¶ PRACTICES touching the state of FRANCE, discovered by an ITALIAN, a gentleman of FLORENCE.  
Printed. 1575.   

¶ To all Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and all other good and legitimate Frenchmen, as well of the one as of the other religion. etc.  
IN the month of May this last year. 1574. travailing from Florence towards Milan, I by chance met with a Florentine gentleman, who, after certain embracings and acquaintance taken by reason of some former knowledge both at the court and at Paris, used such courtesy and honesty towards me, that of force I was compelled not to leave his company, before I had visited his mansion house, whereas having for the space of two days entertained me with very good cheer, I having pulled on my boots, determining to return whither as especially my way lay, and being ready to take my leave of him, he brought into my chamber a purse, containing by estimation (considering the greatness and weight of the same) a thousand or xii. hundred crowns, desiring me to take so much thereof as myself thought good, for the which, (notwithstanding I had thereof great need,) yet determining to make of necessity virtue according unto my duty I thanked him, persuading myself tha● at Milan I should meet some friend who would lend me so much. But he having showed me, that knowing from how long and tedious a journey I now was returned, he was not also ignorant how sore it had consumed my coin, wherefore he earnestly entreated me not to conceal my necessity, but willed me in any wise to take my commodity of his store as himself in like case would do with mine, whereupon doubting least some of my train had revealed unto him my estate, as in very deed the next day I learned who had committed this offence) I made him answer that seeing he would needs do me such a pleasure, I would willingly borrow of him two hundred crowns, I had scarcely said the word but presently he told me out three hundred pistolets upon my own band which I delivered unto him sealed and subscribed with my own hand, which with great difficulty I forced him to take, and besides that he used toward me so much virtuous and honest communication with such thanks for that I had so much pleasured him as to come and visit his house, and so largely opened myself unto him, that if the opinion of Pythagoras were as certain as in deed it is false, I should have occasion to think that the soul of some Frenchman of the former time, retaining yet the tas●… of his former Adam, had been lodged in the body of this man, even from the day of his birth. Whereupon I am so greatly bound unto him, that I doubt I never shall be able sufficiently to discharge myself, and yet is it but small, in respect of that wherein all Frenchmen are bound to him generally, and myself particularly, in that after large communication of the miseries of France, with the water in his eyes, he drew out of a small box two leaves of paper written in Italian speech and letter, and delivered them unto me to read, wherein I satisfying his expectation, and being come unto the last side, not giving me leave to finish the same, he desired me to keep and translate it into French, to the end I might sand the copies unto my friends, because he knew it most necessary to publish the contents thereof. O how good a man he was, I would to God that all Italians which be in France were like to him, and that they were as good Christians as I know him to be: Wherefore seeing that although the promise which I made unto him, that in this his request, I would not fail him, touched no other but himself only, yet could I not be quiet▪ before I had accomplished his intent, so highly do I find myself bound unto him, with much more reason than aught I now to proceed in the same, lest I should to grievously serve from my duty toward my country, in as much as indifferently it concerneth all frenchmen in general, also because the effect of the publishing of the same, may stop the course of the most cruel and tyrannous practices that ever were conspired in Christendom, as all men may perceive in taking so much pain as to read my translation of the afore named two sheets of paper. The which to the same end I have dedicated unto all my Lords the princes of the blood, other Princes, Lords and gentlemen, and unto all other good and legitimate Frenchmen, of what estate or condition soever they be, as well of the one religion as of the other, according to the counsel of this honest Florentine, with most humble supplication unto all such as I do own the same, and most earnest request unto all other, that they will accept the zeal and good will as well of the Florentine, as of the translator hereof with as good a heart, as the translator doth pray unto God long and blessedly to preserve than in health and prosperity, attending his own opinion hereupon, which he will place in the end of the aforesaid discourse.   

The preface of the Florentine.  
SInce Saint bartlemew's day, at what time the most cruel and detestable murders which ever were committed had driven me out of France, by reason of the simple safety which I perceived that honest men should in time to come enjoy in those countries, I have divers times thought upon a discourse, which once I heard given in the presence of the King, the Q. mother, my Lord the Duke▪ since K. of Poole, and now King of France, and the County of Re●z, being at Bloys in the year. 1572. a little before the Q. of Navarre lately deceased came thither, and it was made by a gentleman, named the Knight Poncet, whom as I have since learned, the County of Retz had sent for into Germany, for that he had heard him accounted to be a man of great forecast, judgement, and discourse, who also had lived eight or nine years in Turquye, and now having sundry times with myself weighed the said discourse, I perceive that out of the same might be sprung the original of the aforesaid murders, rather than of any other thing. And therefore because that by divers things which since the same discourse have chanced, all men might more assuredly judge of the same, unless my opinion deceiveth me, I thought myself bound to put the same in writing, and to the end that I might shake of all name of unthankfulness, for such great courtesies, favours, and benefits, as in the space of 18. years which I spent in that country, I had received of the good and mild French nation, to give the same unto some such person as might admonish them thereof, to the end that finding my judgement not to be far amiss, they might take heed unto themselves and look better to their own affairs, than hitherto they have done, and so to prevent such pernicious practices as might be put in execution against their persons and estates. The said Knight Poncet, in his discourse did first let them understand in how many Countries, Principalities, Kingdoms and Monarchies he had been, then that in any of the same he could never find any perfect obedience unto the sovereign, except in Turquy only, and that the same there proceeded principally of the causes which hereafter shall be expressed.  
First the Turk hath no prince or great Lord throughout his Empire but such as himself have created and made of his own liberality and proper cost, neither suffereth he any such to ascend so high, but that he may pluck down and dispatch them at his own will and pleasure.  
Secondly, he permitteth no other nobility to be in estimation through out his empire, but his janissaries, who being from their childhood by him brought up and entertained as his own creatures, are so bound to his devotion, that by their means and by the authority of his ministers and officers, all kind of obedience is presented unto him, as well by the mean man as by the wealthy person, neither is there any kind of account of pre-eminence, by reason of any antiquity or greatness of houses and families, nor any excuse for any man not to obey him whom the turk putteth in office.  
thirdly, he never permitteth throughout his own dominions any other religion than himself doth exercise, except in those countries which he hath lately conquered, whom he will not constrain to altar their profession, because by such means he may the more easily enlarge his limits, and yet there, no man is permitted to dispute of religion. Moreover in all the countries of his dominions, are no Lordships nor seigniores, for all the lands belong to himself, and those doth he by his officers, farm out unto his subjects for a few years, which being expired, the farmers or possessors are driven to purchase a new grant, and the same to acknowledge from five years, to five years, insomuch that no man can say, that that which he possesseth is his own, and so every man endeavoureth more and more to show his obedience, to the end that thereby he and his children may continue in possession in the said farms, and by this means the great turk is continually so well stored with riches, that upon no kind of occasion he ever is forced to raise taxes or subsidies of his subjects.  
Moreover, there be neither fortresses, neither any wauled towns in the heart of his Empire, nor in any other places, but only on the borders and a few other, in the which his officers and Cap- pleasures of Kings, whereby the said Princes and great Lords may rightly be termed controllers and hinderers of the kings wills, and this proceedeth of the unity and agreement of the said three estates, and therefore it is said that Kings be chief Lords and masters in outward appearance, but in effect they are as it were subject to their own subjects, in that they can not accomplish their own desires, and that their own motions and reasons for the most part be never accepted, notwithstanding divers times they tend to the augmenting of their living, and sometimes to the aid of the necessity of their affairs, and therefore the sooner to dispatch himself of the said Princes and great Lords, with the rest of the nobility, to the end by that means the straightlier to subduce the rest, and so to dispose & altar all things after his own pleasure and will, it were necessary to use the troubles for religion, for that they be the best instruments that might be wished to murder and slay on all parts, and yet not to reject such means as the peace might minister, and which might be executed as well by the parties grieved, as by such as be engaged and bound to his majesties service, as the affairs may best minister occasion, also that hereof, they shall find choice of devices and inventions enough among the ashes of debate and hatred, which the said troubles and divisions have brought forth. In the mean time to labour by all means possible for the diminishing of the said Princes, Lords, and nobility, as well in persons, as in goods, and not to grant them any thing whereby to obtain greater numbers of servants and bondslaves to them at his majesties charges, it is necessary that his majesty abstain from giving any rewards and recompenses at the suits of the said Lords, or of any other then of such as shall be found trusty, and whom his majesty mindeth to prefer unto their dignities. Also that if it were possible, it were good that such as receive any liberality should come to his own presence, to the end they might perceive unto whom they were principally bound, and this aught especially to be observed among those unto whom his majesty shall commit any public offices, who also after their dispatches should be brought to take their leaves of his majesty, whereby he might let them know, himself to have been the only motioner of this honour and commodity, also that he might command them whatsoever his majesty should think good, for this be aling would greatly bind them unto him and be very profitable. Moreover that the decayed and ruinous castles and charges should be given to the said Princes, Lords, and noble men which should remain, until the time were come that they might be dispatched. Also that in the mean time none of their estates, pensions, or wages, should be given to any other of them, then to such as his majesty should see good, and that so by all means possible, their commodities might be taken away, or at the leastwise hindered, for that by those means he might be the better assured of them, & keep them from practising any great enterprises, but all must be wrought artificially and under fair pretences. Also that his majesty should not permit any assembly of estates to be holden either generally or particularly▪ for that they serve only to bridle Kings more & more, but rather he aught severely to punish all procurers of the same, whereby the Kings shall never be without occasion to dispatch such as should be odious unto then and thus after that his majesty be dispatched of all his Princes, Lords and nobility as is aforesaid, he may easily attain unto the rest, when as all the chief force and principal part of the said estates shall be void, and that his majesty hath with the time, made and created others to his own mind, for the common people of themselves dare not practise any thing, unless they have some great Captains which will either bear them out in their doings, or egg them forward to their practices. Likewise his majesty having made a peace, should in any wise punish, and for the smallest occasion that might be, put to death all such governors and officers of towns, as during these troubles, have been contrary to his service, for because at the first blast of any contrary wind, they will not fail but revolt, to the end to exempt themselves from such pain and punishment as they should fear to have justly deserved for their former follies and offences. Also at such time as his majesty hath reduced his subjects to this obedience, the people dare not with stand the beating down of fortresses, & unmanteling of walled towns in the heart of his kingdom, or in any other place where his majesty shall think them hurtful: For assuredly the great number of Castles and walled towns, do especially encourage seditious and evil disposed persons, to the practices of such enterprises, and do make the inhabitants of the same more haughty and less obedient: And doubtless the great number of towns in France were in times passed, built by sundry Lords, Princes, and common wealths, which enjoyed several dominions, and then served for bulwarckes & defences to the one against the others, neither were they gotten and incorporate unto the crown as presently they be, insomuch that that, belonging now to one only, which was wont to serve divers, we must needs confess that, in that the pluralities and diversities of the grants of the said towns doth cease, consequently such of them as are situate in the heart of the realm, and far from the borders, are not only to no use, and unprofitable, as touching the defence and conservation of the kingdom, but contrariwise, stand in election to be occasions of divers evil demeanours and dealings.  
As concerning religion, at what time his majesty hath attained the commodity & profit aforesaid, then may he easily force all men to receive either his own, or any other that his majesty shall think good of, and so not to permit, but one only throughout all his dominions and countries, which will be far more assured and strengthened, in case his majesty would forbidden all disputations of his said religion. Hear upon the time drawing on to go to mass, the assembly broke up, and the said Poncet was entreated to set down these means which he had discovered and discoursed upon, with such additions as himself should think good, and that not without great promises and hope of wonderful commodity and reward.   

The translator's opinion.  
COnsidering & with myself conferring this brave discourse, with such things as I know have passed in France within these few years, & yet daily do continue, I find the same to be diligently kept, and in all points observed, without omitting any parcel thereof, as plainly and openly I could declare and represent to all men's view, were it not that I fear through my discontinewing of a courtier's life in France, I should forget and overslip some of the principal and most necessary occurrences, which especially might procure a more assured judgement, which such men may better understand and know, as more ordinarily be resident at the court, either in Paris, or in any other part of France, than I: among whom it cannot be, but that there is some one, who will in part discharge his duty unto his country, parents and friends, and to the rest of his posterity, if he doth consider the weightiness and dangerous consequence of the said discourse, the which whensoever there be any talk of peace, all such as are deputed to the same, should continually remember and wisely consider.  
Far ye well.