned by the Spaniards. Then he was to besiege Vico-Valerio which he took by assault, and put to fire and sword all those which they met in arms, giving the pillage to the soldiers. All this passed over under the only fright of the name of Guise, 
The D. of Guise taketh Coun●●h of what is best to be done att●… taking of Valence.  and of the army which he led, who having held a Council at Valence, upon the conduct of his dessein, intelligence still being of what passed at Rome, and having heard the advice of the Marshal Brissac, Louis de Birague, Vimercat, and other of his army, it was concluded, that the Marshal and other captains ordained in Piedmont, should return to Turin, and make as many roads as was possible upon the enemy's country. In the mean time the Duke of Guise should go towards Ferrara, passing through the Country of Plaisance, the which was accordingly done. But not without the Marquis of Pescaire his continual being at his tail, without any great prejudice notwithstanding, by reason of the good order which he gave in the discamping, & conduct of his army, the which was furnished with victuals in the Placentine Country, by the commandment of Octavian Farneze D. of Parma: which the D. of Guise caused to be paid for, expressly forbidding any soldier to do wrong to the subjects of this Prince. We will leave then for a while the D. of Guise marching with his forces in Italy to the Pope's succour, to interlace you here an accident, as strange, as any which hath happened in the memory of our forefathers.  
David George, who since made himself to be called jean de Bructe, 
David George heretic de●… & the discourse of his life.  borne at Delft in Holland, an author of a perverse sect, making himself to be named by his followers, King and Christ immortal, died the year passed, 1556. the 24. day of August, and his wife a little before retired with a very great family of her own to Basle in the year 1544. He said he was fled his own Country for the Gospel's sake, and there bought houses, and a Castle near unto the town called Buivignen, with lands of great revennewe. He was very cunning, of great Spirit, and had his eyes addressed on all parts to gain the hearts of many, and an exterior reputation, which was maintained and greatly augmented by his riches, his money, and most precious movables, which he had brought thither, and which men brought unto him day by day, as well out of the high, as low Countries of Flaunders, as it falleth out, that almost all men suffer themselves to be cousined with an appearance, & magnificence of worldly things, rather than to be carried away with the virtue & truth of every thing. Two things presaged unto him his death, one of his houses which he had at Basle was smotte with lightning, and another sumptuously builded within his pastures, was likewise burned with part of his rarest and most exquisite movables: shortly after the flower of the house wherein he lay, fell all down at one blow, and suddenly: yet nothing happened more grievous unto him before his death, than the coming of a man of authority out of Base Almania to Basle. For from thenceforth as well advised and forecasting, he knew that by little and little he should easily be discovered. His disciples were marvelously astonished at his death, for that he had assured them of his immortality, yet their hope was somewhat upheld, because he had given them to understand certain days before, how he should take life again, by the space of three years, and perfect most excellent things. He kept a port within his house almost like a King, in like sort was the government of his house and castle very well ruled. Every man had his estate and office: their charges and duties being so distributed, as he should need to employ no other therein than his own. In governing their common wealth, they observed very straightly 3. things, thereby more and more to conceal their pernicious sect. First that none of them once published the name of David George. Secondly that none revealed of what condition he had been: whereupon it grew that many thought he had been issued out of some great noble House, other that he was some great Merchant, which had his factors abroad both by Sea and by land. Thirdly that they should not discover so much as any one article of their doctrine to any man in Basle, not so much as to a Swizer, nor should not endeavour to draw any man unto their doctrine: the sum whereof was.  

The doctrine of David George Heretic.  
THat whatsoever had been heretofore given from God by Moses, by the Prophets, by jesus Christ himself, or by his Apostles, was imperfect, and unprofitable for the obtaining of the true felicity thereby: And was only given for this use, that until then it mought repress men, as babes, and young children: and to contain them within their office: But the doctrine of David George was perfect, and had efficacy to make him happy which should receive it, as being the true Christ and Messiah, the welbeloeud of the Father, in whom he took his delight, not borne of flesh, but of the holy Ghost and Spirit of jesus Christ, having been kept until that present in a place unkowen to all the Saints, to restore in spirit the house of Israel, not by crosses or tribulations, or death as the other Christ, but by love & grace of the Spirit of Christ.   
In the year 1559. the 5. of March, his children, his sons in law, and all them of his family, 
Informations, proceedings, & judgements of the Seigneurie of Basle, upon the body and goods of David George and of the followers of his faith and religion.  with some other adhering to his Sect, were adjourned before the Senate of Basle, after information made of that pernicious sect, which he had always held in his life time. The Attorney declared unto them, how the Seigneurie stood duly informed, that they were retired to the Castle of Buivignen, not as men persecuted for the Gospel, as they had falsely given out, but for the sect of David, wherewith they had been already infected. Eleven were made prisoners to draw out the truth of the whole. The greater part examined by a more strait inquisition confessed the truth: who in the end obtained pardon. Then the first day of May, the Ministers, rector, Professors, and Schoolmasters of Basle, having all with one voice condemned the points of the doctrine, the Senate fully informed of the whole, proceeded the 13. of May to the conclusion of the process, to wit,  
That all his writings, as full of iniquity, & mortal poison, Item his body, or his bones, and whatsoever should be found more within his grave, should be burned, together with his picture which they found in his house, representing him very lively: and that generally all the goods of so wicked a man, wheresoever they were found, should be confiscate and adjudged to the Seigneurie.  
This sentence was proclaimed according to the Custom of the place, and all the form of right and ordinances of the Town was kept in the observation thereof. Before that I handle again the terms of war, between the French and spaniards, I will finish, and in few words, the Empire, and managing of the affairs of Charles of Austria the fift, Emperor of the Almains.  
About the end of August, Charles of Austria resolved to pass into Spain for the occasions before rehearsed, went from Bruxelles to Gaunt, the place of his nativity, where he assembled the 27. of that month, all the Ambassadors one after an other, resiant about his Person, within his chamber, 
The speech which Charles of Austria used to the Ambassadors resiante about his person▪ when as he left Flaunders to return into Spain, there to finish his days.  using in general no other speech unto them, but of the declaration of his old age & indisposition, praying them to perform all good offices for the repose due unto Christendom: Protesting to the Nuncio (that is the Pope's Ambassador,) how all his life long, he had loved and defended the holy apostolic Sea: & to the Venetian, how much he honoured that Seigneurie & common wealth, whose liberty, & preservation he had all his life long desired, knowing how much she nourished, and maintained the repose of Italy. That his Son should follow him therein, having left it as an express, nay testamentary commandment unto him. To them of Ferrara and Mantoue he spoke in general, but somewhat more particularly to the Florentine, charging him to write unto his Master, that he should never lend his care to any new practices against his house, nor pass nothing without advertising of his Son, as he had very well done, until that present, and whereby he thought he took no harm, as it appeared. Hereupon, the Ambassador, who was a Bishop, would have dissuaded his departure, and showed him, how his most affectionate friends were much astonished, considering especially that all reasons, and good discourse, were clean contrary to such a resolution. And that in stead of going into Spain, he were better draw up into Italy, or at the least not abandon his Son, whom he mought assist with his good counsel. To whom answering, that he could not imagine an old Prince, evil disposed, and afflicted in all parts as he was, was able to do as a young Prince, whom he left so well instructed, and in so good a will to show himself great, and a man of war if he were urged thereto: and that it should be well known, how his absence should no whit at all prejudice his friends. The Bishop would have replied upon the affairs and greatness of this world, but he interrupted him, praying him to think, that his thoughts were no longer enter commoners with the world, to which he bad farewell, and to him likewise, and so they departed. After he was at Sail five Leagues from Gaunt, where his Son gave him the last adieu. Himself going down the river to embark at Vlishing in Zelande, whither the Queenes Allenor, and mary his Sisters followed him, until he was embarked. Then Philip made his return to Gaunt, where the multitude of affairs began to solicit his brain, especially in the expedition of them, in the remark of human actions, in the choice, and recompense of his servants, whom he chose and cherished, after another manner of fashion then his Father. But I must again handle the enterprise of the French upon Italy, in favour of Pope july, whose disseins and conduct the better to open unto you, I am content to research the affairs of Piedmont, where they passed somewhat in a higher kind.  

The means which the K. used to make the D. of Guise's army to pass into Italy to the succour of the Pope.  To favour the passage of the Duke of Guise's army, the King had already commanded the Marshal Brissac, who was but a little before come out of Piedmont to the Court, (where the Terms commanded in his absence) to return thither again, and make ready another army, the better to second the Dukes in Romaigne, and assay to make some other exploits for the service of his Majesty, with promise that he should not be far gone on his journey before money should be sent him, as well to pay the old bands of France and italy lying in Piedmont, as to prepare the new forces, which was convenient he should add thereunto. Not seeing for all that, the effect of the provision of the said money to follow, which was promised unto him for the men of war, pioneers, horse to draw the artillery, building of bridges upon boats, munitions of victuals, and other things necessary to the following of an army, he made many dispatches and instances unto his Majesty, and the Constable, who as then had the Superintendance of all the affairs of the Realm, 
The breach of Truce begun by the assailing of Valence in the Duchy of Milan  but he could only obtain a slow and no complete provision: and less to perform any advancement of honour to any Captains of mark as their services deserved. Notwithstanding about the end of December, 1556. the Mareschall made an other recharge to the same end, and likewise gave his Majesty to understand of the resolution taken between the Duke of Guise and him, upon the breach of the Truce, and passage of the army into italy: which breach began upon the enterprise, as they fantasied unto themselves, of the town of Valence within the Duchy of Milan, having after many deliberations found this enterprise most fit and commodious for the more easy passage of the Duke's army. The army being ready in the month of januarie, albeit it was not succoured with the assignations promised, yet not to suffer it for default thereof to lie still, the Marshal borrowed upon his own credit, many gross sums, and especially of the Duke of Guise. Yet all was so little to the price of that which was due, as they had much ado to draw the old Italian bands out of their garrisons, or any of the new french Companies. Which made the army more weak than it would have been. As the Secretary Bounin declared, who as well for the effect, as the reasons abovesaid, was expressly dispatched: chiefly likewise to give his Majesty to understand, how to the end the plat country of Piedmont, mought not be left in pray to the garrisons of Aste, Valserniere, Fossan, and Coni, whiles the forces of the Country were so far esloigned off, it was thought fit to make a Levy of 3000. foot, and 200. light horse, which should lie dispersed about the Imperial garrisons, and the money for their payment levied upon the Country. Whereto those which were chosen made great difficulty to consent, yet all was well executed in the end. And the 14. of February, S Foy had the charge given unto him of 5. Companies of Piedmont, and 100 light horse, and the rest of the said Levies, were from hand to hand distributed round about these Garrisons. The which caused great surety, commodity and succour to his majesties affairs. Then according to the resolution taken upon the breach of Truce, 
The order which the Marshal Brissac gave in Piedmont.  the two armies marched towards Valence, which they assailed the 12. day of januarie. So as after the Battery had been laid unto it, the 14. of that month, the Governor rendered it up, upon the occasions before said. This done, they held a Counsel to advise, upon what should be necessary as well for the passage of the D. of Guise, as the rest of the affairs concerning the K. service. To whom among other particulars it was proposed by the Mareschall, that his majesties intent being to secure the Pope, it was best to bethink of the propiest and most easiest means to execute his Commandment, and increase his authority in Italy. Which as then was very easy, the enemies and especially the Inhabitants of Milan being in such fright and fear, as standing very tickle within the Town, 
Enterprise of Milan.  which was abandoned by a great number of men, seeing the greater part without any Fortress, it was very easy for the Duke taking that way, to enter in: joint that there were no forces to hinder him, or which durst oppose themselves against him. That being Master of the Town, he should be consequently of the whole Estate, having power to command there with such authority, as in few days he should have means to finish what remained therein to be fortified with earth and faggots, to cut off and cover the said Town from the Castle. To favour which enterprise, and occasion more business unto the enemies, the Marshal offered to go besiege some little town there, if he found any facility at all to essay with, the Artillery to carry it away, and that in the mean time Saluoisin Governor of Casal, should go at a day agreed upon between the General's attempt, with the soldiers of the Garrison, the execution of the enterprise which he had upon the Town of Alexandria, of the places of most importance of the state of Milan. Whereof there could no other than a good issue be expected, as well by the intelligence which one gave from thence unto the Counsel, & whom the Captain Saluoisins' Secretary expressly went to fetch for that purpose, as that Saluoisin had himself taken a view of the place. And to the end that Saluoisin mought the better keep it being taken, the Mareschall promised to come thither on the morrow after the execution thereof with his whole army: as well to assist Saluoisin, as to provide for whatsoever should be necessary for the assurance, and conservation of the place, and that shortly after he would march to Milan, to give order with the Duke of Guise for the getting of the Castle, and for such affairs as concerned the kings service: and so to make the State assured unto his Majesty. Through the consideration whereof it was not to be doubted, but the Duke of Alva with the forces which he had in Romagne, would leave the Country to come succour the rest of that Estate: as a matter of greater importance unto his Master, than the quarrel of the Pope. Who notwithstanding should by this means have the succours which he desired, without hazarding an army in such dangers as mought fall out in so long voyages, and to which all such as have heretofore passed thorough Italy in favour of the Popes, have for the most part been subject. Thus should the will of his Majesty be performed, with the Conquest of an whole Estate, for which, 
What success the French armies have had in Italy, especially in the conquest of the Realm of Naples.  War had been so long time made in the House of France. Furthermore the hope and appearance which was there to gain the whole, or at the least a great part of the Seigneurie of Genes, yea by the inhabitants own good will, through the necessity of Victuals, into which they were brought. Provided that his Majesty, to whom a dispatch for that end should be sent, would command the Galleys of Marseilles to scour the Seas, and to keep the Coast of Sicily in subjection, to keep the Genoese from being that ways any more succoured with Corn, than they should be out of Piedmont. And indeed the dearth was there so great, for the small time which they were in the Duchy of Milan, and thorough the taking of Valence, as that a sack of Corn was worth ten Crowns. The propositions being at large debated of, were in the end found so good, and accompanied with so apparent reasons, as the most part of them which were of the Counsel, seeing the importance of such Estates, as those of Milan and of Genes, which made a way unto his Majesty to increase his power and authority in Italy, joint the uncertain and so variable occurrents, as mought befall an Army, in so long a voyage, and by such an enemy so ready and resolute, were of opinion, that they were to be harkened unto, and that his Majesty should with all diligence be advertised thereof. But the Duke of Guise having an other intent of greater importance, told them that he had received Commandment from the King to proceed onwardly and not to stay: An occasion that many have since depraved this his advise, especially after the end of his enterprise.  
But Lautrec in the like accident, conducting the French army, for the taking of Naples, after the delivery of Francis the first, allied with the Potentates of Italy, 1527. having taken the Town of Bosco, Alexandria, Vigeneve, Pavia, and other places, as it was deliberated in Counsel, whether they should stay upon the Conquest of Milan, (to which they which held the French party besought him to employ his men, considering the resolution of them, and the fright of their enemies,) or pass forwards, answered that he had commandment to seek further, and that he was principally sent into Italy, for the delivery of Pope Clement.  
True it is, that some thought Lautrec took this resolution, fearing lest if they should conquerre the Duchy of Milan, the Venetians being confederate with the French, would be careless to secure the King in the Conquest of Naples. And it is possible likewise that the King thought, it would be better for him that Francis Sforze mought not entirely recover this Estate, to the end that no power remaining unto him to be able to undertake aught, he mought the more easily obtain the deliverance of his children, as yet the emperors prisoners, by way of accord, which continually was treated of, about the Emperor, by the Ambassadors of France, England, and Venise.  
Thus than the D. of Guise resolved upon his first advise, caused a bridge of boats to be made at Basignave over the river Tavaro, where his army seconded with the Marshal Brissac's, passed over to perform the voyage of Italy. And to the end that it mought be done with more surety, and that he mought avoid the meeting of the forces which the marquess of Pescarie caused in all diligence to be assembled, thereby to cut him off from his passage, the Marshal entered within Laumeline, with a countenance as though he would march towards Milan: An occasion that the marquess turned bridle suddenly towards Milan, with the few forces which he had, suffering the Duke of Guise freely to pass, and his army, whither it liked him best.  
Upon whose Arrival, the Duke of Alva, for want of money, and to suffer the first fury of the French to cool, levied his siege from Rome, and retired upon the borders of the Kingdom of Naples, there to defend the Frontiers from the disseins of the French.  
As for the Duke of Florence, he to keep his dependences from waste, and spoil of the enemy, and likewise to get leisure to go on with his Fortresses, lent his ear to some alliance with the King. But fortified as he was, he retired within his Town. In such sort, as Pierre Strossi Marshal of France, being departed one of the first, and enclosed himself within Rome, with a number of French and Italians, had already under the favour of the Duke's coming, combated, and taken certain Forts and Blockehouses, builded by the imperials round about the Town, and upon the Tiber: so as the Pope was before the arrival of the French, as it were, restored into full liberty, and Rome assured of her enemies.  
I will show you by and by what the Duke did as soon as he was approached unto the capital City of Italy, against the disseins of his enemies, who prepared themselves to all events, and in sundry places.  
Now, albeit there was no talk of any war in France, but only by murmurs, and particular presages, more than any public declarations, 
War begun in France against the Truce.  many presumed that the war of Italy would give a beginning to that of France, yet the bruit being given out, how the Arthois and Henaute Garrisons were reinforced to make a check upon some of the Frontiers, the Admiral Governor of Picardy, thinking to play with the cunningest, meant to prevent them, and first of all, himself to break the Truce in Picardy. In such sort, as about the beginning of januarie. 1557. having ambushte himself near Dovay, he had entered in, in the night, while the most part of the Garrison was drunk, with drinking and crying the king drinks, had not an old woman by her long and loud cryings out, of Arm, Arm, the French, given in the end the Alarm through out, having soon enough discovered some indiscreet persons among the foremost of the French. But being returned to Lans in Arthois, and entered within, 
The Admiral breaketh the Truce in France.  he suffered it to be so peeled, as the imperials for a long time reproached those cruelties to the French: beside that they alleged the taking thereof, among the first occasions of the breach of Truce.  
You see then on this and that side, the spaniard and French disposed to war, seeking all means to ruin themselves more furiously than ever. Now for that the broils in Piedmont, as the first seem to me more remarkable, jointe that certain months passed over in France, and the Countries bordering about, in the preparations of a future war, without any other more notable effects then above rehearsed, I will remember again the Mareschall Brissac, to show you, how having taken the imperials at unawares, he pursued the point of his advantages.  
After the departure of the Duke of Guise and his army, the Mareschall gave himself to fortify and munition Valence with all that was necessary: abiding notwithstanding, a certain time in Lomline, to hold the General of the imperials in suspense of his disseins. And had undertaken matters of greater importance, had money been in his hands to content his people, and furnish out such things as were needful for him. But for want thereof, resolved to retire himself, and keep his advantages, he furnished Casal, Montcalue, Valence, and Santia, each of them with ten ensigns of infantry, and some cavalry, against the enterprises of the marquess, whose Forces grew greater to the diminution of the French, for the occasions abovesaid. And albeit that the want of money, and the cutting off already made by the King of certain Companies of Piedmont, as well in number as in pay, were sufficient occasions to hinder the Estate of his affairs in that Country, he sent unto the Mareschall notwithstanding about the end of February, that in any sort soever, he should not meddle with the dead pays. And that every month he should send him an account, to the end he mought assign warrant for money to the treasurer of the extraordinary: without any whit regarding how nothing having been sent for the artillery carriages, pioneers, munitions, commissaries, and matters unlooked for, the Mareschall said he was fain to help himself with those dead pays. So as founding upon such defaults the small advancement which he made in Piedmont, & seeing how he preached to a deaf ear, he besought but in vain his Majesty, about the month of May, to send some Gentleman unto him, to control his actions, to the end that no evil mought be presumed of him. This notwithstanding, albeit that he durst not muster his army, for fear of mutinies, through want of pay, and that he was resolved not to remain idle, he employed his credit to recover a sum of money, to make a loan unto the companies of infantry, attending the kings money. And having thus made them to go into the field, he led them, for the execution of the Counsel, to batter, and take in parley, the 22. of April, Valeserniere, notwithstanding the great and continual rains, all the while that the siege endured. A Town which wasted all Piedmont, and scoured the way from Ast, to Coney, Queras, and Emerast: and Queras being with the self same fury, besieged, battered, and suddenly assailed, was taken by force the 29. of April, the fourth day of the siege. Whereupon to increase this fire of good will, and make the poor soldier to live, more upon the expense of the enemy, then of the ally, the siege of Coney was resolved upon and begun in the same month. Whether the K. sent money, which very little exceeded the only pay of the Zwizers. The Mareschall notwithstanding appointed mustars to be taken, of the French and Italian infantry. But as soon as the soldiers knew, that they would give but a crown a piece to a man, and that by the hands of the treasurer, the soldiers were not slack to mutiny, and go away in great Troops, considering their long services, which had never been acknowledged, and the new fashion of paying them, by other men's hands than their Captains: who showing themselves no less grieved, and resting the beholders of such insolences, without stirring to punish any, they made the Marshal go himself to procure them to return back, and assure them that the money should be delivered unto their Captains, to distribute as they were accustomed. And albeit that so little money did not much content them, yet the siege was continued. In which the Mareschall seeing that the battery wrought no great effect, and yet they which were besieged, showed a countenance as if they would yield if they were lustily pursued, it was agreed that a mine should be made, right against the Battery. Wherein they wrought long with danger and difficulty notwithstanding. But in in the end being finished, well closed, and sealed up, the fire put, and the assault given by the ruin which it had left, the order established for the assault was so evil kept, and besides the Soldiers went so slackly to work, as the Master of the Camp being slain, and a number of Gentlemen and Soldiers, who were the first which advanced foremost, being dead on the earth, and the rest beaten back with the hurt of many gallant men, the event showed how of an army evil satisfied, full of Captains and Soldiers discontented and disobedient, no other success ought to be hoped for then unfortunate.  
In the mean time the Mareschall sent to declare unto the King, together with the necessities of his army, and the fear lest all would turn to ruin for him, the instance which the Duke of Ferrara made, to cause the French army to approach to the Duchy of Milan, to the end to help it with his forces and disseins: and likewise the impossibility of being able to satisfy it, without paying at least the infantry.  
Not long after, the Mareschall having received news, how the marquess of Pescare was arrived at Fossan, with some forces in intention to approach near Coney, to favour them within, or assay to compel the siege to be raised, a Counsel was held, and resolved to abandon Coney, to march right towards the marquess. But as soon as he perceived the Mareschall to approach, he retired into Fossan, to the which the French still approached. By means whereof the marquess fearing to be enclosed there, consequently himself to reduce this place to extreme necessity, he wrought so well, as with the whole Infantry he gained Coney: But from thence not knowing how to return, he was constrained to lead his men a traverse the mountains to gain the Sea shore, and save his people as well as he mought. The difficulty of the ways notwithstanding was found such, as he lost many of his people, and they which saved themselves, so weary, and defeated, as it was not possible to be more. As for his men at arms, and his cavalry, they remained still within Fossan. Therefore it was agreed, that waste should be made there round about. And further that Forces should be laid all a longest the passages and ways, that none of the cavalry mought escape.  
During the time that it was thus enclosed, many fair feats, and notable skirmishes were undertaken, and diversly executed: Namely by the vidame of Chartres, Colonel of the infantry of Piedmont, D'Anuille de Terrides, and others, with so good watch kept all alongst the passages, as many Troops of this cavalry, which was no less than between one thousand and twelve hundred horse, were entrapped and defeated. The French in the mean space, entertained the siege before Coney, and many Gentlemen and Captains travailed, who should be marked to work most to the damage of the besieged. Among the rest, word was sent unto the King of the feats done by the vidame, since the raising of the siege. Especially in the breaking up of mills, which had been repaired by them of the Town, blocked with a number of Forts, which marvelously annoyed him. And likewise the happy enterprises achieved about Fossan, by De Termes, Gonor, D'Anuille, and other, who gave so small rest to their Troops of cavalry, especially their light horse, whose coursing out were more ordinary, & remarkable, as all thought they had yielded occasions enough unto his Majesty, to be well and sufficiently requited, for so well performing of their duty.  
You shall see how, and wherefore the means wanted unto their Prince rather than the will, through the accidents, which less fortunate in other places of France then in Piedmont, happened at the same time, to counterpoise the Mareschals good fortune by the disgrace of his Constable, as I will make you to perceive, if you well and diligently mark all the notable particularities, which I will deduce upon such and so important an occurrence. For it is less than nothing to know the inconvenience of the journey of Saint Quentins: That is known as well to fools as wise men, young, and old, men and women, homebirdes and strangers, friends & enemies. But to apply it to one's profit, to the surety, and advancement of the State, one must understand the beginning and true motive: diligently, and with affection mark the means as well forced as voluntary, by which this disfavour happened: then note the effects of them, and in the end consider the good and the bad, which hath ensued unto France, and the Countries about, under the obedience of these two Princes. This is called to reason of, and to read Histories as it appertaineth. The which I will do, having represented unto you the deportement of the Duke of Guise, and his Army in Italy.  
From Plaisantin the Duke of Guise went to Regge, a Town which appertained to the D. of Ferrara his father in law, who met him at Pont de Leuz, & all in company, with the Cardinal Caraffe, sent thither by the Pope entered within Regge, where they consulted of the dissein, means, & conduct of this war. Some would have gone into Lombardie to attempt the getting of Cremone and Pavia, whilst that Brissac did his duty upon that side of Novarre and Valence. Other who considered that in so doing they should give leisure to the Duke of Alva to fortify himself, and to make a levy of men, as well within the kingdom of Naples as Tuscan, without forcing for all that, any one of those Towns furnished with all things necessary, were of opinion that they should rush upon Tuscan to deliver Siene out of the Florentines and Spaniards hands. The Cardinal Caraffe found it most advantageous to assail the kingdom of Naples, by the March of Ancone (the territory of the ancient Picentines) saying that on that side of Terre de Labour, he might conquer as much of the Country as seemed good unto him. But the Duke of Ferrara maintained, that the Duke of Guise being come for the cause of his holiness, he ought likewise to go strait on to Rome, and employ himself to the defence of the Pope. And that afterwards the rest should be thought of. That in the mean time he would keep himself with his forces in his own Countries, forasmuch as he trusted not the Duke of Parma his neighbour, 
D. of Ferrara at Venise and why  having entered into league with king Philip: and that he feared besides least the Florentine would make roads into his lands, if he esloigned himself. 
Corregge taken by the Spaniards upon the D. of Ferrara.  So as according to this advise the Duke of Guise marched with Caraffe towards Bologne, and the Duke of Ferrara leaving the Prince Alphonce his son for his lieutenant, went to Venise to answer the Ambassador of Spain, who made there grievous complaints against him, blaming the Pope, and King Henrye to make war unjustly against his Master, and to break the truce so necessary to Christendom: beseeching the Seigneurie to make war against the Ferrarois, and to enter into league with the Catholic King. Now as the Duke of Ferrara sojourned at Venise, the marquess of Pescare seized upon the Town of Corregge, 
The French army in Italy.  whence sprang the first beginning of the war in the Country of Ferrara. An occasion, that the Duke leaving Venise returned into his own lands, to fortify Modene, Carpi, and other places of his Seigneuries: whilst that the Duke of Guise at Bologne, complained to the Pope's ministers, how he saw no such preparation of war, as had been promised unto the King. But they contented him, when they told him that there were ten thousand men in the March d'Ancone. And having passed by Imole, Rauenne, Faenze, & Cesene, he came to Rimini, where he viewed, and mustered his Troops, which he found to amount unto five thousand Switzers, over which the marquess d'Albauf his brother commanded: four thousand Grisons, seven thousand French, and Gascoignes, some Italians, five hundred and fifty men at arms, and fifteen hundred light horse. Over the infantry commanded the Duke of Nevers. Cipierre was Master of the Campe. Tauannes, and La Motte Gondrin, were Mareschalles of the Campe. On the other side the Mareschall Brissac coming out with his Forces into the field, caused Valle-Feniere to be besieged, a strong place situate between Ast, and Carmignolle, which he enforced to yield by composition, for the want of victuals which the spaniards had that held it: afterwards it was ruined topsy-turvy. This done, he made Chiavasse to be assailed, a Castle situate in a high place, and bordering upon Ulpian, which he carried away, albeit it was furnished with all things necessary, and there he put in a strong Garrison to keep it. While these things were a doing, the Duke of Alva caused his Army to turn head, 
D. of Alva in the Kingdom of Naples.  as though he meant to go to the Kingdom of Naples to defend it, imagining that the Duke of Guise would martche thither. Then he furnished, & fortified the towns of Arbuzze, a country neighbouring to the march of Acone, and in the mean space the Duke of Guise took Campilio, and besieged Civitelle, situate upon the Tiber on Tuscan side, mounted upon a high hillock, having a rock for the foundation of the walls, and of a most hard access unto it. So as nature serving it for a rampire, it seemed almost impregnable, through the great steeps of her most deep valleys, all alongst which runneth the river Viperate. An occasion that it lay not in the power of the French to enforce it, but they were fain to levy the siege after they had lost many good soldiers and valiant men. Likewise little did the Marshal of Brissac gain at the same time by the siege of Conie: For albeit that he had battered day and night this place appertaining to the Duke of Savoy, yet he was feign to leave it in the end, for the succour which the marquess of Pescare had brought thither. Now albeit the Duke of Guise advanced little before Civitelle, the Duke of Alva notwithstanding came to levy the siege. 
Civitelle rescued from the French.  So as having sent certain troops under the charge of Garsie de Toledo, and County de Pepoly, to see what countenance the French made, they were so roughly reencountered, as Garsie being defeated, and his troops put in rout, Pierre Henriques master of the Duke of Alva his camp, was there taken, and almost all the Spaniards cut in pieces, by the vidame of Chartres, Tauannes, Cipierre, and others. Afterwards the French being constrained to leave the place for the reasons abovesaid, were drawn to Mont-fort by the inhabitants, who saying they were not able to support the insolency of the Spaniards, would not be reduced under the obedience of the Pope. But they could not yield the town, which was the cause that the Duke de Palliane having battered it and scaled it, carried it away by assault. The Spaniards being retired by another place of the Town, and so the Citizens bore their penance, being well peeled, their town burned, and half ruined. Afterwards the Duke of Palliane, and the Marshal Strozzie joined both their forces with the Duke of Guise's. Who seeing that what the Pope's Legates and Nounces promised unto the King, was but wind without effect, and that there was no means to increase his forces in Italy, as the Duke of Alva did his ordinarily: he wrote unto the King, giving him to understand, that without new succours it was unpossible for him to advance his design, considering his enemies forces, and the small favour which he found in those quarters. Some have left in writing, that that which moved the Duke of Guise to write in that manner unto the King, was for that he was advertised, how Codognac the king's Ambassador at Constantinople, was dismissed of his charge, and La Vigne put into his place. And as he attended one hundred Turkish Galleys which were promised by Soliman to Codognac for his succours, he received intelligence how the Turk had changed his mind, through some too high words uttered by La Vigne. Others say that it was through the practice of some French men, enemies to La Vigne. In such sort as the kings service was thus retarded in Italy, for occasions slight enough. Natalis County of Nuovolare, confessed that the Turk would not stir one whit in this business for the king in Italy, for that he saw no profit redound to himself. joint that he doubted least the Christians agreeing together would seek to diminish his forces, and afterwards make some attempt against him. And in deed those which were in Corpse at such time as Dragut-Rais brought thither the Turks succours, know that when the French besieged Calui, as the Turks had demanded the first point of the assault, seeing themselves cruelly and bloodily cut in pieces, they began to suspect and mistrust the Christians, to see how the Spaniards and the Frenchmen made war the more gently one upon another. And Iorden Vrsin had enough to do to content them, and to pull out that hard impression which they had conceived against the French.  
The Duke of Guise in sum, seeing how on all parts the effects failed of so rich promises as had been made unto his master, and confirmed unto him since his coming into Italy. join that the forces of the Spanish Duke began to grow greater, and increase in courage, by the advertisement which they had of the necessities of the French, before that his own were too much diminished, and the advantage too evidently turned elsewhere, resolved to put it to the hazard of one day. Therefore seeing himself near enough unto the Duke of Alva his camp, he presented battle unto him between Fermie and Ascolye. To which the Spaniarde would not hearken: Were it that he found himself too weak, or that he thought by delay he might better serve his turn. In the mean time King Philip had no sooner made the advantage of his army to appear in Picardy, but the King sent to the Duke of Guise, 
The Pope retaineth the d. of Guise  that he should retire home. Who seeing that all the burden of the war lighted on the King's arms, and that it was so far of from the Pope's furnishing of twenty thousand men, as he had promised, that he was not able to pay six thousand, nor disburse the fourth part of the charge of the army. joint that the Ferrarois were so far from succouring the Pope or the King, as the Duke of Guise was feign to aid him with some of his men, fearing beside least the Pope would make a peace without comprehending the King therein, concluded to return into France. But the Pope fearing to be left alone, and lest he should be afterwards compelled to accord at the will and discretion of the Spaniard, swore unto him that he would never agree without the kings advise and consent thereto: and how for the better assurance thereof he would send his son the Duke of Palliane, as hostage into France. So as this so large an offer retained the French longer, during whose vain abode there happened the defeat of Saint Quentin in Permandois. Which being known at Rome, so greatly astonished the Pope, as seeing himself out of all hope to have any further succour out of France, he resolved to follow the counsel of sundry Cardinals, which very earnestly solicited him to make a peace with the Spaniarde. Who in the mean time determined to plant again the siege before Rome: not that he was in any hope to take it, but only to enforce the Pope to a peace, which he knew was greatly desired by the Catholic king. But the Duke of Guise understanding this design, and the effects thereof, failed not to approach unto Tivoli, a place situated upon the Teveron, to front the enemy, and to enforce him to levy his siege. The which was the cause that by all the means they possibly could, they hastened the treaty of the peace sought by the Venetians, and the Duke of Florence. The Pope sending on the eight of September in his name, the Cardinals Carlo Caraffe, Saint Fior, and Vitolloce, with some Roman Lords towards the Duke of Alva, who as then lay at Canie, a place situate in the Roman Country, near to Pilastrine, to confer of the whole.  

Peace negotiated, and by whom.  Between whom it was concluded and agreed, that the Duke of Alva and the Cardinal Caraffe would resolve thereof together at Benessan, which is not far from them: having each of them ample power and commission from their master, to determine and conclude of all things, according as the Pope's Letters carried for the Cardinal Caraffe, dated the eighth day of September, 1557. at Rome: and king Phillips, for Don Ferdinand Aluarez de Toledo, Duke of Alva, dated the five and twenteeths of july. In sum, the peace was concluded between the Pope and the Spaniard, and such were the Articles: 
Articles of peace between the Pope and the Spaniard.  That the Duke of Alva doing all kind of obeisances due, and submissions in the name of the king of Spain his master, should beseech pardon of the Pope's holiness: That he should receive him as his good and obedient son, participating unto him such graces as were common to other: That king Philip should do the like, by an Ambassador expressly sent from him to Rome: That the Pope as a merciful and debonarie Father, should receive the Catholic king as his son, and give unto him all such graces as he was wont to do, and accord to other Christian kings: That his holiness should renounce the league with the French king, and declare himself a father to the one and the other of both the kings, without any one more than the other: That the Catholic King should render up all the towns, places, castles, and fortresses, being of the domain of the Church, which had been taken since the overture of this war. He should make be builded again and repaired, all such as had been ruined and dismembered by the Spaniards: That all the artillery taken on the one side or the other, in what sort so ever, should be restored again into the hands of his ancient possessor: That they should forget all such executions as had been done by justice during this war, were it by death or banishment: and all confiscations of what persons whatsoever, without any man's researching after into them. As also all such as through this dissension were driven out of their lands, goods, and dignities, should be restored into their good renown, goods, honours, states, and dignities, right actions, and Seignouries. Provided that they had lost these things by means of this war, to the end this peace might not be available to Mark Anthony Colone, nor to Ascaigne de la Corn, but that they should remain outlawed, at the will and discretion of the holy Father. That the Duchy of Palliane should be put in such estate as it was then, by the consent and good liking of both parties, into the hands of jean Barnardin Carbon, which was the sequestrer, who should swear to the Pope and the Catholic King, to keep faith to both parties, and observe the articles and agreements made and accorded between the Duke of Alva and the Cardinal Caraffe. Which Carbon was to have the keeping of the Town of Palliane, having under him eight hundred soldiers, paid by the Pope and the Catholic king.  
These Articles were sworn to in the name of the said Princes, the Pope, and king Philip, by the Cardinal Caraffe and the Duke of Alva, according to the Commission and faculties given unto them, swearing by the souls of their Princes, to observe all the whole without fraud, cavilling, or any exception whatsoever: adding a truce for a certain time, containing passport and safeconduct to the Duke of Guise, and to all the Captains and soldiers of the king of France, to depart out of Italy, and the Countries appertaining unto king Philip, as well by sea as by land. Afterwards they signed and sealed the whole in the presence of the Cardinals of S. flower, and Vitelle, who likewise signed the present Treatise. And forsomuch as it was not set down therein to whom Palian should appertain, since that the sequestrer kept it in the name of both the princes contracting, there were secret articles agreed upon between the Cardinal Caraffe and the Duke of Alua. In which it was contained, how that it should remain at the will and discretion of the catholic king, either to ruin or leave that place in her entire, without being lawful for him to repair or fortify it, until the said Lord King had given some place of like value and revenue to the Pope's son for recompense. And any difference falling out upon that exchange, the Senate of Venice should give judgement thereof, without either the one or the other parties refusing to obey what should be ordained by that signory. And the recompense being once made by king Philip, he might then bestow the place of Palian upon whom it liked him best, saving any such as were an enemy to the Church of Rome. And that he which should have Palian in sequestration, should be bound to departed so soon as the place were dismembered. Such was the issue of the affairs of Italy, and of the army which the King sent for the Pope's succour, the which was followed with a strange overflowing inundation of Tiber, as I will cause you to see elsewhere.  
Now that each party had of a long time turned his designs to the war, covered notwithstanding by the conclusion of this truce, yet had the Spanish Council much better and from longer hand provided for the preparatives and inconveniences thereof. For Philip put as soon an army against that of Italy (by which he drew out of the realm, the flower of the nobility, and the most renowned Captains and soldiers which were there) the most accomplished and best furnished with all necessaries of any that had been seen of long time. 
The designs & old preparations of king Philip.  To the end he would not fail to set forward his first fortune, which he meant to prove in the view of all the potentates of Europe, especially of the French, in whom he meant to engrave by the beginning of his enterprises such a dread of his forces & means, as that for ever after they should be more stayed, and less stirring against him, than they had been against any of his ancestors. Henry on the contrary (as the French is never advised but upon the blow) providing only for his army which marched to affranchise the Pope from his enemies, 
designs and preparations of king Henry.  (to whom succours was almost as soon promised as demanded) having understood but too late, through want of intelligence the galliard preparatives of Philip, found himself no less astonished to see he was taken at a lift, than perplexed through the difficulty, whereof report was made unto him, of finding finances to levy, conduct, furnish, and employ so gross an army withal. Which to hinder the entry and sack of his realm to so puissant a neighbour and ancient enemy, was a matter necessary for the richest and poorest Prince of Christendom, (through the abundance, and yet evil husbanding of his means) in making ready the preparatives, whereof he knew a great deal better the difficulties which presented themselves to the executions of his haughty designs, by the complaints which all the estates of his Realm made to be resounded on all parts, as soon as the bruit of another war refreshed their memory with remembrance of so many sorrows passed.  
Two houses at this time possessed king Henry more than any other of his realm, that of Guise and Monmorencie, both of them recommended for the antiquity, valour, and renown of their races, virtuously employed to the profit and honour of the crown of France. But that being the greater, better allied, richer, and of more renown throughout all Christendom, would not acknowledge the Monmorencian equal to itself, saving in the favour of the Prince, whose grace towards the Constable mounted so far, as that he would conceal nothing from him, do all things by his advise, and vouchsafe him sometimes to be his bedfellow, the honour and respect being kept still such as he ought. So as being set in authority, through the credit and exceeding virtue, as well of his four sons, as of his three nephews of Chastillon, and other his kinsmen, who bore honourable offices, all of them within the realm, he seemed to have no need of desiring the increase of aught, but only a continuance of his greatness, provided that no disaster did cross the course of so happy a pursuit. Those of Guise no less supported by the merit of their own valour, and put in authority through the ancient renown of so many princes, issued out of the house of Lorraine, sought to make themselves greatest in the king's favour, by a far greater number of signal services with Charles and Frances of Guise, might do to the flower de Luce. So as, as well to continue their own duty, as their ancestors and fathers, they had undertaken the voyage of Italy, to the end to deliver Pope julie out of the Spaniards hands: and if promise should be kept with them, to employ themselves to the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, hoping by that means much more to extol the king's power & credit among foreign nations▪ Charles' and De Guise Cardinals remaining only behind in Court to entertain the king to the conduct of such a dessein. Which likewise was greatly favoured by Diane de Poitiers, sole heir to S. Valier, Duke of Valentinois, who to employ thereto that part of her credit, which her beauty, comely carriage, and quickness of spirit (graces hateful enough to the virtuous Katherine de Medici's Queen of France) had gained unto her of the king, had given one of her daughters in marriage to De Guise Earl of Aumaule, who accompanied the Duke his brother into Italy. Now as all greatness standeth accompanied with the passions of the Court, upon the preparatives which king Philip made daily, to be revenged of the losses abovesaid, men began to show unto the king the damage and dishonour, which through the absence of his forces, the breach of truce so solemnly sworn would bring unto him: how the Duke of Guise had spent one hundred and three score thousand crowns a month, without having done aught else than seen Civitelle, a frontier town of Naples the small, or rather no advantage at all, which he had received by the breach thereof. How that the king of Spain being well settled in his quarters within Italy, had assembled together such forces, as it was an easy matter for him to advance the ruin of France, if he should enter in against so few people as were to present themselves unto him, in the rank of whom, notwithstanding the Constable humbly besought his majesty to place him, that he might employ therein, together with his own means, the life of himself, his kinsmen, friends, and such other as would follow him in such an enterprise, as much perforced and uncommodious as it was. The king greatly bewailed such an accident: but as he was one of the best princes and most easy to be managed, as France ever saw, he did not greatly torment himself, through the hope which the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Duchess of Valentinois had given unto him. How the whole matter could not but receive an happy issue, and how that the Constable, chief of arms, might assemble men enough to make head to the Spaniard, if it would please his majesty but to send him towards the frontiers, there to make ready the camp. The which he was commanded to do. So as he departed from Compeigne, (where the king as then lay governed by those of Guise) with speed enough to go to Nostre dame de Liesse, there to receive his troops together, which should be sent unto him out of all parts. In the mean time they studied upon all means (the king's treasure being already drawn dry) how to procure money for the entertaining of such an army, in which appeared great difficulties, accompanied with grievous complaints in many places. In sum, besides the great and ordinary impostes which were levied upon the people, new taxes and particular loans were put upon them, with surcharges so excessive, as they grew intolerable upon the third estate, which the continuance of the wars had already eaten almost to the bare bones. The ministers and beneficed men of the Church; albeit they alleged how that they were exempt, & privileged from such charges, were never a whit spared, but seized according to their tenths, to the utmost value of the revenue of their Benefices. The Nobility but even freshly returned from the wars passed, with a hope of a good repose, to help up themselves again, settle order in their houses, and establish their revenues to come, was again called, as well to appear in the Rirebandes, as to enroll themselves in the kings ordinances, who dispatched commissions to levy new companies, and to fill up the old. The Ringrave bringing unto him one thousand Pistolliers, and eight hundred Lansknets, came to join with his forces. In the mean space to prevent the first designs of his enemy, to favour the advancement of the fortifications upon the frontiers, and whilst that the army was making ready, at the end of januarie, 1557. the rest of the men at arms of France, were sent as the most ready force which the king had, to be divided among the most dangerous frontiers, especially in campaign. For that the imperials ordinarily made their descent most that ways, and to favour the fortification of Rocroy, which served as a counterfort and support to Mariembourg and Maubert Fontaine. Fortifying in like sort, and munitioning the rest of the places upon the frontier, they repaired up again the platform and pan of the wall behind the castle of Mezieres, which was much fallen down. The spring notwithstanding and most part of the Summer passed over, without any matter worthy of memory, saving the attempt of certain of the garrisons upon Roc Roy, which I will show unto you. After having represented the place to the natural. 
Roc Roy and his representation.  It is a barren soil more than two leagues round about it, where you can see nothing but high woods, standing water, and marishes, especially in the waist & unmanured places groweth nothing but briars, thorns, broom, and heath, for that the mould thereof is clay: the plains & bottoms all moorish where the fort standeth. The rest of the places are hard and sharp rocks, without any moisture or bearing of fruit, saving catmint and moss, which maketh it far unfit for the encamping of an army, by means of the seat and barrenness of the place. The fort hath five frontes, which they term in form of Pantagone, covered and defended with four great bulwarks, garnished with their flankers, Cazamates, & platforms: then the old fort which serveth for the fift, each carrying his particular name, so great and spacious, that every one may lodge two thousand soldiers, and a great deal of artillery. A matter very commodious for the retrenches and rampires against the enemy.  
Moreover, the defences there are so surely covered, and without any danger of battery, that it is very uneasy to take them away: joint that the heels and shoulders thereof are so large and thick, that they cover a great part of the Courtines. And for the better enduring of the rampire, the turf and the earth is so clay and slammie, as if it soak in never so little water, it stiffneth and hardeneth enough of itself. Therefore the fourth of April the imperial garrisons being assembled together, marched so secretly to break down the bank, which as yet was reared but two foot high, as thinking that the most part of the soldiers would sally out upon their curriors, with resolution to cut off their way, and so hue them in pieces. Then (together with such as fled to enter pell-mell within the fort) they saw the soldiers even and anon sallying out file a file to the skirmish, against the first, as the indiscreet heat of the French doth always carry. But the whole company coming upon them to cut off their retreat, the rest which were within the fort in arms, to make the view and deal the last, issued forth so readily, and with such resolute charges, as the other were constrained to draw back and retire themselves in the end, to defend themselves from the number of Cannon shot which played upon them with out ceasing.  
Passing over thus some time in these light attempts, the seventh of june the Queen of England sent an Herald of arms to proclaim war unto the king, who, the king having made it be declared unto him by the Constable, how graciously he used him, in respect of the punishment which he deserved, in that he had passed through his realm without safe conduct, was courteously sent back with presents, and his answer: which was, how he accepted of the defiance, in hope to make her know, that without any occasion at all she had offered this unto him, considering the good offices which had passed as well from himself as his ancestors towards her and her nation.  
Likewise it was sufficiently enough apparent, how that she had been as it were importuned hereunto by her husband, in respect of the divisions and partialities of that Realm, as well between the English and the Spaniards, as among the English themselves. The most part imagining how that their new king, diminishing their forces and means by such wars, would seek the more easily to make himself master of their fortresses, and usurp the superintendance, which he so much longed after, to manage all things at his own will and pleasure. You shall elsewhere see what ensued hereupon. In july the Prince of Piedmont, Almora Earl of Eguemond, the Duke of Ascot, and others, prepared an army at Giuets, curious to perform the matter better than they did at the first attempt. Which they had assembled together for to have surprised Rocroy, at the very first push. But their vant curriers were so lustily set upon by those which issued out to the skirmish, as the gross coming to assist and support them after a long meley of hot buckling together, and infinite Cannon shot which reigned among them, was constrained in the end to leave a great number of their dead behind in the field, whilst they turned upon the frontier of Picardy, 
K. Phillip's army.  as if they had meant to have attempted upon Guise, before which the whole imperial army lay of thirty five thousand men, and twelve thousand horse, tarrying for eight thousand Englishmen: who landing at Calis and in the County Doye, 
K. Henry's army.  was to join with them at Saint Quentines. King Henry his army assembled itself at the same time at Atygnie. But as their foresight was not so great as the Spanish, no more was their number, nor their means found to be alike. There might be about eighteen thousand fantassins of Almains and French, five or six thousand horse, of light men at arms, as well French as Almain, coasting always notwithstanding the imperials within four or five leagues following, the Country of Tierasche, resolved to close themselves within Pierre Ponte, a place very commodious to overrun the whole frontier, and there to distribute succours among the garrisons, with surety of those troops which should keep the field.  
The advantage which grew unto the imperials through their long foresight, 
The advantages which the Spaniards & Flemings had over the French.  having brought forth unto them so strong an army, and the variable and diligent dismarch of their troops, caused that the French being insolent, and contemning the enemies forces, (against whom ordinarily they esteemed it enough to prepare themselves upon the blow and intelligence which presented itself) did in no sort provide to withstand the enterprise of Philip, and being at the very pinch uncertain of his intent, they were not able to judge by the deportments of his army to what place he meant, whereby they might furnish it as were necessary. So as first the kings council, and afterwards the Constables, being divided into two parts, some thought that the Prince of Piedmont would undertake nought else, and turned to no other end than to make an honourable retreat. For that not having been able to assemble his army together so soon as he imagined, through the distance of so many divers countries, as he was to draw his men out of, and other discommodities, the opportunity was escaped him, far attempting any matter of great importance. Especially for that he was repulsed from the Frontier of champaign, whither they said his principal intent was. And albeit that other were of a contrary opinion, assuring how there was a certain complotte, an assured Rendezvous, and a full foresight determined, whither he meant to turn his Forces, as unto a matter which he held already half conquered, being well advertised of such want, as there mought be, so far, as the Admiral did assure, (by intelligence received) the Constable his Uncle, how that the Prince meant to have a blow at Picardy, as a place very evil provided. joint that the Spanish bands which were within new Hedin, (the best Troops which they had) were not as yet dislodged: the French, (as men's senses being dispersed do less apprehend one of those things which they do behold, then if they were all fixed upon that alone) being curious to furnish the whole, provided not sufficiently either for the army, or any other of those places, whereby they mought stay the enemy, who still entertained them with his long delays, and irresolutions, through the uncertainty of his dissein, until that the Prince, having made a show, as though he would first encamp before Guise, then at Mariembourg, had enclosed round S. Quentins with his light cavalry. 
S. Quentin environed round before that the French once thought thereof and less provided for it.  And at the same instant causing his whole army to martche with extreme diligence, he found himself encamped round about it, before that ever he could be thought to have been half way. The suddenness whereof made the whole Camp to doubt lest the place would be taken by surprise, as well for want of men, as other provisions and fortifications within the Town, which had but the Captain Brueil for governor, and Telligny, Lieutenant to the Dauphin, of a Company of one hundred men at arms: the better part of whom were therein Garrison, at which the Inhabitants grew so greatly discontented, considering as they alleged, that their privileges did exempt them from them, as whatsoever ensued thereupon, was rather attributed to their own fault then to any others. The Admiral, being commanded by the Constable, to get into the Town with as many men as he should be able, under a hope of being succoured by him: 
Gaspard Coligny Admiral and Governor of Piccardie getteth into S. Quentin.  albeit that jarnac and Lusarche offered themselves to go thither, and keep him from adventuring so great a danger, persuading him to employ himself somewhere else, where he should be able to do the King more signal service, then to cast away himself there within, did so much notwithstanding, as with four hundred & fifty men, as well horse as foot, he entered in. Afterwards having made the Round about the walls, encouraged the Inhabitants: whom he assembled together in the common Hall, visited the whole Town through, overlooked the provisions and munitions of war, and given the quarters unto Companies, he provided for all the rest the best which he was able. Now for that julian Romero, and Carondelet spanish Captains had already gained the bulwark of Fauxbourg d'Isle, where they had settled their ensigns, notwithstanding any resistance which could be made. joint that it was without parapette, and the earth without as high as within, the Admiral issued out to regain it, and to burn the houses about. But the besieged were so evil received, and hotly pursued, as many returned hurt, counseling the Admiral to abandon that Fauxbourg, considering the small number of men which he had, and the two passages to the Flankers thereof, by which the enemy mought cut between the Fauxbourg and the Town, and so hinder the retreat of such as should defend it. But he would needs still hold it until a greater occasion were offered, to set a good countenance upon it. Hereupon being willing to view the encamping of his enemies, he commanded Teligny, to cause 50. horse of his Company to sally out under the conduct of some assured man at arms, only to view, 
How a sally ought to be made upon the enemy.  enjoining them by no means to sight, and especially, that he should not go himself: But seeing the Couriers engaged, and in disorder, he was no sooner advanced without armour, and upon a bad court all to cause them to retire, but he was wrapped in, thrown down to the ground, wounded to death, strippeth naked, and afterward carried away by a soldier, who hazarded his life, for the reward, which the Admiral had promised unto him. This done, perceiving the preparratives of the enemy to batter the Fauxbourg d'Isle, having carried away whatsoever was portable, and provided for the burning of the houses upon the watch word given, he quitted it, and caused the whole to be burned. Now as the Inhabitants had hid their provisions, notwithstanding any commandment or diligence used to forbid them, (among whom the Mayor alone and the Sire de Gibercourte, were noted to do their duty) so their fault in concealing the powder, which had lain a long time hid in the Towers of the gate of the Fauxbourg d'Isle, was a cause of great inconvenience. For to the end they mought carry it away, as soon as it was discovered, the cakes being all rotten and mouldering into pieces, they were fain to put it into blankettes, where the fire took so at unawares, with such violence, of this devilish mixtion, as it made a breach of more than five and thirty paces, 
Gunpowder.  besides the loss of six and thirty serviceable men, which went all into smoke. Whereupon the enemy had a fair occasion presented to undertake some thing to his advantage, if the fire of the houses of the Fauxbourg which burned, had not taken away the sight of this breach from the spaniards, who mought easily have entered in at the beginning, for that every man was retired to feed, and other necessaries. And albeit that the Constable greatly pained himself, to get succour into the Town, according to the advise, which he had received from the Admiral, who to this end had sent forth Vaupergue, and from the top of a steeple had showed him by what ways they were to take their course, yet Dandelot his brother was not able to bring any in, for that certain Englishemens prisoners among the spaniards, had advertised them of this enterprise. An occasion that having entrenched and furnished the high way to Han, by which they were to pass with arquebusiers, (for so much as that quarter being allotted to such Englishmen as were joined unto King Philip's Army, was less peopled with men of war) the third part was there slain, 
Means to send succours to the besieged, and how to be better assured.  and the rest enforced to save themselves, albeit they had a number of men at arms and light horse to assist them with hot alarms, whilst that they should enter in: In the mean space to view the Country, and to hinder the enemy from enlarging himself, attempting upon him as occasions were proffered. But Vaupergue, had not sufficiently marked the places which were showed unto him for his entrance in, but gave strait upon a Corpse de guard of Fantassins, in stead of passing between it, and one other of cavalry. Where he should have found nothing but Sentinels, and have been able to gain a little hill, all alongst the Vines, by which the Captain S. Andre had entered in by fair day light. An occasion that the Admiral had now enough to do, to encourage the besieged, assuring them that the Constable would not suffer them to be lost within, and that together with himself, so many Gentlemen would not tarry there if they supposed they should be but lost. It was about this time, that nine thousand Englishmen, & 1500. horse, 
Englishmen joined to K. Philip's Army.  arrived at the camp under the charge of the Earl of Pembroke, Clinton, and Grace, lodged as I before told you. In the mean time the Admiral caused 700. idle months to be put cut, to ease the town so much in favour of the voluntary men. The Prince even as soon made his trenches, and aproches against the port of Romicourt, under the favour of the hedges and trees, which had not been before cut up by the besieged. Whereof the Admiral advertised the Constable, and of the marish, by which way only they were then able to secure them: promising to rampire and fill up certain little deep channels, which hindered their passage. The which he did by the Captain S. Romain: and to cross the River which runneth through and overfloweth this marish: they caused four boats to be brought, upon which, being chained together, and reaching from the one shore to the other, they might well have passed, if they had been able to land on the bank, whilst that a hot alarm were given to the whole camp. Upon which the Constable being resolved, he departed the 8. of August from La Fere, with two thousand horse, four thousand Fantassins, as well Almains as French, training four field pieces alongst. Being arrived over against the village called Le grand Essigny: he made a stand, and taking the D. of Nevers, the Prince of Conde, and some others, he approached as near as he was able to S. Quentin, as far as the descent of the marish without discovering any enemy. Afterwards he sent Du Fumett to view nearer, and make report of the distance of the enemy from the town, and of the marish from them, together with the largeness of the river. The which he did, with two other more, who agreed somewhat with his report: whereupon on S. Laurence day in the morning the tenth of the month, there were set in battle, at the place of execution near La Fere sixteen French ensigns, and two and twenty Almain with fifteen pieces of artillery, whither the whole cavalry came to join with them. Then they advanced as far as S. Quentines by nine of the clock right to the fauxbourge de Lisle on the side of fourteen Spanish Ensigns, where the whole was set in order of battle. On the side beyond the water, and the marish, was the Prince of Piedmont & his army, far stretched forth, having for sentinel, within a mile on this side, two Spanish Ensigns, which were suddenly turned down and constrained to retire themselves beyond the causey. At the same instant the french artillery thundered so furiously upon the Camp, & especially into the Prince's Tent, as he had no leisure to put on his armour, to retire himself into the next quarter of the Count of Aiguemont: to whom every man retired in a strange disorder. Now for that they doubted a certain dangerous passage, distant about one league from Fauxbourg d'isle, (where the french Cavalry lay) they sent thither a cornet of the Renigraves' pistoliers, to the end to have news sooner by them, than footmen, which were rather like to be lost then succoured, as also that they were the more easily able to retire. And for a greater strength the D. of Nevers went thither with three companies of men at arms. Upon this the Constable used all means to make his men to enter in: but the boats not being able to come to the other shore, through the abundance of the soldiers, which entered in by such heaps, and disorderly, were so overladen, as by reason of the dirt and ouse in which they stuck, it was unpossible for any great number of men to pass over: beside at the going out of the boats, the press of the soldiers was such as they were not able to follow the ways and paths showed unto them. An occasion that they scattered▪ and fell into the deep ditches of the marish, whence they were not able to get out, but remained there all miry, and the most part drowned miserably.  

The Prince of Pimont resalueth to charge, to hinder the rest from entering in, or to break the French Army.  The Prince in the mean space having taken resolution to charge upon so few men before the appointed succours were all entered in, the artillery ceasing to annoy them, any further, caused the count of Aiguemont to pass over the passage with two thousand horse, which the French durst not encounter withal, and then two other Companies followed after with Battailions of foot, during whose passages, some gave counsel to the Constable to charge upon them which were already passed over. But their advice prevailed, who rather counseled a retreat, then to advance further with so few men, considering the furious dismartche of their enemies: joint that he was not come thither to hazzarde the Forces of France, except that he were greatly constrained thereunto. And further how he had succoured and furnished Saint Quintin with all necessaries, as he thought in spite of the enemy. Thus the Duke of Nevers retired to Louis de Bourbon Prince of Conde, who had the charge of certain light cavalry, which the Constable had caused to tarry at a Windemille. With whom being joined, and keeping the left wing, they came safe and sound unto the Constable, who always gained ground of the retreat, whilst that his enemy's increasing, advanced forwards, and had already gotten advantage of him, in eight great battailions of cavalry and Reistres. Yea, they viewed him so near, as the Constable imagining that he had well enough provided for the place, and that by the temporizing of his enemies, they would not dare to come back upon him, made no other account, then softly to retire. The which the enemy attributing in the beginning to an assured resolution of combat, showed himself uncertain of the charge, until that perceiving the Financiers, merchants and other, 
The occasion of the charge giving.  (following the Wars for their pleasure, or profit) to retire apace, to save themselves, with their money and merchandises, from an enemy so near unto them, and afterwards the servants, whom they caused to bate to retire, all which changing their pace to a gallop, astonied at the retreat of these merchants, retired themselves with great cries, witnesses of the fear which had already possessed them, it made the count of Aiguemont to think, who suddenly caused the Prince to be advertised thereof, that the French Army quaked, and that it was now time to try their fortune, and to charge upon such an advantage. In the end, this Flemmishe count, having after he had received commandment from the Prince, conferred a while with the Chief men which accompanied him, leaving the count of Saint Chevalsbourg, with his Regiment of Reistres to keep the passage, charged through a Flank with two thousand horse, at the same time as the Earls Henry and Eruest of Brunswich, each followed with one thousand Reistres, backed and encouraged by the count of Horn, with a thousand men at arms of the ordinances of the Country, set all as it were with one trot upon the other Flank, at the very same instant, as the Earls of Maunsfielde, Vuilen, Dostrat, and of Geldres with other three thousand horse, threw under foot the midst with such a fury, as having overthrown the first Ranks, and those which seconded them, all the surplus was put to flight.  
john of Bourbon Duke of Anguien, being beaten down, 
The defeat and rout of the French at S. Quentins.  and afterwards remounted, was slain at the second Charge, and in the end being brought unto the Prince, he caused him to be carried with all honour to be buried at La Fere.  
Francis de la Tour, Vicompte of Turaine, S. Gelais, and more than six hundred Gentlemen died there, with four thousand as well French as Almain Fantassins, and well near 300. men of mark taken prisoners. The D. of Nevers was retired to La Fere, Espevilles, Ensign to his men at arms, gave his colours to Chazeilles to save it. And his Guidon S. Simon being overthrown, had been taken prisoner, if D' Auerly had not slain him which carried him. The Constable sore wounded in the haunch, was carried away prisoner, and so was the Duke of Montpensier. As also the Mareschall S. Andre, Ludovic Prince of Mantoue, the Reingrave, Roche-foucat, S. Heron, 
Frenchmen dead, prisoners and escaped from the battle of S. Quentins.  Bordillon, Movy, Montsales, and many other of name. As soon as the infantry perceived this disorder, it set itself in square battailions, but being overthrown, resisted no whit at all. So as many lying bleeding, and dead upon the ground, the rest were led away prisoners by troops like muttons. Who at the coming of King Philip were presented unto him, with their weapons and colours, in triumph of so great and signal a Victory, happened between Essigny and Rizerolles. Being pursued by the space of four hours, until evening, from the Blanc-fosse where the slaughter began, unto the gallows distant one league from La Fere, where two pieces of Artillery only were recovered: the which Bordillon went afterwards to fetch, to carry them to La Fere, where the Duke of Nevers, Chief of the rest, the Prince of Conde, the count of Sancerre, Bordillon and other saved themselves. And shortly after such as were escaped from the combat, and out of prison, retired themselves in far greater number than was hoped for. But stripped of all they had.  

The Duke of Nevers Chief of such as escaped, reassembleth the rest of the battle, and how he provided for the whole.  This done, the Duke of Nevers sent round about, to make it known unto the dispersed sort, how that the Rendezvous of the Army was appointed at Laon, Where he assured them that they should receive their pay, which they had not seen of many months together. This done, having furnished the Frontiers with men and munitions the best which he was able, he advertised the King of the estate wherein his affairs stood, and besought the Prince of Piedmont, to send unto him the number roll of such prisoners of mark as were taken. Then together with the Prince of Conde he retired within Laon, with six hundred horse the residue of all the Troops. He left Bordillon at La Fere, and the count of Sancerre at Guise. Afterwards the King sent De Pot to Han, & De Lorges to Noyon, there to assemble together the Gentlemen of his house, and the Archers of his guards, and to provide for those quarters, according as need should require.  

Paris scareth the coming of K. Philip no less then afore time his father's Charles the Emperor.  Hereupon the King retired himself from Compienne to Paris, thereby to assure the Inhabitants, who already quaked, seeking to retire themselves, with the more precious part of their goods, and movables, into the furthest parts of the Realm. To whom first he sent the Queen, who was quickly at the Guild hall, where she demanded, and obtained a grant of three hundred thousand livers, after an Oration made by the Cardinal Bertrande, Archbishop of Sens, Lord Keeper. Who in sum declared unto them.  
How that the Lord God, having chosen and appointed him for their King, by like means had created and left unto him, a heart and affection to rule them, preserve and defend them, even to the adventuring of his own life: Therefore that they should assure themselves, that he would no more abandon them, then that he had this firm belief, how the divine Grace would never fail him, to which if it hath seemed good to send unto him this misfortune, it was an admonition, to acknowledge the Almighty, who distributeth all things according to his good pleasure as well to great as small. 
The K. demandeth succour of the Parissians.  Now, albeit that he received it as a punishment & chastisement for his offences, or it mought be his People's, yet the danger was not so great & inevitable, but that means were left of remedy, considering the succours, which they are to seek of the God of Victories. And that of themselves they would be an aid unto themselves, and especially to him in this desperate necessity, Whereupon they had to consider, that so long as the rents of his revennewe, were able to stretch out towards the maintenance of these wars, he had not importuned them, by surcharges of demands, and redoublementes of tasks, or other contributions: But that he was always willing, rather to sell and mortgage his own Demayne, exchange and borrow elsewhere, then to fleece or molest them. But since that now he was no longer able to satisfy them, through the affairs which daily redoubled upon him, as they mought see and perceive with their own eyes, therefore he besought them that they would secure him only with money, and that for the rest they would rely themselves upon him, who of his part would never fail them in will, and good affection, nor yet in force or power to secure them, or in any thing else which mought appertain to the authority or Estate of a King towards his subjects.  
Briefly the Parissians reacknowledging the good zeal of their Prince, accorded willingly unto him three hundred thousand livers, as also the rest of the capital Cities of the Provinces, contributed as their ability stretched. With the which he sent into Zwizerlande, to levy six thousand men, under the Colonel Luc Reistre of Basle, and on the other side eight thousand under Claris de Haris. Likewise he sent the Colonel Rechrod, to make an other levy of Almain footmen. Albeit that the Country was much unfurnished through the levies of King Philip, and of another which the Baron of Poleville made there of twenty Ensigns, and certain Reistres. Besides this, the King sent word unto the Duke of Guise, by Scipion his escuyer, how he should settle all things in Italy, to the most advantage which he were able, 
The means which the K. of France used for his better assurance after the battle of S. Quentin.  and withdraw his Forces hitherwards. In the mean time it was ordered that general musters should be made of the Inhabitants of Paris, over whom there commanded Charles de Bourbon, Prince De la Rochesuryon in Poitou. This done, the King being shortly after arrived from Compienne, general processions were made, whither likewise Paul de Termes was sent for, for the reputation of his virtue, especially in feats of Arms. Who being come, caused to be broken off, that unprofitable device, of the long trenches, which they had begun at Paris on the side of Mont-martre, the better to assure that passage. In the end proclamation was made in the kings name, through out all the Countries, that all soldiers, Gentlemen, or other, which either had followed, or were able to carry arms, should retire to Laon, towards the D. of Nevers, his Lieutenant general, to the end they mought be there employed for his service, and safety of the Country. And that all such as would follow the wars for their own pleasure, should retire themselves about his person, under pain of being declared Rebels, punished corporally as villains, and disgraded of all Nobility.  
Such an accident was soon enough able to change the affairs of the Court. Yea, to establish an other kind of form altogether, in the managing of the Estate of France, over which the Constable seemed to hold the advantage. But his taking caused it to fall into the hands of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Duchess of Valentinois, who kept it for the Duke of Guise, as soon as he should be come to the Court. During the attendance of whose Forces, the Duke of Nevers assembling together such as were escaped from the battle, and as many more as he was able, gave forth a number of Commissions to Levy in the kings name, new Companies, and sent De iours to fetch the Leagion of Champagne, whereof he had been chief Captain, and drew five ensigns out of the Garrison of Metz, and other old bands of the Garrisons near hand, in whose stead he sent new, not ceasing to send forth men of all hands to view, learn news, and upon any good intelligence, to charge at their advantage. In the mean space the Prince of Conde suffered no more the enemy to repose himself, than the light horse as also did the Earls of Sancerre and Bordillon of their part. And albeit that the Captain Graye his English light horse, 
The English which served K. Henry gained by those of Philip's side, leave their Captain and fly.  having quitted him, and carried away his armour and horse, gave occasion to the enemy to send two thousand horse as far as Oyse, to pass over there, and stop these Couriers, yet durst they not for all that venture any further, but returned to the Camp, having found the French watchful at all hands, as disgrace awakeneth and keepeth all kind of persons within their duty, more than prosperity, or any other accident.  
To return to the Mareschall Brissac his actions in Piedmont, whilst that he employed his army, in attending the effect of the long promises, which had been made him of his pay, to waste the Country round about Fossan, block in Coney, and hindering them both from having any succours, especially of victuals or other necessaries, De Lambres, an ordinary groom of the kings Chamber, was dispatched unto him, on the 15. of August, to advertise him of the defeat, and taking of the Constable, 
Defeat of S. Quentins. De Termes and De Anvil.  under Saint Quentins, and of the continuance of the Siege thereof. And further carried a commandment unto him, to send away thither out of hand, De Termes, and D'Anuille, with their Companies, & the Regiment of Switzers which were in Piedmont, the better to further the affairs of the Realm. Whereupon a Counsel was held, at Lagasque, and therein it was resolved that they should depart with their Companies. And how that in regard of the Switzers, and other affairs which as then fell out, the Secretary Bounin should be dispatched, with charge to condole with his Majesty, for so great a loss, and disaster on the behalf of all his servants in Piedmont. And further most humbly to deliver unto him, what their opinion and advise was, for the preventing of such inconveniences, as mought grow by such an accident: The substance whereof was how his Majesty should himself embrace the conduct of his affairs, and command a Levy forthwith to be made, of twenty thousand Almains, and thirty thousand French, with correspondent Forces of cavalry. And that this army mought be on foot, before such time as the enemy should have taken Saint Quentins, or at the least assailed, taken, and fortified any other place, That to be able to restore all things into good terms, and for a long time to entertain the said Army, it were necessary to make a good provision of money, taking up to that end, an whole years revennewe of the bishoprics, abbeys, and other benefices, without excepting any, saving such as still travailed, and spent their own about his Majesty. Who mought, if it pleased him, begin with the Bishop of Constance, Cousin to the said Mareschall. 
The K. means to draw out of the Clergies & Nobilities revenues.  Who likewise was of advise, that the Estates should be assembled, and that his Majesty in person should deliver the necessity of his affairs, and demand succour therein. And that all that, which mought be so drawn out, was not able to supply the want: That he should in the like sort help himself by the Nobility, beginning with him, taking all his revenues, saving two thousand livers, which mought be left to his wife, to nourish herself and her children withal. That the Switzers should make themselves ready to march, albeit that they were so tired, and near driven of all hands, by being evil paid, as that they would hardly be able to be arrived within France, before that the occasion for which his M. sought them were passed over. And that by this means Piedmont without cause would remain unarmed, and in great danger: besides the loss of time and expense, which had been employed and bestowed upon the bringing of the said Fossan and Cony into that extreme necessities in which they then stood. But at the second summons of his Majesty, the Switzers must of necessity be sent away, 
The Switzers go out of Piedmont  who as it was foretold grew altogether unprofitable, through the long abode which they made at Lions, being very sick, weak, and evil paid.  
Now the Mareschall having understood that upon this defeat his Majesty had caused new Companies of men at arms to be addressed, he greatly besought for La Mothe Gondrin, Francisque Bernardrin de Pavan, and Vicompt Gourdon, but they mought not be gratified. He offered for all that to come in person himself unto his Majesty, in this his great necessity to do him service, but it would not be accepted.  
Certain days after his Majesty perceiving how few Forces were remaining in Piedmont, the Switzers being departed thence, and foreseeing the danger of some inconvenience like to ensue, sent word unto the Mareschall, that in stead of those Switzers, he should with all speed levy new Companies of foot, and that he should want no money to that end. Notwithstanding there was only sent to pay the old bands, which were in extreme necessity, many months having been due unto them: Yea, and in stead of remedying the necessities of Piedmont, his majesties pleasure was, to accept the offer, which unwitting to the Mareschall was made unto him by the vidame of Chartres, Colonel of the Infantry, 
The vidame of Chartres carrieth 2000 Fantassins into France.  for carrying into France from thence two thousand French arquebusiers, and as many Italians. Which being accordingly put in execution, it was altogether apparent, that thereby his majesties affairs were put into extreme peril and ruin, the enemies being strong, and the French feeble, ill paid, and coming so lately from receiving the desastre of the defeat of the Army, and loss of Saint Quentins.  
As the time thus passed away, with very small advantage to the King's affairs, the Precedent Baillif, made offer unto the King of himself, and unwitting to the Mareschall, that he mought levy in Piedmont, two or three hundred thousand crowns, levying three crowns upon every householder, which offer was not only accepted without any advise at all demanded of the Mareschall, but there was likewise pressed money delivered unto him upon the assignations of Piedmont. And whilst that his Majesty made difficulty to hear such reasons as mought be alleged touching the impossibility of such a levy, there was no provision made for succour of men, nor money, in so much as many losses and inconveniences were ready to ensue: Especially for that the vidame still pursued the execution of his Levy of two thousand arquebusiers.  
For if any man would have constrained the bands of Piedmont, to muster without pay, it was to be feared that it would have happened worse than it did at Coney. The more likely, considering in what unfavourable terms, his majesties affairs as then stood. Who mought very well have called to mind how divers and sundry times word was sent unto him, that the prolonging of the Musters, was only wrought and occasioned, by the delay of the money, the want whereof rendered the soldiers poor, and made them disobedient, and an evident loss to the finances of his Majesty, which notwithstanding they cold by no means remedy, without having means to make a rigorous muster. All things being thus conducted in this sort, and the death of Salueson happening governor of Casal: his Majesty as he was accustomed to do in like vacances, never tarrying for the advice & nomination of the Marshal, 
Death of Salueson.  placed Francisque Bernardin therein, feigning as though he had understood that he and not La mot Gondrin had been put into Casal after the death of Salueson. 
Francisque Bernardin Governor of Casal.  And albeit that his Majesty did afterwards revoke this nomination, yet matters were in such sort handled as Francisque Bernardin still stomached the Marshal the rather for that at his return from the Court into Piedmont, he was not gratefied nor honoured in such sort as he expected: he recommended likewise Mont basin to have the place of gentleman of the chamber which Salueson before had. 
Salueson gentleman of the Chamber.  But he was not able to obtain it, so as he, & many other of the King's servants, seeing how little credit was given to the Marshal's recommendations, albeit they were for men of merit began to diminish their affection, and some of them to ask leave to departed homewards to follow their advancement, alleging that none but such as went to the court were advanced and recompensed. Thus upon these occasions, 
The credit of a Governor is impaired among his own except it appear somewhat about his sovereign.  began many complaints, disobediences and quarrels to arise, which notwithstanding received an other kind of construction than this: so as being enforced thereunto the twenty and eight of September, he let the King to understand how many Captains, gentlemen, and other officers daily departed away without leave as well for want of pay, as that they perceived right well, how they should never receive any preferment, through his recommendation: among whom Pavan had for this occasion quitted and given over his Lievetenancie: 
Pauan, Baron of Adrek, Bowal de part.  and the Baron of Ardrets, the Captain Bowall, Sergeant Maior of Casal, and sundry other personages who had long and faithfully served. But notwithstanding he made light account thereof, so as every man began to seek an other support then his, and to perk up the nose against him. Now as his Majesty stood advertised how that the enemies had levied great companies of resolute men in readiness after the coming of the D. of Alva, 
The D. of Alva cometh in Piedmont with his army.  (whom they attended within few days at Gennes with the forces of the kingdom of Naples) to assail either Piemonte, or the D. of Ferrara, (who for that cause had made great instance, that his majesties forces might approach to the D. of Milan) the Marshal besought him to provide thereto aswell with force, as money: to the end he might prevent in time and place, such inconveniences, which a man mought perceive prepared as well on the one side as the other. And for so much as his majesty had made semblance to mislike the difficulty which the Marshal made upon the levy of two thousand arquebusiers, whom the vidame offered to bring into France, dispatching the eighteen the Secretary Bounin, for instance of supply and provision of money, he gave him in charge to declare unto his said Majesty that whatsoever he had done was not with any intention to contrary his will, but for so much as his Majesty had not as then countermand (as he had done since the thirteenth) the Ensigns of the Zuizers, who not returning back, and the said two thousand arquebusiers going away, there was small likelihood. But Piedmont would remain altogether at the enemy's discretion. And when as this consideration could not prevail. Yet he said that he had otherwise occasion enough to remain evil satisfied, seeing that such an offer had been made without ever communicating the same unto him, and afterwards accepted without ever demanding his advise, 
The marshal 〈◊〉 content.  as it seemed reasonable, since that he governed Piedmont the principal charge whereof it pleased his Majesty to bestow upon him. Notwithstanding he ceased not all things laid by, rather to favour then hinder the vidame. And as it was given him in charge at the same time, to levy, according to the proposition made by the Presidente baily, 
Money levied upon Piedmont.  three crowns of tax upon every householder, whereof his Majesty made full account, without demanding his advise at all therein, yet resting only upon the service of his Majesty, he did so much, as that he levied upon the Country six score thousand livers, wherewith he relieved himself, attending better provision. Upon which levy, what fair words soever or amiableness he could use, many inconveniences were ready to ensue. Shortly after, the King in like sort commanded him, that he should send unto him, by Lodun, the Commissions for the Captains, which ought to be provided of vacant Companies, which he must needs do, albeit he had never meddled with those Companies since the coming of the vidame: notwithstanding that all his predecessors had been accustomed, to nominate the same companies, as had been practised as well by himself in his own right being Colonel of the footmen, as by them which had been before him. This disgrace was likewise offered unto him, that notwithstanding any request which had been made by him in the favour of Ossun, and Frauncisque Bernardin, to be a means they mought receive the order, he could never yield them any assurance thereof, but it was D'Anuille which carried it away, so as ever after they depended on the Constable. In sum, the Mareschall still continuing, to make instance of supply, wherewith he mought be able to oppose himself against his enemy's forces, who might undertake either the forcing of some hold or fortifying themselves in some new, and by that means mought abate their number, it was answered him, that they were matters easier talked of then done, and that he must needs confess, that winter was always winter, during which season, men were accustomed to surcease arms. An answer in deed coined by his enemies, who would not so much as call to mind the taking of Lans, Valence, juree, and sundry other places in the months of December and januarie, in the very heart of Winter. Thus did the complaints of the Mareschall move the kings Counsel bent to turn their eyes an other way, no more, than the news of their enemies coming into Piedmont, no not so much as the descent of the Duke of Alva, at Gennes with 7000. men: 
The D. of Alva his army at Gennes.  and that attending their arrival in Piedmont, the enemies had put themselves within Galliany, (which the Mareschall willing to have fortified, only for a time to have found the enemy occupied, was constrained for want of money, to leave and raise it) which they began to fortify. And less the going away of many Captains and soldiers day by day, especially the Captain Benes who demanded leave to depart home to his own house; and reply being made unto him, that he did but come thence, he persisted to say that he would go, come what would, and whereas he was advised to take time to consider thereof, and afterwards deliver his mind unto the Mareschall, he refused it, and the next morning went home without once bidding farewell. For this cause he besought his Majesty, that such disobedience mought not go unpunished, and that his Company mought be bestowed on the Captain Lisle: which the King liked well of, 
Captain Lisle.  and yet was it afterwards rendered again unto him. Of which the Mareschall afterwards complaining, and standing upon, it had been delivered and bestowed on the Captain Lisle, Sergeant of the Battle, who had long and faithfully served, they would yield no credit at all unto him, but the company was bestowed upon La Roche a gentleman of D'Anuilles, who had been nothing so long a Servitor. True it is that complaint being made of the wrong which thereby was done to the Mareschall, it was in the end restored to the Captain Lisle. In fine the Mareschall well weighing how he was handled, & how that the instances and importunities which he continued as well by letters, as express messengers to have the affairs of Piedmont better provided for, brought forth no fruit at all, as small credit being yielded thereunto, he besought leave of his Majesty that he might come home, and kiss his hand, especially to declare unto him the estate of his affairs and to deliver up an account of the government which he had received, 
The Mareschall Brissac going out of Piedmont, leaveth Gonner his brother Lieutenant general.  the which his Majesty granted for this cause, having settled all things as conveniently as he was able he departed out of Piedmont, leaving Gonner his brother the kings Lieutenant General in his absence. Being arrived at the Court, & understanding how some bad impressions had been put into the kings head, as well against him as sundry other Governors and Captains in Piedmont, he besought his Maiesttie, hat he would send thither to sift out the matters to the end, that he and they might be punished, in case they were found true: and if they were found contrary, that the accusers might bear the punishment, which the accused should have deserved: to the end that by this example all false accusers might be taught. Notwithstanding his Majesty would do nothing, saying that he believed no whit at all the accusers, that he should speak no more thereof, but persever well & diligently to do him service. Let us leave the Mareschall at the Court, to look back into the old pursuits which they began to renew against the Lutherans, for expiation of the desastre and misfortune of S. Quentins.  
As the managing of foreign affairs, doth ordinarily breed a carelessness among men at home, the great ones bore such an affection to these wars, and the Churchmen and justices turned their eye so far fixed thereon, for fear lest the event thereof would give some shrewd check to all France. And beside they dispensed by little and little in such sort, with the pursuits of those which had been accused for the evil opinions which they held of the faith, as now a man could not see in all places but an incredible number of Lutherans, to the great disadvantage of the catholics, notwithstanding any severe ordinances or rigorous punishment, which had been before made against them. There was no speech but of the secret assemblies which night and day were made in many places, 
Assembly of Lutherans discovered in S jacques street in Paris  and especially in Paris: where in the end they discovered one in S. jacques street, right over against the College of Plessis. Many saved themselves, yet some were slain in their own defence, and a great number remained there of prisoners, of all sexes, ages, and qualities, the women were the unchoifed, beaten, and railed at in all sorts. Among whom the Lady's Dovartie, de Rentigny and de champaign, with mistress Graveron de Guienne, near S. Foy were prisoners. De Gravelles a young advocate in Parliament, Clinet a schoolmaster, renowned for his knowledge, and sundry other to the number of six score were taken, and clapped fast in hold, afterwards these two with Graveron having their tongue cut out because they should not speak, were burned together in the place Maubert, 
Lutherans punished.  and a number of other in sundry other places. Certain days after Graveron his confiscation was begged, and obtained by the marquess of Trans, son in Law to Bertrandie, keeper of the great Seal. But these Ladies after long detaining were restored to their husbands, clean contrary to them in religion, and the widow D'ouartie was sent back to the Queen: for this cause sundry Articles were added as then to the former, aswell against these assemblies, as against books brought from Geneva: and they began a fresh a new pursuit against the people, giving out that they assembled by night together, and having put the candles out, each man addressed himself to her that liked him best, to abuse her at his pleasure. Upon these proceedings and persecutions, about which there grew a great stir between the Lieutenant Civil, and Criminel of Paris, before which of them the cause should be tried, Musnier being the Civil, showed himself so sharp upon this pursuit, as he took the matter upon him above the criminal, to whom in very deed it ought to have appertained. A little before the King having been persuaded that by some fault of obedience in the judges, or through the strife for one an others jurisdiction, and to avoid the expenses of the pursuits, how that the Lutherans were so sore multiplied, and assemblies already made by them in public, ordained at Compiegne 24. of julie. 1557. 
Ordinances against the Lutherans.  That the Ecclesiastical judges should not be troubled, in the trial, award of process, or jurisdictions of any crime of Heresy. That the royal judges should hold plea, award Process and punish all Sacramentaries, & disturbers of the public repose, upon pain of death. But the confiscations and fines which should grow upon their judgements, to charitable and public works, not to the kings use, who renounceth the gifts and whatsoever else might thereby grow unto him. Shortly after the Prince being as yet further animated by the Churchmen, for the great assemblies which the Lutherans made throughout his whole Realm, especially in Paris, aswell to celebrate the Supper and other exercises of their religion, as to go a whoaringe said they, and commit other detestable acts forbade these conventicles, upon pain of raising the houses in which they should be made, to what Lord soever they were proper, at Vilier Cotteretz the 14. of September, 1559. And for the better confirmation thereof King Francis the second added since pain of death, to all such as should be the authors of such assemblies, whether they were made for religion or no, and that as well by day as night, and to all such as should assist, without hope of ever having their houses builded up again: at Blais in the month of November 1559. And the 14. of November he pardoned the discloser thereof, and gave him for the first time one hundred crowns. And afterwards he willeth in February following, that all Lords justices shall be deprived of their iusticeshippes, and the royal officers of their estates and offices, which should any ways be found negligent in punishing of the authors of these assemblies, with an injunction to the officers to advertise him of their duty within on month after any such assembly made, and his proctors general, to whom they should send the copy of the information, and other proceedings thereupon. The Lutherans in like sort, to put out of men's heads, especially of the Princes, and Churchmen, such vile conceits as had been given out and imprinted within them, as well of heresy as of their filthy and lewd behaviours in their assemblies, which they made night and day, advised themselves, to cause the articles of their confession of faith, to be presented unto the King and published in all places, and to beseech his Majesty that it might be permitted unto them to assemble themselves in public, to the end all men might see how they behaved themselves, offering to yield themselves to any such pain and punishment, as it should please him to ordain, in case they were found of any worse conversation than the rest of the Christians. There ensued thereof, what you shall below perceive.  
Now since that all France, feeling the discommodity of the disaster of S. Quentin, no man could abstain from pouring out complaints, some attributing the evil to have proceeded from the ambition of the one side, some from the covetousness of the other part, there were enough found, which imputing the cause to arise no whit from any man, said that God was the sole author thereof, to stir up the flacknes both of great and small, because they did not their duty in the prosecuting of the Lutherans, of whom if France, nay all Christendom were not in short space purged, the King himself ought not to expect any other progress of his life, & managing of his estate, then accursed and reproachful to his whole posterity. In some they so animated this Prince, to renew and increase the punishment of those people, 
Persecution of the Lutherans.  that it never grew so hot a time for them as then, which not being able to remedy by any so earnest pursuits as by flight, recantation, or dissimulation, they endeavoured to mollify the courage of the greater sort, so hotly inflamed against them, by a little writing, wherein they enforced themselves to prove that all the scourges and calamities sent from God upon that Realm, proceeded only from the contempt & corruption of the true word of God, whereof they persecuted the true ministers and executors. Adding in the end such means as the King should hold, if he would see his Realm happy, with a repose agreeable to all his subjects, and clear delivered from all differentes, which might fall out for the matter of Religion.  
THe calamities and afflictions (said they) which possess all Christendom, clean oppressed and left desolate, were so great, as every man confessed that they proceeded from the just judgements of God, and for that men suffered so many sorts of heresies to be hatched forth, as reign at this present. But the mischief was indeed, for that none of them, which had the public government, and to whom it appertained to provide thereto, did regard with any good judgement founded upon the holy Scriptures, who were the Heretics, and what the true and false is, thence to draw out a true rule & concord, and that the true office of a King was to give himself to the knowledge of such differentes, as had done to the good Kings Ezechias, josias and other. And afterwards having laid down which were the marks and differences of the true and false Religion, it was written in these terms. Consider I beseech now (Sir) and you shall find, that all afflictions happened unto you, at such time as you undertook to run over those whom you call Lutherans. When you made your edict of Chasteaubriant, then did God send war unto you. But when you caused the execution thereof to cease, and as long as you were enemy to the Pope, being gone into Allemaigne for the protection of the German liberty, defended by the Protestants, and afflicted for religion: your affairs prospered, as your own heart could wish. Contrariwise what is happened unto you since that you are joined with the Pope, having received from him a sword, which he sent unto you for his protection, and who was the cause to make you break the truce. God hath turned in one instant your prosperities, into such afflictions, that they are no less to be feared upon yourself then upon your realm. To what end is Monsieur de Guise his enterprise in Italy turned, going to the service of the enemy of God, with full deliberation to ruin at his return the valleys of Piedmont, to sacrifice them unto God as a fruit of his victories. The issue hath well showed how that God is able to reverse our deliberations, as of late he did that of Monsieur le Conestable at S. Quentins, on S. Laurence day, having vowed unto God that at his return he would go ruin Geneva, if he obtained the victory. Afterwards having alleged a number of divers particular examples, of mark notwithstanding, and of all sorts of estates, who (they said) died of a strange and extraordinary fashion, having been sworn enemies to the Lutherans, they added. If it please your Majesty well to advise thereof, you shall find that you had no sooner concluded to run them over, but even as suddenly new troubles were stirred up by your enemies, with whom you have not been able to fall to any accord. The which God hath not permitted, for that the foundation of the peace, was upon the persecution which you determined to make of the servants of God. As also the Cardinals have not been able by their cruelty, to hinder the course of the Gospel; which hath already taken so deep a root within your Realm, as if God should slack you the bridle to root them out, you should be as it were a King without subjects Tertullian very well said that the blood of Martyrs was the seed of the Gospel. To take away then all these mischiefs, proceeding from the riches of the Papists, which causeth so great whoredoms, Sodomies & incests, wallowing & nourishing themselves like swine, with idle bellies, the best way were to put them again into their former estate, as the ancient sacrificers the Levites were, to wit without lands & posessions, as an express commandment thereof was given to josua. For as long as the ordinance of God took place and that they were exempt from ambition, the purity of religion remained in her entire. But when as they began to aspire to principalities, riches, and worldly honours, than did those abominations swell out which jesus Christ there found. Thus was it in the Primitive Church: for she flourished & remained in purity, as long as her ministers were simple, and sought not their own greatness and particular profit, but only the glory of God. For when as the Popes began to tend to a Superintendency, and usurped the true Domain of the Empire, under a shadow of a false Donation, they wrested the scriptures, and attributed unto themselves that service which we own unto God. Therefore your Majesty may with good right cease upon all their temporalties in a sound conscience to employ them to their true & proper use. First to the maintenance of the faithful ministers of God's word, which should be distributed among them for their nurture and entertainment as the case should require. Secondly to the maintenance of the officers of your justice. thirdly to the nurture & entertainment of Colleges, and to bring up the youth of the poor to what they should be most apt to be applied. And for the rest which is infinite, it should remain for the maintenance of your own estate, conducting of your own affairs, and comfort of your poor people which only carrieth the burden, and possesseth as it were nothing. And in doing this an infinite number of men, and especially of your nobility, which now live of the Crucifix, will employ themselves to your service, and the commonwealths, so much the more diligently, as they shall see that you will recompense none but such as shall have deserved it. For there is neither Captain, nor Lord, which will not think himself better recompensed with a benefit of 500 livers, then to see 1000 to be given unto his brother, to have them spent in Dogs, and whoares. And there is an infinite number of men within your Realm, which occupy the fairest estates and offices, and never deserved aught of the common wealth. By this means it should be an easy matter for your Majesty to be served only by your own french nation in the wars, according to the advise and council of the Sieur de Langey. For you shall find but too many men, in whom there shallbe more fidelity, then in strangers, which exercise themselves in war with your expense, and carry the money clean out of your Realm. As also the sums which you give yearly for pensions to foreigners, & such as go to Rome every day for Collations of benefices, which lend that again to your enemies, to make war against yourself. And in thus doing, all shall remain still in your own Realm, which thereby will grow rich, opulent, and invincible. When the Papists do see that they have no reason at all to gainsay, then do they assay to render such as they call Lutherans, odious unto your Majesty, and tell you (if their saying were true) that you should be made a private person, and that there never happened any change of Religion, but the like ensued of the Government. A matter as false, as their accusing of us to be Sacramentaries, and that we deny the authority of Magistrates, under colour of of some furious anabaptists, which Satan hath stirred up in our time to obscure the light of the Gospel. For the histories of the Emperors which first began to receive the Christian religion, & that which is happened in our own time declare the contrary. Was there 〈◊〉 Prince more feared and obeyed then Constantine was in receiving the Christian Religion? Did he therefore abandon the Empire? Nay he was rather so much the more confirmed therein, and those of his posterity which were contented to be guided thereby. For touching those which swerved away, and followed men's traditions, God hated them, yea their race is no longer continued upon the earth, in so great horror doth God hold them which abandon him; be it never so little. And in our time the late Kings of England & Princes of Germany, were they at any time constrained, in purging away of such superstitions as the malice of time had brought in, to abandon their kingdoms & principalities? Every one may clearly see the contrary. And how great honour, obedience, and fidelity, do those people bear unto their Princes, and superiors, which have received the reformation of the Gospel in our time? Nay I might say how that Princes before knew not what it was to be obeyed, when as the rude and gross people would easily receive the Pope's dispensation, to drive out their Princes and natural Lords. Did you ever perceive any of those, whom they call Lutherans, to tend to any trouble or sedition, notwithstanding the cruel punishments which they have endured? I call for this to witness Monsieur le Mareshall de Brissac, if he have found within Piedmont, any people more obedient, than those of the valles of Angrongne, and the rest, and when at any time he laid any charge upon them, were it never so hard, if they did not bear it without murmuring. Whereas if they had not held for certain that Kings, Princes and Magistrates, are ordained of God, they would not so willingly have obeyed: but being constrained by force would more slackly have behaved themselves. The true and only remedy (Sir) is, that you cause a holy and free council to be held, wherein yourself shall proceed, and not the Pope, nor any of his, which ought only to defend their causes by the holy Scriptures. This done according to the example of the good Kings jehosaphat, Ezechias, & josias, you must abolish out of the Church all kinds of Idolatry, superstitions, and abuses, which shall be found directly against the holy Scriptures, and new Testament: you must range yourself together with your people to the true and pure service of God, without harkenninge any whit to the Papists sayings, that such questions have been decided in the said Councils. For we know well enough, that no Council hath been lawful, since that the Pope's having usurped principality, and tyranny over the souls, made them but to serve to their own covetousness, ambition and cruelty. And the contrariety which is found in them, maketh them to be sufficiently disproved, with an hundred thousand other absurdities against the word of God, which are to be seen therein. The true disproving of these descisions is to be found in the true and sacred Scriptures, to which neither time nor age could give any prescription. For by them we receive the Counsels founded upon the word of God: and by them we reject whatsoever cotrarieth the same. And if you do thus (Sir) God will bless your enterprise, he will increase and confirm your reign and Empire, and likewise your posterity: If otherwise, the ruin is at your door, and accursed is the people which shall remain under your obedience. There is no doubt but God will harden your heart, as he did to Pharaoh: take your Crown from of your head as he did to jeroboam, Nadad, Baasa, Achab, and as many of the rest of the Kings as followed men's traditions, contrary to God's commandment: and give you over to your enemies, to triumph over yourself and your chilerens. And if the Emperor Anthony the gracious albeit he was a Pagan and idolater, seeing himself oppressed with so many wars, was willing to cause the persecutions to cease, which in his time were made against the Christians differing until the end thereof, to provide thereunto, and to hear their reasons how much more ought you which bear the name of Most Christian, to be careful and diligent to make these persecutions to cease, against the poor Christians, especially considering that they never did nor do trouble, in any kind of sort the estate of your Realm, or of your affairs, nor tend to any sedition or trouble? Considering in like sort, that the jews are suffered throughout all Christendom, albeit they are natural enemies to our Lord jesus Christ whom we hold by one common accord for our God, Redeemer and Saviour? and until you shall have heard the matter lawfully debated, and also understand our reasons taken out of the holy Scriptures? And that your Majesty of yourself judge, whether we be worthy of such punishment. For if we be not convicted by the word of God: fire, sword, nor the most cruel torments in the world, shall daunt us no whit at all. They be the exercises which God hath promised to his, and hath foretold them, that they must happen in the latter time, to the end they stoulde not be troubled, when they see such persecutions to fall out.  
The chiefer sort for all that made no account at all of all these reasons, and never the whit less ceased the Lutheran persecution, recommended throughout all France.  
Were it that they were not disclosed unto them, or that the catholics watered them with some other contrary reasons, which animated them more than ever.  
Let us leave then the fires, the blood, the complaints, and discourse of the Lutherans running over the whole Realm, and quarters bordering about, to look back again into the happy, and no less bloody progress of the designs which the spaniard thought to execute over the fairest of all France.  
The Prince of Piedmont being resolved in the mean space to continue the Siege of Saint Quenrins, would in no ease hearken to their advise, which counseled him, to pass forwards to the pursuit of so fair a Treat: considering that France was altogether daunted, at the loss of so many of her nobility, and good Soldiers: besides the absence of the Duke of Guise, which had carried into Italy the rest of the flower of France: that the Parissians already trembled, who half resolved to quit their Town, would clean abandon it, only upon the appearance of a second Bastonnadade: that in sum there wanted no more for him now, but courage to presenre himself in the view of so rich a City, to heap upon himself the triumph of an immortal glory.  
He on the contrary part weighing the unconstant variety of humane things, the most assured whereof clean ruin themselves by the r'encounter of a much more simple accident than one will easily believe: the riches, the infinite populousness of France, the number of Princes and other personages of mark escaped from the battle, the thousands of men of war, which were in so many Garrisons dispersed over all the Frontiers, ready to make up an other fresh Army, against his altogether tired, having by the loss of so many gallant men bought his honour, esteemed it much more safe, to block in straighter than ever, the Admiral and Dandelot his brother, who was entered in with five hundred men only, of all the succours which the Constable could get, as I before told you: the arrival of which encouraged the rest, who had almost quitted all, as soon as they percyved some of the french ensigns to stand on the top of the Spanish Trenches. Whose presence caused them to suspect that, which a few soldiers, 
K. Philip cometh for his Army after the battle.  which were escaped and entered in, assured them of, especially after the magnificent salutation and welcome, which the whole Army made unto King Philip, who caused the Cannon shot to redouble, having brought other from Cambray, with intent to beat Saint Quentins into powder, or blow it up by force of Mines, which they continued there and renewed day by day, albeit they were vented often enough by the coutermines of the besieged, among whom S. Remy travailed without cease, and Lanfort an English man, whose countermine was more advanced than any of the rest.  
And forasmuch as the Admiral could not get any great service of the Inhabitants and pioneers, he thrust out six hundred of the most idle bellies, whose example though in their view they saw them well beaten and evil entreated by the spaniards, could for all that little stir them up, so weary were they, and backward to the performance of their duty.  
The flemings and spaniards arrived before Saint Quentins the second day of August, and from that day, until the one and twentieth, they went about no other work, then digging and hollowing the Trenches, as well for the surety of the Artillery, as the better to approach and gain the Ditches.  

The 22. of August the spaniards began their great Battery at S. Quentins.  They which were besieged in the mean space, could not greatly annoy them with any sally they made upon them, (as it hath been told you, by reason of the small number of those which were besieged, and for that all the sallies which the Lord Admiral caused to be made, were only but to take breath, and to be advertised of what his enemies meant to undertake: for so much as he doubted lest they would work some new Ours, whereof he could not have any knowledge at all.  
That day, as soon as ever it began to break, they saluted the Town, with a full Battery. For all the shot that had been before, came from the platform of the Fauxbourg D'Isle, whence they saw them work and countermine, continuing the play of the Cannon, all the whole day long, and not at one only place, not much of the night passing over, but that they still removed their Pieces from one place to another, to make a new battery. For from the second day, they began to dig and carry forth the earth of the Ditch on their side, and shortly after they propped up coverings with great Timber, under which they mought traverse to and fro, and enter within the Ditches, without any man being able to do them harm. Because there were not any Flankers at all to command the Ditch, where they mought either view, or lay battery unto them. And all the stones which they were able to fling at them, could not endamage them, by reason of the coverings, under which they crept.  
They began their Battery at the Windemyll, which was near unto Saint john's gate, and afterwards scoured this place, as far as the Tower on the water, with such a fury, that there was not left one sole Tower, which was not rend and razed, with the better part of the curtain, laying the Battery in diverse places with five and forty Pieces.  
All those which were within were greatly cousined, and deceived in one thing, that they thought the Mason's work and Cement of the towers and courtines much more stronger and better than it was, the steers and thickness of the walls being very large. But the stuff was so nought, that as soon as the top was but a little shaken and loosed, all the rest fell down of itself in great lumps, whereby many were slain and hurt with the crests and battlements of the Parapettes.  
On the 4 day of their Battery, they carried twelve pieces alongst the side of Bourg D'Isle, and mounted them within the Abbey, from whence they battered the gate where the fire was put into powder, until they had made themselves Masters of the Ditches. S. Remy still well hoped to have performed some matter of worth, but when he saw them once lodged within, he told the Admiral, that he was not able to do them any more harm, for that they had gotten the upper ground of him: Reiterating many times, that he never set his foot in so bad a place, and that long before that, he had advertised the late King thereof. Not for that he was the more dismayed thereat, or spoke of any pusillanimity, but angry, for that he found no remedy at all, nor such means as he could have wished, being for the rest a man very resolute and wise. From the very first day of the Battery, until the end thereof, the Admiral, D' Andelot, and S. Remy, went every night to view the damages, and onvertures which the Artillery had made, and on the day resolved with those Captains of the Quarters whom it concerned, of that which they had to execute.  
After that the Battery had continued four days, there was a great fear engendered among those of the Town, yea and the men of War themselves, which the Admiral getting knowledge of, walking by night to remedy the same, he held one language common and general to them all, in a place, where almost all the Captains, and many soldiers were assembled together, which was, that he had firmly agreed, and resolved in his mind, to keep that place with those men which he had, and if any man did at any time see him vary, or offer any speech of composition, he gave him leave to throw him down as a coward into the Ditches: and in like case, if he found any of them to parley to the contrary, he would do no less by them. And by this occasion there never passed over day, but two or three times he would walk himself about the quarters, and in passing by, would demand the captains opinions, conferring and communicating with them, what was done in the rest of the places: according unto that which he had prayed them, the first day that he entered within the Town, that every man would advertise him, of that which he esteemed best for the conservation of the place. The battery continued until the sixth day, about two of the clock in the afternoon, that they likewise presented themselves in sundry places within the ditches, as far as the Parapettes at a pikes length.  
At this present, the Sentinel from the steeple of the great Church, advertised the Admiral, how that of all hands the Army ranged themselves into battle, and that many footmen marched towards the Trenches. The which he caused to be made known, in all places and quarters of the Town, to the end that every man might stand upon his guard, imagining that they meant that day to give the assault, and he himself went to three of the next breaches unto him, to see what order was there kept. Where he found every man in all appearance willing to perform his duty, the like whereof he also understood from all the rest of the places, whither he had sent Gentlemen to view. Which was the cause that himself returned back again very well content to the Breach. Which he kept, being that which he supposed the enemies meant to turn their principallest strength against: for that they ever most sought to batter this place, & to leave nothing which might serve for Flanks, especially for that it lay just over against the entry, which they had made into the Ditch.  
As they were all thus attending the assault, the enemies put fire to three mines, all which were right under the Rampire, the principallest were in the quarter of D'Auphin. But the damage was nothing so great as they looked for, being the cause that they gave no assault that day. So afterwards they did not overmuch heat themselves, but were contented to go and view the breaches on the Admiral's side, and descend into the Ditch which D' Andelot kept.  
After that the spaniards were retired, the Admiral went to view what hurt those Mines had made, and found, that by that onuerture, they were not very like to receive or incur any great danger, but that for all that, it was fit to work upon it, which he deferred until night, for that they durst not touch there, or show themselves by day, by reason of the full view, which their enemy's Artillery had of them.  

The great advantages of the Spaniards and small means which the French had to endure the siege.  Now were there eleven breaches, many mines, the ditch gained, and the Soldiers therein well covered, the Army great to gain the breaches, against eight hundred soldiers, and men at arms of all sorts, distributed as the Admiral thought good, the countermines little available, because that the spaniard being in the Ditch, had already gained the top, most of the soldiers wavering, as well for that day by day they saw the Cannon shot redouble, to the loss of many of them, as through the small number of people, which were left, and the bad handling of the matter by the Inhabitants, which discouraged them as much as was possible. Hereupon the Prince of Piedmont judging the breaches reasonable, gave order for the assaults. The first was given to Captain Cazeres, Master of the Camp of the old Spanish bands, and to Lazare Colonel of fiveteene hundred Almains, who were there much endamaged. The second to Captain Navarre's with the Spaniards, and the count of Meigue, with the Walloons. The third to Captain julian Romero with three ensigns of Spaniards, & two thousand English, who falling down from the top of a breach, broke his leg. The fourth to Captain Carrondellette with three ensigns of Bourguignons, who there lost a hand. The Admiral in the mean time went and sent to all places, to the end every man should be ready to abide them, & put them back. At the last he discovered three ensigns at the foot of the Parapet, being gotten up thither, without making any noise or sound of Drum, at which time he made every man present himself to fight. But they could not repress them in that place, but that they began to creep and mount up by one and one to an high Tower, which had been battered with Artillery, at a corner of the Captain La guard his quarter. When the Admiral saw that they took that way, he was very glad, for there they grapeled and mounted very uneasily, and from the place where himself stood he mought a little discern them through a Flancker, whereby he annoyed them as much as he was able with three arquebusiers, which remained with him, thinking verily, that it was unpossible for them to force in that way. In the end he saw those ensigns which went up to the top of the tower, put themselves down, but he presumed that it was within some Trench within the Parapet, to be more at covert, until they told him, that the enemies had forced the Breach. Then turning himself towards those which stood about him, he told them, that they must go help to secure it.  
Upon that Saragosse coming unto him, asked him, whether he would go, and what he would do: to whom he answered, that he meant to go help to sustain the force of the Breach, which should be offered, where either they must all die, or put back the enemy. And thereupon he began to go down from off the Rampire.  
Now you must understand, that he was not as then far from the Tower, by which the spaniards entered, but there was a long traverse and a high, which hindered them from seeing what was done there.  
The Admiral being come down from off the Rampire, he saw all that quarter clean abandoned, without so much as one man to make head, by reason, said they, that kept that guard, that they were not able to hinder the coming of the assailant, it being not possible to descry or perceive them, until they were come to the breach, in such sort as the spaniards aryving there in abundance, and calling up one an other, it was an easy matter to make themselves Masters, finding no person to make resistance.  
The Admiral only accompanied with four, whereof one was a Page, and going to gather together his Troops and make head, as soon as he was there arrived, saw himself enwrapped of all parts. Knowing then how that it rested no more in his power to remedy this disorder, the Town being already full of soldiers, the Almains entering in by great Troops, he fought as much as he was able to fall into the hands of some spaniard, as it rightly chanced unto him, choosing rather in that place, to abide the brunt of a common general fortune, and all success, either good or bad, then by flying away to attain an immortal shame. He which took him prisoner, made him a while to repose himself at the foot of the Rampire, where he was all alone, having lost all his Forces: from thence he led him, and made him to enter into one of the Mines, which he had made to gain the Ditch, where he found at the entry thereof, the Captain Alonce de Cazieres, Master of the Camp, of the old Spanish bands, to which place the Prince of Piedmont arrived incontinently, and commanded Cazieres to carry him into his Tent.  
Thus was that fair and rich Town of S. Quentins conquered on the seven and twenty day of August, 1557. in which they found great booties, 
The Town of S Quentins very rich and full of great booties.  and mighty riches, in that it was the Staple of sundry Merchandises, which were transported into the Low Countries, and likewise brought from those places thither, through the intercourse of trade and traffic. Without comprehending beside many good Prisoners, which they found there, as well of those of the Town, as of such other chief Persons and Captains, as were come in for the defence thereof. D' Andelot was likewise there taken: but well remembering the bad entertainment which he had received at their hands during his imprisonment in Italy, he chose rather to adventure his life, in seeking to escape, then to fall again an other time into that calamity and misery. In such sort, as he crept under the fasteninges of a Tent, and by night having sounded divers passages within the Marshes, he found means to escape their watches, and Corpse de guards, and saved himself at Han.  
De jarnac was there taken Prisoner, so were S. Remy, De Humes, De la Guard, De Cuzieux, De Moulins, the Captains Brueile and Bretaigne, De Rambovillet, Saint Romain, Saint Andre, Lignieres, and Soleil.  
There were slain there, the son of La Fayette, the Captain Sallevert, Ensign to La Fayette his Company, the captains Oger, Vignes, La Bar, L'Estang, Gourds, with sundry other.  
After the Sack of Saint Quentin, 
Means of well employing an Army.  King Philip making no outward appearance of his intention, caused the King and the Duke of Nevers his Lieutenant general to prepare for all occurrentes the best that they were able: and especially to provide for such places as were nearest to that which was taken. But as he was earnestly solicited to this effect, by every Governor, to send such provisions as were requisite, they were all astonished at the yielding up of Castelet, which a few days before the taking of Saint Quentins, the count of Aremberge otherwise called Brabanson, enclosed about in one instant with a thousand horse, all alongst the marish, and towards Saint Martin's Abbey: a little above which were encamped three Regiments of lansquenets of fourteen ensigns, with twenty pieces of Battery planted in two places.  
And albeit that the assurance, which the Baron of Solignac who commanded there, had yielded to the King and his Lieutenant, caused them to repose on that side, whilst that they hasted forwards the Switzers and Almains, the French infantry and cavalry, to furnish out the Rendezvous, so as within fiveteene days they mought make up the form of an Army, yet even in the very beginning of September it yielded up. The which was found very strange, considering that the place was strong, and well provided of all that was necessary to a Frontier: at the least it was looked for, that they should have tarried the Assault. An occasion that the King caused him to be clapped up Prisoner as soon as he was come to Paris.  
But he was set at liberty, declaring how he had been disappointed of such necessary succour as he required, of two thousand men, in such sort as D'Estre the Governor in former time had upon any Siege. Besides that, the enemies having found the Castle without any ditch, on that side where they began their principal Battery, and a Bastion fallen down not yet repaired up, in such sort behaved themselves, as that the ordinary soldiers of the Guard of that Bastion, were soon constrained to abandon it, through the great quantity of Brick and mould which endamaged them, and ordinarily fell upon them: the Battery being so violent and furious, as in a small space it made a way for a horse to be able to get up upon the Bastion, the way lying all open to come from thence to the breach, which albeit it was not altogether sufficient, waxed wider within two volleys of the Cannon, and enlarged itself six score pace, or more, the Wall already bowing and yielding of the same length, and the earth opening a pace in breadth, and in depth the length of a pike.  
Which the Soldiers once perceiving, who were not in the whole number three hundred, nor half of them in health and strength, they were so astonished, and despaired, that notwithstanding any persuasions which the Captains could use, many stuck not to say, they would not fight at all, not knowing how they were able to do the King any Service therein, and therefore they thought it better to reserve themselves for some matter of greater importance.  
howsoever it was, whether grounded or no upon the fear which they conceived the French were in, lest that the imperials would pursue further their good fortune, and duty against such an inconvenience, King Philip, to whom the besiegers of the Castelet, came to unite themselves at Fon-Some, attended their answer of his advertisement from the Emperor his Father, to congratulate with him his prosperity, beseeching him further to command and ordain what next he was to enterprise.  
But as a blade rusteth if it be let lie continually within the sheath, so the soldier which is not employed, doth lightly abuse his rest. For the Almains and spaniards quickly mutined among themselves for the booty of Saint Quentins, and ransom of the prisoners which were taken the day of the Battle: some alleging among other occasions, how that King Philip and the Duke of Savoy sought to retyane all the great prisoners which exceeded a certain sum, of purpose to pull them out of the hands of the Almain Lords, who without all doubt achieved the greatest honour of the Battle, so far forth, as they were all ready to depart, the rather for that the time of their oath was now expired. An occasion the french did turn the matter to their own advantage, withdrawing out of that nation as many malcontents as they could find upon any occasion whatsoever. Hereupon the Spaniarde addressed himself to Han, to erect a strong place upon the frontier, which might serve for a succour and support to S. Quentins, the which he determined to make impregnable, according unto such models as the enjoiners had prescribed unto him, thereby to establish from his low countries easy days journeys of retreat, when he would either go in or come out of France, as it should seem best unto him. Now as upon new occurrents always proceed new determinations, the D. of Nevers being constrained to change the estate and imagination of his defensive, retired his men of war from sundry garrisons, which he had into such places as were nearest unto Han, to the end that the imperials should not enlarge themselves into any greater a compass, likewise to the end they might always waste the country before them, and famish them by cutting of their victuals on all sides, the french had devised to make a removing Camp, which for this effect they might enclose and assure with trenches, Palissades and other Roman inventions: but the long delay of their provisions and soddanes and their enemies clean broke of this determination. The Chevalier Hely, with a number of horse entered within the place to secure it, running over as many enemies as durst stop the passages of Han, which he found open without any thing to commaande it being flankerde on the one side with the River of Some, and on the other with a Marish, being in divers places above one hundred thousand paces broad, having very little firm or dry ground to be able to set foot upon. There is a village and a Castle, the village in the state which it was then in was not able to hold out in any kind of sort: and albeit that there were certain foundations and fashions of bulwarks, yet they were so open and evil to be defended, as that there was no account at all to be made thereof. The Castle was of a goodly show, and represented itself furious enough, 
Description of the situation of Han.  according to the old fortifications, being in form square, flankerde with four round bulwarks, with a gross square tower, and massive, of a large thickness, serving for a platform to the Courtines, which were joined unto it, and commanding in all and through all the Castle. But the whole was of dry stones and Masons work, without any rampires of earth, or other fortifications, according to the modern inventions to sustain & defend a place long time, against the blusterousnes and fury of our Cannons. Notwithstanding that the way might not be altogether open and free to the Spaniarde, to enter further in if he found not a stop, Sepois which was Governor, had given the King advise to burn the town, in case siege were laid unto it, whereby the enemy might have no place to lodge in. But as for the Castle, men might hold and keep it for a few days whilst that they should be the better able to fortify themselves: for it was easy to judge that having taken Han, he would never end there, but pass on further, where he might cast himself now on the right hand, and now on the left, and so daily address himself to such places as were weak and likely in a short time to be carried, to the end he might not lose and evil employ the season; which served so fit and proper for him.  
I have let you to understand, how that to be meet with the inconveniences of the battle of saint Quentins, among other preparatives the King had sent unto the Duke of Guise, that after that he had to his best advantage accorded with the Pope, and the Spaniards, he should bring away the Army into France with as much speed as were possible. This Prince suddenly let the Pope to understand thereof, and made him privy of the necessity which called him back into France, and how his Prince's affairs went. Being the cause which made him to beseech his holiness to licence him, and permit him to retire, after such time notwithstanding as he had compounded to his own profit the estate of his affairs. The Pope then being already desirous to end this war, from which he knew that on the other side to be proceeded as he saw it evidently, and doubted lest it would take end with the ruin of one of these Princes, and finally with his own, together with a confusion of the Ecclesiastical estate, and infinitnes of other mischiefs, purposed more than before, to be agreed with King Philip, which wrought that end, whereof I before made mention. So as the peace being concluded and published with all magnificence on Sunday being the 19 of that month the Duke of Alva entered into Rome, about one of the clock in the after noon, with great appearances of joy, aswell by the salutations of the artillery, as an infinite number of squibs, and other merriments, which they are accustomed to make especially in those parts, at the welcome and amiable entertainment of any great Prince. The Monday following they held Consistory, where there were chosen & deputed two Legates, to entreat of an universal peace. The one which was the Cardinal of Tivoli, towards the most Christian King of France, and the other which was the Cardinal Carlo Caraffe, towards the Catholic King Philip.  
The Duke of Guise in the mean space departed out of Italy, to take his way into France, 
The Duke of Guise's departure  and to embark himself at Ostia in the galleys & french vessels which attended him with a sort of Lords, Captains, and two thousand arquebusiers, the other part of the Army under the conduct of the Duke D' Aumalle, returned through the Pope's lands towards Bologne and Ferrara, and so from thence they passed all for the most part through the Grisons and Zuizers into France, where the Duke of Guise being arrived was suddenly sent for to address an army at Compienne. At which place the King being anon after arrived, declared (all such as were then in Court being present,) how that the Duke of Guise was come jump for the preservation of his Realm, and it was proposed to treat him Viceroy of France. But this title being thought strange, it was commanded that letters should be dispatched to make him Lievetenante General over all the Countries within his obedience. 
The Duke of Guise made Lieutenant General by the K. over all his countries.  The which were dispatched by Du Thierry secretary of the Commandments, and afterwards received and verified by the Parlament of Paris, and other sovereign Courts of the Realm: whereof notwithstanding shortly after the King excused himself towards his Goship, (so he named the Constable) sending him word by secret Letters that he was constrained to do as he did, 
K. H. 2. letters to the Constable being prisoner.  and that he should not be grieved for aught, in that he still reserved his place for him, for he was so far off, from having the friendship which he boar unto him any ways cooled through his absence and captivity: that contrariwise it inflamed him the more, so far as that he most diligently advertised him of all his secretest affairs, without communicating aught gently advertised him of all his secretest affairs, without communicating aught to any other. Whereof King Philip being advertised, knew well enough how to make his profit as you shall see else where.  
In this same time there happened in like sort, strange floods, and inundations of Rivers at Rome, and likewise at Florence. That at Rome fell out the same day of the peace, being the fourteenth of September, Tiber, one of the most renowned Rivers of Europe, which some notwithstanding number among the swift snowy streams being greatly swelled, as though it would threaten Rome with great ruins, increasing hourly for the night following it began to enlarge itself over all the low grounds, of the meadows and vineyards round about. The next day it being increased and broken in throughout the town, all the channels and gutters of the streets and houses standing full, the depth thereof was found in some places of the town of the height of a man, and more in the place D'Agone, A lafoy Roconde and A la Doan●. So far was this marvelous and dreadful inundation, from giving leisure to the people to rejoice at this peace, as that it made them more astonished and desolate then before, which caused a number to think that it happened as a sign and advertisement from God, either for matters present or to come, or rather to move us to a conversion and amendment of our sins. Now this fury of the water endured all that day and until four of the clock at night, that it began a little to ebb and decrease, so as by the next morning at break of day, 
Signs serve for admonitions from God  it was ebbed more than a shaftement, and then by little and little decreasing, every man in the afternoon might easily go about this business. The depth of the water, as some have said, in many places exceeded the mark which was left at the other inundation in the year 1530. Others were of opinion that it wanted an handbredth. Whereupon they alleged many reasons, among other that the Caves which were made and coured within Rome (for it is augmented in buildings a third part) had received and swallowed up a great part of the water, Some judged that the great number of new streets was a cause of the depth, and other affirmed how that the earth which was raised up since that time, caused it seem higher than it was. But they which judged it to be the greatest, say that it fell out so, for that in the town of Horta and Narin, and all other places where it passed alongst, it left behind it a great abatement and ruin of houses: having carried away half the bridge of Saint Marie, together with the excellent chapel which Pope julie the third caused to be builded there: it undermined and removed certain great pieces of marble, 
Ruins caused at Rome by the flood.  & great quarters of stone which defended the bridge of Saint Ange. It raised and renuersed a great part of the bulwarks and bastions which they had caused to be builded a year since joining to the Castle. Besides that it threw down half the Temple, and most part of the buildings of Saint Barthlemewes' monastery seated in the Island of Tiber. Briefly, there was not within all Rome, either palace or building, alongst which this furious rage of waters had passed, which carried not some mark and testimony of the wrath and violence of this angry Element. As touching that of Florence by the breaking forth of the River Arno, men judged it far greater than that at Rome, 
Description of the flood at Florence.  and to have occasioned far more incomparable and important losses as well in overthrowing of houses, as in the destruction and perishing of gold, silver, merchandises and other sorts of movables, besides which is more to be lamented, the death and suffocation of many persons. It first ruined and overturned for the greatest part the convents and monasteries of the poor maidens of saint Verdiane, of the Kecluses, and of Saint Mary Novelle. It carried clean away the bridges of Rubaconde, and La trinity. It threw down almost the whole borough of Oquo ●anti, as far as the Meadow, and on the side of saint Paul, as it likewise did the new market place, where they exercise the Art and occupation of skening and twisting of silk. In such sort as all the store houses and shops were for the most part ruined, being a marvelous loss. The Duke's palace was no whit exempted, but was found spoiled in a number of places. As touching the region bordering round about the high way to Cazensin, it was so deep and overflown in such a manner, as it could very hardly be repaired to be made passable, and in the borough there died seventy and four persons, carrying the houses clean to Pontasienco and there remained clean sunk. Pereolle, and saint Dovin, with many other buildings all alongst the flood Arno.  
Moreover to speak of the depth of the water upon the place of Saint Croix, it exceeded four good fingers in depth the inundation which happened at Florence in the year one thousand five hundred forty and seven: which made men judge the latter to be very great considering that the former was almost uncredible. It was the height of one fathom and a half at Saint Croix: in such sort as the loss was so great and general, as the Duke remitted to his subjects for a certain time, the most part of his taxes, and subsidies, which otherwise were very great.  

Flood at Nismes in Languedoc.  At the same time, there happened in like sort, on this side, an other flood at the town of Nismes in Languedoc, differing notwithstanding from the rest, in that it was not by the breaking out of any floods or rivers, but by the pouring down of the clouds, and opening of the gates of heaven, (as the Philosophers were wont to term it) the which accident befell the ninth of September in the same year, together with so fearful thunderings, flashes & lightnings as all the people verily imagined that that would have been the very last day of their life, this celestial fury lasting until it was passed eight of the clock at night, besides that, there fell from else where so marvelous and great an abundance of water, as these miserable and wretched Citizens thought that together with their whole town, they should have been sunk and swallowed up. And albeit that it lasted not long, but about some twelve or fifteen hours, yet notwithstanding it did greatly endemnifie and hurt the town which was in very many rooms and places disformed thereby, and the territories thereabouts greatly wasted and impoverished: for that the fields and places of tillage were marvelously covered with stones and other ruins, such as the rage of waters driveth alongst, and leaveth at such time as the force and violence thereof diminisheth, and the Olive trees (wherewith this Province much aboundeth with great care of trimming them for the great profit, which is drawn thereby through the oil) were all bruised and broken, and the Vines clungd together and full of sand, with an infinite number of other damages and calamities. Briefly many men thought that there was not almost any thing which felt not the weight of God's wrathful hand in this flood.  
Hereby then were discovered sundry antiquities, hidden and buried under ground, at the least since the Gottes sacked and razed this town, a thousand years agonne, as well appeared, how long before unknown: as ancient sepulchres and Monuments, great quantity of meddalles in copper, and some of gold and silver, long pillars of one piece equally proportioned, testaments, Epitaphs written in hard stone, and graven in pieces after the Romanisquo. There were discovered likewise fair and rich pavements, and floors of low parlours, chambers and shops, wherein were found tables of marble, Porphir, & jasper, wrought a la Mosaque: besides there were found many fragments of ancient dishes, and some entire, of a red earth, so passing fine, and sleake, that it carried his own varnish: the which men in ancient time caused to be brought from far Countries, especially from Samos in Greece, enriched with stories, or clowns resemblances very pleasant. Many other singularities were there unterred and brought to light, with great marvel to as many as saw them. Sundry other places of Europe were likewise touched with the same mischief and calamity, as numbers of celestial signs, such as the Comet of the year before, pillars of fire, and in some places hunting of dogs, crying in the air, and some men fight, and two suns, red and inflamed, such as were seen in Almain: besides many other prodigious and monstrous works, which nature brought forth in that time, upon the earth, all which signs could not be adjudged to be any other thing then threatenings and messengers of the celestial wrath, which should warn us either to a voluntary acknowledging of our sins, and amendment of our lives, or assure us of a vengeance at hand, and punishment of our iniquities.  
To return to the siege of Han, 
Han battered & taken by King Philip.  it had no sooner endured twelve hundred cannon shot together, which made a reasonable breach; as well at the great Tower, as the Courtyne, the walls being there dry without rampires and bastions, but it was yielded and given over into the hands of King Philip, the twelft day of the month of September. Afterwards he remained there a while, to advance and set forward the fortifications which were already begun, adding thereto as much as was supposed to have been forgot. And whilst that the Baron of Poleville, having been sent by King Philip at his departure from Sauerne, advanced forward to join himself in Champaygne, with twenty Ensigns of Almains, and twelve hundred horse, occupying himself in the places bordering about he sent to seize all the strong places remaining in the hands of the French, which were any ways able to annoy the garrison. Then causing a number of horsemen furnished after the French fashion to enter in, he surprised Noyon, 
Noyon surprised by disguising of raiments  and the companies of light horse of the Baron of Clere, and one of the Scottish, upon whom they entered at fair day, the gates being open, from thence they seized upon Chauny, where they placed a strong garrison, not for to fortify it, considering the imperfection of the place, and how it was to be commanded two several ways, but only that thereby they might the more easily gather the Vines: the vineyards thereabouts being very good and of great compass.  
Likewise to favour the conduct of all other kind of victuals wherewith they mente to furnish Han, saint Quentins, and Le castelet, which they fortified amain: besides the great easance of the better Milles which stood upon the River. Thus fortifying these two places, they passed over the month of September, and beginning of October, in roads, pilfryes, and burnings, as well on the one side as the other, still weakening notwithstanding Philip's Army, as well through the English men's return home malcontents, for want of their booties, and evil entertainment, as in respect of the Almains, who their oath being now expired retired day by day to the Duke of Nevers, who furnished with them his bands, that were not complete, and erected new ones of the surplusage.  
The King in the mean space hastened forwards his army, 
The diligence of the D. of Nevers at Compienne.  and to assemble it together at Compienne, sent thither the Duke of Nevers, who speedily employed himself to the making that strong and defensible, adding to the natural all art possible, for that necessarily, and as it then stood it served for a frontier to France first causing two large forts to be mysed, with high and fair platforms, the one to command over all the plain, which lieth between the forest and the town, and the other over all the low ground, and course of the river, and alongst the meadow, employing besides all diligence to repair the town, flankerde with bastions, cazemates, tarresses, cavaliers, and traverses, in such sort as in case the enemy's artillery had arrived there, they should have found play for along season: moreover, he caused the enclosure of a camp to be appointed out, and raised up with trenches, so large and spacious, as that an army of a hundred thousand men, was able to lodge there, with all furnitures and provisions, as safely as within a town, together with all easances as well of the River as of the country. As he thus provided for the advancement of these fortifications, so spared he his purse no more than his spirit, to the entertainment of spies, sent out into all parts. So as having understood the very force and ordinary usage of the twelve hundred horse which lay in garrison at Chauny, still overrunning without cease, and with great advantages those about Coucy & Soissons, he gave the rendezvous to Bourdillon, the Prince of Conde, and Count de la Barbize who conducted the Reistres, to ambush themselves within Chauny woods whilst that he would send jenlis to begin a skirmish to the help whereof such as came out of the town, being no sooner drawn thither then kept back, the light horse gained both the town and them: so as the Captain of the Albanois, and his whole troop was cut in pieces. But the Spanish Captain getting into a house, which he pierced through, held good until that the French arquebusiers had wrapped him in on every side. The which made him in a desperateness step forth, his courtelaxe in one hand and buckler in the other, to die honourably with the rest of his fellows, but as he was giving his faith to the Captain Launay, he killed him, hard by the Prince of Conde who had done as much to the French man, if the swearing unto him, how that this Captain had killed the most valiant of his soldiers, and had ever made fowl war upon the French, especially at the defeat of Saint Laurence, he had not besought him to pardon this his just chollar, which had so far carried him for the amity of his countrymen.  
The Baron of Poleville, passing in this time over the mountains of Vaulges, and the County of Ferrette, and coasting Le Bassigni entered within the French County, between the County of Mont-Belliarde, and Langres: where those of the County under colour that they were constrained thereunto, contrary to their promises, and pactions of neutrality, gave him passage, victuals, and all other provisions for his camp. Afterwards he came down into La Bresse, hoping within very few days to make himself master thereof, through certain intelligences which he had with some gentlemen of that Province, and other of their neighbours which were evil affected to King Henrye. So far, as at his first aboard he planted his siege before Bourge, which is the principal town, thinking to have found it unprovided of all things for defence. But La Guiche which was governor thereof, and the Baron of Digoyne his Lieutenant being advertised of his coming, had already caused La Guiches' company to enter in, and some other troops of footmen.  
On the other side you might perceive above, how D'Eschenets with his company followed him continually near hand, as also did De jours with his 8. ensigns of the legion of Champagne, who kept him continually so near a neighbourhood, as they were as soon at Bourg as himself, into which they entered, doing therein a great peace of duty and service to the King, and so was he found frustrated of his first opinion. Upon the design, and pursuit of this Siege, the King's Army which returned out of Italy, arrived at the jump, so as the two thousand arquebusiers, which were led by the vidame of Chartres, entered within the Town. And from elsewhere they caused four thousand openly to approach thither, & three thousand lansquenets, the whole Company which arrived and daily came being stayed and lodged about, as well in Bresse, as Lionnois, and Mascanois, being all resolved with full intention to charge when the first occasion should be but offered. In the end after that he had three several times removed his Camp before the place, the sixetenth day of October, D'escheuets about the entering in of the night sent fifty arquebusiers out of the Town, to view his Camp, together with the countenance & assuredness of his men, who having at their first arrival killed the Sentinelles, thrust in, and broke upon their Corpse de guards, whom they massacred in part, and caused the rest to fly, putting the rest of the Army into such a fright, as from that hour it dislodged: And it made so great speed to retire, as before that the French could have certain news thereof, and be ready to follow, they were four leagues off. Where leaving many sick persons, victuals, and movables, having taken again the way to the French County, from which they were come, shortly after the Troops broke of themselves, and abandoned the Baron their Chief, for that he performed no jot of what he had promised unto them.  
Now albeit that the designs of this Baron were thus turned into smoke, 
The means which the K. used to levy an Army against the Spaniard.  and the great fire of the Almain, English, and Spanish Armies, seemed to smother and decrease by little and little, so many Nations notwithstanding being banded against France, could not choose but greatly diminish the Forces thereof, and prepare a most certain ruin to the whole Realm, had the Frenchmen wanted heart to defend themselves, or good will to make supply to such necessary means, as mought best stop the course of the Spanish fortune. For King Henrye being no less curious, in such occurrences to raise up and increase his honour, then to preserve his people from the evil which was threatened, foreseeing the number of Forces, which would be necessary for this purpose, and how his Finances being drawn dry, there would rest no means of furnishing a pay, except he were succoured from elsewhere, was counseled to renew the practice of his ancestors, to wit, to seek aid and favour of his people, to whom he could not more commodiously declare his necessity, and persuade them to furnish out his charge, then by calling together the general Estates of his Realm. 
The general Estates of France assembled by the K. to declare unto them, his necessities and seek succour against Spain at their hands.  The which he caused to be done at Paris the sixth of januarie, where all the Deputies being assembled in one of the halls of the Palace called Saint Lewis hall, the Prelates and Ecclesiastical Ministers arrayed with their rochets, and surplices, were placed upon such seats, as on the right and left hand were prepared for them: and on a stage upon the right hand high raised up, were the Bailiffs, Seneschals, and other for the Nobility. Upon a bench below, covered with flower de lices, were the Precedents of the parliaments. At the end whereof, upon an other lesser form on the same side, sat the kings learned Counsel, of the Parliament of Paris, the two advocates, and proctors of the King. In the middle of the room, there stood a little square table, covered with a carpette of cloth of Silver, at which there sat three Secretaries of the commandments, and two other a little further upon a low form. At the foot of the kings chair of Estate, sat the general treasurers of the Finances, above whom and in the fullest place of view of the whole Hall, were set two Chairs, the higher being covered with purple Velvet powdered with Flower de Luce's Gold, being the King's seat, and a pace and a half off, almost on the same rank there was another somewhat lower covered with cloth of Gold, for Monsieur le D' Auphin his Son. And on the top hung up a cloth of estate suitable to the K. Chair. The Provost of the Merchants of Paris, the Sheriffs, the Deputies of Roven, of Lions, of Tolouse, and consequently of the rest of the Towns, were ranged on the Bishop's side where there was greatest room. Anon after arrived the Knights, having their great order about their neck. To wit the D. of Nevers, the Prince de la Roche Sur●yon, the Comte de Sancerre, Durf, and de Bordillon, who mounted up on the right hand above all the Nobility, hard by the D. of Lorraine, and the rest of the young Princes. By and by came the K. and Monsieur le D'Auphin his Son, accompanied with the Cardinals of Lorraine, of Bourban, of Guise, of Castillon, and of Sens. The King being set, Monsieur le D'Auphin, and the rest of the Cardinals sat down on the same side.  

The K. declaration to the estates of his Realm.  Upon this the King began to deliver how since his coming to the Crown he had had continual war with the Englishmen & Bourguignons ancient enemies of France. Into which war he was constrained to enter, for the recovery of such Frontier places, as his enemies had usurped, as Boulonnois and the rest, and how that to furnish the defraying of the same, he had been constrained to sell his own Domain, and afterwards impose many Subsidies upon his people, wherewith to his great grief they stood sore oppressed: That for the regard and consideration of them, he had offered to obtain place, albeit it was at very prejudicial conditions for himself, but only he was moved thereunto for the singular desire which he had to keep his people in a peaceable estate, whom he had always found most faithful and enclineable to his obedience and service. And for so much as he stood advertised that his said enemies, were in a far greater deliberation than ever, to enterprise and assail the Realm of France, he reposed all his whole trust after God, in the fidelity and succours of his said Subjects, and therefore he purposed to make a strong, great and extreme war, thereby to recover a good peace, as of mere necessity being compelled thereunto. But for so much as money is the principal sinew of war, he earnestly besought every one of the states, that they would now secure him to resist the enemy, and that afterwards he would employ all his endeavour, to attain, and preserve his Subjects in tranquillity: Promising in the faith of a good King and Prince, that he would from thence forward so graciously use them and settle all things in such an order, as every man should have occasion to content himself, and that for pledge of his good will and affection, he choose to make this promise in publicque, and in his sons presence, to the end that both of them might thereby be comprehended, and bound to the performance of the same.  
The King having finished his speech, the Cardinal of Lorraine, holding the first place, and speaking for the estate of the Church, began a most learned speech and Oration, and gravely pronounced, which lasted the spade of an hour, as well in the praise of the King, as yielding unto him thanks for his good will and promise: Concluding that they would all submit their bodies and goods to his will and good pleasure. The Duke of Nevers speaking for the Nobility in few words said, that they were so affectionated, to his service and the realms defence, as that they presented unto the King not only their bodies and goods, but also their lives. Afterwards Saint Andre first Precedent of Paris, answering upon his knees, in the behalf of the law, and all the precedents of the rest of the Parliaments of France, first thanked the King for the good and honour which it had pleased his Majesty to do them, in erecting a fourth estate of the Law: and also to manifest unto his Subjects; his good will and affection, with sundry other speeches and thanks givings, tending to the praise of his greatness, and of his promise, in that he would so courageously maintain war, by repelling of the enemy, to attain a long and perpetual peace for his Subjects, and afterwards to redress all things into their order, to the repose and contentment of every one offering on the behalf of that estate, not only the goods but the very bodies of the officers of Courts: for the last estate of the commons, and Deputies of Towns, Du Mortier stepped up, and having made three great reverences, he most humbly thanked the King for the good will which he bear unto his Subjects, in seeking to preserve them in peace, after resistance of the enemy, especially he approved and greatly praised, the good desire which he had to settle France again in good order, which had suffered many disorders through the necessity of wars, which notwithstanding albeit that the poor people were already weakened and waxed feeble in their power, yet would it rather let itself blood, that after having exposed unto him their bodies and goods, they might likewise sacrifice their lives for the defence of the Realm.  
After that all the Deputies had finished their propositions, before that the King rose, the Cardinal of Sens, keeper of the great Seal, kneeled down before the King bowing down his head very low. Afterwards rising up he returned towards the assistants, and said, that the King had commanded him to use this speech unto all the people. That to begin to restore all things into a good disposition for the comfort and repose of France, every one of the Deputies of the Towns should set down in writing all their griefs, and put those points into Articles which had most need of reformation, and then deliver them into the said Du Mortier his hands. Upon which the King with the Lords of his Council, would particularly order every one, as he should see needful, and in such time, as they should be made privy unto. And that the Deputies should not depart out of the Town, until they had more amply understood the kings pleasure. This being said, the King arose, and after himself being retired, every man took the way of his retreat. Certain days after the Deputies of the Towns, were sent for to the Cardinal of Sens his lodging, where they found the Cardinal of Lorraine, with other of the privy Council. There the Cardinal of Lorraine, delivered unto the Deputies of the Towns, the end and scope of his assembly, to wit that the King would borrow three Millions of Gold, and that he would have found out three thousand persons within his Realm, which might lend him every man a thousand Crowns, declaring how that the Clergy had already offered a thousand men, which should lend every man a thousand. That the Towns of France should find two thousand men, and that the K. would diminish his taxes, for the ease of his common people which was greatly oppressed therewith. And that there should be no more custom put upon merchandise for the entertaining of traffic, charging the said Deputies to do one of the two things, every man to give a part by himself the Rolls of such as were able to furnish money, and the other to give in writing to Du Mortier, all such Articles as seemed good unto them for the reformation of causes. At their departure the deputies consulted together, and concluded it touching the charge which was given unto them; they were not able to give any rolls of names, for that it was unpossible for them to be able to know the estate of the particular persons: for such a one is oftentimes reputed to have money which hath least. And for to discharge themselves from giving any such Rolls, they went the same day to the Cardinal of Lorraine, to whom they declared that it was unpossible to give up any such Rolls with any certainty, by reason that they were not possibly able to know and understand the ability and means of the inhabitants: for as much as some man hath store of goods in appearance which hath no money at all. And for the regard of Merchants which work upon their credit, many a one maketh great show, and traficques outwardly, which is near enough at hand to be come bankroute. Afterwards they of the privy Counsel deliberated of the matter.  
Whereupon considering how that the Deputies of Towns, were not able to make up any true Rolls, through the uncertainty of persons abilities, they concluded that they would charge and task in every Town so many men as should lend money: and if they were not able to lend a thousand Crowns, then to lend five hundred, augmenting the number of persons. The fourth estate afterwards gave up Articles for the reformation of causes, according as the present time required. Briefly in the end the Ecclesiastical estate garunted unto the King in a pure gift, a Million of Gold besides the tenths. And the fourth estate two Millions of Gold, declaring further unto him, that if that would not suffice to maintain the war, and compel the enemy to hearken to some good peace, they would expose all that remained of their goods and persons at his service.  
Hereupon the King perceiving all his forces to be joined together in one, over which, and his whole Realm throughout, he had already declared the Duke of Guise his Lieutenant general, determined that the conquest of Calais, & the county there about should be the first exploit thereof; and so the advise of those which counseled him to assay to recover such places as were lost, was differred until a better season: considering that they were well enough provided to hold out a long time, that winter approached on; his troops being come from so far off, especially his men at arms, being altogether weary with their great pains taking the Summer before. And the whole Country clean wasted, and especially unprovided of all victual, and fourage, through the continuance of the wars passed. Now as the gentle heart awakeneth, and groweth affected according to the good or evil example of an other, and chiefly in seeking to do best, when any hatred or jealousy is intermingled, so this General, being curious to make it appear, that to blot out the Constable's disgrace, he had no smaller means under the wings of his Prince, than the D. of Sauoie supported by the K. of Spain, endeavoured by his long secret and continual diligence, to take his advantages, as happily as the Prince of Piedmont had done in his former exploits of Picardy. Therefore undertaking upon his honour, the conduct and final execution of Senarpont Governor of Boulonnois his old and so often differred secret enterprises (to the pursuit whereof the Constable marched, had not the desastre of S. Quintin's crossed the course of his good hap,) and perceiving how all things had of a long time been made ready, advised, that the better to take away any suspicion from the Spanniardeses of his intent and meaning, the Duke of Nevers should carry half the army into campaign, giving out that he went to batter Luxembourge, Arlon, and other places which Frontered upon his government, and that the other part should remain with the D. of Guise only to hinder any entire victualling which should be brought to such places as had been newly conquered. But the Duke of Nevers seeing that nothing presented itself of sudden taking, that the Spaniard had dispersed his army, in fortifying the places about Luxembourg, which were evil enough provided, sent back his troops with all diligence to the Duke of Guise; who in the mean space bending towards Amiens, as it were to victual D'ourlen, and after to strengthen Ardres, & Bolongne, found means to understand and learn the passages, forces, estate and designs of them of Calais. Where understanding how that all things remained in the same state, as they left them, with a great promptness he presented the choicest of his men before the fort of Nieullay on the first day of januarie. Where finding at their arrival a little fort palissaded & raised up with earth: which the English men had builded at S. Agathe, a small village near hand, and at the beginning of the causey which leadeth to Pont de Nieullay, 
The port of Nieullay taken from the Englishmen and how.  he caused it to be assaulted by two thousand arquebusiers chosen men, seconded with thirty horse, with so great a fury, as having put back an Ensign of those which kept it, coming out to the skirmish, by favour of the Cannon, and of the Marish which was covered over with a threescore horse, he caused them all in the end to abandon it, and retire themselves to the great fort of Nieullay.  
The which at the first bound greatly astonished the English men, for they expected nothing less than such an encounter, and no ways the French forts to be either so great or so near at hand. And contrariwise this victory at the first augmented the others courage, and put them in a great hope of attaining their principal end, when as they perceived their enemies at the first entry not to be able to withstand them. At the same instant albeit it grew already very late, the general and the Terms went to view the port of Nievillay, and presently were the approaches and trenches begun, into which as soon as the Artillery was brought, it was planted with all possible diligence, to begin the battery as soon as day would appear. And for that all the fruit which they hoped of this effect, did require a great promptness, to the end the besieged might grow astonished without any leisure to look into themselves, and to put them clean out of hope of looking for any succour, at the same time, this Prince caused a part of his army and Artillery to march on the left hand all along the Downs to occupy them and gain an other fort which lieth at the point of the Downs called Ricebanke, the which commanded and held all the haven subject, so as no vessel of the enemy could enter in. Likewise it was very necessary for the obtaining of the Town of Calais after, to seize at one blow upon the forts which kept the two passages, whereof that Nieullay, kept and defended all the causeys and passages by land, part of them being Mareshie, to the end the Flemings might be cut off from succouring them. And the other which is called Ricebank being taken, would keep any succours from landing which might be sent out of England, this haven of Calais, which Caesar called Iccius Portus, being distant from the first haven of England which is called Dover, but five leagues off the Seas, able to be passed over with a leading gale in two hours. Therefore the Duke of Guise having all the night, together with the D. D'aumalle his brother, the Marshal Strossy, De Termes, D'Estre, great master of the Artillery, De Sansac, De Tauannes, De Dandelot, and De Senarpont revisited, and well viewed the Downs, approached yet nearer to the fort of Ricebanke; and all at one instant, the Sea being very low ebbed, he caused the young Alegre, and an other Gentleman, to be conducted by Rendan unto a certain place of the port, where he knew there was a passage, for to sound it. As it was done and speedily dispatched, it was resolved among all the Captains, to batter and assail these two forts together at one time. In which Destree travailed so diligently, and caused the Vastadours and canoneers to take so extreme pains, as on the next morrow, being the fourth of the month, his Artillery was ready planted three hours before day against these two places, and as soon as day peeped: began to turn against the Englishmen. The which amazed in such sort those which were besieged within the fort of Nieullay, as at the second volley they quitted the place, and in all hast retired themselves within the Town. The Duke of Guise, having in this sort, made the first passage open, caused the French incontinently to enter, and be lodged within, where he found a great deal of Artillery, powder and munition. Afterwards to stop all other succour, which might by land be brought unto the town, he caused twenty Ensigns of the French infantry, & the Almains of the Reingrave, with eight hundred Reisters, and two hundred men at arms, under the conduct of the Prince de la Roche-sur-yon to be lodged between the Town and the Marish behind the causees. Leaving besides De Termes, with other companies of cavalry, Gendarmerie, and Zuizers, upon the passage from Guines to the Downs, whether this Prince with the rest of the army went to encamp. An hour after the taking of the fort of Nieullay, they which were within the fort of Ricebanke, yielded themselves unto the discretion of the General, of whom they were very courteously entreated. 
The fort of Ricebank rendered up to the Duke of Guise.  And thus this Prince remained seized, and possessed in one day, of two principal places, which were of so great importance unto him, and most necessary for to enjoy his full victory with all. Wherefore pursuing at hand, the occasion, which so favourably with open arms presented itself unto him, the fourth of that month he caused six Cannons and three long culverins to be mounted before the water Gate, and to break the flankers and defences, he caused the earth to be removed and filled up baskets, and Gabiannades therewith, as if he had intended to address his principal battery in that place, having with sundry volleys of the Cannon disarmed that port, broken, and rend a sunder certain towers which might hinder him from going to the breach, which he determined to go in hand withal Holding thus them which were besieged in doubt, which part they were best to defend, & to provide for, without doubting any whit at all of the Castle, which was steep, dry, and without any Rampires; where all at a blow, he planted fifteen Cannons in battery, charging and discharging all the day long a tempest of Artillery, with so great a fury, as towards the night the breach grew very large, and apparent. So as at the same instant before it grew night, the D. of Guise caused D' Andelot Colonel of the infantry, to pass, (with two hundred arquebusiers and Corcelets, followed with a number of Gentlemen,) and go join and fortify himself all along the Kaye, and breadth of the port, which was between the Downs and the Town, whether for to come he must necessarily pass over a little water: ordaining further that as soon as ever he should become master thereof, every man should be made work, to dig up a trench and traverse, 
The port o● Calais occupied by D' Andelot and his French companies.  with such instruments as he had caused to be given to all the Soldiers, the which might traverse and answer to the Dove, & wall of the Dich, in that place, which they meant afterwards to break up, whereby all the waters of the ditches might sue into the port, and they likewise might go in covert, from the port unto the ditches. Besides the courage, which greatly conducted the work of the French, the commodity to have every thing ready, and at hand helped them very much: for they had so long before artificiously provided all matters necessary for this siege, as especially to cause the men and other munitions to pass over the Ice, and marishes, they caused a great quantity of hurdles with Pease straw to be brought by Sea, to the end that the water might not eat, pierce, nor corrupt them. And the better to cover the arquebusiers by reason that the sand, and gravel was already discovered and in view, they had caused a great number of stakes: and Pale-bordes of dry wood to be brought, of the strongest and lightest they could choose, of a man's height, and half a foot in thickness, covered all without, three or four fingers in thickness, with writhed paper one over an other, so as the harquebus could not easily enter, having a rest beneath, at the foot whereof was an iron Pike, of a foot and an half long to fasten it into the ground how hard soever it were; behind these blinders the arquebusiers might shoot easily through a little hole which was in the midst thereof. The D. of Guise seeing how greatly the breach opened, and that three volleys of Cannon might make it reasonable, determined as soon as he could to give the assault. In the mean time to hold his enemies continually in alarms, 
Instruments by art invented fo● the siege of Calais.  and to stop them from Rampiring any ways, he caused Gramont at eight of the clock at night upon the ebb of the Sea, to pass with three hundred the best arquebusiers of his troops, to go to view the countenance of the besieged, and with a peal of harquebus shot, to dislodge those which should present themselves unto them. And at the same instant the Marshal Strossy, with other three hundred arquebusiers, conducted by the Captain Sarlabos and a hundred pioneers, went to gain the other end of the port to lodge himself in the little houses, which were there: and so fortefiing himself with a good trench to remain there, and command all the port. Notwithstanding the bullets flew so hot about their ears, as after five or six soldiers and pioneers were slain, they were feign to retire, and come back to the General, who was not far off, having already advanced near unto the port with D' Aumale, and the Marquis D' Elbuf his brethren, De Montmorency, and De Bovillon, followed with many Gentlemen. In the mean time this Prince having caused the breach to be thrice viewed, as well by Bracasse as by others, and being advertised that it was time, and that it was ready for the assault without any longer delay, gave the token, and caused Gramont to advance among the first, with his arquebusiers, assisted with as many Corcelets, conducted by the Marshal Strossy, followed beside with two hundred other soldiers: and himself on the other side having waded as deep as his girdle, went foremost before the rest of the troops as far as the foot of the breach. At which the French gave an assault, with such an hardiness and impetuosity, as after having cut a pieces such as they encountered at the first, they constrained the overplus in a short time to quite the Castle, which they clean abandoned to retire themselves into the Town. Thus being advantaged of this passage and first entry within Calais, the D. of Guise commanded them to fortify themselves, and look that they might not be thrust out, leaving D' Aumale, and the Marquis D' Elbaeuf, his brethren, their Captains for the rest of the night, and himself, for that it began to flow, passed over to the army on the other side, to the end he might send them succours by day break, and to be meet with any disorder which might chance to happen. When the English men come again to themselves, and had gotten their wits together, they greatly repenting the fault which they had committed, in having so suddenly abandoned the Castle, whereby they saw a full overture made for the French into their town, they returned with a far greater hardiness than before to recover the peace again, judging that those which were within could not long abide it, and that they could not be succoured, by reason that it was flood, and the sea of a great depth. Thereupon they came violently upon the French, which attended them with the like courage, but with more advantage. In sum, they found so great a resistance made, as they were beaten back with a far greater loss than before. But remaining full of opinion that they might regain their castle, they brought three pieces of artillery upon the other end of the bridge towards the town, to blow up the gate and scour those which should defend it, and from a platform which was upon one of the corners of the great place, they shot in an infinite number of Cannon shot, so as it would have been thought that no man in the world durst have showed himself there, and afterwards they redoubled another assault, more furious than the first. Now if it were well assaulted, it was better defended, for having lively put them back, and more than three hundred of their bravest men lying on the ground dead or hurt, the French in the end shut the gates, and suddenly rampired them behind, upon which all courage and hope afterwards failed those which were besieged, So as from thence forwards they thought it good rather to parley, and treat of some favourable composition, than to make any longer resistance. Wherefore on the morrow morning Wentworth, who was governor thereof, sent two of the principallest men of the town to the Duke of Guise, who demanded very great conditions for their advantage. In the end they stooped & were content with these Articles.  
That they should have their lives saved without any force, or displeasure offered to man, wife, maid, or child. All the inhabitants of the town should retire themselves whether they would, either into England or into Flanders, with such passports and safe conducts as should be thought necessary for their surety and passage, my Lord Wentworth remaining with fifty such other prisoners of war as the Duke of Guise would choose out. And for the rest of the men of war, they should be bound to pass over into England. They should leave behind them the artillery, powder, bullets, armour, ensign, and generally all kind of munitions, as well of war as victuals, within the town, without breaking, burning, hiding, or endemnifying any thing at all. As for gold, silver, money, or not money, goods, movables, merchandise, and horse, all should remain in the discretion of the Duke of Guise to dispose of, as it should seem best unto himself.  
All which things being accorded on the eight of januarie, this Prince began to put out a great part of the people out of the town, and the rest followed according as it was promised, without having any wrong or disturbance done them, without any one englishman's remaining there. But well an incredible quantity of powder, artillery, munition, wols, and of all sorts of victuals, which were staid, and the surplusage given in pray to the soldiers. After this manner, and in less than seven days space, was Calais & her fortresses conquered, which as then was esteemed impregnable, before which (as the Chronicles of France do witness, during the reign of Philip the sixth, named De Valois, and in England, of Edward the third) the English army laid siege during the space of one whole year. In the end they which were besieged with in the town, were driven to so great a necessity and famine, as they were feign to eat rats and hides of leather, john de Vienne commanding there, it was yielded the third day of August 1347. whereby the English enjoyed it two hundred & ten years, during which space they bragged how they carried the keys of France at their girdle, being able by this means to enter and departed the realm at their pleasure. But as one Philip king of France lost it, so did the French again conquer it from another Philip king of England. It was only enclosed with stone walls, full of round towers, joining near one another, first builded for spear and shield, arrows, or any other instruments of war without fire, after the old fashion, and without any rampires, 
Description of the Town of Calais.  or other devices or subtleties, such as are now a days invented against the force of our artillery. At this hour it is judged to be one of the fairest and strongest towns of war in all Europe. For as much as besides the natural situation thereof, in a place unaccessable, for that it is environed three parts with rivers, brooks, and marshes, and the fourth side defended with the sea, with a great and spacious port, not being subject or to be commanded by any thing. The art and invention of man hath given unto it a form more square than otherwise, new clothed without with great, large, & massive rampires, having at the three corners towards the marish three great bulwarks, in point trianglewise, well flanked and armed to cover and defend the curtains. And on the other square towards the downs standeth the castle, by which, for that it was not known, or the imperfection not remedied, grew this last taking of the town. Besides, this town is wholly environed with large ditches, and marvelous deep, with springs at the very bottom, always full of water, by reason of a little river which cometh from Hames, which passing through the town, watereth them, & filleth them full, as well as all the rest of the little brooks which break out of the marshes, fall down, and few thither for the most part. But which is more praiseworthy in a town of war, there is one of the fairest square public places as is possible to behold, in which at the least may be put in battle between four or five thousand men, and the revenue and profit of the port must needs be better, for that it is one of the principallest & most renowned towns of the Ocean sea, whether there is brought from all parts of the world an infinite and inestimable riches, and of all sorts of merchandises, and from thence likewise they are distributed into sundry other Countries. Now whilst that they battered the town, the thunder and bruit of the artillery being heard within England, the Queen to remedy the same, caused a number of ships to be prepared, which she furnished with soldiers, and all kind of munitions fit for any succour to be sent thither. But when they approached, and already perceived the colours and white crosses to wave upon the tower of Ricebanke and walls of the town, without coming any nearer, they returned back to carry report thereof home into their country.  
The town of Calais being surprised in so short a time, 
Guines & Gr. line as it were two soldier support Cala●.  there grew afterwards some disputation to which of the two they should address themselves, either Graveline or Guines, for so much as these two fortresses seemed to be like two shoulders to support the town, and as two strong bulwarks to close up the two principal passages thereto, to wit, Graveline for Flanders, and the low Countries, and Guines for France.  
Notwithstanding these propositions being amply debated of and discussed, the more sound opinion resolved, that Guines imported much more for the conservation of Calais than Graveline, although it were far stronger and of more difficile access. According to which advice, the General of Guise, without giving any great leisure to the enemy to bethink himself of any remedy, pursuing near his victory, the thirteenth of this month besieged Guines, where Grey commanded, with a good number of men of war, and all other kinds of munitions requisite. At their arrival the French finding the town abandoned, lodged there for their better help, towards the battering and assault of the fortress which was joining thereunto. But the Englishmen surprising them as they were grown into a great disorder about their lodging, sallied out at a postern gate of the castle, and thrust them out upon the first fury, setting in spite of them the better part of the houses on fire, and afterwards retired: but the D. of Guise caused them to begin the breaches, albeit the Artillery gave impediment enough thereunto. So as with an obstinate assurance, and without intermission he caused the work to be pursued. Where he himself, to augment their courage and to serve for an example to every one, was ready with the first, and had his mattock as soon ready in his hand to make way for the Cannon as the meanest Pioneer in the troop. And in such sort continued in preparing the ground and dressing up of Gabionades, as within three days after, he approached and put the mouth of his Artillery to the number of thirty five pieces of battery, just upon the border and counterscarp of the ditches, to batter as well point blank, as traversing in three places principally, one of the greatest and principallest bulwarks, which flanked on the one side the Courtine of the Gate, and on the other their great bulwark which they called, the keape, undertaking at the first one of the strongest of the bulwarks, in hope after to obtain better cheap some of the less and smaller sort. Thus very suddenly began the battery. The which endured without cease two days & a half, in such a fury, as within so short a space there was discharged between eight and nine thousand shot of Cannon. In such sort, as this great bulwark being opened and disarmed, the breach by the 20. of this month appeared reasonable for the assault. But the D. of Guise for all that, knowing by how many ways and devices a breach might be repaired, and the means and subtleties which the enemy might invent, to entrap them which should make the assault, and to fortify himself within, before that he would hazard his Soldiers, thought it good to make the breach more than once to be viewed, 
Guines besieged the 13. of januarie.  and what kind of access was made, for to go up at. And therefore at the first blow he sent four of his most disposte Soldiers which he could choose out, followed with twenty other resolute men, who were incontinently retired by his own commandment. The next morrow he sent again five Soldiers no less adventurous than the first. The which gave very good hope for the coming to the breach: yet not trusting to all these reports, for that he would not upon too light a credit, make a sudden frycassie, of so many valiant men's lives, as lightly are the foremost in such an exploit, he sent again six score French soldiers, to gain and preoccupy with the first the top and highest part of the Parapet, which was on the assailants side, that thereby they might cover, and help up a certain number of pioneers, which he caused to mount up with the same track, for to plane, and make the mounting up to the breach more easy, which was as yet very high and rough, commanding all these adventerers notwithstanding, that they should not undertake further than they had charge, which they obeyed, gaining with a great number of blows, and hazard of their life, the top of the breach. In the end standing assured, that the way was prepared, he commanded D'Andelot general of all the French infantry to be ready with his soldiers, that as soon as the token should be given, he might readily present himself to the assault. And he for to view with his eye the beginning, and such issue as should ensue, and if it were possible to discern within the breach, & behold the fashion of the men within, mounted up a little Hillock high enough to discover, that for to sustain and defend that breach, there needed not so many men as the first thought for. Wherefore all at the instant he caused a regiment of chosen Almains to march strait to the breach, to open the first passage thereof, who with great assurance, and without any fear of harm were there overthrown. By the like means he made sign to D'Andelot that he should follow him with his troops which he did, for altogether made a marvelous stir to enter; the most part of the Soldiers plunging and entering within the water, and ditches of seventy foot in depth, with such an heat and desperate hardiness, that they forgot all danger, albeit that the Duke of Guise had caused bridges to be builded overthwart the ditches, with pipes, and cask linked one to an other, upon which they had cast planks and juice, and bound them fast together. All this notwithstanding such a vehement fury pushed them forward, as they had no regard neither to bridge nor passages, through the very desire which they had to enter. And yet their impetuosity was not so great & furious, but that at the first bound they were repulsed, the enemies greatly helping themselves through their artificial fires, & fight for their life with a strange & incredible obstinacy. The which the Duke of Guise perceiving, came down the little hill, and thrusting himself into the midst of them, reprehended some, solicited other, and prevailed so far with the rest, as he restored in such a sort their heart into their belly, that turning their face, and beginning a fresh, they redubled with such a courage, and fell to it with so great a force, as the besieged fainted under the burden, being no longer able to sustain this last charge: so as being overthrown, they abandoned the entry and left the breach to the French and Almains, with the loss of more than three or four hundred men, among whom there were found near hand four score Spaniards of the bravest men, and of best reputation: As the rest turned their backs, and were either slain in the fury or taken prisoners, the same day the Almains of Colonel Reicord conducted by his nephew, did on the other side force two little bulwarks, which had likewise been battered, where the breach was made, & so was the base court of the castle wholly gained upon the same day. The governor Grey, before this loss, foreseeing the danger which was likely to arrive, had retired himself with a son of his into the old Castle, & their principal fort, which they called the Bulwark or keep, as were in like sort the principal Captains, and best soldiers. And had transported in with themselves all their richest movables. All they having a while bethought themselves of their work, and finding themselves unable to resist against the fury of the French, determined to parley. And the governor Grey sent the same day two gentlemen to the Duke of Guise, to declare unto him that in defending of that place, being of so great mark & importance, the keeping whereof had been committed to him, he ought not to find it strange nor in evil part, if as an honest man and according to his duty, he had well defended it, so far as to have endured the assault: If he should have done otherwise it had been against his honour and faith, requiring him in the end to deliver unto him, an honest composition. This Prince having understood his propositions, differred answer until the next morrow, albeit that some counseled him to take him at his word, considering that he stood as yet upon his feet and almost as strong, as at the first, having besides this old Castle whole and entire of a most strong and ancient matter, environed with most deep dyches, and full of water where they must needs make a new battery, and where it was possible to retrench it, the place being spacious enough: Besides that there rested the great and large Bulwark of the keep, which commanded all the rest, the whole being garnished with artillery & munitions and defended by the best advised, and valiantest men that were. Then on the morrow being the one & twentieth of this month, the Duke of Guise accorded this composition. That the Soldiers should depart with their arms, but that their ensigns should remain in the place, with all artillery, powder, bullets, and all other kind of munition, as well of war as victuals. As for my Lord Grey, and all the Captanes of quality which he had with him, they should remain prisoners of war, in the power of the King and of the Duke of Guise. This capitulation being received & approved by the besieged, the day following there departed thence between 900. and 1000 men of war, part Englishmen, part Borguignons, and a number of Spaniards, besides the common sort, which took every man such course as himself listed, frank and free without any harm or displeasure done unto them, three or four hundred dead and hurt remaining behind. 
Mondragon a Spanniarde.  Grey was retained prisoner, so was Mondragon a Spanish Captain, who having been before prisoner in the Bastile of Paris, saved himself, and was again committed to ward thither. That done the Duke of Guise, for that this place seemed very dangerous if it should be taken again, and greatly noisome to the high way from Calais into France, especially in being so near unto Ardres, and that it would be a double expense to keep it, having caused all the Artillery munition and victuals to be taken out, caused it to be ruined and razed: in the year 1351. The town and Castle of Guines, were taken by the Englishmen, notwithstanding the truce which then was, by the conspiracy & treason of one named Gilliaume de Beau Couroy, Lieutenant to the Captain of that place, who for this cause, was beheaded, and afterwards hanged. Now there rested no more of the whole county of Doye, but a little Castle called Hames, which was not restored into the King's obedience. And for that this Castle, albeit that it was little, and not rampired nor fortified by any art, was notwithstanding naturally seated in so strong, & as it were unaccessible a situation, as being environed with Fleets, Motes, and Maresches, having but a very narrow causey to pass over into it, and that in many places crossed with wooden Bridges broken and taken away, it was almost impregnable to be gotten from men well furnished and resolute, they were in a great doubt after what manner they might besiege it. In the mean time Sipierre, to whom the keeping of this causey was committed, having the Duke of Lorranes company whereof he was Lieutenant, and some other, 
Hamas Castle abandoned.  advertised the D. of Guise, that they which were within Hames, being frighted, and dismayed at the taking of Guines, had abandoned it, and were fled away by night, through certain by-paths which they only were acquainted with all in the Maresches. And so it fell out very easy to be seized, where they found much Artillery and provisions. Afterwards the French remained in all, and through all masters, and there was neither fort nor Castle, which was not yielded unto them, or abandoned: so that besides the Country which the Duke of Guise conquered over the Englishmen, and the rich booties which were found therein and taken, there were gained near hand three hundred pieces of Brass artillery, all mounted upon carriages, and as many of iron.  

The K. in his parliament at Paris.  After this the King having kept his bed of justice, with the Dauphin and the rest at the Parliament of Paris, and caused a number of Ordonances concerning his own estate to be proclaimed, visited Calais with the King Dauphin, leaving there De Terms as governor, with charge to perfit the fortifications such as you see them at this day. 
The K. army dismissed.  Afterwards the rigour of the winter enforced him then to dismiss his army for to refresh themselves all saving such troops as he distributed into Garrisons, where he thought most need, resolving to redress a new army at the spring. There was the charge of the light horse bestowed upon the Duke de Nemours, at the instance of the Duke of Guise, whom he caused to be preferred, before the Prince of Conde, who at the same time and before had demanded this charge, whereupon he grew very malcontent: then the King went to Fontaine Bleau, whether Anthony de Bourbon, Duke of Vendomis, and as then King of Navarre, through the decease of the King his late Father in law, came unto him, 
mademoiselle de Rohan.  showing himself besides much offended with the D. of Nemours by reason of the Damoiselle de Rohan, cousin German to the Q. of Navarre, who maintained that he had promised to marry her, and upon that sued him in the Arches. 
D. of Nevers.  The D. of Nevers being tickled with the good hap which accompanied the Duke of Guise, gave the Rendezvous at Yuoy to all such troops as he was able to assemble together within his government: where having let them all to understand, how that there was no place more enemy, nor of greater importance than the Castle of Herbemont, in being the principal place, where all the enemies bands assembled together, and retired from their enterprises, he resolved to carry it away. Therefore having caused it, that night to be enclosed round with the light horse, the next morning the army lay encamped, ready to batter the place, after they had well viewed it through hot skirmishes, under the favour whereof, they had gained as far as the Court, and quickly after was mounted and planted a part of the artillery to batter down with Cannon, out of the flankers of the Castle. But when they perceived how little they prevailed thereby, by reason of the hard and bad situation thereof, they planted the Cannon, right in front and at the head, to batter a bulwark, which covered and defended the only passage and entrance unto it, which they shot off so furiously, and bestirred themselves so well in so short a space, albeit that the breach was not sufficient to give the assault to, as the desired parley, upon some conditions. But being deceived in his demands, and a short answer being made him by this Prince, how that he should speak of no other composition, then yield to his mercy, 
The Castle of Hebermont yielded.  otherwise that if he made not good haste, he should instantly be cut in pieces, with all his, albeit that he was nothing so near danger, as the faintness of his heart imagined, trusting in the bounty of this Prince, he notwithstanding yield himself unto his mercy: of which at the entreaty of jametz he found experience, the D. of Nevers using such sweetness, as to send him away with his wife, and family, and generally all the rest of the soldiers which were within, their lives & goods saved, without being any ways peeled or ransomed. This done, the Prince sent a number of light horse, and arquebusiers on horse back, to view the ports of jamoigne, Chigny, Rossignol and Villemont, part whereof they found already abandoned, and the rest yielded at the first summons. They were determined to have gone yet further forwards, and to have given as far as Neufchastel in Ardaines. But the rains, snows, and great frosts broke off their designs. Now the only taking of this Castle of Hebermont, ought not to be placed among the least, for besides that it is naturally strong and easy to be made inexpugnable, as being situate upon a high and hard rock, on all parts unaccessible, saving by this passage, by which it was battered, yet is it most proper & convenient for the assuring of the whole passages of the Ardenes, all the Champion over, and seconding the strong Castle of Bovillon, to hold in awe all the forts, of the long forests of Ardenes: it appertaineth to the comte Bilisten, and the Rochefort, to the keeping whereof: was appointed the Captain de la Croix, Lieutenant to Haute-Courte.  
FINIS.   


FOR THOU SHALT LABOUR  
PEAC● PLENTY   
LONDON Printed by john Windet dwelling at Paul's Wharfe at the sign of the Cross Keys, and are there to be sold. 1595.