A DECLARATION of the Practices & Treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earl of Essex and his Complices, against her Majesty and her Kingdoms, and of the proceedings as well at the Arraignments & Convictions of the said late Earl, and his adherents, as after:  
Together with the very Confessions and other parts of the Evidences themselves, word for word taken out of the Originals.  
¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Queen's most excellent Majesty.  
ANNO 1601.   

A DECLARATION touching the Treasons of the late Earl of Essex, and his Complices.  
THough public justice passed upon capital offenders, according to the laws, & in course of an honourable and ordinary trial (where the case would have borne and required the severity of Marshal law to have been speedily used) do in itself carry a sufficient satisfaction towards all men, specially in a merciful government, such as her majesties is approved to be: yet because there do pass abroad in the hands of many men divers false and corrupt Collections and Relations of the proceedings at the arraignment of the late Earls of Essex and Southampton: and again, because it is requisite that the world do understand aswell the precedent practices and inducements to the Treasons, as the open & actual Treasons themselves (though in a case of life it was not thought convenient to insist at the trial upon matter of inference or presumption, but chiefly upon matter of plain and direct proofs) therefore it hath been thought fit to publish to the world a brief Declaration of the practices and treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earl of Essex and his complices against her Majesty and her Kingdoms, and of the proceedings at the convictions of the said late Earl and his adherents upon the same treasons: and not so only, but therewithal, for the better warranting and verifying of the narration, to set down in the end, the very Confessions and testimonies themselves, word for word taken out of the Originals, whereby it will be most manifest, that nothing is obscured or disguised, though it do appear by divers most wicked and seditious Libels thrown abroad, that the dregs of these treasons, which the late Earl of Essex himself a little before his death, did term a Leprosy, that had infected far and near, do yet remain in the hearts and tongues of some misaffected persons.  
THE most partial will not deny, but that Robert late Earl of Essex was by her majesties manifold benefits and graces, besides oath and allegiance, as much tied to her Majesty, as the subject could be to the sovereign, her Majesty having heaped upon him both dignities, offices, and gifts in such measure, as within the circle of twelve years or more, there was scarcely a year of rest, in which he did not obtain at her majesties hands some notable addition either of honour or profit.  
But he on the other side, making these her majesties favours nothing else but wings for his ambition, and looking upon them, not as her benefits, but as his advantages, supposing that to be his own metal which was but her mark and impression, was so given over by God (who often punisheth ingratitude by ambition, and ambition by treason, and treason by final ruin) as he had long ago plotted it in his heart to become a dangerous supplanter of that seat, whereof he ought to have been a principal supporter: In such sort as now every man of common sense may discern not only his last actual and open treasons, but also his former more secret practices and preparations towards those his treasons, and that without any gloss or interpreter, but himself and his own doings.  
For first of all, the world can now expound, why it was that he did aspire, and had almost attained unto a greatness, like unto the ancient greatness of the Praefectus Praetorio under the Emperors of Rome, to have all men of war to make their sole and particular dependence upon him: That with such jealousy and watchfulness he sought to discountenance any one that might be a Competitor to him in any part of that greatness: That with great violence and bitterness he sought to suppress and keep down all the worthiest Marshal men, which did not appropriate their respects and acknowledgements only towards himself. All which did manifestly detect and distinguish, That it was not the reputation of a famous Leader in the wars which he sought (as it was construed a great while) but only power and greatness to serve his own ends, considering he never loved virtue nor valour in another, but where he thought he should be Proprietary and Commander of it, as referred to himself.  
So likewise those points of popularity which every man took notice and note of, as his affable gestures, open doors, making his table and his bed so popularly places of audience to suitors, denying nothing when he did nothing, feeding many men in their discontentments against the Queen and the State, and the like, as they were ever since Absalon's time, the forerunners of treasons following, so in him were they either the qualities of a nature disposed to disloyalty, or the beginnings and conceptions of that which afterwards grew to shape and form.  
But as it were a vain thing to think to search the roots and first motions of treasons, which are known to none but God that discerns the heart, and the Devil that gives the instigation: so it is more than to be presumed (being made apparent by the evidence of all the events following) that he carried into Ireland a heart corrupted in his allegiance, and pregnant of those or the like treasons which afterwards came to light.  
For being a man by nature of an high imagination, and a great promiser to himself aswell as to others, he was confident that if he were once the first person in a kingdom, and a sea between the Queen's seat and his, and Wales the nearest land from Ireland, and that he had got the flower of the English forces into his hands (which he thought so to intermix with his own followers, as the whole body should move by his spirit) and if he might have also absolutely into his hands potestatem vitae & necis, & arbitrium belli & pacis, over the Rebels of Ireland, whereby he might entice, & make them his own, first by pardons and conditions, and after by hopes to bring them in place where they should serve for hope of better booties than Cows, he should be able to make that place of lieutenancy of Ireland, as a rise or step to ascend to his desired greatness in England.  
And although many of these conceits were windy, yet neither were they the less like to his, neither are they now only probable conjectures or comments upon these his last treasons, but the very preludes of actions almost immediately subsequent, as shallbe touched in due place.  
But first it was strange with what appetite and thirst he did affect and compass the government of Ireland, which he did obtain. For although he made some formal shows to put it from him: yet in this, as in most things else, his desires being too strong for his dissimulations, he did so far pass the bounds of Decorum, as he did in effect name himself to the Queen by such description and such particularities as could not be applied to any other but himself: neither did he so only, but further he was still at hand to offer and urge vehemently and peremptorily exceptions to any other that was named.  
Then after he once found that there was no man but himself (who had other matters in his head) so far in love with that charge, as to make any competition or opposition to his pursuit, whereby he saw it would fall upon him, and especially after himself was resolved upon, he began to make propositions to her Majesty by way of taxation of the former course held in managing the actions of Ireland, especially upon three points: The first, that the proportions of forces which had been there maintained and continued by supplies, were not sufficient to bring the prosecutions there to period. The second, that the axe had not been put to the root of the tree, in regard there had not been made a main prosecution upon the Archtraitour Tyrone, in his own strength, within the Province of Ulster. The third, that the prosecutions before time had been intermixed and interrupted with too many temporizing treaties, whereby the Rebel did ever gather strength and reputation to renew the war with advantage. All which goodly and well sounding discourses, together with the great vaunts that he would make the earth tremble before him, tended but to this, that the Queen should increase the list of her Army and all proportions of treasure and other furniture, to the end his commandment might be the greater. For that he never intended any such prosecution, may appear by this, that even at the time before his going into Ireland he did open himself so far in speech to Blunt, 
The confession of Blunt. 3.  his inwardest counsellor, That he did assure himself that many of the Rebels in Ireland would be advised by him: so far was he from intending any prosecution towards those in whom he took himself to have interest. But his ends were two: The one, to get great forces into his hands: the other, to oblige the heads of the rebellion unto him, and to make them of his party. These two ends had in themselves a repugnancy: for the one imported prosecution, and the other treaty: But he that meant to be too strong to be called to account for any thing, and meant beside, when he was once in Ireland, to engage himself in other journeys that should hinder the prosecution in the North, took things in order as they made for him. And so first did nothing as was said, but trumpet a final and utter prosecution against Tyrone in the North, to the end to have his forces augmented.  
But yet he forgot not his other purpose of making himself strong by a party amongst the Rebels, when it came to the scanning of the clauses of his commission. For than he did insist, and that with a kind of contestation, that the pardoning, no not of Tyrone himself, the capital Rebel, should be excepted and reserved to her majesties immediate grace, being infinitely desirous that Tyrone should not look beyond him for his life or pardon, but should hold his fortune as of him, and account for it to him only.  
So again, whereas in the commission of the Earl of Sussex, and of all other Lieutenants or deputies, there was ever in that clause which giveth unto the Lieutenant or deputy, that high or regal point of authority to pardon Treasons and I raitors, an exception contained of such cases of treason as are committed against the person of the King: It was strange, and suspiciously strange, even at that time, with what importunity and instance he did labour, and in the end prevailed to have that exception also omitted, glozing then, that because he had heard, that by strict exposition of law (a point in law that he would needs forget at his arraignment, but could take knowledge of it before, when it was to serve his own ambition) all treasons of rebellion did tend to the destruction of the King's person, it might breed a buzz in the Rebels heads, and so discourage them from coming in, whereas he knew well that in all experience passed, there was never Rebel made any doubt or scruple upon that point to accept of pardon from all former governors, who had their Commissions penned with that limitation (their Commissions being things not kept secretly in a box, but published & recorded) so as it appeared manifestly that it was a mere devise of his own out of the secret reaches of his heart then not revealed: but it may be shrewdly expounded since, what his drift was by those pardons which he granted to Blunt the Marshal, and Thomas Lee, and others, that his care was no less to secure his own instruments then the Rebels of Ireland.  
Yet was there another point for which he did contend & contest, which was, that he might not be tied to any opinion of the Counsel of Ireland, as all others in certain points (as pardoning traitors, concluding war and peace, and some other principal articles) had been before him, to the end he might be absolute of himself, and be fully Master of opportunities and occasions for the performing and executing of his own treasonable ends.  
But after he had once by her majesties singular trust and favour toward him obtained his Patent of Commission as large, and his List of forces as full as he desired, there was an end in his course of the prosecution in the North. For being arrived into Ireland, the whole carriage of his actions there, was nothing else but a cunning defeating of that journey, with an intent (as appeared) in the end of the year to pleasure and gratify the Rebel with a dishonourable peace, and to contract with him for his own greatness.  
Therefore not long after he had received the sword, he did voluntarily engage himself in an unseasonable and fruitless journey into Munster, a journey never propounded in the Counsel there, never advertised over hither while it was passed: By which journey her majesties forces which were to be preserved entire both in vigour and number for the great prosecution, were harased and tired with long marches together, and the Northern prosecution was indeed quite dashed and made impossible.  
But yet still doubting he might receive from her Majesty some quick & express commandment to proceed: to be sure, he pursued his former devise of wrapping himself in other actions, and so set himself on work anew in the County of Ophaley, being resolved, as is manifest, to dally out the season, and never to have gone that journey at all: That setting forward which he made in the very end of August being but a mere play and a mockery, and for the purposes which now shall be declared.  
After he perceived that four months of the Summer, and three parts of the army were wasted, he thought now was a time to set on foot such a peace as might be for the Rebel's advantage, and so to work a mutual obligation between Tyrone and himself, for which purpose he did but seek a commodity. He had there with him in his army one Thomas Lee, a man of a seditious and working spirit, and one that had been privately familiar and entirely beloved of Tyrone, and one that afterwards immediately upon Essex open rebellion, was apprehended for a desperate attempt of violence against her majesties person; which he plainly confessed, and for which he suffered. Wherefore judging him to be a fit instrument, he made some signification to Lee of such an employment, which was no sooner signified then apprehended by Lee. He gave order also to sir Christopher Blunt Marshal of his army, to licence Lee to go to Tyrone when he should require it. But Lee thought good to let slip first unto Tyrone (which was nevertheless by the Marshals warrant) one james Knowd, a person of wit and sufficiency, to sound in what terms and humours Tyrone then was. This Knowd returned a message from Tyrone to Lee, 
The confession of Th. Lee.  which was, That if the Earl of Essex would follow Tyrones' plot, he would make the Earl of Essex the greatest man that ever was in England: and further, that if the Earl would have conference with him, Tyrone would deliver his eldest son in pledge for his assurance. This message was delivered by Knowd to Lee, and by Lee was imparted to the Earl of Essex, who after this message, employed Lee himself to Tyrone, and by his negociating (whatsoever passed else) prepared and disposed Tyrone to the parley.  
And this employment of Lee was a matter of that guiltiness in my Lord, as being charged with it at my Lord Keepers only in this nature (for the message of Knowd was not then known) that when he pretended to assail Tyrone, he had before under hand agreed upon a pariey, 
In the confession of Blunt at the bar, he did there declare that he had Essex his particular warrant to send Lee, and afterwards was desired by Essex to take it upon himself, and that they both had pardons.  my Lord utterly denied it that he ever employed Lee to Tyrone at all, and turned it upon Blunt whom he afterwards required to take it upon him, having before sufficiently provided for the security of all parts, for he had granted both to Blunt & Lee pardons of all treasons under the great seal of Ireland, and so himself disclaiming it, & they being pardoned, all was safe.  
But when that Tyrone was by these means (besides what others God knows) prepared to demand a parley, now was the time for Essex to acquit himself of all the Queen's commandments and his own promises and undertakings for the Northern journey, and not so alone, but to have the glory at the disadvantage of the year, being but 2500. strong of foot, and 300. of horse, after the fresh disaster of sir Coniers Clifford, in the height of the Rebel's pride, to set forth to assail, and then that the very terror and reputation of my Lord of Essex person was such as did daunt him and make him stoop to seek a parley, and this was the end he shot at in that September journey, being a mere abuse and br●●●ry, and but inducements only to the Treaty, which was the only matter he intended. For Essex drawing now towards the Catastrophe, or last part of that Tragedy, for which he came upon the Stage in Ireland, his Treasons grew to a further ripeness. For knowing how unfit it was for him to communicate with any English, even of those whom he trusted most, and meant to use in other Treasons: That he had an intention to grow to an agreement with Tyrone to have succours from him for the usurping upon the State here, (not because it was more dangerous than the rest of his treasons, but because it was more odious, and in a kind monstrous, that he should conspire with such a Rebel, against whom he was sent: and therefore might adventure to alienate men's affections from him) he drove it to this, that there might be, and so there was, under colour of treaty, an interview & private conference between Tyrone and himself only, no third person admitted. A strange course, considering with whom he dealt, and especially considering what message Knowde had brought, which should have made him rather call witnesses to him, then avoid witnesses. But he being only true to his own ends, easily dispensed with all such considerations. Nay, there was such careful order taken, that no person should overhear one word that passed between them two: as because the place appointed and used for the parley was such, as there was the depth of a brook between them, which made them speak some loudness: therewere certain horsemen appointed by order from Essex, to keep all men off, a great distance from the place.  
It is true, that the secrecy of that parley, as it gave to him the more liberty of Treason, so it may give any man the more liberty of surmise, what was then handled between them, inasmuch as nothing can be known, but by report from one of them two, either Essex or Tyrone.  
But, although there were no proceeding against Essex upon these treasons, and that it were a needless thing to load more treasons upon him then, whose burden was so great after: yet for truths sake, it is fit the world know, what is testified touching the speeches, letters and reports of Tyrone, immediately following this conference, & observe also what ensued likewise in the designs of Essex himself.  
On Tyrones' part it fell out, that the very day after that Essex came to the court of England, Tyrone having conference with Sir William Warren at Armagh, by way of discourse told him, and bound it with an oath, and iterated it two or three several times: 
The relation of sir Wi. Warren certified under his hand from the Council of Ireland to the Lords of the Council here.  That within two or three months, he should see the greatest alterations and strangest that ever he saw in his life, or could imagine: and that be the said Tyrone hoped ere long to have a good share in England. With this concurred fully the report of Richard Bremingham a gentleman of the Pale, having made his repair about the same time to Tyrone, to right him in a cause of land: saving that Bremingham delivers the like speech of Tyrone to himself: 
The report of Ri. Bremingham to the Council of Estate in Ireland.  but, not what Tyrone hoped, but what Tyrone had promised in these words, That he had promised (it may be thought to whom) ere long to show his face in England, little to the good of England.  
These generalities coming immediately from the report of Tyrone himself, are drawn to more particularity in a conference had between the Lord Fitz Morrice Baron of Liksnawe in Munster, and one Thomas Wood a person well reputed of, immediately after Essex coming into England. 
The confession of Tho. Wood  In which conference Fitz Morrice: declared unto Wood, that Tyrone had written to the traitorous titulary Earl of Desmond, to inform him, that the Condition of that Contract between Tyrone and Essex was, That Essex should be king of England: And that Tyrone should hold of him the honour and state of Viceroy of Ireland: And that the proportion of soldiers, which Tyrone should bring or send to Essex, were 8000 Irish. With which concurreth fully the testimony of the said james Knowde, 
The confession of james Knowde.  who being in credit with O●●●● Mac Roory chief of the Omoores in Lemster, was used as a Secretary for him, in the writing of a letter to Tyrone, immediately after Essex coming into England. The effect of which letter was: To understand some light of the secret agreement between the Earl of Essex and Tyrone, that he the said Owny might frame his course accordingly. Which letter, with further instructions to the same effect, was in the presence of Knowde delivered to Turlagh Macdavy, a man of trust with Owny, who brought an answer from Tyrone. The contents whereof were: That the Earl of Essex had agreed to take his part, and that they should aid him towards the conquest of England.  
Besides, very certain it is, & testified by divers credible persons, that immediately upon this parley, there did fly abroad as sparkles of this fire, (which it did not concern Tyrone so much to keep secret, as it did Essex) a general and received opinion, that went up and down in the mouths both of the better and meaner sort of Rebels: 
The declarations of Da. Hethrington, james Knowd and others.  That the Earl of Essex was theirs, and they his: and that he would never leave the one sword, meaning that of Ireland, till he had gotten the other in England: and that he would bring them to serve, where they should have other manner of booties than cows: and the like speeches. And Thomas Lee himself, 
The confession of Th. Lee.  (who had been, as was before declared, with Tyrone two or three days, upon my Lords sending, and had sounded him) hath left it confessed under his hand: That he knew the Earl of Essex and Tyrone to be one, and to run the same courses.  
And certain it is also, that immediately upon that parley, Tyrone grew into a strange and unwonted pride, and appointed his progresses and visitations to receive congratulations and homages from his confederates, and behaved himself in all things as one that had some new spirit of hope and courage put into him.  
But on the Earl of Essex his part ensued immediately after this parley a strange motion and project, which though no doubt he had harboured in his breast before: yet for any thing yet appeareth, he did not utter and break with any in it, before he had been confirmed and fortified in his purpose, by the combination and correspondence, which he found in Tyrone upon their conference. Neither is this a matter gathered out of reports, 
The Earl of Southampton and sir Christopher Blunt.  but confessed directly by two of his principal friends and associates, being witnesses upon their own knowledge, & of that which was spoken to themselves: 
The substance of that which is confessed by Southampton and Blunt touching Essex purpose to have transported into England the army of Ireland, and the changing of that dessein into the other dessein of surprising the Queen and the Court.  The substance of which confessions is this: That a little before my Lords coming over into England, at the castle of Dublin where Sir Christopher Blunt lay hurt, having been lately removed thither from Reban, a castle of Thomas Lees, and placed in a lodging that had been my Lord of Southampton's: the Earl of Essex took the Earl of Southampton with him, to visit Blunt, and there being none present but they three, my Lord of Essex told them, he found it now necessary for him to go into England, and would advise with them of the manner of his going, since to go he was resolved. And thereupon propounded unto them, that he thought it fit a carry with him of the army in Ireland, as much as he could conveniently transport, at least the choice of it, to the number of two or three thousand, to secure and make good his first deseent on shore, purposing to land them at Milford haven in Wales, or thereabouts: not doubting, but that his army would so increase within a small time, by such as would come in to him as he should be able to march with his power to London, and make his own conditions as he thought good. But, both Southampton and Blunt dissuaded him from this enterprise: Blunt alleging the hazard of it, & that it would make him odious, and Southampt on utterly disliking of that course upon the same and many other reasons. Howbeit thereupon Blunt advised him rather to another course, which was to draw forth of the Army some 200. resolute gentlemen, & with those to come over, & so to make sure of the Court, and so to make his own conditions. Which Confessions it is not amiss to deliver, by what a good providence of God they came to light: for, they could not be used at Essex arraignment to charge him, because they were uttered after his death.  
But Sir Christopher Blunt at his arraignment being charged that the Earl of Essex had set it down under his hand, 
The speech of Sir Christopher Blunt at his arraignment, and the occasion of the falling into the aforesaid confessions.  that he had been a principal Instigator of him, to his treasons, in passion broke forth into these speeches: That then he must be forced to disclose what further matters he had held my Lord from, and desired for that purpose (because the present proceeding should not be interrupted) to speak with the Lord Admiral and M. Secretary, after his arraignment, and so fell most naturally and most voluntarily into this his confession, which if it had been thought fit to have required of him at that time publicly, he had delivered before his conviction. And the same confession he did after (at the time of his execution) constantly and fully confirm, discourse particularly, and take upon his death, where never any man showed less fear, nor a greater resolution to die.  
And the same matter so by him confessed, was likewise confessed with the same circumstances of time and place by Southampton, being severally examined thereupon.  
So as now the world may see how long since my Lord put off his vizard, and disclosed the secrets of his heart to two of his most confident friends, falling upon that unnatural and detestable treason, whereunto all his former Actions in his government in Ireland, (and God knows how long before) were but Introductions.  
But, finding that these two persons, which of all the rest he thought to have found forwardest, 
The place of General of the horse in the army of Ireland was conferred by Essex upon Southampton contrary to her majesties express commandment.  Southampton, whose displacing he had made his own discontentment (having placed him, no question to that end, to find cause of discontentment) and Blunt, a man so enterprising and prodigal of his own life, (as himself termed himself at the Bar) did not applaud to this his purpose, and thereby doubting how coldly he should find others minded, that were not so near to him. And therefore condescending to blunt's advise to surprise the Court, he did pursue that plot accordingly, and came over with a selected company of Captains and voluntaries, and such as he thought were most affectionate unto himself, and most resolute, though not knowing of his purpose. So as even at that time, every man noted and wondered, what the matter should be, that my Lord took his most particular friends and followers from their companies, which were countenance and means unto them, to bring them over. But his purpose (as in part was touched before) was this: that if he held his greatness in Court, and were not committed (which in regard of the miserable and deplored estate he left Ireland in, whereby he thought the opinion here would be that his service could not be spared, he made full account he should not be) then, at the first opportunity, he would execute the surprise of her majesties person. And if he were committed to the Tower, or to prison for his contempts, (for besides his other contempts, he came over expressly against the Queen's prohibition under her Signet) it might be the care of some of his principal friends, by the help of that choice and resolute company which he brought over, to rescue him.  
But the pretext of his coming over was, by the efficacy of his own presence and persuasion, to have moved and drawn her Majesty to accept of such conditions of peace, as he had treated of with Tyrone, in his private conference: which was indeed somewhat needful, the principal Article of them being, That there should be a general restitution of Rebels in Ireland to all their lands & possessions, that they could pretend any right to, before their going out into Rebellion: without reservation of such lands as were by Act of Parliament passed to the Crown, and so planted with English both in the time of Q. Mary, and since: and without difference either of time of their going forth, or nature of their offence, or other circumstance, tending in effect to this: That all the Queen's good subjects, in most of the Provinces, should have been displanted, and the Country abandoned to the Rebels.  
When this man was come over, his heart thus fraughted with Treasons, and presented himself to her Majesty: it pleased God, in his singular providence over her Majesty, to guide and hem in her proceeding towards him, in a narrow way of safety between two perils. For neither did her Majesty leave him at liberty, whereby he might have commodity to execute his purpose: nor restrain him in any such nature, as might signify or betoken matter of despair of his return to Court and favour. And so the means of present mischief being taken away, and the humours not stirred, this matter fell asleep, and the thread of his purposes was cut off. For, coming over about the end of September, and not denied access and conference with her Majesty, and then being commanded to his chamber at Court for some days, and from thence to the Lord Keeper's house; it was conceived, that these were no ill signs. At my Lord Keeper's house he remained, till some few days before Easter, and then was removed to his own house, under the custody of Sir Richard Barkley, and in that sort continued till the end of Trinity Term following.  
For, her Majesty all this while looking into his faults, with the eye of her princely favour, and loath to take advantage of his great offences, in other nature then as contempts, resolved so to proceed against him, as might (to use her majesties own words) tend, ad correctionem, & non ad ruinam.  
Nevertheless afterwards, about the end of Trinity Term following, for the better satisfaction of the world, and to repress seditious bruits and libels, which were dispersed in his justification, and to observe a form of justice, before he should be set at full liberty: her Majesty was pleased to direct, that there should be associate unto her Privy Council, some chosen persons of her Nobility, and of her judges of the law: and before them his cause, (concerning the breaking of his instructions for the Northern prosecution, and the manner of his treating with Tyrone, and his coming over, and leaving the kingdom of Ireland, contrary to her majesties commandment, expressed as well by signification thereof made under her Royal hand and Signet, as by a most binding and effectual letter, written privately to himself) to receive a hearing: with limitation nevertheless, that he should not be charged with any point of disloyalty; and with like favour directed, that he should not be called in question in the open and ordinary place of offenders in the Star Chamber, from which he had likewise by a most penitent and humble letter desired to be spared, as that which would have wounded him for ever, as he affirmed, but in a more private manner at my Lord Keeper's house. Neither was the effect of the sentence, that there passed against him, any more than a suspension of the exercise of some of his places: At which time also, Essex that could vary himself into all shapes for a time, infinitely desirous (as by the sequel now appeareth) to be at liberty to practise & revive his former purposes, and hoping to set into them with better strength than ever, because he conceived the people's hearts were kindled to him by his troubles, and that they had made great demonstrations of as much: he did transform himself into such a strange & dejected humility, as if he had been no man of this world, with passionate protestations, that he called God to witness, that he had made an utter divorce with the world: and he desired her majesties favour, not for any worldly respect, but for a preparative for a Nunc dimittis: And that the tears of his heart had quenched in him all humours of ambition. All this to make her Majesty secure, and to lull the world asleep, that he was not a man to be held any ways dangerous.  
Not many days after, Sir Richard Barkley his keeper was removed from him, and he set at liberty, with this admonition only: That he should not take himself to be altogether discharged, though he were left to the guard of none, but his own discretion. But he felt himself no sooner upon the wings of his liberty, but (notwithstanding his former shows of a mortified estate of mind) he began to practise afresh, as busily as ever reviving his former resolution: which was the surprising and possessing the Queen's person, and the Court. And that it may appear how early after his liberty he set his engines on work, having long before entertained into his service, and during his government in Ireland, drawn near unto him in the place of his chief Secretary, one Henry Cuffe, a base fellow by birth, but a great scholar, and indeed a notable Traitor by the book, being otherwise of a turbulent and mutinous spirit against all superiors:  
This fellow, in the beginning of August, which was not a month after Essex liberty granted, fell of practising with Sir Henry Nevil, that served her Majesty as Ligier Ambassador with the French King, 
The declaration of sir Herald Nevell.  and then newly come over into England from Bulleyn, abusing him with a false lie, and mere invention, that his service was blamed and misliked, and that the imputation of the breach of the treaty of Peace held at Bulleyn, was like to light upon him, (when there was no colour of any such matter) only to distaste him of others, and fasten him to my Lord, though he did not acquaint him with any particulars of my Lords designs, till a good while after.  
But my Lord having spent the end of the Summer (being a private time, when every body was out of town and dispersed) in digesting his own thoughts, with the help and conference of Master Cuffe, they had soon set down between them the ancient principle of Traitors and Conspirators, which was: To prepare many, and to acquaint few; and after the manner of Ours, to make ready their powder, and place it, and then give fire but in the instant. Therefore, the first consideration was of such persons as my Lord thought fit to draw to be of his party; singling out both of Nobility and Martial men, and others, such as were discontented or turbulent, and such as were weak of judgement, and easy to be abused, or such as were wholly dependents and followers (for means or countenance) of himself, Southampton or some other of his greatest associates.  
And knowing there were no such strong and drawing cords of popularity, as religion: he had not neglected, both at this time, and long before, in a profane policy to serve his turn (for his own greatness,) of both sorts & factions, both of Catholics and Puritans, as they term them, turning his out side to the one, and his inside to the other, and making himself pleasing and gracious to the one sort by professing zeal, and frequenting sermons, and making much of Preachers, and secretly under hand giving assurance to Blunt, davies, 
The confession of Blunt and davis.  and divers others, that (if he might prevail in his desired greatness,) he would bring in a toleration of the Catholic religion.  
Then having passed the whole Michaelmas Term in making himself plausible, and in drawing concourse about him, and in affecting & alluring men by kind provocations and usage, wherein (because his liberty was qualified) he neither forgot exercise of mind nor body, neither Sermon nor Tennis Court, to give the occasion and freedom of access and concourse unto him) and much other practice and devise: About the end of that term, towards Christmas, he grew to a more framed resolution of the time and manner, when and how he would put his purpose in execution. And first about the end of Michaelmas Term, it passed as a kind of cipher and watchword amongst his friends and followers, 
The declaration of Sir Henry Nevil, and Confession of Sir Ferdinando Gorge.  That'my Lord would stand upon his guard: which might receive construction, in a good sense, as well guard of circumspection, as guard of force: but to the more private and trusty persons he was content it should be expounded that he would be cooped up no more, nor hazard any more restraints or commandments.  
But the next care was, how to bring such persons, as he thought fit for his purpose, into Town together, without vent of suspicion, to be ready at the time, when he should put his design in execution: which he had concluded should be some time in Hilary Term: wherein he found many devices to draw them up, 
The confession of Blunt.  some for suits in Law, and some for suits in Court, & some for assurance of land: and one friend to draw up another, it not being perceived, that all moved from one head. And it may be truly noted, that in the Catalogue of those persons, that were the eight of February in the action of open Rebellion, a man may find almost out of every County of England some, which could not be by chance or constellation: and in the particularity of Examinations (too long to be rehearsed) it was easy to trace in what sort many of them were brought up to Town, & held in Town upon several pretences. But in Candlemas Term, when the time drew near, then was he content consultation should be had by certain choice persons, upon the whole matter and course which he should hold. And because he thought himself and his own house more observed, it was thought fit, that the meeting and conference should be at Drury house, where S. Charles Davers lodged. There met at this Council, the Earl of Southampton, with whom in former times he had been at some emulations and differences in Court. But after, Southampton having married his kinswoman, and plunged himself wholly into his fortune, and being his continual Associate in Ireland, he accounted of him as most assured unto him, and had long ago in Ireland acquainted him with his purpose, as was declared before. Sir Charles Davers, one exceedingly devoted to the Earl of Southampton, upon affection begun first upon the deserving of the same Earl towards him, when he was in trouble about the murder of one Long. Sir Ferdinando Gorge, one that the Earl of Essex had of purpose sent for up from his government at Plymmouth by his letter, with particular assignation to be here before the 2. of February. Sir john davies, one that had been his servant, and raised by him, and that bare Office in the Tower, being Surveyor of the Ordinance, & one that he greatly trusted: and john Littleton, one they respected for his wit and valour.  
The consultation and conference rested upon three parts: 
The confessions of sir Charles Davers. 1. 2. Sir Io. davis 2. Sir Ferdin. Gorge 2. Sir Christopher Blunt 2. Southampton at the bar.  The perusal of a list of those persons, whom they took to be of their party: The consideration of the Action itself, which they should set a foot, and how they should proceed in it: And the distribution of the persons, according to the Action concluded on, to their several employments.  
The list contained the number of six score persons, Noblemen and Knights, and principal Gentlemen, and was (for the more credit's sake) of the Earl of Essex own hand writing.  
For the Action itself, there was proposition made of two principal Articles: The one, of possessing the Tower of London: the other of surprising her majesties person and the Court, in which also deliberation was had, what course to hold with the City, either towards the effecting of the surprise, or after it was effected.  
For the Tower was alleged, the giving a reputation to the Action, by getting into their hand the principal Fort of the Realm, with the stores and provisions thereunto appertaining, the bridling of the City by that piece, and commodity of entrance in and possessing it, by the means of Sir john davis. But this was by opinion of all rejected, as that which would distract their attempt from the more principal, which was the Court, and as that which they made a judgement would follow incidently, if the Court were once possessed.  
But the later, which was the ancient plot, (as was well known to Southampton) was in the end, by the general opinion of them all, insisted and rested upon.  
And the manner how it should be ordered and disposed was this: That certain selected persons of their number, such as were well known in Court, and might have access without check or suspicion, into the several rooms in Court, according to the several qualities of the persons, and the differences of the rooms, should distribute themselves into the Presence, the Guard-chamber, the Hall, and the utter Court and gate, and some one principal man undertaking every several room with the strength of some few to be joined with him, every man to make good his charge, according to the occasion. In which distribution, sir Charles Davers was then named to the Presence, and to the great chamber, where he was appointed, when time should be, to seize upon the Halberds of the Guard: sir john davies to the Hall: and sir Christopher Blunt to the utter Gate: these seeming to them, the three principal wards of consideration. And that things being within the Court in a readiness, a signal should be given and sent to Essex, to set forward from Essex house, being no great distance off. Whereupon Essex, accompanied with the noble men of his party, and such as should be prepared and assembled at his house for that purpose, should march towards the Court: And that the former conspirators already entered should give correspondence to them without, as well by making themselves Masters of the gates to give them entrance, as by attempting to get into their hand upon the sudden the Halberds of the Guard, thereby hoping to prevent any great resistance within, and by filling all full of tumult and confusion.  
This being the platform of their enterprise, the second act of this Tragedy was also resolved, which was, that my Lord should present himself to her Majesty as prostrating himself at her feet, and desire the remove of such persons, as he called his enemies, from about her. And after that my Lord had obtained possession of the Queen, and the State: he should call his pretended enemies to a trial upon their lives, and summon a Parliament, and alter the government, and obtain to himself, and his associates, such conditions as seemed to him and them good.  
There passed speech also in this conspiracy, of possessing the City of London, which Essex himself, in his own particular and secret in clination, had ever a special mind unto: not as a departure or going from his purpose of possessing the Court, but as an inducement and preparative to perform it upon a surer ground. An opinion bred in him, (as may be imagined) partly by the great overweening he had of the love of the Citizens: but chiefly, in all likelihood, by a fear, that although he should have prevailed in getting her majesties person into his hands for a time, with his two or three hundred Gentlemen, yet, the very beams and graces of her majesties magnanimity and prudent carriage in such disaster working, with the natural instinct of loyalty, which of course (when fury is over) doth ever revive in the hearts of subjects of any good blood or mind (such as his troup for the more part was compounded of, though by him seduced and bewitched) would quickly break the knot, and cause some disunion and separation amongst them, whereby he might have been left destitute, except he should build upon some more popular number, according to the nature of all usurping Rebels, which do ever trust more in the common people, then in persons of sort or quality. And this may well appear by his own plot in Ireland, which was to have come with the choice of the Army, from which he was diverted, as before is showed. So as his own courses inclined ever to rest upon the main strength of the multitude, and not upon surprises, or the combinations of a few.  
But to return: These were the resolutions taken at that consultation, held by these five at Drury house, some five or six days before the Rebellion, to be reported to Essex, who ever kept in himself the binding and directing voice: which he did to prevent all differences that might grow by dissent or contradiction. And beside he had other persons, (which were Cuffe and Blunt) of more inwardness and confidence with him then these, (Southampton only excepted) which managed that Consultation. And, for the day of the Enterprise, which is that must rise out of the knowledge of all the opportunities and difficulties, it was referred to Essex his own choice and appointment: it being nevertheless resolved, that it should be sometime before the end of Candlemas Term.  
But this Council and the resolutions thereof, were in some points refined by Essex, and Cuffe, and Blunt: for, 
Sir Henry Nevels declaration,  first it was thought good, for the better making sure of the utter gate of the Court, and the greater celerity and suddenness, to have a troop at receipt to a competent number, to have come from the Mews, where they should have been assembled without suspicion in several companies, and from thence cast themselves in a moment upon the Court gate, and join with them which were within, while Essex with the main of his company were making forward.  
It was also thought fit, that because they would be Common wealths-men, and foresee, that the business and service of the public State should not stand still: they should have ready at Court, and at hand, certain other persons to be offered, to supply the offices and places of such her majesties Counsellors and servants, as they should demand to be removed and displaced.  
But chiefly it was thought good, that the assembling of their companies together, should be upon some plausible pretext; both to make divers of their company, that understood not the depth of the practices, the more willing to follow them: and to engage themselves, and to gather them together the better without peril of detecting or interrupting: and again, to take the Court the more unprovided, without any Alarm given. So as now there wanted nothing, but the Assignation of the day: which nevertheless was resolved indefinitely to be before the end of the Term, as was said before, 
The confession of Blunt. 3.  for the putting in execution of this most dangerous and execrable Treason. But God who had in his divine providence long ago cursed this action, with the Curse that the Psalm speaketh of, That it should be like the untimely fruit of a woman, brought forth before it came to perfection, so disposed above, that her Majesty understanding by a general charm and muttering of the great and universal resort to Essex house, contrary to her Princely admonition, and somewhat differing from his former manner (as there could not be so great fire without some smoke) upon the seventh of February, the afternoon before this Rebellion, sent to Essex house M. Secretary Harbert, to require him to come before the Lords of her majesties Council, then sitting in Counsel at Salisbury Court, being the Lord Treasurer's house: where it was only intended, that he should have received some reprehension, for exceeding the limitations of his liberty, granted to him in a qualified manner, without any intention towards him of restraint, which he, under colour of not being well, excused to do: but his own guilty conscience applying it, that his Trains were discovered, doubting peril in any further delay, determined to hasten his enterprise, and to set it on foot the next day.  
But then again, having some advertisement in the evening, that the guards were doubled at Court, and laying that to the message he had received overnight: and so concluding that Alarm was taken at Court, he thought it to be in vain, to think of the enterprise of the Court, by way of surprise: but that now his only way was, to come thither in strength, and to that end first to attempt the City. Wherein he did but fall back to his own former opinion, which he had in no sort neglected, but had formerly made some overtures to prepare the City to take his part: relying himself, (besides his general conceit, that himself was the darling and minion of the people, and specially of the City) more particularly upon assurance given of Thomas Smith, than Sheriff of London, a man well beloved amongst the Citizens, and one that had some particular command of some of the trained forces of the City, to join with him. Having therefore concluded upon this determination, now was the time to execute in fact, all that he had before in purpose digested.  
First therefore he concluded of a pretext which was ever part of the plot, and which he had meditated upon, and studied long before. For finding himself (thanks be to God) to seek, in her majesties government, of any just pretext in matter of state, either of innovation, oppression, or any unworthiness: As in all his former discontentments, he had gone the beaten path of Traitors, turning their imputation upon counsellors, and persons of credit with their Sovereign: so now he was forced to descend to the pretext of a private quarrel, giving out this speech, how that evening, when he should have been called before the Lords of the Council, there was an Ambuscado of Musketers placed upon the water, by the devise of my Lord Cobham, and Sir Walter Raleigh, to have murdered him by the way as he passed. A matter of no probability, those persons having no such desperate estates or minds, as to ruin themselves and their posterity, by committing so odious a crime.  
But chose, certain it is, Sir Ferdinando Gorge accused Blunt, to have persuaded him to kill, 
Confession of sir Ferdinando Gorge.  or at least apprehend Sir Walter Raleigh, the latter whereof Blunt denieth not, and asked Sir Walter Raleigh forgiveness at the time of his death.  
But this pretext being the best he had, was taken, and then did messages and warnings fly thick up and down to every particular Nobleman, and gentleman, both that evening and the next morning, to draw them together in the forenoon to Essex house, dispersing the foresaid fable, That he should have been murdered, save that it was sometime on the water, sometime in his bed, varying according to the nature of a lie. He sent likewise the same night, certain of his instruments, as namely, one William Temple his Secretary into the City, to disperse the same tale, having increased it some few days before by an addition, That he should have been likewise murdered by some jesuits to the number of four: and to fortify this pretext, and to make the more buzz of the danger he stood in, he caused that night a watch to be kept all night long towards the street, in his house: the next morning, which was Sunday, they came unto him of all hands, according to his messages and warnings. Of the Nobility, the Earls of Rutland, Southampton, and the Lord Sands, and Sir Henry Parker, commonly called the Lord Mountegle, besides divers Knights and principal Gentlemen and their followers, to the number of some three hundredth. And also it being Sunday, and the hour when he had used to have a Sermon at his house, it gave cause to some, and colour to others to come upon that occasion. As they came, my Lord saluted and embraced, and to the generality of them gave to understand, in as plausible terms as he could, That his life had been sought, and that he meant to go to the Court, and declare his griefs to the Queen, because his enemies were mighty, and used her majesties name and commandment, and desired their help to take his part: 
The confession of the Earl of Rutland.  But unto the more special persons he spoke high and in other terms, telling them That he was sure of the City, and would put himself into that strength, that her Majesty should not be able to stand against him, and that he would take revenge of his enemies.  
All the while after eight of the clock in the morning, the gates to the Street and water were strongly guarded, and men taken in and let forth by discretion of those that held the charge, but with special caution of receiving in such as came from Court, but not suffering them to go back without my Lords special direction, to the end no particularity of that which passed there might be known to her Majesty.  
About 10. of the clock, her Majesty having understanding of this strange and tumultuous assembly at Essex house, yet in her Princely wisdom and moderation thought to cast water upon this fire before it broke forth to further inconvenience: and therefore using authority before she would use force, sent unto him four persons of great Honour and place, and such as he ever pretended to reverence and love, to offer him justice for any griefs of his, but yet to lay her Royal commandment upon him to disperse his company, and upon them to withdraw themselves.  
These four Honourable persons, being the Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England, the Earl of Worcester, 
The declaration of the L. Keeper, the Earl of Worcester, the L. chief justice under their hands.  the Controller of her majesties household, and the Lord chief justice of England, came to the house, and found the gates shut upon them. But after a little stay, they were let in at the wicket, and assoon as they were within, the wicket was shut, 
The oath of the L. chief justice Viva voce.  and all their servants kept out, except the Bearer of the Seal. In the court they found the Earls with the rest of the company, the court in a manner full, 
The declaration of the Earl of Worcester Viva voce.  and upon their coming towards Essex, they all flocked and thronged about them: whereupon the Lord Keeper in an audible voice delivered to the Earl the Queen's message, That they were sent by her Majesty to understand the cause of this their assembly, and to let them know that if they had any particular cause of griefs against any persons whatsoever, they should have hearing and justice.  
Whereupon the Earl of Essex in a very loud and furious voice declared, That his life was sought, And that he should have been murdered in his bed, And that he had been perfidiously dealt withal, and other speeches to the like effect. To which the Lord Chief justice said, If any such matter were attempted or intended against him, it was fit for him to declare it, assuring him both a faithful relation on their part, and that they could not fail of a princely indifferency and justice on her majesties part.  
To which the Earl of Southampton took occasion to object the assault made upon him by the Lord Grace: which my Lord Chief justice returned upon him, and said, That in that case justice had been done, and the party was in prison for it.  
Then the Lord Keeper required the Earl of Essex, that if he would not declare his griefs openly, yet that then he would impart them privately, and then they doubted not to give him or procure him satisfaction.  
Upon this there arose a great clamour among the multitude, Away my Lord: they abuse you, they betray you: they undo you: you lose time. Whereupon my L. Keeper put on his hat, and said with a louder voice than before: My Lord, let us speak with you privately, and understand your griefs: and, I do command you all upon your allegiance, to lay down your weapons, and to depart. Upon which words the Earl of Essex and all the rest, as disdaining commandment, put on their hats: and Essex somewhat abruptly went from him into the house, and the Counsellors followed him, thinking he would have private conference with them, as was required.  
And as they passed through the several rooms, they might hear many of the disordered company cry, Kill them, kill them: and others crying, Nay, but shop them up, keep them as pledges, cast the great Seal out at the window, and other such audacious and traitorous speeches. But Essex took hold of the occasion and advantage, to keep in deed such pledges if he were distressed, and to have the countenance to lead them with him to the Court, especially the two great Magistrates of justice, and the great Seal of England if he prevailed, and to deprive her Majesty of the use of their counsel in such a straight, and to engage his followers in the very beginning by such a capital act, as the imprisonment of Counsellors carrying her majesties royal commandment for the suppressing of a rebellious force.  
And after that they were come up into his book chamber, he gave order they should be kept fast, giving the charge of their custody principally to Sir john davis, but adjoined unto him a warder, one Owen Salisbury, one of the most seditious and wicked persons of the number, having been a notorious robber, and one that served the enemy under Sir William Stanley, and that bore a special spleen unto my Lord Chief justice, who guarded these honourable persons with Muskets charged, and Matches ready fired at the chamber door.  
This done, the Earl (notwithstanding my Lord Keeper still required to speak with him) left the charge of his house with Sir Gilly Mericke, and using these words to my Lord Keeper, Have patience for a while, I will go take order with the Mayor and Sheriffs for the City, and be with you again within half an hour, issued with his troop into London, to the number of two hundredth, besides those that remained in the house, choice men for hardiness and valour, unto whom some Gentlemen, and one Noble man did after join themselves.  
But from the time he went forth, it seems God did strike him with the spirit of Amazement, and brought him round again to the place whence he first moved.  
For after he had once by Ludgate entered into the City, he never had as much as the heart or assurance to speak any set or confident speech to the people (but repeated only over and over his tale as he passed by, That he should have been murdered) nor to do any act of foresight or courage: but he that had vowed he would never be cooped up more, cooped himself first within the walls of the City, and after within the walls of an house, as arrested by God's justice as an example of disloyalty. For passing through Cheapside, and so towards Smith's house, and finding, though some came about him, yet none joined or armed with him, he provoked them by speeches as he passed, 
The confession of the Earl of Rutland. The L. Sandis.  to arm, telling them, They did him hurt and no good, to come about him with no weapons.  
But there was not in so populous a City, where he thought himself held so dear, one man, from the chiefest Citizen, to the meanest Artificer or Prentice, that armed with him: so as being extremely appalled, as divers that happened to see him then, might visibly perceive in his face and countenance, and almost molten with sweat, though without any cause of bodily labour but only by the perplexity and horror of his mind, he came to Smith's house the Sheriff, where he refreshed himself a little, and shifted him.  
But the mean while it pleased God, that her majesties directions at Court, though in a case so strange and sudden, were judicial and sound. For first there was commandment in the morning given unto the City, that every man should be in a readiness both in person and armour, but yet to keep within his own door, and to expect commandment: upon a reasonable & politic consideration, that had they armed suddenly in the streets, if there were any ill disposed persons, they might arm on the one side and turn on the other, or at least if armed men had been seen to and fro, it would have bred a greater tumult, and more bloodshed: and the nakedness of Essex troop would not have so well appeared.  
And soon after direction was given, that the Lord Burghley, taking with him the King of Heralds, should proclaim him Traitor in the principal parts of the City: which was performed with good expedition and resolution, and the loss and hurt of some of his Company. Besides that, the Earl of Cumberland, and Sir Thomas Gerrard Knight Martial, rode into the City, and declared and notified to the people that he was a Traitor: from which time divers of his troop withdrawing from him, and none other coming in to him, there was nothing but despair. For having stayed a while, as is said, at Sheriff Smith's house, and there changing his pretext of a private quarrel, and publishing, That the Realm should have been sold to the Infanta, 
The confession of the Earl of Rutl.  the better to spur on the people to rise, 
Essex confession at the Bar.  and called, and given commandment to have brought arms and weapons of all sorts, and being soon after advertised of the Proclamation, he came forth in a hurry.  
So having made some stay in Gracious street, and being dismayed upon knowledge given to him that forces were coming forwards against him under the conduct of the L. Admiral the Lieutenant of her majesties forces, and not knowing what course to take, he determined in the end to go back towards his own house, aswell in hope to have found the Counsellors there, and by them to have served someturne, as upon trust that towards night his friends in the City would gather their spirits together, and rescue him, as himself declared after to M. Lieutenant of the Tower.  
But for the Counsellors, it had pleased God to make one of the principal offenders his instrument for their delivery: who seeing my Lords case desperate, & contriving how to redeem his fault, and save himself, came to sir john davis and sir Gillie Mericke, as sent from my Lord: and so procured them to be released.  
But the Earl of Essex, with his company that was left, thinking to recover his house, made on by land towards Ludgate, where being resisted by a company of Pikemen and other forces, gathered together by the wise and diligent care of the Bishop of London, and commanded by sir john Luson, and yet attempting to clear the passage, he was with no great difficulty repulsed. At which encounter sir Christopher Blunt was sore wounded, and young Tracie slain on his part: and one Waits on the Queen's part, and some other. Upon which repulse he went back and fled towards the Waterside, & took boat at Queen hive, and so was received into Essex house at the Watergate, which he fortified and barricadoed: but instantly the Lord Lieutenant so disposed his Companies, as all passage and issue forth was cut off from him both by land and by water, and all succours that he might hope for, were discouraged: and leaving the Earl of Cumberland, the Earl of Lincoln, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Grace, the Lord Burghley, and the Lord Compton, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Thomas Gerrard, with divers others, before the house to landward, my Lord Lieutenant himself thought good, taking with him the Lord of Effingham, Lord Cobham, Sir john Stanhope, Sir Robert Sidney, M. Foulk Grevill, with divers others, to assail the Garden and Banqueting house on the Water side, and presently forced the Garden, and won to the walls of the house, and was ready to have assailed the house: but out of a Christian and honourable consideration, understanding that there were in the house the Countess of Essex, and the Lady Rich, with their Gentlewomen, let the Earl of Essex know by Sir Robert Sidney, that he was content to suffer the Ladies and gentlewomen to come forth. Whereupon Essex returning the Lord Lieutenant thanks for the compassion and care he had of the Ladies, desired only to have an hours respite to make way for their going out, and an hour after to barricado the place again. Which because it could make no alteration to the hindrance of the service, the L. Lieutenant thought good to grant. But Essex having had some talk within of a sally, and despairing of the success, and thinking better to yield himself, sent word, that upon some conditions he would yield.  
But the L. Lieutenant utterly refusing to hear of capitulations, Essex desired to speak with my Lord; who thereupon went up close to the house: and the late Earls of Essex and Southampton, with divers other Lords and Gentlemen their partakers, presented themselves upon the leads: and Essex said, he would not capitulate, but entreat, and made three petitions. The first, That they might be civilly used: Whereof the Lord Lieutenant assured them. The second, That they might have an honourable trial: Whereof the Lord Lieutenant answered, they needed not to doubt. The third, That he might have Ashton a Preacher with him in prison for the comfort of his soul: Which the Lord Lieutenant said he would move to her Majesty, not doubting of the matter of his request, though he could not absolutely promise him that person. Whereupon they all with the ceremony amongst marshal men accustomed, came down & submitted themselves and yielded up their swords, which was about ten of the clock at night, there having been slain in holding of the house, by musket shot, Owen Salisbury, and some few more on the part of my Lord, and some few likewise slain and hurt on the Queen's part, and presently, aswell the Lords as the rest of their confederates of quality were severally taken into the charge of divers particular Lords and Gentlemen, and by them conveyed to the Tower and other prisons.  
So as this action, so dangerous in respect of the person of the Leader, the manner of the combination, and the intent of the plot, broke forth and ended within the compass of twelve hours, and with the loss of little blood, and in such sort as the next day all Courts of justice were open, and did sit in their accustomed manner, giving good Subjects, and all reasonable men just cause to think, not the less of the offender's treason, but the more of her majesties princely magnanimity and prudent foresight in so great a peril, and chiefly of God's goodness, that hath blessed her Majesty in this, as in many things else, with so rare and divine felicity.   

THE EFFECT OF the Evidence given, at the several Arraignments of the late Earls of Essex and Southampton, before the L. STEWARD; And of Sir Christopher Blunt and Sir Charles Davers, and others, before great and Honourable Commissioners of Dyer and Determiner. And of the Answers and Defences, which the said Offenders made for themselves; And the Replies made upon such their Defences: With some other Circumstances of the proceedings, as well at the same Arraignments as after.  
THE two late Earls of Essex and Southampton, 
Some question was made by the earl of Essex, whether he might challenge any of the Peers. But answer was made by the judges, that the law had that reputation of the Peers, that it trusted them both without oath and challenge.  were brought to their trial, the nineteenth of February, eleven days after the Rebellion. At which trial there passed upon them 25. Peers, a greater number than hath been called in any former precedent. Amongst whom her Majesty did not forbear to use many that were of near alliance and blood to the Earl of Essex, and some others, that had their sons and heirs apparent that were of his Company, and followed him in the open Action of Rebellion. The Lord Steward then in Commission, (according to the solemnity in such Trials received) was the Lord Buckhurst, L. high Treasurer, who with gravity and temperance directed the Evidence, and moderated, and gave the judgement. There was also an Assistance of eight judges, the three chief, & five others. The hearing was with great patience and liberty: the ordinary course not being held, to silence the Prisoners, till the whole state of the Evidence was given in: but they being suffered to answer articulatly, to every branch of the Evidence, and sometimes to every particular deposition, whensoever they offered to speak. And not so only, but they were often spared to be interrupteed, even in their digressions, and speeches not much pertinent to their cause. And always when any doubt in Law was moved, or when it was required either by the Prisoners or the Peers, the Lord Steward required the judges to deliver the Law; who gave their opinions severally, not barely, yea or no, but at large with their reasons.  
In the Endictment were not laid or charged the treasons of Ireland, because the greatest matter, which was the design to bring over the Army of Ireland, being than not confessed nor known, it was not thought convenient to stuff the inditement with matters, which might have been conceived to be chiefly gathered by curious inquisition, & grounded upon report, or presumption, when there was other matter so notorious. And beside, it was not unlikely, that in his case, to whom many were so partial, some (who would not consider how things came to light by degrees) might have reported, that he was twice called in Question about one offence. And therefore the late Treasons of his Rebellion and conspiracy, were only comprehended in the inditement, with the usual clauses and consequents in Law, of compassing the Queen's death, destruction, and deprivation, and levying war, and the like.  
The Evidence consisted of two parts: The plot of surprising her majesties Person in Court, and, The open Rebellion in the City.  
The plot was opened according to the former narration, and proved by the several confessions of four witnesses, fully and directly concurring in the point: Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles' Dauers, Sir john davies, and Sir Ferdinando Gorge. Of which number, though Sir Christopher Blunt were not at the Council held at Drury house, no more than Essex himself was: yet, he was privy to that which passed. Sir Ferdinando Gorge being prisoner in the Gatehouse, near the place of trial, was (at the request of the Earl of Essex) brought thither, and avouched Viva voce his confession in all things.  
And these four proved all particularities of surprising the Court, and the manner of putting the same in execution, and the distributing and naming of the principal persons and actors, to their several charges: and the calling of my Lords pretended enemies to trial for their lives, and the fummoning of a Parliament, and the altering of the government. And Sir Christopher Blunt, and Sir john davies, from Sir Christopher Blunt, did speak to the point of bringing in a toleration of the Catholic religion.  
For the overt Rebellion in the City itself, it was likewise opened, according to the former narration, and divided itself naturally into 3. parts.  
First, the imprisonment of the counsellors, bringing her majesties Royal commandment to them, upon their allegiance, to disperse their Forces. Secondly, the entering the City, and the stirring of the people to rise, as well by provoking them to arm, as by giving forth the slanders, that the Realm was sold to the Spaniard, and the assailing of the Queen's Forces at Ludgate. And thirdly, the resistance and keeping of the house against her majesties Forces, under the charge and conduct of the Lord Lieutenant.  
And albeit these parts were matters notorious, and within almost every man's view and knowledge: yet, for the better satisfaction of the Peers, they were fully proved by the oath of the Lord Chief justice of England, being there present, Viva voce, and the Declaration of the Earl of Worcester, being one of the Peers likewise, Viva voce, touching so much as passed about the imprisonment of themselves and the rest: and by the confessions of the Earl of Rutland, the Lord Sands, the Lord Cromwell, and others.  
The defence of the late Earl of Essex, touching the plot & consultation at Drury house, was: That it was not proved, that he was at it: And that they could show nothing proving his consent or privity, under his hand.  
Touching the action in the City, he justified the pretext of the danger of his life to be a truth. He said, that his speech that the Realm should have been sold to the Infanta of Spain, was grounded upon a report he had heard, that Sir Robert Cecil should say privately, That the Infantaes title to the Crown (after her Majesty) was as good as any other. He excused the imprisonment of the Counsellors, to have been against his mind, forced upon him by his unruly company. He protested he never intended in his heart, any hurt to her majesties person: That he did desire to secure his access to her, for which purpose he thought to pray the help of the City, and that he did not arm his men in warlike sort, nor struck up no Drum, nor the like.  
The defence of the late Earl of Southampton to his part in the plot, and consultation at Drury house, was: That it was a matter debated, but not resolved nor concluded; and that the action which was executed, was not the action which was consulted upon. And for the open action in the city, he concurred with Essex, with protestation of the clearness of his mind for any hurt to the Queen's person: And that it was but his affection to my Lord of Essex, that had drawn him into the cause. This was the substance & best of both their defences. Unto which the Reply was.  
DEFENCE.  
To the point that the late Earl of Essex was not at the consultation at Drury-house.  
REPLY.  
It was replied, that it was proved by all the witnesses, that that consultation was held by his special appointment and direction, and that both the list of the names, and the principal Articles, were of his own hand writing. And whereas he said, they could not be showed extant under his hand: it was proved by the confession of my Lord of Rutland, and the Lord Sands, that he had provided for that himself. For, after he returned out of the City to his own house, he burned divers papers which he had in a Cabinet, because (as himself said) they should tell no tales.  
DEFENCE.  
To the point which Southampton alleged, That the Consultation at Drury house, upon the list and articles in writing, was not executed.  
REPLY.  
It was replied, that both that Consultation in that manner held, if none other act had followed, was treason: And that the Rebellion following in the city, was not a desisting from the other plot, but an inducement and pursuance of it: their meaning being plain on all parts, that, after they had gotten the aid of the city, they would have gone and possessed the Court.  
DEFENCE.  
To the point, that it was a truth, that Essex should have been assailed by his private enemies.  
REPLY.  
First, he was required to deliver, who it was that gave him the advertisement of it, because otherwise it must light upon himself, & be thought his own invention: whereunto he said, that he would name no man that day.  
Then it was showed how improbable it was, considering that my Lord Cobham, and Sir Walter Raleigh were men, whose estates were better settled and established, then to overthrow their fortunes by such a crime.  
Besides, it was showed how the tale did not hang together, but varied in itself, as the tale of the two judges did, when one said, Under the Mulbery-tree, and another said, Under the Figtree. So, sometimes it was, That he should have been murdered in his bed, and sometimes upon the water, and sometimes it should have been performed by jesuits, some days before.  
Thirdly, it was asked what reference the going into the city for succour against any his private enemies, had to the imprisoning of the L. Keeper, and the L. Chief justice, persons that he pretended to love and respect; and the Earl of Worcester his kinsman, and Master Controller his Uncle, and the publishing to the people, that the Realm should have been sold to the Spaniard.  
And lastly, it was said, that these were the ancient footsteps of former Traitors, to make their quarrel as against their private enemies: because, God unto lawful kings did ever impart such beams of his own glory, as Traitors could not look strait upon them, but ever turned their pretences against some about them. And that this Action of his, resembled the Action of Pisistratus of Athens, that proceeded so far in this kind of fiction and dissimulation, as he lanced his own body, and came hurt and wounded before the people, as having been assailed by his private enemies, and by colour thereof obtained a guard about his person, by help of whom, he after usurped upon the State.  
DEFENCE.  
To the point that he heard it reported, M. Secretary should say: That the Infantaes title to the Crown (after her Majesty) was as good as any other.  
REPLY.  
Upon this his allegation, M. Secretary standing out of sight in a private place, only to hear, (being much moved with so false and foul an accusation) came suddenly forth, and made humble request to the Lord Steward, that he might have the favour to answer for himself. Which being granted him, in respect of the place he carrieth, (after a bitter contestation on his part with the Earl, and a serious protestation of his alienation of heart from the Spanish nation, in any such condition) he still urged the Earl to name the reporter, that all the circumstances might be known. But the Earl still warily avoiding it, M. Secretary replied, that seeing he would allege no Author, it ought to be reputed his own fiction. Whereupon the Earl of Essex said, though his own conscience was a sufficient testimony to himself, that he had not invented any untruth, yet he would affirm thus much for the world's farther satisfaction in that behalf: that the Earl of Southampton also, had heard so much reported of M. Secretary: but said still, that he (for his part) would name no body. Whereupon M. Secretary adjured the Earl of Southampton, by all former friendship, (which had been in deed very great between them) that he would declare the person: which he did presently, and said it was M. controller. At which speech M. Secretary strait took hold, and said, That he was glad to hear him named of all others: for howsoever some malicious person, might peradventure have been content, to give credit to so injurious a conceit of him, (especially such as were against the peace wherein he was employed, and for which the Earl of Essex had ever hated him, being ever desirous to keep an army on his own dependency) yet he did think no man of any understanding would believe that he could be so senseless, as to pick out the Earl of Essex his uncle, to lay open to him his affection to that nation, in a matter of so odious & pernicious consequence: And so did very humbly crave it at the hands of the Lord Steward, and all the Peers, that M. controller might be sent for, to make good his accusation.  
Thereupon the Lord Steward sent a Sergeant at Arms for M. controller, who presently came thither, and did freely and sincerely deliver, that he had only said (though he knew not well to whom) that M. Secretary and he, walking in the garden at Court one morning about two years since, and talking casually of foreign things, M. Secretary told him, that one Doleman had maintained in a book (not long since printed) that the Infanta of Spain had a good title to the Crown of England, which was all, as M. controller said, that ever he heard M. Secretary speak of that matter. And so the weak foundation of that scandal being quickly discerned, that matter ended: all that could be proved, being no other, than that M. controller had told an other, who had after told the Earl of Essex, that M. Secretary said to him, that such a book said so, which every man could say, that hath read it, and no man better knew then the Earl himself, to whom it was dedicated.  
DEFENCE.  
To the point of both their protestations, That they intended no hurt to her majesties person.  
REPLY.  
First, the judges delivered their opinions for matter in Law upon two points: The one, That in case where a subject attempteth to put himself into such strength as the King shall not be able to resist him, and to force and compel the King to govern otherwise then according to his own Royal authority and direction, it is manifest Rebellion: The other, That in every Rebellion the law intendeth as a consequent, the compassing the death and deprivation of the King, as foreseeing that the Rebel will never suffer that King to live or reign, which might punish or take revenge of his Treason and Rebellion. And it was enforced by the Queen's Council, that this is not only the wisdom of the laws of the Realm which so defineth of it, but it is also the censure of foreign laws, the conclusion of common reason which is the ground of all laws, and the demonstrative assertion of experience, which is the warranty of all reason. For first the Civil law maketh this judgement, That Treason is nothing else but Crimen laesae maiestatis, or Diminutae maiestatis, making every offence which abridgeth or hurteth the power and authority of the Prince, as an insult or invading of the Crown, and extorting the imperial Sceptre. And for common reason, it is not possible that a subject should once come to that height as to give law to his Sovereign, but what with insolency of the change, and what with terror of his own guiltiness, he will never permit the King, if he can choose, to recover authority, nor for doubt of that, to continue alive. And lastly for experience, it is confirmed by all stories and examples, That the subject never obtained a superiority and command over the King, but there followed soon after, the deposing and putting of the King to death, as appeareth in our own Chronicles in two notable particulars of two unfortunate Kings: the one of Edward the second, who when he kept himself close for danger, was summoned by Proclamation to come and take upon him the government of the Realm: but as soon as he presented himself, was made prisoner, and soon after forced to resign, and in the end tragically murdered in Barkley Castle. And the other of King Richard the second, who though the Duke of Hertford, after, King Henry the fourth, presented himself before him with three humble reverences, yet in the end was deposed and put to death.  
DEFENCE.  
To the point of not arming his men otherwise, then with Pistols, Rapiers and Daggers, it was replied.  
REPLY.  
That that course was held upon cunning, the better to insinuate himself into the favour of the city, as coming like a friend with an All hail, or kiss, and not as an enemy, making full reckoning that the City would arm him, and arm with him, and that he took the pattern of his Action, from the day of the Barricadoes at Paris, where the Duke of Gwyse entering the city but with eight Gentlemen, prevailing with the city of Paris to take his part, as my Lord of Essex (thanks be to God) failed of the City of London, made the King (whom he thought likewise to have surprised) to forsake the town, and withdraw himself into other places, for his further safety. And it was also urged against him out of the confession of the Earl of Rutland and others, that he cried out to the citizens, That they did him hurt and no good, to come without weapons, and provoked them to arm: and finding they would not be moved to arm with him, sought to arm his own troops.  
This, point by point, was the effect of the Reply. Upon all which Evidence both the Earls were found guilty of Treason by all the several voices of every one of the Peers, and so received judgement.   

The names of the Peers that passed upon the trial of the two Earls.  
 EARLES.  BARONS. The Earl of 

Oxford.  
Shrewesburie.  
Durbie.  
Cumberland.  
Worcester.  
Sussex.  
Hartford.  
Lincoln.  
Nottingham.   The Lord 

De la Ware.  
Morley.  
Cobham.  
Stafford.  
Grace.  
Lumley.  
Windsor.  
Rich.  
Darcy de Chichey.  
Chandoys.  
Hunsdon.  
S. john de Bletso.  
Compton.  
Burghley.  
Howard of Walder.   Viscount 

Bindon.    

The names of the judges that assisted the Court.  
The Lord chief justice.  
The L. chief justice of the Common Pleas.  
The Lord chief Baron.  
justice gaudy.  
justice Fenner.  
justice Walmesley.  
Baron Clerk.  
justice Kingsmill.    

SOME PARTICULARITIES of that which passed after the arraignment of the late Earls, and at the time of the suffering of the Earl of Essex.  
But the Earl of Essex finding that the consultation at Drury house, and the secret plots of his premeditated and prepenced treasons were come to light, contrary to his expectation, was touched even at his parting from the Bar with a kind of remorse: especially because he had carried the manner of his answer, rather in a spirit of ostentation and glory, then with humility and penitence: and broke out in the Hall, while the Lords were in conference, into these words: That seeing things were thus carried, he would ere it be long say more than yet was known. Which good motion of his mind being after his coming back to the Tower, first cherished by M. D. of Norwich, but after wrought on by the religious and effectual persuasions and exhortations of M. Abdie Ashton his Chaplain, the man whom he made suit by name to have with him for his soul's health, as one that of late time he had been most used unto, and found most comfort of, comparing it, when he made the request, to the case of a Patient, that in his extremity would be desirous to have that Physician that was best acquainted with his body: He sent word the next day to desire to speak with some of the principal councillors, with whom he desired also that particularly M. Secretary might come for one. Upon which his request, first the L. Admiral, and M. Secretary, and afterward at two several times the Lord Keeper of the great Seal, the Lord high Treasurer, the L. high Admiral, and Master Secretary repaired unto him: before whom, after he had asked the Lord Keeper forgiveness for restraining him in his house, and M. Secretary, for having wronged him at the Bar, concerning the matter of the Infanta, with signification of his earnest desire to be reconciled to them, which was accepted with all Christian charity and humanity, he proceeded to accuse heavily most of his confederates for carrying malicious minds to the State, and vehemently charged Cuffe his man to his own face, to have been a principal instigator of him in his Treasons, and then disclosed how far sir Henry Nevil her majesties late Ambassador was privy to all the Conspiracy: of whose name till then, there had been not so much as any suspicion. And further, at the Lords first coming to him, (not sticking to confess that he knew her Majesty could not be safe while he lived) did very earnestly desire this favour of the Queen, that he might die as privately as might be.  
And the Morning before his execution, there being sent unto him for his better preparation, 
The testimony of the 3. Divines under their hands.  Master Doctor Mountford, and Master Doctor Barlowe to join with Master Abdie Ashton his Chaplain, he did in many words thank God that he had given him a deeper insight into his offence, being sorry he had so stood upon his justification at his Arraignment: since which time, he said he was become a new man, and heartily thanked God also that his Course was by God's providence prevented. For, if his project had taken effect, God knoweth (said he) what harm it had wrought in the Realm.  
He did also humbly thank her Majesty, that he should die in so private manner (for he suffered in the Tower yard, and not upon the Hill by his own special suit) lest the acclamation of the people (for those were his own words) might be a temptation to him: adding, That all popularity & trust in man was vain, the experience whereof himself had felt: and acknowledged further unto them, that he was justly and worthily spewed out (for that was also his own word) of the Realm, and that the nature of his offence was like a leprosy that had infected far and near. And so likewise at the public place of his suffering, he did use vehement detestation of his offence, desiring God to forgive him his great, his bloody, his crying, and his infectious sin: and so died very penitently, but yet with great conflict (as it should seem for his sins. For he never mentioned nor remembered there, wife, children or friend, nor took particular leave of any that were present, but wholly abstracted and sequestered himself to the state of his conscience, and prayer.   

THE EFFECT OF THAT which passed at the arraignments of Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles' Dauers, Sir john davies, Sir Gillie Mericke, and Henry Cuffe.  
THE 5. of March by a very honourable Commission of Oier and Determiner, directed to the Lord high Admiral, the Lord Chamberlain, Master Secretary, the Lord chief justice of England, Master Chancellor of the Exchequer, Master Secretary Herbert, with divers of the judges, the Commissioners sitting in the Court of the Queen's Bench, there were arraigned and tried by a jury both of Aldermen of London, and other Gentlemen of good credit and sort, Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles' Dauers, Sir john davies, Sir Gillie Mericke & Henry Cuffe. The three first whereof, before they pleaded, asked this question of the judges, Whether they might not confess the Indictment in part, & plead Not guilty to it in the other part. But being resolved by the judges, that their pleading must be general, they pleaded Not guilty, as did likewise the other two, without any such question asked. The reason of that question was, as they confessed, in respect of the clause laid in the Indictment: That they intended and compassed the death and destruction of the Queen's Majesty: unto whose person (although they confessed at the bar, as they had done in their examinations, that their meaning was to come to her in such strength, as they should not be resisted, and to require of her divers conditions and alterations of government, such as in their confessions are expressed) nevertheless they protested, they intended no personal harm to herself. Whereupon (as at the arraignment of the two Earls) so then again the judges delivered the rule of the Law; that the wisdom and foresight of the Laws of this land maketh this judgement, That the Subject that rebelleth or riseth in forcible manner to overrule the Royal will and power of the King, intendeth to deprive the King both of crown and life: and that the Law judgeth not of the fact by the intent, but of the intent by the fact. And the Queen's Council did again enforce that point, setting forth that it was no mystery or quiddity of the common Law, but it was a conclusion infallible of reason and experience: for that the Crown was not a Ceremony or Garland, but consisted of pre-eminence and power.  
And therefore, when the subject will take upon him to give law to the King, and to make the power Sovereign and commanding, to become subject and commanded: such subject layeth hold of the Crown, and taketh the sword out of the King's hands. And that the Crown was fastened so close upon the King's head, that it cannot be pulled off, but that head and life, and all will follow, as all examples, both in foreign stories and here at home do make manifest. And therefore, when their words did protest one thing, and their deeds did testify another; they were but like the precedent of the protestation used by Manlius the Lieutenant of Catiline, that conspired against the State of Rome, who began his letter to the Senate with these words, Deos hominesque testor, Patres conscripti, nos nihil aliud etc.  
And it was said further, that admitting their protestations were so far true, that they had not at that time in their minds a form and distinct cogitation to have destroyed the Queen's person: yet nothing was more variable and mutable than the mind of man, and specially Honours' mutant mores: when they were once aloft, & had the Queen in their hands, and were Peers in my Lord of Essex his Parliament, who could promise of what mind they would then be? especially, when my L. of Essex at his Arraignment had made defence of his first Action of imprisoning the privy councillors, by pretence that he was enforced to it by his unruly company. So that if themselves should not have had, or would not seem to have had that extreme and devilish wickedness of mind, as to lay violent hands upon the Queen's sacred person: yet, what must be done to satisfy the multitude, and secure their party, must be then the question. Wherein the example was remembered of Richard the third, who (though he were King in possession, and the rightful Inheritors but Infants) could never sleep quiet in his bed, till they were made away. Much less would a Catilinary knot and combination of Rebels (that did rise without so much as the fume of a Title) ever endure, that a Queen that had been their Sovereign, and had reigned so many years in such renown and policy, should be longer alive, then made for their own turn. And much speech was used to the same end. So that in the end, all those three at the bar said, That now they were informed, and that they descended into a deeper consideration of the matter, they were sorry they had not confessed the Indictment. 
The confession of Blunt at his death, which is set down in the end.  And Sir Christopher Blunt, at the time of his suffering, discharged his conscience in plain terms, and said publicly before all the people, that he saw plainly with himself, That if they could not have obtained all that they had would, they must have drawn blood, even from the Queen herself.  
The Evidence given in against them three, was principally their own confessions, charging every one himself, and the other, and the rest of the evidence used at the Arraignment of the late Earls, and mentioned before: save that because it was perceived, that that part of the charge would take no labour nor time, being plain matter and confessed, and because some touch had been given in the Proclamation of the Treasons of Ireland: And chiefly because Sir Christopher Blunt was Marshal of the Army in Ireland, and most inward with my Lord in all his proceedings there: and not so only, but further in the confession of Thomas Lee, it was precisely contained, That he knew the Earl of Essex and Tyrone, and Blunt the Marshal, to be all one, and to run one course: it was thought fit to open some part of the Treasons of Ireland, such as were then known. Which very happily gave the occasion for Blunt, to make that discovery of the purpose to have invaded the Realm with the Army of Ireland: which he then offered, and afterwards uttered, and in the end sealed with his blood, as is hereafter set down.  
Against Cuffe was given in Evidence, both Sir Charles Davers confession, who charged him when there was any debating of the several enterprises which they should undertake, that he did ever bind firmly, and resolutely for the Court: and the accusation under the Earl's hand, avouched by him to his face, that he was a principal instigator of him in his Treasons: but especially a full declaration of Sir Henry Nevil's, which describeth and planteth forth the whole manner of his practising with him.  
The fellow, after he had made some introduction by an artificial and continued speech, and some time spent in sophistical arguments, descended to these two answers: the one, For his being within Essex house that day, the day of the Rebellion, they might as well charge a Lion within a grate with Treason, as him: And for the consultation at Drury house, it was no more Treason than the child in the mother's belly is a child. But it was replied, that for his being in the house, it was not compulsory, and that there was a distribution in the action, of some to make good the house, and some to enter the city, and the one part held correspondent to the other, and that in Treasons there were no accessaries, but all principals.  
And for the consultation at Drury house, it was a perfect Treason in itself, because the compass of the King's destruction, which by judgement of Law was concluded and implied in that consultation, was Treason, in the very thought and cogitation, so as that thought be proved by an overt Act: And that the same consultation and debating thereupon, was an overt Act, though it had not been upon a list of names, and articles in writing, much more, being upon matter in writing.  
And again, the going into the City was a pursuance and inducement of the enterprise to possess the Court, and not a desisting, or departure from it.  
And lastly, it was ruled by the judges for law, That if many do conspire to execute Treason against the Prince in one manner, and some of them do execute it in another manner, yet their Act (though differing in the manner) is the Act of all them that conspire, by reason of the general malice of the intent.  
Against Sir Gilly Merrick, the Evidence that was given, charged him chiefly with the matter of the open Rebellion, that he was as Captain or commander over the house, and took upon him charge to keep it, and make it good as a place of Retreat for those which issued into the City, and fortifying and barriccadoing the same house, and making provision of Muskets, Powder, Pellets and other munition and weapons for the holding and defending of it, and as a busy, forward, and noted Actor in that defence and resistance, which was made against the Queen's forces brought against it, by her majesties Lieutenant.  
And further to prove him privy to the plot, it was given in Evidence, that some few days before the Rebellion, with great heat and violence he had displaced certain Gentlemen lodged in an house fast by Essex house, and there planted divers of my Lords followers and Complices, all such as went forth with him in the Action of Rebellion.  
That the afternoon before the Rebellion, Merricke, with a great company of others, that afterwards were all in the Action, had procured to be played before them, the Play of deposing King Richard the second.  
Neither was it casual, but a Play bespoken by Merrick.  
And not so only, but when it was told him by one of the Players, that the Play was old, and they should have loss in playing it, because few would come to it: there was forty shillings extraordinary given to play it, and so thereupon played it was.  
So earnest he was to satisfy his eyes with the sight of that Tragedy, which he thought soon after his Lord should bring from the Stage to the State, but that GOD turned it upon their own heads.  
¶ The speeches of Sir Christopher Blunt at his execution, are set down as near as they could be remembered, after the rest of the confessions and evidences.   


HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE. DIEV ET MON DROIT    

HERE FOLLOW the voluntary Confessions themselves, such as were given in evidence at both the several arraignments, taken forth, word for word, out of the Originals. Whereby it may appear how God brought matters to light, at several times, and in several parts, all concurring in substance. And with them, other Declarations and parts of the evidence.  

¶ The Confession of Thomas Lee, taken the 14. of February 1600, before Sir joh. Peyton Lieutenant of the Tower, Roger Wilbraham Master of the Requests, Sir Anthony Saintleger Master of the Rolls in Ireland, and Thomas Fleming her majesties Solicitor general.  
THis examinate saith that Tyrone sent a message to this Examinate by james Knowd (whom this Examinate by the Marshals warrant in writing had sentto Tyrone, before himself went to Tyrone) that if the Earl of Essex would follow his plot, he would make him the greatest man that ever was in England, and that when Essex and Tyrone should have conference together, for his assurance unto the Earl of Essex, Tyrone would deliver his eldest son in pledge to the Earl. And with this message this Examinate made the Earl of Essex acquainted, before his coming to this examinate's house, at that time when this Examinate was sent to Tyrone.  
This Examinate sayeth, he knew that Essex, Tyrone, and the Marshal Sir Christopher Blunt, were all one, and held all one course.  Thomas Lee. Exam. per joh. Peyton, Roger Wilbraham, Anthony Saintleger, Thomas Fleming.  

¶ The Declaration of Sir William Warren, 3. Octobris. 1599  
THe said Sir William came to Armagh the last Friday, 
The Earl of Essex came the same day to the Court in England.  being the 28. of September: from thence he sent a messenger in the night to Tyrone, to Dungannon, signifying his coming to Armagh, as aforesaid, and that the next morning he would meet Tyrone at the Fort of Blackwater: where accordingly the said Tyrone met with him, and after other speeches, by further discourse the said Tyrone told the said Sir William, and delivered it with an oath, that within these two months he should see the greatest alteration, and the strangest, that he the said Sir William could imagine, or ever saw in his life: and said that he hoped before it were long, that he the said Tyrone should have a good share in England. Which speeches of the alteration, Tyrone reiterated two or three several times.  William Warren. Certified from the Council of Ireland to the Lords of the Council here.  

¶ The declaration of Thomas Wood 20. januarij, 1599 taken before the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earl of Nottingham L. high Admiral, Sir Ro. Cecil principal Secretary, and Sir I. Fortescue Chancellor of the Exchequer.  
THe said Wood saith, that happening to be with the L. Eitzmorris Baron of Licksnaw, at his house of Licksnaw, between Michaelmas and Alhallowtide last, the said Baron walking abroad with the said Wood, asked of him what force the Earl of Essex was of in England He answered, he could not tell, but said he was well beloved of the Commonalty. Then said the Baron that the Earl was gone for England, and had discharged many of the Companies of Ireland, and that it was agreed that he should be King of England, and Onele to be Viceroy of Ireland, and whensoever he should have occasion, and would send for them, Onele should send him 8000. men out of Ireland. The said Wood asked the Baron, how he knew that? He answered, that the Earl of 
* The titulary Earl that is in rebellion.  Desmond had written to him so much.  Thomas Wood Confessed in the presence of Tho. Buckhurst, Nottingham, Rob. Cecil, Io. Fortescue.  

¶ The Confession of james Knowd, taken the 16. of February, 1600. before Sir Anth. Saintleger Master of the Rolls in Ireland, and Roger Wilbraham Master of the Requests.  
OWney mac Rory having secret intelligence of the friendship between the Earl of Essex and Tyrone, wrote to Tyrone, desiring him to certify him thereof, whereby he might frame his course accordingly, and not do any thing contrary to their agreement: which letter myself did write by Owneys' appointment (for then I was in credit with him.) In which letter he also desired Tyrone to send him some munition. The letter, with instructions to that effect, was in my presence delivered to one Turlagh mac Davie o Kelly, a man of secrecy, sufficiency, and trust with Owney, and he carried it to Tyrone. Before whose return, Owney grew suspicious of me, because I sometimes belonged to M. Bowen, and therefore they would not trust me, so as I could not see the answer: but yet I heard by many of their secret counsel, that the effect thereof was, That the Earl of Essex should be king of England, and Tyrone of Ireland.  
Afterwards I met with Turlagh mac Davie, the messenger aforesaid, and asked him whether he brought an answer of the letter from Tyrone. He said he did, and delivered it to Owney. And then I asked him what he thought of the wars. He told me he had good hope the last year, and had none this year: his reason was (as he said) that the Earl of Essex was to take their part, and they should aid him towards the conquest of England: and now they were hindered thereof by means of his apprehension.  
I dwelling with the Tanist of the Country (my mother's cousin german) heard him speak sundry times, That now the Earl of Essex had gotten one of the swords, he would never forego his government, until he became King of England: which was near at hand.  
I saw a letter which the Earl of Essex writ to Owney, to this effect, That if Owney came to him, he would speak with him about that, which if he would follow, should be happy for him and his Country.  james Knowd. Exam. per Anthony Saintleger, Roger Wilbraham.  

¶ The declaration of David Hethrington, an ancient Captain and servitor in Ireland, 6. january 1599 Taken before the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earl of Nottingham L. high Admiral, Sir Robert Cecil principal Secretary, and Sir john Fortescue Chancellor of the Exchequer.  
HE the said David Hethrington riding into the edge of the County of Kildare, about the end of the first cessation, fortuned to meet with one james Occurren, one of the horsemen of Master Bowen provost Marshal of Lemister, who told him that the said james Occurren meeting lately with a principal follower of Owney mac Rory, chief of the moors, Owneys' man asked him what news he heard of the Earl of Essex. To which james Occurren answered, that he was gone for England: whereunto he said, Nay, if you can tell me no news, I can tell you some: The Earl of Essex is now in trouble for us, for that he would do no service upon us, which he never meant to do, for he is ours, and we are his.  David Hethrington. Confessed in the presence of Tho Buckhurst. Nottingham. Rob. Cecil. Io. Fortescue.  

¶ The first Confession of Sir Ferdinando Gorge Knight, the 16. of February 1600. taken before Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Keeper of the great Seal, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earl of Nottingham Lord high Admiral, and Sir Rob. Cecil principal Secretary.  
HE saith the Earl of Essex wrote a letter to him in lanuarie, complaining his misfortune: that he desired his company, and desired his repair up to him, by the second of February, That he came to Town on Saturday seven-night before the Earl's insurrection: and that the same night late he visited the Earl. Who after compliments, told him, that he stood on his guard, and resolved not to hazard any more commandments, or restraints: that he desired him to rest him that night, and to repair unto him again, but in such sort as it might not be noted.  
That he had been with the Earl two or three times that week; and on Saturday, being the seventh of February, the Earl told him, that he had been sent for by the Lords, and refused to come: delivering further, that he resolved to defend himself from any more restraint.  
He further saith, that it was in question, the same Saturday night, to have stirred in the night, and to have attempted the Court. But being demanded whether the Earl could have had sufficient company to have done any thing in the night: he answered, that all the Earl's company were ready at one hours warning, and had been so before, in respect that he had meant long before to stand upon his guard.  
That it was resolved to have the Court first attempted, that the Earl had three hundred Gentlemen to do it: but that he the said Ferdinando Gorge was a violent disswader of him from that purpose, and the Earl most confident in the party of London, which he meant (upon a later dispute) first to assure: and that he was also assured of a party in Wales, but meant not to use them, until he had been possessed of the Court.  
That the Earl, and sir Christopher Blunt, understanding, that sir Walter Raleigh had sent to speak with him in the morning, the said sir Christopher Blunt persuaded him, either to surprise sir Walter Raleigh, or to kill him. Which when he utterly refused, sir Christopher Blunt sent four shot after him in a boat.  
That at the going out of Essex house gate, many cried out: To the Court, to the Court. But my Lord of Essex turned him about towards London.  
That he meant after possession of the Court, to call a Parliament, and therein to proceed as cause should require.  
At that time of the Consultation on Saturday night, my Lord was demanded what assurance he had of those he made account to be his friends in the City? Whereunto he replied, that there was no question to be made of that: for, one amongst the rest, that was presently in one of the greatest commands amongst them, held himself to be interessed in the cause, (for so he phrased it) and was Colonel of a thousand men, which were ready at all times, besides others that he held himself as assured of, as of him, and able to make as great numbers. Some of them had at that instant (as he reported to us) sent unto him, taking notice of as much as he made us to know of the purpose intended to have entrapped him, and made request to know his pleasure.  Ferd. Gorges. Exam. per Th. Egerton C. Sir T. Buckhurst. Nottingham. Ro. Cecil.  

¶ The second confession of Sir Ferdinando Gorge the 18. of February 1600. All written of his own hand. And acknowledged in the presence of Sir Thomas Egerton L. Keeper of the great Seal, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earl of Nottingham L. high Admiral, and Sir Ro. Cecil principal Secretary.  
ON Tuesday before the Insurrection (as I remember) I was sent unto by my L. of Essex, praying me to meet my Lord of Southampton, Sir Charles Davers, Sir john davies, and other his friends at Drury house where I should see a schedule of his friends names, and projects to be disputed upon. Whither I came accordingly, and found the foresaid Earl, Sir Charles Davers, Sir john davies, and one Master Litleton. The names were showed, and numbered to be six score: Earls, Barons, Knights, and Gentlemen. The projects were these: Whether to attempt the Court, or the Tower, or to stir his friends in London first, or whether both the Court and Tower at an instant? I disliked that counsel. My reasons were, that I alleged to them: First, to attempt both with those numbers, was not to be thought on, because that was not sufficient: and therefore advised them to think of some thing else. Then they would needs resolve to attempt the Court, withal desired in mine opinion. But I prayed them first to set down the manner how it might be done. Then Sir john davies took ink and paper, and assigned to divers principal men their several places. Some to keep the Gate, some to be in the Hall, some to be in the Presence, some in the Lobby, some in the Guard-chamber, others to come in with my Lord himself, who should have had the passage given him to the Privy chamber, where he was to have presented himself to her MAJESTY.  Ferd. Gorges. Knowledged in the presence of Tho. Egerton C. S. Tho. Buckhurst. Nottingham. Ro. Cecil.  

The confession of Sir john davies, taken the 18. of February 1600. before the Earl of Nottingham L. high Admiral, Sir Rob. Cecil principal Secretary, and john Herbert second Secretary of Estate.  
SIr john davies being demanded, how long before my Lord of Essex tumult he knew of such his purpose?  
He answers, that he knew not directly of any meaning my Lord had, until the Sunday seven-night before, or thereabout.  
Being demanded what he knew? then he answered, That my Lord consulted to possess himself of the Court, at such convenient time when he might find least opposition. For executing of which enterprises and of other affairs, he appointed my Lord of Southampton, sir Charles Davers, sir Ferdinando Gorges, and himself, to meet at Drury house, and there to consider of the same, and such other projects, as his Lordship delivered them. And principally, for surprising of the Court, and for the taking of the Tower of London. About which business they had two meetings: which were five or six days before the insurrection.  
He further saith, That Sir Christopher Blunt was not at this consultation, but that he stayed and advised with my Lord himself about other things to him unknown. For that my Lord trusted several men in several businesses, and not all together.  
Being demanded what was resolved in the opinions of these four before named? He saith, that sir Charles Davers was appointed to the Presence chamber, and himself to the Hall. And that my Lord was to determine himself, who should have guarded the Court gate, and the Water gate. And that Sir Charles Davers upon a signal or a watchword, should have come out of the Presence into the Guard chamber. And then some out of the Hall to have met him, and so have stepped between the Guard and their halberds: of which Guard they hoped to have found but a dozen, or some such small number.  
Being asked, whether he heard that such as my Lord misliked, should have received any violence? He saith, that my Lord avowed the contrary: And that my Lord said, He would call them to an honourable trial, and not use the sword.  
Being demanded whether my Lord thought his enemies to be Spanish, bona fide, or no? He saith, that he never heard any such speech: and, if my Lord used any such, it came into his head on the sudden.  
Being demanded what party my Lord had in London? He saith that the Sheriff Smith was his hope, as he thinketh.  
Being demanded whether my Lord promised liberty of Catholic Religion? He saith, that Sir Christopher Blunt did give hope of it.  john davis. Exam. per Nottingham, Ro. Cecil. I. Herbert.  

¶ The confession of Sir Charles Davers, taken the 18. of February Anno 1600. before Sir Thomas Egerton L. Keeper of the great Seal, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earl of Nottingham the Lord high Admiral, Lord Hunsdon L. Chamberlain, and Sir Robert Cecil principal Secretary.  
HE confesseth that before Christmas, the Earl of Essex had bethought himself, how he might secure his access unto the QUEEN in such sort, as he might not be resisted: but no resolution determinately taken, until the coming up of this Examinate, a little after Christmas.  
And then he doth confess, that the resolution was taken, to possess himself of the Court: which resolution was taken agreeable to certain articles, which the Earl of Essex did send to the Earl of Southampton, this Examinate, Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and Sir john davies, written with the Earls own hand. To which consultation (being held at Druric house, some four or five days before Sunday, that was the eighth of February) Littleton came in towards the end.  
The points which the Earl of Essex projected under his hand were these.  
First, whether it were fit to take the Tower of London. The reason whereof was this: that after the Court was possessed, it was necessary to give reputation to the Action, by having such a place, to bridle the City, if there should be any mislike of their possessing the Court.  
To the possessing of the Court, these circumstances were considered.  
First, the Earl of Essex should have assembled all the Noblemen and Gentlemen of quality on his party: out of which number, he should have chosen so many as should have possessed all the places of the Court, where there might have been any likelihood of resistance. Which being done, the Earl of Essex, with divers Noblemen, should have presented himself to the Queen.  
The manner how it should have been executed, was in this sort. Sir Christopher Blunt should have had charge of the utter gate, as he thinketh. Sir Charles Davers this Examinate, with his company, should have made good the Presence, and should have seized upon the Halberds of the Guard. Sir john davies should have taken charge of the Hall. All this being set, upon a signal given, the Earl should have come into the Court with his company.  
Being asked what they would have done after? He saith, they would have sent to have satisfied the City, and have called a Parliament.  
These were the resolutions set down by the Earl of Essex of his own hand, after divers consultations.  
He saith, Cuffe was ever of opinion, that the Earl of Essex should come in this sort to the Court.  Charles Davers. Exam. per Th. Egerton. C. S. Th. Buckhurst. Nottingham. G. Hunsdon. Ro. Cecil.  

The second Confession of Sir Charles Davers, taken the same day, and set down upon further calling himself to remembrance, under his own hand, before Sir Th. Egerton, L. Keeper of the great Seal, L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earl of Nottingham L. high Admiral, Sir Rob. Cecil principal Secretary.  
SOme points of the Articles which my Lord of Essex sent unto Drury house, (as near as I can remember) were these: Whether both the Court, and the Tower should be both attempted at one time? If both, what numbers should be thought requisite for either? If the Court alone, what places should be first possessed? by what persons?  
And for those, which were not to come into the Court before hand; where, and in what sort they might assemble themselves, with least suspicion to come in with my Lord?  
Whether it were not fit for my Lord, and some of the principal persons, to be armed with privy coats?  Charles Davers. Knowledged in the presence of Tho. Egerton. C. S. T. Buckhurst. Nottingham. Rob. Cecil.  

The first Confession of Sir Christopher Blunt examined the 18. of February 1600. before Io. Herbert second Secretary of Estate, and in the presence of Nich Kempe Counsellor at Law, William Wa●marke, William Martin, Robert Andrew's, Citizens: john Treuor Surveyor of the Navy, and Thomas Thorney his Surgeon.  
HE confesseth that the Earl of Essex sent Wiseman, about the 20. of januarie, to visit his wife, with letters of complement, and to require him to comeup unto him to London, to settle his estate according as he had written unto him before some few days.  
Being demanded to what end they went to the City, to join with such strength as they hoped for there: he confesseth, it was to secure the Earl of Essex his life, against such forces as should be sent against him. And being asked, what, against the Queen's forces? he answered, that must have been judged afterwards.  
But being further asked, whether he did advise to come unto the Court over night? He saith no. For, Sir Ferdinando Gorge did assure, that the Alarm was taken of it at the Court, and the Guards doubled.  
Being asked whether he thought any Prince could have endured, to have any Subject make the City his Mediator? or, to gather force to speak for him? He saith, he is not read in stories of former times: but he doth not know, but that in former times Subjects have used force for their mediation.  
Being asked, what should have been done by any of the persons, that should have been removed from the Queen? He answered, that he never found my Lord disposed to shed blood: but that any that should have been found, should have had indifferent trial.  
Being asked upon his conscience, whether the Earl of Essex did not give him comfort, that if he came to authority, there should be a toleration for Religion? He confesseth, he should have been to blame to have denied it.  Chr. Blunt. This was read unto Sir Christopher Blunt, and afterwards signed by him in the presence of us, who are under written: Io. Herbert. Nicho. Kemp. Wil Waimarke. Wil Martin. Robert Andrew's. john Treuor. Th. Thorney.  

¶ The second Confession of Sir Christopher Blunt the same day, viz. the 18. of February: taken before M. john Herbert second Secretary of Estate, and subscribed by him in the presence of Nicholas Kemp Counsellor at Law, Thomas Thorney his Surgeon, and William Martin, Robert Andrew's, and Randolph Bull, Citizens.  
SIr Christopher Blunt (after the signing of this confession) being told, that he did not deal plainly, excused himself by his former weakness, 
This weakness was in respect of his hurt receivedin charging her majesties forces at Ludgate.  (putting us in mind that he said once before, that when he was able to speak, he would tell all truth) doth now confess: That four or five days before the Earl of Essex did rise, he did set down certain Articles to be considered on, which he saw not, until afterward he was made acquainted with them, when they had amongst themselves disputed: which were these.  
One of them was; Whether the Tower of London should be taken.  
Another, Whether they should not possess the Court, and so secure my Lord, and other men to come to the Queen.  
For the first concerning the Tower, he did not like it: concluding, that he that had the power of the Queen, should have that.  
He confesseth that upon Saturday night, when M. Secretary Herbert had been with the Earl, and that he saw some suspicion was taken: he thought it in vain to attempt the Court, and persuaded him rather to save himself by flight, then to engage himself further, and all his company. And so the resolution of the Earl grew to go into the City, in hope (as he said before) to find many friends there.  
He doth also say, that the Earl did usually, speak of his purpose to alter the government.  Chr. Blunt. Exam per. Io. Herbert. Subscribed in presence of Nico. Kempe, Tho. Thorney, Rob. Andrew's, W. Martin, Randolph Bull.  

¶ The Declaration of the Lord Keeper, the Earl of Worcester, and the L. Chief justice of England.  
Upon Sunday, being the eight of February last passed, about ten of the clock in the forenoon, the Lord Keeper of the great Seal, the Earl of Worcester, Sir William Knollis controller of her majesties Household, and the Lord Chief justice of England, being commanded by direction from the Queen's MAJESTY, did repair to the late earl of Essex his house, and finding the gate shut against them, after a little stay they were let in at the wicket. And assoon as they were within the gate, the wicket was shut upon them, and all their servants kept out.  
At their coming thither, they found the court full of men assembled together in very tumultuous sort: The Earls of Essex, Rutland, and Southampton, and the Lord Sandys, Master Parker, commonly called Lord Mountegle, Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles' Dauers, and many other Knights and Gentlemen, and other persons unknown, which flocked together about the Lord Keeper, etc. And thereupon the Lord Keeper told the Earl of Essex, that they were sent from her MAJESTY, to understand the cause of this their assembly, and to let them know, That if they had any particular cause of grief against any persons whatsoever, it should be heard, and they should have justice.  
Hereupon the Earl of Essex with a very loud voice declared, That his life was sought, and that he should have been murdered in his bed; that he had been perfidiously dealt with; that his hand had been counterfeited, and Letters written in his name; and that therefore they were assembled there together to defend their lives: with much other speech to like effect. Hereupon the Lord Chief justice said unto the Earl, That if they had any such matter of grief, or if any such matter were attempted or purposed against him, he willed the Earl to declare it, assuring him that it should be truly related to her MAJESTY, and that it should be indifferently heard, and justice should be done, whomsoever it concerned.  
To this the Earl of Southampton objected the assault made upon him by the Lord Grace. Whereunto the Lord Chief justice said, That in his case, justice had been done, and the party imprisoned for it. And hereupon the Lord Keeper did eftsoons will the Earl of Essex, that whatsoever private matter or offence he had against any person whatsoever, if he would deliver it unto them, they would faithfully and honestly deliver it to the Queen's MAJESTY, and doubted not to procure him honourable and equal justice, whomsoever it concerned: requiring him, that if he would not declare it openly, that he would impart it unto them privately, and doubted not but they would satisfy him in it.  
Upon this there was a great clamour raised amongst the multitude, crying, Away my Lord, They abuse you, They betray you, They undo you, You lose time. Whereupon the Lord Keeper put on his Hat, & said with a loud voice, My Lord, let us speak with you privately, and understand your griefs: And I command you all upon your allegiance, to lay down your weapons, and to depart, which you ought all to do, being thus commanded, if you be good Subjects, and owe that duty to the Queen's MAJESTY which you profess. Whereupon they all broke out into an exceeding loud shout and cry, crying, All, all, all.  
And whilst the Lord Keeper was speaking, and commanding them upon their allegiance, as is before declared, the Earl of Essex and the most part of that Company did put on their hats, and so the Earl of Essex went into the house, and the Lord Keeper, etc. followed him, thinking that his purpose had been to speak with them privately, as they had required. And as they were going, some of that disordered Company cried, Kill them. And as they were going into the great Chamber, some cried, Cast the great Seal out of the window. Some other cried there, Kill them: and some other said, Nay, let us shop them up.  
The Lord Keeper did often call to the Earl of Essex to speak with them privately, thinking still that his meaning had been so, until the Earl brought them into his back Chamber, and there gave order to have the further door of that Chamber shut fast. And at his going forth out of that Chamber, the Lord Keeper pressing again to have spoken with the Earl of Essex, the Earl said, My Lords, be patient a while, and stay here, and I will go into London, and take order with the Mayor and sheriffs for the City, and will be here again within this half hour. And so departed from the Lord Keeper, etc. leaving the Lord Keeper, etc. and divers of the Gentlemen Pensioners in that Chamber, guarded by Sir john davis, Francis Tresham, and Owen Salisbury, with musket shot, where they continued until Sir Ferdinando Gorges came and delivered them about four of the clock in the afternoon.  
In the mean time we did often require Sir john davis, and Francis Tresham, to suffer us to depart, or at the least, to suffer some one of us to go to the Queen's MAJESTY, to inform her where and in what sort we were kept. But they answered, That my Lord (meaning the Earl of Essex) had commanded that we should not depart before his return, which (they said) would be very shortly.  Thomas Egerton C. S. Edward Worcester. john Popham.  

¶ The examination of Roger Earl of Rutland, the 12. of February 1600. taken before Sir Thomas Egerton L. Keeper of the great Seal, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earl of Nottingham L. high Admiral, Sir Robert Cecil Principal Secretary, and Sir Io. Popham L. chief justice of England.  
HE saith, that at his coming to Essex house on Sunday morning last, he found there with the Earl of Essex, the Lord Sandys, and the L. Chandos, and divers Knights and gentlemen. And the Earl of Essex told this Examinate, That his life was practised to be taken away by the Lord Cobham, and Sir Walter Raleigh, when he was sent for to the Counsel. And the Earl said, That now he meant by the help of his friends, to defend himself And saith, that the detaining of the Lord Keeper and the other Lords sent to the Earl from the Queen, was a stratagem of war. And saith, That the Earl of Essex told him, that London stood for him, and that Sheriff Smith had given him intelligence, that he would make as many men to assist him as he could. And further the Earl of Essex said, That he meant to possess himself of the City, the better to enable himself to revenge him on his enemies, the Lord Cobham, Sir Robert Cecil, and sir Walter Raleigh. And this Examinate confesseth, that he resolved to live and die with the Earl of Essex: and that the Earl of Essex did intend to make his forces so strong, that her Majesty should not be able to resist him in the revenge of his enemies. And saith, that the Earl of Essex was most inward with the Earl of Southampton, Sir Christopher Blunt, and others: who have of long time showed themselves discontented, and have advised the Earl of Essex to take other courses, and to stand upon his guard. And saith, that when the Earl of Essex was talking with the L. Keeper, and other the Lords sent from her Majesty, divers said, My Lord, they mean to abuse you, & you loose time. And when the Earl came to Sheriff smith's, he desired him to send for the Lord Maior, that he might speak with him. And as the Earl went in the streets of London, this Examinate said to divers of the Citizens, that if they would needs come, that it was better for their safety to come with weapons in their hands. And saith, that the Earl of Essex (at the end of the street where Sheriff Smith dwelled) cried out to the Citizens, That they did him harm, for that they came naked: and willed them to get them weapons. And the Earl of Essex also cried out to the Citizens, That the Crown of England was offered to be sold to the Infanta. And saith, that the Earl burned divers papers, that were in a little Casket, whereof one was, as the Earl said, An history of his troubles. And saith, that when they were assaulted in Essex house, after their return, they first resolved to have made a sally out. And the Earl said, that he was determined to die: and yet in the end they changed their opinion, and yielded. And saith, that the Earl of Southampton, sir Christopher Blunt, and sir john davies advised the Earl of Essex, that the Lord Keeper and his company should be detained. And this Examinate saith, that he heard divers there present cry out, Kill them, kill them. And saith, that he thinketh the Earl of Essex intended, that after he had possessed himself of the City, he would entreat the Lord Keeper and his company, to accompany him to the Court. He saith, he heard Sir Christopher Blunt say openly in the presence of the Earl of Essex and others, how fearful, and in what several humours they should find them at the Court, when they came thither.  Rutland. Exam. per Th. Egerton C. S. T. Buckhurst. Nottingham. Ro Cecil. Io. Popham.  

¶ The Confession of William Lord Sandys, of the parish of Sherborne Cowdry, in the County of Southampton, taken this 16. of February 1600. before Sir john Popham L. chief justice, Roger Wilbraham Master of the Requests, and Edw. Coke her majesties Attorney General.  
HE saith, that he never understood, that the Earl did mean to stand upon his strength, till Sunday in the morning, being the eight of this instant February. And saith, that in the morning of that day, this Examinat was sent for by the Earl of Essex, about six or seven of the clock: and the Earl sent for him by his servant Warberton, who was married to a widow in Hampshire. And at his coming to the Earl, there were six or seven Gentlemen with him: but remembreth not what they were: and next after, of a Noble man, came my Lord Chandos, and after him came the Earl of Southampton, and presently after, the Earl of Rutland, and after him Master Parker, commonly called the Lord Mountegle. And sayeth, that at his coming to the Earl of Essex, he complained That it was practised by Sir Walter Raleigh to have murdered him, as he should have gone to the Lord Treasurer's house, with Master Secretary Herbert. And saith, that he was present in the Court-yard of Essex house, when the Lord Keeper, the Earl of Worcester, Sir William Knollis, and the Lord Chief justice, came from the Queen's MAJESTY to the Earl of Essex. And the Lord Chief justice required the Earl of Essex to have some private conference with him: and that, if any private wrongs were offered unto him, that they would make true report thereof to her MAJESTY, who no doubt would reform the same. And sayeth, that this Examinat went with the Earl, and the rest of his company to London to Sheriff Smiths: but went not into the house with him, but stayed in the street a while, and being sent for by the Earl of Essex, went into the house, and from thence came with him, till he came to Ludgate: which place being guarded, and resistance being made, and perceived by the Earl of Essex, he said unto his company, Charge: And thereupon sir Christopher Blunt, and others of his company, gave the Charge, and being repulsed, and this Examinat hurt in the leg, the Earl retired with this Examinat and others, to his house, called Essex house. And on his retire, the Earl said to this Examinat, That if Sheriff Smith did not his part, that his part was as far forth as the Earls own, which moved him to think, that he trusted to the City. And when the Earl was after his retire in Essex house, he took an iron Casket, and broke it open, and burned diverse papers in it. Whereof there was a book, as he taketh it: and said as he was burning of them, That they should tell no tales to hurt his friends. And saith, that the Earl said, That he had a black bag about his neck, that should tell no tales.  William Sandys. Exam. per joh. Popham. Roger Wilbraham. Edw. Coke.  

¶ The Examination of the Lord Cromwell, taken the 7. of March 1600. by Sir I. Popham L. chief justice, Christ. Yeluerton her majesties Sergeant, and Fr. Bacon of her majesties learned Council.  
AT the Sheriffs house this Examinate pressed in with the rest, 
This Examination as appeareth by the date, was taken after Essex arraignment, but is inserted, to show how the speech of the Realm to be sold to the Infanta, which at his arraignment he derived from M. Secretary, at Shr. Smith's house he said was advertised out of Ireland And with this latter concur many other examinations.  and found the Earls shifting themselves in an inner chamber: where he heard my L. of Essex certify the Company, that he had been advertised out of Ireland (which he would not now hide from them) that the Realm should be delivered over to the hands of the Infanta of Spain, and that he was wished to look to it. Further, that he was to seek redress for injuries: and that he had left at his house for pledges, the Lord Keeper, the Earl of Worcester, Sir William Knollis, and the Lord chief justice.  Edw. Cromwell. Exam. per Io Popham. Chr. Yeluerton. Fr. Bacon.  

¶ Sir Christopher Blunt, knight, at the time of his arraignment, did openly at the Bar desire to speak with the L. Admiral, and M. Secretary: before whom he made this Confession following: Which the Earl of Southampton confirmed afterwards: and he himself likewise at his death.  
HE confesseth, that at the Castle of Dublin, in that lodging, which was once the Earl of Southampton's, the Earl of Essex purposing his return into England, advised with the Earl of Southampton, and himself, of his best manner of going into England for his security, seeing to go he was resolved.  
At that time he propounded his going with a competent number of soldiers, to the number of two or three thousand, to have made good his first landing with that Force, until he could have drawn unto himself a sufficient strength to have proceeded further.  
From this purpose, this Examinate did use all forcible persuasions: alleging not only his own ruin, which should follow thereof, and all those which should adhere to him in that action: but urging it to him, as a matter most foul, because he was not only held a Patron of his Country, which by this means he should have destroyed: but also, should have laid upon himself an irrevocable blot, having been so deeply bound to her MAJESTY. To which dissuasion, the Earl of Southampton also inclined.  
This design being thus dissuaded by them, than they fell to a second consideration. And therein this Examinate confesseth, that he rather advised him, if needs he would go, to take with him some competent number of choice men.  
He did not name unto him any particular power, that would have come to him at his landing, but assured himself that his Army would have been quickly increased by all sorts of discontented people.  
He did confess before his going that he was assured that many of the Rebels would be advised by him: but named none in particular.   

¶ The Examination of the Earl of Southampton after his Arraignment: taken before the Earl of Nottingham Lord high Admiral, Sir Robert Cecil principal Secretary, and M. john Herbert second Secretary of Estate.  
SIr Christopher Blunt being hurt, and lying in the Castle of Dublin, in a chamber which had been mine, the Earl of Essex one day took me thither with him: where being none but we three, he told us, he found it necessary for him to go into England, and thought it fit to carry with him as much of the Army, as he could conveniently transport, to go on shore with him to Wales, and there to make good his landing with those, till he could send for more. Not doubting but his Army would so increase in a small time, that he should be able to march to London, and make his conditions, as he desired.  
To which project I answered, that I held it altogether unfit, aswell in respect of his conscience to God, and his love to his country, as his duty to his Sovereign, of which, he (of all men) ought to have greatest regard, seeing her majesties favours to him had been so extraordinary. Wherefore, I could never give any consent unto it. Sir Christopher Blunt joined with me in this opinion.  Exam. per Nottingham, Ro. Cecil, Io. Herbert.  

¶ The speeches of Sir Chr. Blunt, at the time of his death, as near as they could be remembered March 18. 1600.  
MY Lords, and you that be present, Although I must confess, that it were better fitting the little time I have to breath, to bestow the same in ask God forgiveness for my manifold and abominable sins, then to use any other discourse, especially, having both an imperfection of speech, and God knows, a weak memory, by reason of my late grievous wound: Yet to satisfy all those that are present, what course hath been held by me, in this late enterprise, because I was said to be an Instigator, and setter on of the late Earl, I will truly, and upon the peril of my soul, speak the truth.  
It is true, that the first time that ever I understood of any dangerous discontentment in my L. of Essex, was about three years ago, at Wansted, upon his coming one day from Greenwich. At that time he spoke many things unto me, but descended into no particulars, but in general terms.  
After which time, he never broke with me in any matter, tending to the alteration of the State, (I protest before God) until he came into Ireland, other than I might conceive, that he was of an ambitious and discontented mind. But, when I lay at the Castle of Thomas Lee, called Reban, in Ireland, grievously hurt, and doubted of my life: he came to visit me, and then began to acquaint me with his intent.  
As he thus spoke, the Sheriff began to interrupt him, and told him the hour was passed. But my Lord Grace, and Sir Walter Raleigh Captain of the Guard, called to the Sheriff, and required him not to interrupt him, but to suffer him quietly to finish his prayers and confessions. Sir Christopher Blunt said, Is Sir Walter Raleigh there? Those on the scaffold answered, Yea. To whom Sir Christopher Blunt spoke on this manner.  
Sir Walter Raleigh, I thank God that you are present. I had an infinite desire to speak with you, to ask you forgiveness ere I died, both for the wrong done you, and for my particular ill intent towards you: I beseech you forgive me. Sir Walter Raleigh answered, that he most willingly forgave him, and besought God to forgive him, and to give him his divine comfort: protesting before the Lord, that whatsoever Sir Christopher Blunt meant towards him, for his part, he never had any ill intent towards him: And further said to Sir Christopher Blunt, I pray you without offence, let me put you in mind that you have been esteemed, not only a principal provoker and persuader of the Earl of Essex in all his undutiful courses, but especially an adviser in that which hath been confessed of his purpose to transport a great part of her majesties Army out of Ireland into England, to land at Milford, and thence to turn it against her sacred person. You shall do well to tell the truth, and to satisfy the world. To which he answered thus.  
Sir, if you will give me patience, I will deliver a truth, speaking now my last, in the presence of God, in whose mercy I trust. And then he directed himself to my Lord Grace, and my Lord Compton, and the rest that sat on horseback near the scaffold.  
When I was brought from Reban to Dublin, and lodged in the Castle, his Lordship and the Earl of Southampton came to visit me; and to be short, he began thus plainly with me: That he intended to transport a choice part of the Army of Ireland into England, and land them in Wales, at Milford, or thereabouts: and so securing his descent, thereby would gather such other forces, as might enable him to march to London. To which, I protest before the Lord God, I made this, or the like answer: that I would that night consider of it, which I did.  
And the next day the Earls came again: I told them, that such an enterprise, as it was most dangerous, so would it cost much blood, as I could not like of it: besides many hazards, which at this time I cannot remember unto you, neither will the time permit it. But I rather advised him to go over himself with a good train, and make sure of the Court, and then make his own conditions.  
And although it be true, that (as we all protested in our examinations and arraignments) we never resolved of doing hurt to her majesties person: (for in none of our consultations was there set down any such purpose) yet, I know, and must confess, if we had failed of our ends, we should (rather than have been disappointed) even have drawn blood from herself. From henceforward, he dealt no more with me herein, until he was discharged of his keeper, at Essex house. And then, he again asked mine advise, and disputed the matter with me; but resolved not. I went then into the Country, and before he sent for me (which was some ten days before his Rebellion) I never heard more of the matter. And then he wrote unto me, to come up, upon pretence of making some assurances of land, and the like I will leave the rest unto my confessions, given to that honourable Lord Admiral, and worthy M. Secretary, (to whom I beseech you sir Walter Raleigh commend me) I can requite their favourable & charitable dealing with me, with nought else but my prayers for them. And I beseech God of his mercy, to save and preserve the Queen, who hath given comfort to my soul, in that I hear she hath forgiven me all, but the sentence of the Law, which I most worthily deserved, and do most willingly embrace, and hope that GOD will have mercy and compassion on me, who have offended him as many ways, as ever sinful wretch did. I have lead a life so far from his precepts, as no sinner more. God forgive it me, and forgive me my wicked thoughts, my licentious life, and this right arm of mine, which (I fear me) hath drawn blood in this last Action. And I beseech you all bear witness, that I die a Catholic, yet so, as I hope to be saved only by the death and passion of Christ, and by his merits, not ascribing any thing to mine own works. And I trust you are all good people, and your prayers may profit me. Farewell my worthy Lord Grace, and my Lord Compton, and to you all, God send you both to live long in honour. I will desire to say a few prayers, and embrace my death most willingly. With that he turned from the rail, towards the Executioner: and the Minister offering to speak with him, he came again to the rail, and besought that his conscience might not be troubled, for he was resolved; which he desired for God's sake. Whereupon commandment was given, that the Minister should not interrupt him any further. After which he prepared himself to the block, and so died very manfully and resolutely.   

¶ An abstract out of the Earl of Essex Confession under his own hand.  
Upon Saturday the 21. of February, after the late Earl of Essex had desired us to come to him, as well to deliver his knowledge of those treasons, which he had formerly denied at the Bar, as also to recommend his humble and earnest request, that her Majesty would be pleased (out of her grace and favour) to suffer him to die privately in the Tower: He did marvelous earnestly desire, that we would suffer him to speak unto Cuffe his Secretary: Against whom he vehemently complained unto us, to have been a principal Instigator to these violent courses, which he had undertaken. Wherein he protested, that he chiefly desired that he might make it appear, that he was not the only persuader of these great offences, which they had committed: but that Blunt, Cuffe, Temple, besides those other persons, who were at the private conspiracy at Drury house (to which though these three were not called, yet they were privy) had most malicious and bloody purposes, to subvert the State and Government: Which could not have been prevented, if his project had gone forward.  
This request being granted him, and Cuffe brought before him, he there directly and vehemently charged him. And amongst other speeches used these words: Henry Cuffe, call to God for mercy, and to the Queen, and deserve it, by declaring truth. For I, that must now prepare for another world, have resolved to deal clearly with God, and the world: and must needs say this to you; You have been one of the chiefest instigators of me, to all these my disloyal courses, into which I have fallen.  Testified by Tho. Egerton. C. S. Th. Buckhurst. Nottingham. Ro. Cecil.  

The Earl of Essex his Confession to three Ministers, whose names are under written, the 25. of February 1600.  
THe late Earl of Essex thanked God most heartily, That he had given him a deeper insight into his offence, being sorry he had so stood upon his justification at his arraignment, for he was since that become an other man.  
He thanked God that his course was so prevented: for if his project had taken effect, God knows (said he) what harm it had wrought in the Realm.  
He humbly thanked her Majesty that he should die in so private manner, lest the acclamation of the people might have been a temptation unto him. To which he added, That all popularity and trust in man was vain: the experience whereof himself had felt.  
He acknowledged with thankfulness to God, That he was thus justly spewed out of the Realm.  
He publicly in his prayer and protestation, as also privately, aggravated the detestation of his offence: and especially in the hearing of them that were present at the execution, he exaggerated it with four Epithets, desiring God to forgive him his great, his bloody, his crying, and his infectious sin: which word Infectious, he privately had explained to us, that it was a leprosy that had infected far and near.  Thomas Montford. William Barlow. Abdie Ashton his Chaplain.