A DECLARATION MADE BY THE REFORMED CHURCHES OF FRANCE AND THE PRINCIPALITY OF BEARN.  
Concerning their unjust persecution by the Enemies of the Estate and of their Religion. Together with their lawful and necessary defence.  
according to the French Copy printed in Rochel.  
M. DC. XXI.   

A DECLARATION made by the Reformed Churches of France and the Principality of Bearn.  
Concerning their unjust persecution by the enemies of the Estate and of their Religion. Together with their lawful and necessary defence.  
WE the Deputies in the General Assembly of the Reformed Churches of France and the Principality of Bearn, persecuted by the enemies of the Estate and of their Religion, who abuse the King's mind and conscience, seeing that to our great grief we are constrained by the violence of oppression to have recourse unto natural and lawful means (by a necessary defence) to preserve the liberty of our consciences and the safety of our lives against these our implacable enemies: We protest in the name of the said Churches before God and men, inviolably to remain under the subjection of our King, acknowledging that he is given us of God to be our sovereign Lord. And that all the world may take notice that as this obedience, next unto the worship of God, is the only aim of our intention, sufficiently manifested by our former fidelity engraven in the pillars of our Estate, and in the crowns of our late Kings, raised up again by our predecessors and ourselves, notwithstanding the endeavours of our enemy's factions: also the hatred and persecution which we now endure, is raised up for no other cause by our enemies, but for this holy and just action; whereunto they know we are inseparably bound, by the rules of our Religion, by the example of our progenitors, and the right of our own conservation.  
First of all than we beseech the King and all true French men, as also all Kings, Princes and Potentates, friends and confederates of the Crown, and generally all men who are touched with the zeal of God's glory, with commiseration of innocence trodden under foot, and with grief for the miseries which at this day threaten France: to inform themselves here of our just complaints, that in them they may see the perfidiousness of our enemies and their cruelty, and which (whether we will or no) they pull out of our bosom, and bind us to publish for the justification of our innocence, and to let all such as love justice and truth see, that the refuge of our defence whereunto we are brought, is both necessary and just; our enemies being thrust forward by no other motive to kindle the fire in this kingdom, then to put out the light of our Religion, and to overthrow the most sure resistance which in the Estate may be opposed to foreign enterprises. But because by their wont subtleties they have here followed the common course which tends to violence and cruelty, making to themselves a way by false accusations to the oppression of a just cause. And for a pretence to invade us, they have proclaimed us rebels and seditious; and to spread every where this accusation, they employ the Edicts and declarations of the King and of the Parliaments, yea and the mouth of Ambassadors in foreign parts. To the end that the simplicity of those who are least informed either of the hatred, or of the power, or of the craft of our enemies, might not receive some sinister impression of us; touching the duty of obedience and fidelity towards our King and country: we will show here that all the pretences and injurious crimes wherewith they charge us, are merely artificial disguise borrowed as a veil to cover the outrages done to innocence. For as to inflame the hatred of Kings and the fury of the people against the Gospel, they have heretofore accused the first Christians, & our fathers in these last times of like crimes, namely that they transgressed against the decrees 
Act. 17. 7.  of Cesar, moved sedition among the people, and did overthrow the royalty of Princes. Under these supposed accusations they have caused them to suffer every where the violence of the sword, the burning of fire, the cruelty of massacres, the futie of wars, and the horror of all sorts of exquisite torments. It is true, that as our fathers were more weak and naked, or exposed to a more easy slaughter, Religion than was directly charged with these crimes, and then they have persecuted and made open war upon them for their professions sake. But now by a subtlety fitted to their intentions, our enemies have altered the method. They enterprise war upon the persons, to break in upon Relgion. And because that after so many perfidious and cruel practices, the arm of God having raised us up, as out of our father's ashes, and by the miraculous prosperity of the late King (conducted by our fidelity upon the throne of this monarchy) the breaches of the Estate being repaired, that there might be established a firm peace, an Edict was granted us for the liberty of our consciences, and places of safety to preserve our goods and lives against the violence which the former evils made us fear for the time to come: truly it were now too an apparent violating of peace, and they should too manifestly declare themselves enemies of the quiet of France, if openly this Edict made in favour of us, should be revoked, and it they should make war upon us for Religion. It were also to engage too many persons in oneself same cause. For these causes to cover their projected purpose of the ruin of this Estate through ours, to arm the King against us, and to destroy us with greater ease than other wise they could possibly do. They have proclaimed us rebels and offenders, they have endeavoured to make this cause more particular; they call the war they make upon us a chastisement of seditious persons. But when we shall have here made plain to the eyes of all the world the purpose of those who are authors of these troubles and confusions; the long oppression we have hitherto endured with all patience; the evidences of our right in the course we have held in our complaints, and most humble suits made to our King, now laid against us as a crime: Lastly the open persecution which at this instant they inflict upon us by the armies already raised against us in all the parts of this kingdom where they think we are able any way to resist, We hope that we shall clear our innocence from these slanders, shall approve our just and necessary defence, which we undertake, waiting for the help and blessing of the Almighty. And finally we shall obtain favour and assistance from all such as love his glory and the truth: and the succour and help of whosoever they be that desire the conservation of this poor kingdom.  
Since the most sure stay o● the Edict for our safety, established 
The intent of our enemies, and the means to attain thereto  by the mighty hand of the late King, fell by the stroke of his death; the enemies of our Religion and of the public peace, lifting up themselves with more hope of going forward and of bringing their purposes to pass, turned all their endeavours to overthrow this foundation of the tranquillity of the State, knowing that the surest way to bring again the confusion of troubles and of the forepast wars, was to destroy the Edict which had destroyed them. But not being able to promise to themselves that the good inclinations of the King, and the wisdom of his Mother then Regent, and all well affected Frenchmen interess●d in the peace of the kingdom, would consent, or could suffer an open breach of the Edict, they sought to gain by piecemeal that which they could not obtain in the whole sum: and by flights and more secret practices to cause things to fall into the gulf, whereinto now they have thrown them.  
The first groundwork of their plot did bewray itself with astonishment and just apprehension of all of us, when in the coronation of the King they made him take this oath: I will truly endeavour to my power to exclude from my jurisdiction and lands under my subjection, all heretics so denounced by the Church. As if he took his Crown under this condition and under this law, that he should root us out when he could do it. The blood of that great Henry crieth yet for vengeance for the furious and abominable murderer, who protested and affirmed that the only reason why he murdered him, was because he was a favourer of heretics, that he suffered them in his kingdom, that he put them not to the sword: and here they have caused his son and successor, to promise that he shall employ all his power to root us out. By this powerful and effectual reason they did engrave in the King's heart from his most tender years the necessity of hating and destroying us; and besides the horror of the example of his Father cruelly slain for maintaining peace with those who are called heretics, they take of him a solemn promise to reign and sit upon his throne under this condition to persecute those whom his father conserved and kept. For who is ignorant that under the name of heretics, they mean us? That we are proclaimed and styled such by the Roman Church? And therefore if the King be bound to the observation of this oath according to their intention, what may we not then fear? Wherefore upon former experience ought we not to fear again the unhappy bloodsheds which such impressions and imposed necessities upon the consciences of Kings, have caused us to feel?  
The like project of our enemies hath yet openly manifested itself, when endeavouring to make a fundamental law to pass, and an universal principle of conscience, that we ought not to be suffered in France; they obtained in the last Estates held at Paris, that the houses of the Clergy and Nobility should expressly demand by their rolls the execution of this oath of the King, as also the reception and publication thereof by the Council of Trent. A Council which hath been heretofore rejected publicly by those Estates which were held when the most bloody and violent troubles have been stirred up against us in this kingdom. A Council which will not endure that Kings should reign, if they permit life and liberty in their dominions to those who are called heretics.  
But the most apparent and most sensible proceeding of the project of our malignant enemies, is principally furthered by the seditious sermons of the preaching Jesuits and other Monks, who, some years since, by an unbridled licence and a manifest conspiracy, contrary to the Edicts and their authority, did take upon them to calumniate us in their pulpits, and to make us odious, preaching fury and sedition, nourishing the people in hatred of us, instructing them to have us in execration, and inspiring in their minds wars and murders, do dispose and prepare them upon all occasions to annoy us. Hence it is that we continually feel so many violating of the Edicts of peace, so many broaches which are made in upon our safety, so many outrages against our liberty. Notwithstanding we may yet boldly affirm, that our patience might have overcome and as it were smothered the greatest part of these evils, or at least we might have conceived some good hope that in the end some remedies would have been provided for us by the bounty of the King and the wisdom of his most faithful Counsellors, if the Jesuits were not exalted to the height of power whereunto they are come. For it doth evidently appear, that by all sorts of violent means they have hitherto procured the rooting out of our Religion, and the overthrow of this Monarchy. Principally since their power hath grown to the proportion of their evil will, and that they see all obstacles which heretofore were opposed against their hardy enterprise to be now broken down or to yield underneath their power: what other expectation is reserved for us, but to feel the danger wherinto so long a time they have projected to plunge us? The miserable face of Christendom at this day almost rend in pieces with wars and horrible confusions, doth manifest sufficiently to all the world what power their wicked and artificial inductions have to stir up a war of Religion, almost universal. And who can presume that France alone (which they have made so often to feel so mournful wounds by their treacherous hands) being at this day in their power, and as it were under their absolute government, should escape the common accident which they have caused to fall upon those Estates where their credit and the diversity of Religion have given them pretence and matter to cause trouble. There is no man so unacquainted with their designs, who hath not heretofore foreseen or foretold, that the misery and ruin of France drew near when the counsels of Jesuits should prevail. And now when on the one side we see them in such high esteem, and on the other side France brought to the misery of civil wars: is any one so blind that he confesseth it not, to be the work of their hand? who would seek any other cause or beginning thereof? The fear of falling into these evils, hath caused us to hear many advertisements from the wisest and best affected French men, which so long time have withstood it with all their power. The force of the Parliament of Paris hath oft opposed its authority against their enterprises. And the remarkable documents which the judgement thereof hath spread throughout France soon after the death of the late King, touching the danger and pernicious consequences to the Estate, if they attained to greater credit, did guide the wisdom of the King's Mother to restrain their overboldness in the Court and in the managing of affairs. And they could never obtain their desires during her regency, and the authority which she had in the government of the Estate.  
But as all things fit their ●urnes who seek occasion of 
What power the jesuits have now in France.  proceeding, having found in the government following a more favourable support, as they are ready to vent the use of their ministry, helped by the opportunity, and propped with that hand, they have scaled that pinnacle of power, whereon we see them now mounted. Then we saw the boldest jesuit of the whole Society brought into the Lowre, and with a rashness beyond example plac● himself within the house of the King's sacred Majesty, that so at all hours and moments he might have the governing of him in his own power. And ever since it hath appeared in the government of the State, what power the Jesuits have gotten over the King's affections. By two notable proofs soon after this Jesuits introduction, it might easily be perceived, that thenceforth nothing should be impossible to those of his Society, whatsoever they would undertake for themselves or against us. The necessity of this discourse requireth that we represent them.  
All France may well remember, that three days after this jesuit had got the King's ear, they caused his Council to cancel the Act of Parliament, by the which the opening of their College in Paris was interdicted them, until such time as they had publicly renounced their principles of the ruin of States and killing of Kings. And to show that all opposition to their violence should thenceforth be vain, by an Order from the Council (by them set up in every quarter of Paris in sign of triumph) they caused the Decrees of the University (which had somewhat resisted them) to be annulled. With like facility, and at the same time, they obtained an Act in favour of the Bishops of Bearn the 25 of june 1617. for the restoring of all Ecclesiastical goods of that Country, which by a solemn establishment decreed by the Sovereign and Parliament, were ordained for the maintenance of our Pastors, College, Garrisons, Officers, and other charges of the country. 15 years together the Bishops had followed this suit with all possible instance. The late King sundry times solicited from Rome in their behalf, knowing well the consequences of such a change, bound also by his oath to innovate nothing (beside the liberty of Exercise given to the Roman Catholics, with restitution of so much Ecclesiastical goods as was needful for them, granted by Edict, and executed in the year 1599) had always refused it them. The Queen mother of the King, for like considerations, and because of the same oath taken by her Majesty now reigning, for the maintenance of the ancient establishment (confirmed over and above by twelve several Patents and Declarations obtained against the instance that the Bishops made on the contrary) would not meddle with it. The project of our enemies could not be better advanced then by a blow of this nature. For they knew that the execution of this Restitution would draw after it (as, alas, it is come to pass) the subversion of the country, and the utter ruin of our Religion in the same, with hope that with the sparkles they should kindle there, they might set all France on fire. Wherefore they drew the King by his conscience, and by urging his oath, touching the rooting out of all Religion contrary to his, to make that Decree by prerogative: which for this cause (though given rashly, without the advice of the principal Officers of the Crown and State in a business of such consequence, and against the course of Law upon the only pursuit of the Bishops, without hearing the Deputies of the country) would never be called in, notwithstanding all the remonstrances and supplications that could since be presented, which have not been otherwise answered, then that the authority and conscience of the King stood engaged in it. Thence we gathered a woeful experience of the King's inclination in those affairs that most concern his State and our safety. Seeing that this jesuit held all his affections bound with respects of Religion, and that devotion unto which his Majesty out of an inbred goodness is naturally given, was as a spring unto his conscience, by the which he inclineth his whole will to what pleaseth him best. He hath made himself the Counsel of the King's conscience (to use his own phrase): and in this Counsel can he propound other Maxims than those of Rome? that may be all reduced to this head of the subversion of this State and our ruin. He gives him for a law the determination of the Council of Constance; That faith is not to be kept with heretics. That whatsoever Edicts he hath made or sworn, bind him not. That therefore he may, nay that he ought to br●ake them. And the better to induce him, he reads him no other Lecture than the oath of his Coronation. Propounds him no greater merit to be rewarded with Paradise, than the rooting out of Heretics. Incites him to seek that way a more glorious renown, than ever S. Lewis got by warring with the Infidels. These and such like are the counsels of conscience of this jesuit. By the which his Majesty setting aside all other considerations of his government, hath let himself be carried away, and hath often said, It is better to lose his Estate then his soul. Taught (it seems) to hold it for a Maxim, that there are occasions of saving his soul with the loss of his kingdom. Now from the possession of the Kings will, enclosed thus within the hand of the Jesuits, they have drawn to themselves by a necessary consequence, the whole government of the State. Which they have compassed the easier, by reason that all the sage and old Counsellors and Officers that served the late King, and France, in the establishment and maintenance of the prosperity and greatness which it was raised to under his reign, being now (as we see) put from all managing of affairs; they to whom the King's abundant savour gives all authority in the government, do willingly consent, that the directing of the Counsel be committed to the Pope's Solicitors, Cardinals and Bishops. And such as yet remain, or as are newly brought in, some nurtured with the leaven of old Spanish factions and affections, others won with the advantageous liberalities of the new, or with Romish honours (whereof the Jesuits are the chief brokers) concur all together in one and the same consent, touching the subversion of whatsoever the late King had established, but chiefly for so much as concerns us. And these allurements have been of such efficacy, that he from whom the best expected an unvariable affection to peace and good government, in hope of a Church-dignitie, hath devoted himself to be an instrument of the first breach, through which, persecution hath rushed in upon us. On the other side, the high and inferiors Courts, and all Magistrates of the kingdom are filled with such persons as are wholly subjected to them, either by superstition, or by interest of fortune. The people have no other affections than such as they suggest unto them by their sermons or by their private confessions.  
The power then of our enemies being such, we have 
How hardly we are dealt withal  also, to our damage, felt the effects of it by a contrary usage to that that we found under the late King. For since they have got this authority (we might very well say, since their reign) there is no more favour nor access at Court for those of our Religion. Many to whom their father's services and their own had thitherto preserved them the honour of some places near the King, have been put by them. The greater part are constrained to rid themselves of them, under this command, Change your Religion, or leave your Office. It is told them that the King cannot with a good eye see the Huguenots about his person. In the Privy Council our greatest opposites are our judges; and they whom we petition, are our sworn enemies. We are shut out of Offices in all Courts higher or lower, against the freedom of the Statutes. If any one that is now in place turns of our Religion, presently the Attorneys General or their substitutes oppose his sitting. The Courts contest with him, and repulse him. And how many are there in the Court of Parliament at Paris and elsewhere, who are detained from coming to us by the oppression of this liberty? But when should we have reckoned up all the kinds of injuries done unto us? The seditious insolences daily committed to hinder the free exercise of our Religion in those places where we are tolerated. The attempts and enterprises against such places as have been given us in custody for our security. The secret practices to debauch the Governors of them, as it is newly confirmed in the Governors of Clermont, Ledeve and Argenton. The refusal of providing for the restitution of those places. The riots and outrages that those of our Religion suffer in city and country by the fury of the people, provoked by their Preachers. The ravages and firing of our Churches and Churchyards. The inhumanities' exercised in digging up our dead, and hindering their burial. The violence offered sick-folkes consciences, even in the agony of death, thereby to force them to renounce their Religion. The cruelty exercised on our poor and sick, who are cast out of Hospitals. The unjust force practised in robbing us of our children to bring them up in the Roman Religion, against their father's intent and last will. To be short, all manner of wrongs and violences are done us, against the King's authority, and public peace and tranquillity.  
In all these mischiefs we have no other recourse then to our complaints, which we continually direct to the Magistrates, either of the Provinces or of the high Courts. But there, alas, in stead of remedies we find poison. For not only they send us back, and do us no right; but the injustice wherewith they aggravate the former injury, augments their boldness that did us the wrong, encouraged by their impunity, and by the law that they gather from the judges themselves.  
Our last refuge is to the King's justice and Officers of State, whither (forced by the hard usage we find every 
Our proceeding by complaint, which now is imputed unto us as a crime.  where) we fly as to our sanctuary: and there our enemies oppose our access with their utmost violence. They perceive that the King's protection would defend us against all their injuries. They know that our course by complaints, which nature opens unto every one, would shroud us under the covert of his justice, where both our rest and the public tranquillity should be preserved. And therefore we find their conspiracy to be the more malicious. For not only they stop his Majesty's ear, and bar us from all passage thereunto; but when we offer to approach it by our most humble petitions and requests, they lay for us by a more than devilish subriltie, the snare of their calumny, to make us fall into the blame of a pretended disobedience. They turn our complaints into crimes: they term us seditious and rebels. This is the accusation for the which they pursue us criminally. This is the accusation, for the which they now persecute us. We here call heaven and earth to witness between our enemies and us, desiring that the procedure of our complaints to his Majesty, which we will here truly and fully lay open, being known to all, men may judge of our innocence, and of the calumny of their accusation; and finally of the unjust war and persecution which our adversaries under this pretext have raised against us.  
For the maintaining of the Edict of peace and reparation of the breaches thereof, the late King did establish according to his equity an order among us, by the which we might from time to time with his permission and grant assemble ourselves by Deputies out of all the Provinces, to tender him our complaints of all such grievances as might be done us, and receive from his bounty reasonable answers, and such as should be necessary for the keeping of his Edicts. According to this order, feeling a more urgent necessity then ever, we addressed ourselves unto his Majesty by our Deputies general in the year 1619, and it pleased his Majesty to grant us, according to our most humble request, a Brief, by the which we were permitted to assemble ourselves in the City of Loudun the 25 of September. 
The Assembly of Loudun,  Where being met together out of all the Provinces of the kingdom and Sovereignty of Bearn, our bills of complaints being drawn, we presented them in all humility to his Majesty, beseeching him that by a favourable answer to the principal articles and most important grievances they might carry back into all the Provinces, by the testimonials of his good will towards our protection, some assurance to his subjects of the Religion, against so many threats and fears as do apparently environ them. There would never be an end, if we should here display the several heads of all those complaints. We will only touch some of them, to show their importance, and the necessity of obtaining speedy justice upon them.  
We complain that Leytoure a place of surety hath been wrested out of our hands. That two of our Religion provided of offices of Counselors in the Court of Parliament of Paris, could not obtain their admission in three whole years pursuit. That the exercise of our Religion being ba 〈…〉 shed Clermont of Lodeue a place of surety, upon the reestablishing of the same sued by us, the execution of an order from the King's Counsel was opposed vi & armis. That our Churches have been burned or demolished at Bourg in Bresse, at Moulins in Bourbonnois, and at Lavall near Guise. That at Beaux in Province Monsieur de Vere Captain of the Castle, after many threats and outrages, to prohibit and hinder those of the Religion from their exercise, did at last drive them out violently by force of arms the eight of February 1620. That justice could not be obtained for the excessive outrages done to some of the Religion at Baugenci, and for ringing the Alarm bell against them; and that the Offenders that threw two men out of a garret, and ran one of them through with a sword, have been heard as witnesses to the informations made by the Lieutenant General in the jurisdiction of Orleans; and that though the cause was referred to the Parliament of Paris, yet notwithstanding the Attorney General in the same hath let the suit fall. That our Pastors have been violently expelled the Cities of Bourges and la Chasteigneraye. That diverse persons professing our Religion at chaalon's upon Saonne, have been chased and banished thence, as also out of the Duchy of Barrois. That the places granted us for the exercise of our Religion near the Cities of Lions, Dijon and Langres, were barred us. That in those places where the inhabitants have actually enjoyed the said exercise ever since the years 1596. 1597. and therefore have full liberty by the Edict, are there molested, as at la Chasteigneraye, at la Chastre, at S. Cyprian, la Herle, Velus, Maussac, Langon, Bourg de Conde in Normandy, at Agiene in Viuarets, at S. Marcelin in Forest, at la Chaulme in Xaintogne by formal opposition of the Officers, at Florence Picusque, at Montfort and Puget by the Consuls, near the Town of Perigueux, at Montignac Charente by order from the Seneschal of Angoumois upon forfeiture of a thousand franks. That the education of children hath been taken away from their fathers of our Religion, to instruct them in a contrary, as from the Master of Accounts at Paris, and by order of the Court of Parliament at Roan in the cause of one Cowrechef. That many children of the Religion, have been stolen away by Monks. As at Ambrun the son of a citizen, at Millaud the son of Monsieur Valette, at Leytoure a boy of ten years old, named Francis Aram, by the jesuit Regour the fourth of january 1620. That our graves have been inhumanely violated, or the burials hindered in diverse places, as at Aix in Province, at Gordes, at Mirabeau, at Ongle, at Xaintes, at S. Georgés of Oleron, and in many places of Guienne and other parts with cruelty & barbarism. That our poor sick have been cast out of Hospitals, or their consciences forced, as during the last contagion at Paris, in the Hospital of Saint Lewes, where many were violented, and all access denied our Ministers and Elders to comfort them. That the Parliaments, to the prejudice of the Courts established, have attributed to themselves the knowledge of our causes, as the Parliament of Bourdeaux diverse times, and particularly in the business of the inhabitants of Master d'Agenois, who thereby have suffered exceeding great vexations, whereof many of them are dead in prison. But chiefly in criminal causes, as the Parliament of Thoulouse, which having condemned john de Nasses Register of Montauban to make honourable amends, would not give way unto an Order from the Council for the referring of it to the Court of Castres'. And again, the Parliament of Bourdeaux in the cause of the inhabitants of Tartas, who in the surprise of the Castle having been cruelly used, outraged and expelled, have been pursued and ill handled in the said Parliament, which upon the recrimination of the mutinous and seditious retained the knowledge of the cause to the prejudice of the Court of Nerac. In the Parliament of Aix, many of ours have been detained prisoners many years, though their causes were referred to the Court of Grenoble, and there retained according to the Edict. We desired moreover that the alteration made in the Cities of Montault, Vareilles', Tarasson, Montgaillard in the County of Foix, (where nothing should be innovated, according to the Brief of 1598.) might be repaired. That it would please the King to grant us the Brief for the custody of places of surety, with the delivery of the government of the places in Dauphine. To call in the Decree for the restoring of the Ecclesiastical goods of Bearn. That the Town of Privas might be put again into the hands of the inhabitants, and justice done them of the riots, violences, and outrages committed against them. Besides an infinite number of other grievances public and private, too long to rehearse. In all the which we found our enemy's strength so great, that all justice hath been denied us therein, and all the answer we could get was an absolute command to break up our Assembly.  
But when as the importunity of the mischief and the necessity of remedy forced us to have often recourse unto his Majesty. Then our Adversaries began to style our suit and humble petition reiterated, by the name of rebellion, that so they might not only take from us all hope of justice, but also make us odious. And to open a door for war and persecution, they obtained a commination of crime to be proclaimed against us (as if it were a crime to complain) threatening aloud our perseverance with the King's sword, and causing bursall Edicts to be extraordinarily confirmed in Courts of Parliament for preparatives for war against us. The King nevertheless out of his natural goodness and great inclination to justice, 
Promises made at Loudun, with permission to meet again within six months in case of ●●performance.  putting by the violence of our enemies, promised us by the Prince his Highness and Monsieur de Luynes now Constable, who gave their word to the Lords Lesdiguieres and Chastillon for our better assurance, that within six months after the day of our separation, the city of Leytoure should be restored unto us, and the Counsellors received into the Parliament of Paris. The Brief for the custody of places of suretic, and the government of those of Dauphine should be delivered up unto us. And the overplus of our complaints favourably answered, and the answers truly executed; and that within seven months after the day of our separation, the Deputies of Bearn should have audience upon that that they had to show unto his Majesty. And in case these promises were not performed within the time, it should be lawful for us to meet again, to re-demand justice of his Majesty upon our grievances. Now because that upon the condition of these promises, upon the assurance with the which they were set forth unto us, and upon the true intent promised in the performance of the same, dependeth the main justification of our procedure following, for the which we are unjustly declared faulty, and dealt withal by the rigour of arms; let all the world see here upon what ground we build our sincerity and plain meaning, and what right we had to reassemble ourselves. For confirmation of the promise made us to this purpose, we were showed that it was the very first thing the King on his word promised to his subjects of the Religion, since he came to the Crown. The Lord Constable, added that his coming in between, would be worth Briefs unto us, and happily more. The King himself out of his own mouth confirmed it since at Fontainebleau to the Deputies that certified the King of our separation, in presence of the Lord Duke de Lesdiguieres, who had assured us as much before. Had it now been lawful for us to desire or imagine any better licence than the King's sacred word, the first that ever he gave us? Paper and ink can add no weight nor authority to a King's word. And certainly we should have held ourselves unworthy of our King's favour, and injurious to his authority, if we had required greater assurance for this permission than his own word. Thus our Assembly broke up the 13 of April, 1620. after an Act drawn among us of our obedience, containing all conditions and promises aforesaid, with order given to those of Rochel for the calling of another Congregation, if need should be, in such a place as they should think most convenient. The Deputies, after they had withdrawn themselves, and given account in the Provinces, were continued, or others joined to them, to meet together again, in case of unperformance of things granted according to the condition of the promises. This was done in all the Provinces openly, to his Majesty's knowledge and the Lords of his Council. It was not misliked. The King made no declaration to the contrary. And yet this is most certain, that if there were any enterprise or attempt against the King's authority, it was the nomination of the Deputies. But as that was acknowledged lawful by permitting it, because of the condition: so also our Deputies General suing the performance of things promised, did nor stick to add always this remonstrance to the Lords of the Council; Do us justice, and save us the labour of another meeting. The Prince his Highness being diverse times present in Parliament to confirm the King's command for the admission of the Councillors, showed unto them the permission we had to reassemble ourselves, which they themselves occasioned by their refusal.  
Now the prefixed time of six months for the performance of promises expiring, the 13. of October, without 
The execution of the order of restitution in Bearn anticipated, and an alteration made in the country of the surety and liberty in Religion.  any effect, the King being gone into Guyenne in September, was solicited by our enemies to enjoin those of Bearn to execute the order of Restitution, and to confirm it in the Parliament of Pau. The term agreed upon for their remonstrances, which his Majesty promised to hear from the mouth of their Deputies, extended to the 13. of November: which caused the Parliament of Pau. upon the King's command, to order that the Deputies should make their remonstrances to his Majesty, within the time agreed upon (confirmed again by a letter dated the 21 of September from his Majesty to the said Parliament) otherwise the time being expired, the order of Restitution should be confirmed. His Majesty not contented with this Decree, before the remonstrances of those of the country were heard, was put on by our enemies to go himself thither. And although the Parliament by a second Decree of confirmation, had prevented his Majesty's coming; yet through the induction of our enemies, he entered into the country with his army.  
We would here willingly conceal the disloyalty of our enemies, and the cruelties there practised by their inducements, if their calumnious accusations and the bitter anguish of our miseries did not now constrain us to open our mouths for our own justification, and to call on vengeance before God and men. We will not speak of the alteration made in the country, by the uniting of it to the Crown of France, though it be evident it was not so much for any advantage to France, as to make way for the alteration of our Religion. We will only touch in few words so much as hath been done directly for the ruin of the Gospel. The King then being at Navarenx's, and purposing to keep his promise with Monsieur de Sales, made first at Bourdeaux, and since confirmed in the country, that he would still maintain him in the government of the City, in consideration of his long services, and the ready obedience he showed by all manner of submission unto his Majesty: yet for all this, urged by our enemies to take the government from him and give it to a Papist, but withheld by the religion of his promises, the jesuit that is still at his elbow interposing his counsel of conscience (or rather without conscience) persuaded his Majesty that it was lawful for him to break his promise, by an equivocation, truly deserving the indignation of God and men. Your promise (saith he) Sir, is either of State or conscience. Of conscience (saith he) it cannot be, for it is contrary to the good of the Church. Seeing then it is of State, your Majesty ought to believe your Counselors, who show you, that for the good of your service, it is necessary that this place be no longer in the power of an Huguenot. Thus the King led by the Master of his conscience, who will be a surety for him to God for all he shall do by his counsel, commanded Monsieur de Sales forthwith to resign his government to Monsieur de Poyane sworn enemy to those of our Religion. And then the Towne-garison being first removed, and the inhabitant disarmed, there were brought in four hundred soldiers Papists under Monsieur de Poyanes' command. This done, to take away all that might yet any ways secure those of the Religion, the six Captains of the Parsans were cassiered, and the Towns of Saweterre, Orthes, Oleron and Nai filled with Papist-garisons. The King being come the second time to Pau, gave the Bishops the presidency in the Assembly of Estates there called, that so they might oversway the whole country. And God grant he try not the same experiment of their perfidy that chased his father thence in his infancy; and that the neighbour-enemies practices find not in them a ready way into France through that door where our fidelity hath always been a bulwark. Now that no part of the security and liberty of our Religion might remain unviolated, the Papists were made masters of all our Churches, notwithstanding the condition of the restitution itself, bearing this reservation, that the Churches should remain ours till such time as others were provided us. These alterations made out of hate to our Religion, and to banish it the country, so augmented their boldness who are continually taught and incited to mischief us, that whereas respect of the King's presence should have restrained them, yet their licentiousness so overflowed, that wheresoever they came, our Churches could not be saved from infinite ravages and scandals, so far, that even within the City of Pau (the King himself being there) after they had broken down the pulpit and seats of the Church, they burned publicly the Bible and New Testament. The Ministers were in diverse places outraged, and diverse persons constrained against, their consciences to kneel to Processions. The overplus of the insolences, violences and riots that this poor Country endured, was innumerable, and such as the most savage enemies could exercise in the midst of a conquest. Hereupon for triumph Arnoux makes a book, titled, The King in Bearn; where, not able to contain himself for joy to see his designs so forward, he plainly shows how far he purposeth they shall intend, and what we must expect will be the sequel of them. The King (by his reckoning) is not to surcease till he hath quite extinguished the Religion that he so much abhorreth: and highly extolling him for this commencement and pursuit of the design, above the late King his father; leaves to be understood that the death of that good King having been hastened for refusing to do as much; his Majesty is to look for more favourable usage at their hands so long as he will continue.  
Bearn brought to this pitiful estate, the King upon his return left part of his army in Guyenne, and scattered the rest in Poictou, filling all our Churches with terror: And thenceforth no talk but of the ruin of all Huguenots. All the discourse at Court is of the siege of Rochel. They say, it is not a three months matter; they stay but for weather. In the mean while all the promises made at Loudun being neglected, the time past, and nothing performed, (save the delivery of the Brief for the keeping of places) notwithstanding the earnest pursuit of our Deputies General all this while; the congregation of Deputies nominated by the Provinces (and bound to meet to present their requests to his Majesty upon the unperformance of promises) as called at Rochel against the 25 of November. We will not omit that after the alterations made in Bearn, the Town of Leytoure was restored to a Gentleman of the Religion; but let all in different persons judge, whether a Papist garrison being left-there, and, against the order of the former government of the Town, a Lieutenant established, that never had the approbation of the Synod of the Province, according to the intent of his Majesty's Brief for the keeping of places of safety, this be the square dealing that was promised us. Again, we leave it to be judged, whether after that the safety of a whole country hath been wrest●d from us, this main promise executed after such a fashion, and all the rest neglected and remaining unperformed; our right of complaining of so manifest an abuse, and of these new and so intolerable grievances, doth cease, whether the necessity of it be diminished, & whether the liberty of access should be interdicted us. Such then being the weight of the reasons why we should re-assemble ourselves, and withal fly to the King's justice, having leave so to do; yet nevertheless we were scarce all met in this place, when as a declaration came forth, that made us malefactors, denouncing wrath and judgement of condemnation against the assemblers and assembled. But notwithstanding forasmuch as we find that our grievances are so urgent; that our consciences summon us to fulfil the charge imposed upon us by our Churches; and that they witness unto us in sincerity that we proceed according unto justice. We endeavour to present unto the King our most humble remonstraces, to purge us of the false accusations and crimes laid upon us by our adversaries, who abuse the authority of his name to break his word with us. To show unto his Majesty the urgent necessity of our just complaints: To beseech him in all humility that it would please him to deliver our Churches from so many alarms and frights as do now environ them on all sides. In a word, that he would show himself our Protector against so violent an opposition as is generally practised against us over all his kingdom, to the prejudice of the authority of his Edicts, and against the open threats of our ruin, which by the example of the calamities of Bearn are made more fearful. But we find that our enemies had stopped his Majesty's ears against all our requests, which are rejected; neither will any thing be received or heard on our side. And at the same time we are criminally arraigned in Parliaments and other Courts of justice. This Town and all of us are threatened with war, as rebels and seditious persons. Whereupon judging by experience of what is past, and by our enemy's method, which to our cost we have but too well learned and experimented, that this accusation and these, threats were to authorise a refusal and demall of justice, and to make us lose all hope of ever obtaining any thing hereafter in our most just and necessary complaints; we insist at several times on the justification of our innocence, and continue to beseech his Majesty, and to lay down our most humble petitions at his feet. But as all access is interdicted us, and that to bring our proceedings into hatred even with those of our own side, and to save division in our Churches, our enemies caused it to be told our Deputies General and diverse others among us, that the King, though resolved to hear nothing from us, would notwithstanding deal favourably with his subjects of the Religion, and do them justice. That he was willing to hear our complaints by the Deputies General, and in the name of the Churches. To try what would be the effect of these words, we cease all pursuit in our own name, are silent, and put it over wholly to our Deputies General, to follow it in their own name and in the name of the Churches. And certainly we may boldly add, that if the estate of our calamities increasing daily, and threatening worse, had not augmented our apprehension and just mistrust, overcome with so many vexations, repulses, threats, and with despair of any success, we could desire nothing more than to retire ourselves; and it may be our Churches would have pardoned us. But at the same time the fraud of our enemies did further discover itself, and the persecution projected against us, breaking out in diverse places, hath manifested their designs by so many perfidies and outrages, that being forced for justification of our innocence and lawful defence against the war they make upon us, here to lay open their proceedings before the eyes of all the world, we would be scrupulous for the honour of France to publish deeds so odious, if withal it were not known that the authors of them are France's greatest enemies, and have conspired her ruin and ours.  
First of all, under colour of these fair promises, that the the King would keep his Edicts made in favour of his subjects of the Religion, and would satisfy their complaints of unperformance of promises, my Lord Duke de Lesdiguieres is drawn to the Court, by persuading him that his mediation would be a great furtherance unto the business, and all the Lords and persons of greatest note among us are entertained with the same hopes. In the mean while Monsieur de Montmorenci is up in arms against us in Languedoc, and after many acts of hostility, sets upon Villeneufue de Berg a Town of ours in Vivarez. And because it was easy to be foreseen that this violence would me●te with opposition, Monsieur de Reaux Lieutenant of the King's Guard is sent from Court with apparent command to difarme all such as he should find armed. Monsieur de Chastillon (whose prudence and affection to the King's service and country's peace had hitherto withheld the people's impatience, desirous to repulse the violence offered them) being informed of the said Sieur de Reaux his charge by a yeoman of the Guard whom he had sent unto him, continued to stay our people's commotion: and as he expects more particular news from the said Sieur de Reaux, and of Monsieur de Montmorencies obedience to the command he brought. Villeneufne de Berg having withstood two scaladoes and diverse assaults at the gate, yielding presently at the King's name to the said Sieur de Reaux, and submitting itself unto his protection and keeping, Monsieur de Montmorenci coming in, establisheth there a garrison, which at the same instant committeth all kind of riots and outrages. Hereupon our men being induced to aim themselves for fear of the like frauds, and for the necessity of their own defence. Monsieur de Reaux coming to Monsieur de Chastillon, and assuring him that Villeneufue de Berg should be restored, and under hope that according to the articles agreed upon between them, all things should be reestablished in peace, having obtained that he should unarm; whiles he was truly doing so, Monsieur de Montmorenci in stead of performing covenants, lodgeth five or six companies in Villeneufue de Berg, and proclaims with a drum Monsieur de Perant Governor thereof; and more over having dispatched diverse new commissions, dated the morrow after Sieur de Reaux his arrival there, he assiegeth Vals another place of ours in Viuarets, where even the said Sieur de Reaux himself, whiles Monsieur de Chastillon rested upon his word, that Monsieur de Montmorenci should perform covenants, assisted in person, and was spectator of the battery. This little and weak place, without any defence but the inhabitants, having endured a hundred cannon shot, yielding upon honourable composition, directly contrary to the capitulation all manner of cruelties, violences and barbarismes have been there practised upon an infinite company of poor innocent persons cruelly murdered or ravished. And again, contrary to the said articles the like hath been done at Valons a place near unto the other. These frauds and breaches of counterfeit contracts, do manifest unto the world that the King's word and apparent command, have been used but as a snare for our plain meaning, and under a secret approbation of all that Monsieur de Montmorenci should do to the contrary, to make us lose those places.  
Moreover at the same time Monsieur de Poyane having fortified himself in Bearn to beat out Monsieur de la Force, Monsieur de la Saladie is sent from the King to Monsieur de la Force to command him to dismiss those troops that he kept by him for his own safety and to maintain the King's authority in his charge of Governor of the country against the violent enterprises of the said Sieur de Poyane. But the said Sieur de la Saladie in stead of carrying back Monsieur de la Forces answer to the King, as he seemed, went into Guyenne to Messieurs d'Espernon, de Vignoles, and diverse others to arm, so that in an instant all Guyenne was filled with troops, besides those that were left there before.  
On the other side, at the same instant the troops left in Poictou drew near unto this City and S. john d'Angely. And by order from the Council all Courts of Audit for Receipts were removed from all our places of safety, where they were established; a palpable argument that though the city of Rochel only was threatened, yet all the rest were aimed at, by a general design of war against us ready to be put in execution; this removal being to no other end, then to take from us the means of helping ourselves with those profits in our own defence when the persecution should come, which by consequent they intended against us.  
Now as by these new alterations of our peace by these menaces, by the open oppression & persecution in so many places, we did foresee well enough the storm that hung over our heads and ready to fall, knowing beside that our enemies puffed up with their success in the ravage & desolation of Bearn, did stay for nothing but a fit season to continue our ruin by an open war; which was too easy to be learnt by their open talk, upon the return from Bearn, of the siege of Rochel, of the means and facility of taking it. By the discourse which the King was hourly entertained with of the ruin of Huguenots: by the calumnies laid upon us for a pretext; by the threats that followed; and by the preparations visibly made for that purpose. Nevertheless because there was some speech of the King's good will towards his subjects of the Religion, and the authority of his Edicts, our Deputies General (to whose charge the whole pursuit was referred) presented unto his Majesty a bill of complaints, requesting satisfaction for some of the most important grievances, with a speedier execution for the peace and safety of our Churches.  
But after many instances and delays, after diverse solicitations and supplications of all the chiefest among us, even of the Lord Duke de Lesdiguieres himself present at Court, our Deputies general could never obtain any answer. Only Monsieur de Fabas one of them, and a Gentleman that came unto us from the Lord Duke de Lesdiguieres, having given us to understand according to a writing of the said Lord de Lesdiguieres under his own hand. That for all amends after so many complaints, my Lord Duke de Lesdiguieres did persuade himself (for the King, howsoever our Churches were given to hope that he would maintain his Edicts, did not here so much as pass his word, neither by mouth, nor by any Officer of State) that if we would first separate ourselves, we should obtain the retreat of troops from all places where we did mistrust them. That the government of the places in Dauphine should be searched and delivered us in six months if it could be found. That order should be taken for the payment of such sums of money as have been promised them of Bearn in lieu of their Ecclesiastical revenues. That Monsieur de la Force and his sons should still hold their places. And moreover, that he was promised assuredly that nothing should be attempted during the time that should be requisite for the return of our resolutions. But as we were about them, we were informed by Monsieur de Chalas the other of our Deputies general, that the next day after, contrary to the said promises, our enemies had wrought the King to an absolute and open resolution of making war against us. That order was given for the levying of an army of one and forty thousand foot and six thousand horse. And that the government of Bearn was taken from Monsieur de la Force, and given to Monsieur the Marshal de Themines, and the office of Captain of the Guard, which his son Monsieur be Marquis de la Force had, was given to the Marquis de Mauny, and that Monsieur de Manpavillan another of his sons was commanded to leave the Court.  
At the same time, as our enemies hastened our persecution by all kind of means, as, seditious sermons, instructing of confessions defamatory libels, calumnies and impostures against our fidelity, impression of the Kingsha●e to our Religion, and their declarations of war published against us, which have wrought these effects. It happened in the city of Tours the 19 of April last, that one Martin le Noir, (not long afore converted to our Religion, for the which he suffered many injuries and reproaches, so far, that the people having made an effigy of straw, and sometimes calling it by his name, sometimes by the name of Martin Luther, did burn it publicly, and no justice could ever be obtained for so outrageous an insolence) died: and as he was carried to his grave, the people made a head, and after they had abused his corpse and those that accompanied it, after they had committed all sorts of indignities and in humanity's in the digging up of his grave, seeking to do worse, stirred a more violent sedition. So that having broken down and razed a house near the Churchyard, they run to the Church, being half a mile thence, they fire it, they enter the Sexton's house, and they pill and ransack it; and being increased to the number of a fearful multitude, they continue three whole days together in firing and pulling down our Church, without the Magistrates interposition, and coming too late he was not able to repress so raging a violence. From thence the example of this sedition passeth presently unto the Town of Poitiers, where the people transported with like fury, have razed to the very ground the walls of the Churchyard where they of the Religion bury their dead, broke and battered all the sepulchres, and had committed the like violence upon the Church, if the more careful Magistrate had not stopped their course.  
Now the order of our enemy's counsels and actions hitherto, and chiefly these tragical and horrid uproars, the great preparatives for war, the unjust and rigorous dealing with Monsieur de la Force and his sons, contrary to the late assurance, with the croupes ready under Monsieur d'espernons' command for the invasion of Bearn, witnessed and showed sufficiently, that he hour of a general persecution was come, and that the design of our ruin so long a hatching now appeared. Wherefore our enemies, that their perfidies might play their part and perform their utmost, promise that the King will see justice done upon the sedition of Tours; and to take away all suspicion elsewhere, or to lull asleep the more confident sort, they cause a declaration to be confirmed in all Courts of Parliament the 27 of April, showing that though the King would chastise some of his subjects of the Religion (such as are termed rebels and seditious) yet he meant and promised to keep his Edicts with the rest as long as they should remain in their obedience, and that he would maintain and preserve their liberty and safety according to the contents of the Edicts. And finally they assure Monsieur de la Force, that if he would leave Bearn, he should no sooner send Monsieur d'Espernon word of it, but he should presently withdraw himself. Now we will show what was the effect of these promises. We will begin with the last, which was first violated. After Monsieur de la Force had with drawn himself, and had certified Monsieur d'Espernon of his disarming and retreat by the Baron d'Arros, presently Monsieur d'Espernon entered the country with his army, and seized all towns and places where they of our Religion were most in number, filled them with strong garrisons, razed the Castle of Montanay, and brought the people to such a lamentable estate, that most of them, yea the chiefest have been forced to fly to quit their goods and country; diverse unarmed and naked persons were murdered, and the rest remain at this present restrained under a miserable servitude, suffering all sorts of injuries and cruelties. On the other side, the King setting forward for the execution of the menaces published against this City, after he had spread abroad his assurances, that he went not against his subjects of the Religion in general, and made particular promises to the Governors of some of our places of safety, that coming to them he would innovate nothing, passing by Tours, where the sedition being renewed and grown stronger, and the Commissary sent to execute justice, driven out of the Town, the prisoners fetched out of prison by violence, the houses of those of our Religion (who frighted with the first tumult had withdrawn themselves) piled and ransacked, only the King's reverence violated, hath with much ado been expiated by the execution of five poor beggarly rogues; (and that yet to entertain their credulity whom our enemies would feed with hope that the keeping of Edicts should be continued.) His Majesty came to Saumur, where Monsieur du Plessis relying upon the express promises made him, that nothing should be altered in the government, and upon the truth of the Declaration published three weeks before, having opened the gates of the City and Castle to the King, experimented to our great damage the frauds and perfidies of our enemies, who induced the King to take away the government from him, and to put a garrison of four hundred soldiers of his Guard in the Castle, and another in the Fauxbourg ' of the green Cross, and by this means to make us lose this place of safety. With what horror and indignation can all France see the enemies of her peace and the King's service abuse thus perfidiously his name and word to commit these so detestable disloyalties? It is but ten months ago that by his Majesty's express grant, the keeping of places of safety was continued unto us for four years. Of all others, the city of Saumur was one of the most important for our safety. It had been in our custody ever since the late King being King of Navarre, requested by Henry the third, came accompanied with those of our Religion to deliver him from the captivity and tyranny of the leagne. That Town was given him for his passage; and it remained thenceforth in our keeping, as a token of our good services and fidelity to this Crown. This place seated on the Loire was to serve us, in the persecutions and confusions which the enemies of this Estate have now stirred up, for a retreat or commodious passage for so many poor distressed flocks, to save themselves from the future fury of fire and sword. This Town during the peace of these later years, was a nursery of the Church, and was the seat of a flourishing University. For these causes our enemy's cruelty hath caused the King to begin this war, in the which they carry him headlong against us, by this terrible blow, so great, that to give it us with greater facility, all the precedent calumnies, all the pretexts of disobedience and rebellion, all the particular declarations against our Assembly and this City, all fraudulent declarations and promises made in favour of such as should remain in their obedience to the King have been set on foot. For can it be said, that Monsieur du Plessis, whose long and faithful services done to the late King and his Majesty now reigning, are known to all men, should have committed any act of disobedience or rebellion? Nay rather did he not pass all measure of confidence in the disloyalty of our enemies, out of his respect to the King's bare name? And hoping to avoid the storm that hung apparently over our heads, did he not himself publish the benefit of that deceitful declaration; and to make the first trial of it, opened with such confidence the gates of the Town and Castle to the King? Wherefore the design being thus unmasked, our enemies were now pleased to manifest that it was intended against all in general. For as soon as the King was at Saumur, news came how that all the Protestants throughout all the principal cities of Normandy were disarmed. Were they also traitors? Or have they since the Declaration committed any act of rebellion or disobedience? Besides all this, whiles the King was yet at Saumur, Monsieur Arnaut comes to S. john d'Angely on Saturday the 15 of this month, to command the Lord Duke de Rohan and Monsieur de Soubize to come to the King, who desired their advice for the taking up of the present affairs. This was done to two ends: first, that under hope of justice, the great ones and common people of our Religion might be withheld as they have been hitherto, whiles the preparatives for war against us were every where a hastening. Secondly and chiefly, that there might be the less suspicion of the King's troops led by Monsieur d' Auriac, who the very next day entering the suburbs of S. john with three thousand and five hundred men, assaulted the town and gates, and would have gone further, and taken it, if he had not found resistance. Was this Town also guilty of treason? Could the Town be guilty, and not the Lords of it? And yet the King writes to Monsieur the Duke de Rohan, as to his faithful and affectionate servant and his Lieutenant Governor in the Province of Poictou, which surely he would not do to a rebel and traitor. What other crime than hath this Town committed, to be thus assailed and threatened with a siege, and forced to expect before her walls the King's cannon and army, which maketh towards it with all diligence and speed? What crime also may the Town of jargeau (another place of safety) have committed, which was at the same time besieged, other than our enemy's oath to have no mercy? then the hate of our Religion, whose ruin they have conspired?  
This is that which we lay down before the eyes of all our Countrymen, and not of them alone, but of all Christians, whom we here appeal unto to judge of our innocence, and of the violent persecution that we unjustly suffer. And though this true narration of our enemies proceedings against us, and of ours towards our King, witnesseth sufficiently the calumny of their accusation, by the which they proclaim us rebels; yet that we may not leave any shadow that might alienate from us the favour of good men's equitable judgements, their compassion of our miseries, and their help in our just and necessary defence: we can easily show that as in us there is neither appearance nor suspicion of the crime of rebellion which they lay unto our charge. God forbid that any one should think that the complaints which violence and oppression doth extort from us, do any way concern our King, in whom we acknowledge & reverence with our hearts the image of God here on earth. But if laying upon such as abuse his affections and conscience, the injustice of the which we complain, we would name who, and tell what they are that accuse us, all France that groans oppressed with the intolerable burden of their tyranny, would witness for us that we should not speak it by way of recrimination nor calumny. But it shall suffice our innocence, that we only purge ourselves of the accusation. They accuse us of rebellion and disobedience, and say that we kick against the King's authority. Thanks be to God, the Religion that we profess, and which we have from time to time declared by a solemn confession presented to our Kings in witness of the purity of our service to God, and the sincerity of our obedience to them, hath long since acquitted us of that imputation. We acknowledge no power on earth above our Kings. We swear not to any other. We detest all doctrine that teacheth, that either directly or indirectly we may be freed from the allegiance we have sworn unto him. The holy profession of these principles, hath ever been the square and rule of all our fathers and our actions. When was it found that any of us did bathe an execrable knife in the blood of our Kings? or join swords with the great enemy to spill our country's entrails? Or rather after so many wounds as France hath heretofore received from him, did not God use our father's arms to raise her even from the grave? And now that the same conspiracy is newly revived, that they who have sworn mortal hatred to our Religion, and with the like fury have vowed the ruin and destruction of all the Estates of Christendom, and particularly of this Monarchy, governing at their pleasure the King's heart and will by their suggestions to his conscience, do induce him to hazard his State to undo us: we dare say, that time and experience will yet make him acknowledge that he hath not in all his kingdom a surer prop for his Crown then our fidelity. And certainly there can be nothing more plain to all such as look upon us, then that the interest of our conservation is unseparably nailed to the peace and tranquillity of this kingdom, and strength of our Prince's authority. It is undoubtedly true, that according to the humane means that God useth for the advancement of his work, the conservation and growth of our Religion in this country, do wholly depend on the liberty and safety of the Edicts under which we live; the maintaining of these Edicts, on the King's absolute authority. Witness the happy reign of Henry the Great, whom as God had raised in absolute power and authority higher than any other of the Kings of Christendom, so also under that prosperity and greatness of this Monarchy, our Churches were seen to flourish and replant themselves, and the Gospel to fructify with so great success, that our enemies bursting for spite, never left till they had perfidiously deprived France of this so absolute King. And though now for a pretext to invade us and stir up war against our Religion, they have accused us of disobedience; have we done any thing else then complain of the infringing of the King's authority and Edicts, and demand redress? And is there in this any shadow of rebellion against our Prince? We assembled ourselves to demand justice of him. Had we not need and right to do so? We have already justified it by the estate of our calamities, and the condition of the promises made us. Have we passed the limits of complaint? If being denied, we often returned, and diverse times endeavoured to lay down our most humble petitions at our King's feet; alas! who can distaste it, or blame us, when we behave ourselves towards our King. God's image upon earth, even as God himself hath commanded us? And because many Deputies out of all the Provinces, desirous to carry back from the King's bounty and grace the effect of his good will towards us, continued together; is it not a malignant and injurious pettifoggerie, that to authorise a denial of justice, we should be accused of shadowing the King's authority? And for a special precedent for the said denial, our enemies allege that the Parliament after the presentation of their bills, breaks up, and stayeth not for an answer. But what proportion is there between us and a Parliament? All our demands are particular. We demand not that such rules be prescribed unto the State, or such new laws and orders, wherein certainly the Monarchical authority would be disparaged and quartered if the Parliament should do more than advice. But all that we demand, is, that our burnt Churches may be repaired; that the exercise of our Religion let and hindered us, be reestablished; That Towns given us by the King, and taken from us by violence, be restored us; That officers may be admitted; That children taken by force out of their father's arms be given them again; and the like. Wherein should the King's authority be disparaged, if he should command out of hand that in every one of these points justice should be done us? If a private man to whom an injury is done, may justly complain of it, and expect justice from the King; why, if the if the injury be done out of hate to a generality, may not a generality do the same? Can there be then any greater injustice then to accuse us of rebellion and disobedience, because we complained and demanded justice in this sort? any greater cruelty, then to persecute us for this cause, and make war upon us? But this is sufficient to show that the far fetched pretexts of our enemies are but coloured subtleties, to execute the old design of making war upon our Religion, and to plunge France in confusion and trouble.  
Wherefore considering the justice & urging need we had to have recourse by our complaints unto the King's protection: The right and permission granted us to reassemble ourselves to that end in such express and solemn terms: the failing and breach of promises, caused by the fraud of our enemies. Their violence in hindering our access unto our King, and in causing all our suits to be rejected. The injustice of their accusation, and the slanderous crime of rebellion that they impose upon us. The disloyalty of their proceedings considered, whiles they temporize upon the refusal of doing us justice, that they might take from us three Towns at once in Vivarez, by the fraud of a treaty and breaking their public faith. The invasion of the whole country of Bearn, contrary to such an express stipulation, and so fully performed on our side: And after that to commit such bloody and inhuman acts of hostility. And lastly, this infamous perfidy considered, that under the shadow of a Declaration authorized with the King's sacred name, & confirmed in all the Courts of Parliament of France, promising liberty and safety by maintaining the Edicts unto all such as should remain in their obedience; the Town of Saumur was seized on, where the gates were opened with so much obedience and respect under express and particular promises (besides the public faith of the Declaration) that nothing should be innovated. That by a like fraud and treachery the Town of jargeau was at the same time invaded, S. john d'Angely assaulted, and now is in expectation of a siege. All Protestants disarmed throughout all the chief Towns of Normandy, to prepare them, alas! for a more easy slaughter. If all these things, we say, be rightly considered together, we doubt not but it will easily appear that we suffer this persecution for justice sake, and by the hatred of our Religion, which a general conspiracy throughout all Europe now threateneth to destroy.  
Wherefore being forced for the liberty of our consciences, and out of love to our Country, to seek in ourselves, and towards the friends of our Religion and this State, a just and necessary defence: we here yet again present ourselves with tears before our King, beseeching him in all humility to consider and believe, that the vows and ardent desires that we continually pour forth unto God in our prayers, are for the prosperity of his person and State. And that it would please him to remember that our fathers taught by their Religion the true obedience due unto their King, have neglected the sefetie of their own lives, to further and advance the labours of Henry the Great, in the recovery of his kingdom, perfidiously sold and exposed to the enemy, by the very same pretexts of hatred and persecution against our Religion and us. And that he would understand, that we following our father's steps, as heirs of their affections, have never forsaken the duty we were borne to, nor refused the true obedience and ready service that our Religion teacheth us to yield him. And would to God, Sir, that your Majesty moved with the true interest of your greatness, and out of your, natural generosity, would for the settling of your Crown and diginitie of your kingdom, turn your arms upon the enemies of your State, and use our fidelity in the defence of such a cause. We will boldly say for ourselves, that in so glorious an emulation between your best subjects, we would carry away the prize from them all. But we say now with tears of blood, and in the bitterness of groans that tear our intrals, that the enemies of your Crown and person, Sir, having induced you to draw your sword against us, and to bathe it in the blood of your loyallest subjects, will undo both your Crown and person altogether. They are your undoubted enemies, that kindle your hatred against us, to fire your Estate, and bury you in the ruins. Who having cruelly murdered the greatest King of the world, your glorious father, because he would not hate us, and that his goodness and justice did protect us as his trusty subjects; do now induce your Majesty to hate and destroy us, to overwhelm yourself with the fall of this Monarchy. And if in this tempest which they have already stirred up, and which we feel coming down upon us, we are constrained for our own defence and preservation to betake ourselves unto natural remedies, we here protest, Sir, before God, before you, and before all men, that our purpose is evermore to preserve your authority and the respect of your obedience among us; and that we will do our best endeavours to save your sacred person and kingdom from perishing. God, who is the God of mercy and revenge, and who according to the decrees of his counsel, sometimes hath poured out his wrath with diverse examples of horror on the heads of Kings and nations risen against him. Sometimes hath preserved and reconciled to himself the greatest persecutors of his Church, grant, according to our vows, that your Majesty secure from all dangers, may acknowledge the Religion and fidelity of those persons whom you now hate and know not.  
In the mean while we call here by our most humble supplications all Kings, Princes and Estates interessed in the innocence of good and faithful subjects oppressed, but especially bound in conscience before God to defend the cause of his truth. And request them to prop with their help and succour the weak defence that of necessity we oppose to the many and puissant forces of our enemies, who having chosen this time of purpose, now that they have set on fire the greatest part of the Estates from whence they imagine we might have expected succour, hope to oppress us with greater facility. But our chiefest trust is in the arm of the Almighty, who overthroweth the designs of nations, and blasts the enterprises of people conspiring against Israel. And since that for the glory of his Name we are hated, and that to overthrow his truth our ruin is sought after, we assure ourselves that he will make us feel the same deliverance that our fathers have proved by his succour, which we call upon from the bottom of our souls. Keep not thou silence, O God; hold not thy peace, and be not still, O God. For lo thine enemies make a tumult: and they that hate thee, have lift up the head.  
This is the Declaration of the Reformed Churches of France and Sovereignty of Bearn by their Deputies assembled at Rochel. And in the name of all,  


Combort, President.  
Banage, Assistant.  
Rodil, Secretary.  
Riffaut, Secretary.     

COurteous Reader, I pray thee amend these few faults of moment, pag. 3. lin. 17. we, read do. lin. 28. action, r. affection. pag. 4. lin. 35. for, r. even. pag. 7. li. 3. for, r. on. l. 32. thereof by, r. of the.