THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES OF HUNGARY: CONTAINING THE PITIFUL LOSS AND RVINE OF THAT KINGDOM, AND THE WARS HAPPENED THERE, IN THAT TIME, between the Christians and Turks.  
By MART. FUMÉE Lord of Genillé, Knight of the King's Order.  
Newly translated out of French into English, by R. C. Gentleman.  Tout pour l' Eglise. 
BY WISDOM· PEACE BY PEACE PLENTY.   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON.  
Imprinted by FELIX KYNGSTON.  
1600.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT CECIL KNIGHT, SECRETARY OF ESTATE TO HER MAJESTY, MASTER OF THE WARDS AND LIVERIES, AND ONE OF HER highness MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL.  
Right Honourable,  
HUNGARY after many afflictions endured by her sworn enemies (the Turks) for her utter ruin and decay: and after as many entreaties, requests, and earnest petitions made to the Princes of Christendom, and to divers persons of great reputation and authority amongst them, for the assuaging (or rather quite suppressing, if possible it could be) of these her woeful and intolerable miseries: doth now at last wander abroad, and is come into our little Island (it being as it were in the uttermost confines of Europe) in ragged and mournful habits as a distressed Pilgrim, and with like zeal doth importune your Honour to assist her with your favour; which though her attire be plain and sad: yet such is her magnificent and illustrious mind, that under these mean and withered weeds, she only in plain and sincere manner, discovereth the condition of her lamentable estate: which happily if your Honour will vouchsafe to peruse this her pittefull discourse, she maketh no doubt, but that (according to your accustomed goodness, whereof most do taste) she shall with like favour be graced as other distressed strangers are. If any defects appear in her presence, I humbly beseech you they may be favourably imputed to the ignorance (not wilfulness) of her guide, whose desire was rather safely to conduct her into England, then curiously to furnish her, had his ability been fully answerable to his good meaning. Yet herein to manifest his willing mind, he hath adventured to present her to your Honour, whose favour and countenance may greatly grace her. In doing whereof, Hungary (who now waileth for want of relief) shall think herself highly comforted; and I, for her so good success, shall not only pray for the prosperous continuance of your honourable estate; but shall also rest most bound in all humble duty and service at your Honour's command.  
R. C.   

to the Reader, health.  
FRiendly Reader, after I had (for my private content) translated some few notes out of this excellent History, I was requested by some of my good friends to take further pains in the whole: which I was the rather desirous to perform, as well to satisfy their friendly requests, as also for divers other respects. The first whereof was, for that myself had been a travailer in this Country of Hungary, and had (in regard my abode there was not long) but superficially noted the manners and disposition of the people there, and specially in their martial affairs, wherein (during my residence there) I spent my time with some observation of those parts, where then I had been: which notwithstanding did now with delight draw me on to begin and proceed in the finishing of this History. The second reason that induced me hereunto, was, in regard that it seemed no fiction or fabulous toy, but a History of gravity and credence, as witnesseth the memorial of Stephen Broderic Chancellor of Hungary, and of Castalde Lieutenant for Ferdinand (who was King of Hungary) in that country, and divers others: which being so, I rested with assurance that it would greatly benefit thee for thy experience in many politic affairs. And the third reason that persuaded me to undertake this work, was, that I did, and also do still, heartily desire that it might be, in things appertaining to us, as a precedent and caveat to these parts of Christendom that now think themselves as secure, as once the Hungars did, and they then as safe from the deluge of Infidels, as we do now. But alas, such was their pride and dissension (unhappy people) that (through their own misgovernment) God inflicted this punishment upon them, which now as remediless, and altogether in despair, they with woeful laments too late bewail: for though that some neighbouring Princes (whom the cause doth also nearly concern) may afford them their best aid, somewhat to withstand and bridle the Turks mighty incursions; yet surely far unlikely, and more unable they are to reconquer that which they have lost: the reason is too apparent, for both in regard of multitudes of men and military discipline, they far exceed the Christians, and it may be that those who may, will not, and those who would, cannot afford them that succour which is needful; so that, what between the one and the other, this miserable Hungary (which is one of the fertilest and goodliest Countries in Christendom) is more shaken and torn by the Turks violence and insolency, then is a young Lamb between the wolves jaws. Herein I must crave your patience to rest in silent melancholy (for mirth it affords none) until the end, and lend your patient ear unto detestable complots, impieties, and seditions; unto ignominious conspiracies, immanities' and cruelties; unto horrible massacres of men, women and children that be Christians; unto pitiful laments and mournings of husbands for loss and forcing away of their wives, and wives for their husbands; unto violation and rapines of maids; and to be brief, unto sacrileges, burnings, and devastations of all manner of creatures: which when all these things shall lively be discifered unto you in this History, then judge of the state of this poor Country into what an abysm of misery it is fallen. I omit to write of many particulars concerning the Turks politic proceedings, for the encroaching upon Christendom: touching all which (because I would not be tedious) I refer you to the History itself, wherein more at large you may discern their intercourse and temporizing with Christians, which indeed is nothing else, but only for their own commodity to make use of them, until they find fit opportunity to advance their intended practices against them: and then adieu league and all society of friendship: only this I say, and humbly desire God of his merciful goodness, to inspire Christians with that humility and faithful repentance, that it may assure our hearts of turning this judgement from us, which our Lord of his mercy grant for jesus Christ's sake, and extirp these Mahometaines, who (as our own eyes may witness) daily (with tears and grief we may speak it) infringe the confines of Europe with their heathenish and barbarous proceedings; as more at large this History will amplify.  
R. C.   

The Author's Epistle to the people of France.  
TO you (French people) and to no other do I dedicate this History, and I do divulge it to the view of the world, under the protection of the best advised, to the end that it being by them received and defended, it may remain sound and perfect, and be as a mirror to those who know not themselves; and (who being attained with a spiritual leprosy) have no more feeling in them, then as if they had utterly lost all their understanding: not regarding (as unpitifull) the tears and sigh of the poor afflicted, happened through their occasion: not being able to taste the delicate fruits, which sage and wise council bringeth with it; not being able to sent the infection and stink which proceedeth from the imbecility of their corrupted brain: not being able by their touching to taste what is the blood which themselves draw from the bottom and deepest of their veins: neither see they the extreme misery wherein they are plunged, drawing with them thereinto, the soundest part of their bodies.  
To these do I present this mirror, that looking into it, they may the better know what is their present estate; and if they could see (as they may if they will) their gross deformities, and great defects, they ought without doubt to believe that they are the same persons, which have made themselves such by the corruption and grossness of their humours, giving themselves over to their desires, through a contempt of the Deity, by a private ambition and avarice.  
When as therefore you shall see in this History the division of a people fleshed one against another, for sovereign and regal dignity: when for this effect, you shall read herein of Towns and Castles forced, the inhabitants spoiled of their goods and lives, the wives at the mercy of the soldier, the maids violated, many fair buildings burnt, the subjects rebelling against their Lords, Peasants against Peasants; you would asluredly think they are acts committed in a Country far remote.  
But it is you, who amongst yourselves, and upon yourselves, have committed the like enormities: when for the like effect you shall find it strange that these miserable and infortunate people, having called in amongst them their old and ancient enemies, under colour for them to be revenged one of another: and (which is yet more bestial) submitted themselves both of the one part and on the other, to a stranger. I know not then what sound judgement or good opinion you can conceive of yourselves, being attainted and notoriously convinced of the self same fault, when you shall note the great ruins and desolations of so goodly & rich a Country, you may well perceive even at this present, yours reduced into the like estate, and if the calamity be not in all points answerable: yet think that you touch it with the very tip of your finger, except the acknowledgement which you may have of yourselves, preserve you not, and divertit from you. In examination of yourselves, you shall find yourselves all kinsmen, there being neither race or lineage amongst you, which is not allied one to another, except it be some stranger newly come in: you shall find yourselves all of one nation: you shall find yourselves all subjects of one Lord and Prince: and you seeing yourselves to be all of kindred, allied of the same nation, and under one government: and being able to observe these conditions in yourselves, you shall certainly judge, that you are culpable of all the disorder which at this present is seen amongst you, and that the fault happened not but from yourselves, without imposing it upon a stranger, who by your loss, seeketh his own advancement, maintaining his triumphs with heaps of your ruins, which serve him for many solemnities. This fault once acknowledged, you shall embrace yourselves, even one another as kinsmen: you shall frequent one another lovingly, as true countrymen: and you shall make yourselves wholly obedient to your Prince, by a mutual and friendly agreement, remitting all controversies that may spring amongst yourselves, to those who are admitted to execute justice: propounding to yourselves the similitude which sometimes Menewnius Agrippa a Roman, alleged to his Citizens, who were infected with the same malady that you yourselves are, he comparing a common wealth to a humane body, which being composed of many members, hath need (for the better subsistence of it) that all with one accord do accomplish their natural functions the one for the other thy a mutual and reciprocal duty; even as in our necessity we do naturally practise the same every one by himself. If the head doth ache and is ill, we presently apply to it both our hands to comfort it again, and it receiveth some ease thereby; by means of the feet it is carried here and there, that it may the better divert the grief; we cherish it, because the loss of it doth overthrow all the roast, and we are not so ill advised, upon the distemperature thereof, to cut it off from the other parts. That which nature doth instruct you, for the preservation of this little body, you ought to think it to be an instruction which it hath prepared for you to walk in the entertainment of your likes, who are united to you by a mutual frequentation and such as is necessary amongst yourselves, which we name society, and from whence cometh this heap and mass of people, which we comprehend under the name of a common weal; the which, all those that are borne in the same, aught to maintain and preserve (and not seek the ruin and spoil thereof) as being all members of the body of it. And concerning the default that herein you commit, you may clearly see the calamity which shall happen to you therefore, by the example of this miserable Realm of Hungary, which was in former time no less replenished with warlike men, than you, and which was no less enriched with fertility, riches, and all other things necessary for the maintenance of life, then yours. In beholding yourselves therefore in this, presently mark withal that the like misfortune may happen to you, that hath overtaken them, seeing the cause thereof is alike; and so labour, that in the end you may become more wise than they, who seeing before them a like accident proceeding from the same cause in the Empire of Constantinople, could not make use of it, but have suffered themselves to fall into the fullness of evil and misery. In doing of which, if the first and second have committed such a fault as they cannot recover, yet he not you the third which should commit the like. There is not any he that is not deceived the first time; being misled because he had not made proof thereof: for the second time a man may be also sometime deceived, under a certain pretence of friendship: but there is no excuse to the wise, when it happeneth the third time. If these first, if these second of our age have been thus deceived and overtaken by their own rage and recklessness, suffer not your feet to stumble against the same stone, after you have seen two of them to stumble before you with so foul a fall. Stay yourselves a while, and give ear to the woeful reports, which daily are made of loss, of ruins, of fire, of great effusion of blood, of captivities, of violations, and of the execrable miseries which are daily committed among the rest of the inhabitants of this miserable Hungary, and even by those whom they had drawn so undiscreetly into their country, under the colour of succour and aid.  
And upon this report, refrain your rage, take again your wont spirits, and endeavour that your follies may be so momentary, that in every wiseman's judgement, they may be esteemed better than heretofore.   

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST BOOK.  
A Philosophical and Theological discourse, concerning the revolution of things. Lewis the second of that name, King of Hungary and Bohemia: of his descent and qualities. The governors and Councillors of his estate. Solyman prepareth to invade Hungary. The diligence of Paul Tomoree Lieutenant general of the King's army. Lewis soliciteth the Christian Princes for aid. Ecclesiastical treasure is levied for the war. The Turks army passed the river Saws. The description of Hungary. A brief recital of the places, where happened the greatest force of the war. The riches of Hungary. Advertisements to the King for the ordering of this war against the Turks. Lewis goeth into the field. Varadin Peter taken by the Turks. Soldiers repaired from all parts to the King lying at Tholne. Wylak taken by the Turks. The privileges of the Barons of Hungary. The King determined to go into the field with a small force, and the Soldiers importune to fight. The description of the town of Mohaz, where the King fought and lost the battle. A dissuasion from fight, and further consideration thereof. Tomoree adviseth to fight. The Christian Army no more but 25000. men: and the Turks were 300000. The means to preserve the King in battle: the order and place of the battle. The King is shown to the Hungarian Soldiers. A deliberation of the enemy's purposes, and of his appearing in the field. Tomoree importuneth to fight: the beginning of the battle, the loss of the King, and overthrow of the Hungars. The King's body found dead. A certain Ghost appeared in man's shape. The Turks spoil and harry all over Hungary. Buda taken by the Turks: 200000. Christians overthrown, slain, and taken prisoners in this expedition.  
SEeing the Heaven is such as it representeth itself to our sight, that is, proportioned like unto a Spherical or round form: and sith the same Heaven environeth, besides the mean of this great concavity (which being between it and us is filled with air) this wonderful frame which we name the world (little I confess in respect of that which environeth it about, and wonderful great in consideration of the natural apprehension which we may have of it) it is not without cause that 
The revolution of all things.  certain ancient Philosophers esteemed that all things had their revolutions. For sith so it is, that the lowest part of a circle is that, which is in the midst thereof: and that the lower parts or bodies are governed by the superior (which thing also is found true by natural reasons known, and diligently observed in all handy works and engines:) it is not without reason, that some have inferred of this, that this world is subject to the motion of the Heavens, and that we perceive amongst us, the things passed to return again, and represent themselves to our views. For Heaven being round, his period or full point is no other, but a continual begininng again, even as priest and ready as his end: which the Egyptians by their hierographical figures meant to represent unto us, and namely by a serpent holding the end of his tail with his teeth. Now this world being heavy and ponderous of his own proper nature, and yet (in the midst of this great, soft, and light air) firm, stable, and immovable by divine disposition, which is incomprehensible to us: this world, I say, receiveth by certain revolutions, in the same place and quarters, the same and like passions, which it hath once received from the influence of Heaven; even as, by the ordinary circumvolution of it, it cometh more near unto us with his beams. The volubility which is in the one, and the stability that is in the other, is the cause of the effecting & bringing forth of such passions: these two contraries being so ordained and disposed of, to the end that that which is the patient might make the other to become the agent; it being not possible that the one should subsist, except the other were in essence. And as the patient, to the end it may suffer, aught to stand fast, and not shake: so, the agent on the the other side is always in action, being not able to stay itself. And if they were both alike in solidity and firmness, or of the same motion, their qualities would be without any effect. And for this cause God meaning that the world should be governed, according to the nature of it, by Heaven, he hath created the world stable for the patient, and the Heaven movable for the agent; and all this, to the end the world should receive this benefit of God by the means of Heaven, through certain revolutions of it, in as much as this great circumvolution might still remain and return again. Whereupon proceedeth this ancient proverb, which telleth us, That nothing 
Sentence.  is done, nor nothing said, which hath not been done, or said before.  
What is there now that hath not been?  
And shall not that, at last,  
Which is to be, receive his being  
From that which once is past?  
That which is made unmade shall be,  
And eke again be made:  
And, being made again, it shall  
Be seen to waste and fade.  
And this is that which oftentimes upholdeth many good spirits, which otherwise would be terrified through the innumerable evils, wherewith men are often times environed. For, wrestling against such torments, they are supported by a certain hope against such terrors, namely this, that one day good shall come in steed of evil: like as when it raineth, we still hope for fair weather. These revolutions, nevertheless, are not always equal, or of like perfection, by reason of the multiplicity of meteors and heavenly stars, which in their spherical courses have every one their proper motion, more soon or later one than the other, and that in such wise, that through many ages we do not find two equal situations or aspects of the same stars streaming upon us. For this cause the effects of such revolutions do not manifest themselves agreeable in every circumstance to the first. There be also some of these revolutions, which have not their nearest causes from these heavenly influences, but they succeed only by a 
2  
The diversity of revolutions.  certain combining together, or be as a consequence of things fore-happened; as for example, in time of war many evils do infallibly accompany it, and are engendered thereby. Other revolutions there be which are not natural, but proceed from the only and free will of God; & these we may 
3  name supernatural, although we see them to happen by the sequel of certain precedent causes, and to have been practised before in certain worldly matters. These revolutions sometimes fall out sooner than the natural course of the stars: because that God's justice (whereof they do depend) doth hasten and address itself to punishment, even as the weight of the misdeeds requireth. The two first kinds of these revolutions may be noted to happen many times naturally in those who are altogether abandoned and forsaken of God, and are by him left to the course of their own lust, as we see amongst the Barbarians, and in the person of Pharaoh. The third kind was inflicted upon the children of Israel, who have often felt one self same justice and divine punishment, for that their fault was the same & equal to the former, such being the will & pleasure of God, to chasten those whom he loveth.  
The calamity happening to the kingdom of Hungary, (whereof I undertake to write the history) may well be referred to one of these three punishments. For when this country at an instant was overthrown, there was not in Europe (yea it may be not in all the world) any place, where the people was more proud, effeminate, & cold of courage then in this; they giving themselves over to such infamous vices, through the great riches and marvelous abundance and wealth of the country, (which is the cause of all wickedness) and because they did (to say the truth) often make head against the Turks, and many times repulsed them: from whence proceeded their pride, and from the same, the despising and contemning of their enemy. The service of God was not then observed but in pomp and sumptuous riches. The Pastors & Prelates of the Church behaved themselves like soldiers, under colour that it was for defence of it, against their enemies. justice was made an ordinary sale. The Nobility peremptory and untolerable. And the simple people, no more simple, but hollow, perfidious, and wicked. For these and such like enormous vices, it is likely (considering that which ensued) that God (to commence and begin his chastisement) sent to this people a young King, according to that wise saying of Solomon, who assureth us, That cursed is that country whose King is an infant. Notwithstanding as young as 
Sentence.  he was, yet was he soon taken out of the world, leaving no certain heirs behind him, but unfortunate and cankered hatred, yea a desire in the hearts of certain Princes to reign, which continued and perfected the utter subversion of this miserable Province.  
But discoursing thus freely upon the evil of another, it may be objected, that I have matter enough at home, without borrowing from elsewhere, to make the like discourse. There is (truly) enough, and more than we should desire: but I willingly answer as the wiseman, who saith, That it is unseemly for a man 
Sentence.  to be judge in his own causes, or make his own accounts. For to write and discover our vices, is a vain foolishness: and to magnify and extol our praises, is no other but mere flattery. I had rather imitate those, who use the good examples of others to enrich their narration, and know so well to accommodate them to the subject or matter which is propounded, that the auditors are more drawn by them, then by their principal and chief arguments. Nay, I will speak boldly; as similitudes are not in all respects alike, so it seemeth 
France miserable.  that we are in worse condition, than was Hungary: for that the misery thereof did not happen but by one of these revolutions, and the evil fortune which doth environ us, doth depend upon all the three, because it seemeth rather to overthrow us, then to correct us: so that we know not which is more true, whether we are chastised for our faults by the pleasure and will of God, as if he loved us, or whether he doth utterly abandon and forsake us, as he did the Barbarians of Peru, leaving us to our own motives of lust, and by consequence to the natural course of the stars: the great Conjunction of which (as hath been observed by the Astronomers) should happen in this miserable time, bringing with it nothing but a great alteration of kingdoms and estates, with a consequence of a thousand and a thousand miseries. At the falling out of such Conjunctions, we read that the Roman commonweal hath changed the estate under julius and Augustus: as afterward this French Monarchy did under Pepin, and Charlemaigne: and as, before that, Italy did under Romulus: and Assyria under Merodach: and before them, the like mutations happened under janus, and under Moses. The miseries that accompanied the alteration of the Roman state are sufficiently known. The cruelties were not such under Pepin, as they were under Hugh Capet. The revolution of divine justice did not extend itself, but upon the three sons of Philip the fair, (for the punishment of their wicked lives) who successively were kings of France, and dying without issue the kingdom was transferred to those of the house of Valois. Also it is a necessary and usual thing, that when a good or bad State is come to his complete perfection, it presently declineth and revolveth, by reason of this circumvolution, commonly called in all ages the wheel of Fortune, to which revolution God hath fastened 
The wheel of Fortune.  all human actions, as well active as passive, as to a fashion or form the certainest of all others: so that we neither see nor read of any thing, but a continual returning of good and evil, having his course or period more short or long, according to the variety of things, or disposition of Gods will. When we see Religion, justice, or Policy to be in his full force of virtue, we may assure ourselves to rest in good estate and great content. But of the contrary, when superstition and Atheism, when oppression and denying of justice, when tyranny and disorder are come to their full points, we ought to expect for no other but great ruin and misery, and yet the same decaying and declining by little and little. I will not in particular here recite, devotion turned to hypocrisy; the sacred ministery and the goods thereof committed to Captains and men of war, and converted to the dowries of women; unlawful bargains, and fowl enormities covered with the vail of justice, the execution thereof committed to the ignorant, in that the same is valued rather at the price of money, then of knowledge; the governments of Provinces and Captainships of fifty men of arms brought to a set price: in fine, that the royal seat is the only shop of all ruinous inventions, and the charges and exactions of the simple people without limit or reason. The evil, which infallibly followeth such like infortunate operations, proceedeth not but by divine providence; who minding afterward to introduce good, must first cast out and purge the evil by punishment and chastisement, which bringeth with it such misery. Notwithstanding, all these natural violences and just chastisements may be mitigated and assuaged by some other gentle and discreet means. The first sort of revolutions, being natural, are subject to supernatural effects, which proceed from our immortal 
The immortal spirits not subject to the stars.  spirits, which by reason do stay or change them; it falling out that a wiseman commandeth even the stars, not causing them to change their natural course, as some heretofore have thought of Sorcerers, but in making their natural power frustrate and without effect, through a good and advised foresight. Concerning such chastisements, as ordinarily fall upon us by divine justice for like faults, even those nevertheless may be somewhat stayed by good and true repentance, contrition, and daily prayers, seeing that God is altogether good and full of mercy. Also when such virtues fail us, we may well be assured, that like faults prevailing, or such coming upon us as draw near to them, we must look for the like effects, namely, that we should see the like celestial courses in our time, which were in our predecessors days, since the first great Conjunction happened after the creation of the world. This power, which is thus in man by the permission of the divine bounty, is cause of the diversity which we see as well in divine chastisements as heavenly influences, although the causes and courses thereof be alike: otherwise, we must conclude that, such heavenly courses happening, these mutations would be universal and alike unto every one: and that for one and the same fault the like punishment would always follow. But now, the misery, which we see in France, redoubleth it 
The misery of France.  self and daily increaseth: because that together with celestial influence, rancour, malice, and all manner of wickedness hath in such sort seized and possessed the spirits of men, that all manner of foresight, of wisdom, of prudence, of humility and patience doth abandon itself from thence, even as it happened at the time of the deluge: in so much that it truly seemeth that this unhappy country (at the least for his own particular) is ready to receive even as great a fall, as then did the whole world: except some (in whom we see some spark of wisdom yet to shine) do take the bridle in their hands to stay the violent course of this heavenly chariot, and by their good means this poor ship (willingly exposed to the winds and waves of a manifest shipwreck) be harboured in some safe road, by contemplating the evil fortune of another divulged in this history; we endeavouring ourselves by their examples, as on our own behalf to take courage, and to enforce ourselves, as the good shipmen do in a tempest, who then laying apart and casting from amongst themselves all disagreements and privy 
A necessary union.  grudges, (which they pretend one against another) do alike for their own safety put to their helping hands as brothers & true friends. Sith man also for his excellency is endowed with amity, (which, as I think, containeth 
Friendship containeth in itself all virtue.  in it all virtues, especially when the same hath relation to two things, that is to say, towards God and our country, for which we are not bound to travail only in all kinds of businesses, but also to expose our lives, as well men as women, yea children themselves, as it is often seen at sieges and assaults of towns, where both the one and the other sex do employ themselves with one mind and great courage) every one which is nobly borne, aught to endeavour himself to cause his excellency the more to appear. For else he should show himself worse than a beast, and he who is disfournished of such virtue, meriteth not any thing at all to be ranged or reckoned amongst men. We see the proof thereof by the works of charity, which 
Charity.  proceeding of natural friendship is deeply rooted, and that not only amongst Christians, but also amongst jews and paynim, and even amongst the Atheists themselves, which also maketh us by this means greatly to differ from bruit beasts. According to this we may conclude, that it is not without cause that a grave parsonage said, That we were not altogether borne for 
Sentence.  ourselves, but for one another: as if every man (who hath in him any spark of such amity) ought according to his ability (whilst he is in this life) to endeavour himself to bring some profit to the commonweal. For my part, I mean verily to propound to all men, as a fit medicine for the malady of this age, the accidents of a like fortune: to the end, that by the acknowledging of them, every man may be able to fortify himself against the foul and cruel 
1  shock of common calamity, and particularly without falling into despair, which often proceedeth of unthankfulness and forgetting of God: and also to the end that others more discreet and advised, may by another man's harm avoid the inconvenience to come, or at the least may prepare themselves 
2  to receive it in such sort, that their noisome wound be not to them over dangerous, offensive, or prejudicial: and also to the end that those who do manage and govern States, may learn by the example of others not 
3  
The preservation of another & of his own government necessary for a State.  only to preserve and maintain their own, but also to be vigilant that the next neighbour be not invaded by any other, lest that by their negligence and carelessness, the third increasing by the overthrow of another, he do not afterwards overthrow their State, and in the end bring it under his government: as those who have aspired to great Monarchies know well how to practise this, and whereunto they could never attain, if every neighbour State would maintain and assist one another, as sometime they well do when necessity constraineth them, and when they are not possessed or incensed with any mutual hatred. But this vice not leaving them any long time, in the end they give place to a mighty man to set foot by little & little within the territories of their neighbours, and then even within themselves: which thing also we may note even in this kingdom of Hungary, which heretofore hath been rich and puissant, and at this present fallen into such poverty, as it is nothing else but even a mirror of perfect desolation and misery: as you may understand by this history which I have rather taken in hand to write of, than the history of any other strange country, to the end that it being Christian, it may with more remorse wound and pierce our hearts, if we any thing esteem or favour our religion: considering also that the same example (because it concerneth us) is so much the more commended to us by God and men: whilst it representeth and setteth before our eyes that which our predecessors thought worthy to be followed, to the end we should imitate them; and also the evil which they did, to the end we may avoid it: and because that by occasion thereof so many great personages (be they warriors or others) have from time to time recorded the good and evil actions of their predecessors, and of those who lived in their time (as the Barbarians of America use the like in their songs) to the end they 
A history serveth for instruction.  might leave to their posterity some fair and large memorial, within the which they may with more facility and pleasure behold the good which accompanied virtue, and the evil which vice bringeth with it. Now following, in this, their footsteps, & for the reasons which I have before alleged, I do with an entire devotion present to the Commonweal this lamentable 
Broderic Chancellor of Hungary, Castalde Lieutenant unto Ferdinand.  history, collected out of the records of Broderic, the Chancellor of Hungary, and out of the memorial of Castalde Lieutenant unto Ferdinand in the same country, and of sundry other writers.  
LEwis the second of that name, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the son 
Lewis the second, and of his birth. Anne of Candale, Queen of Hungary. Anno. Dom.  of Vladislaus and of Anne of Candale who came out of France; after he had lost his father in his nonage, and his mother at his birth, was now one and twenty years of age, in the year of our Lord 1526. when Soliman Emperor of the Turks, invaded Hungary with a great and puissant army. He, a little before his father died, was betrothed to Marie, sister to the Emperor 
1526.  Charles, and Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, whom he afterward married 
Marry Queen of Hungary.  being come to years of discretion, giving at the same time his sister Anne in marriage to Ferdinand. Lewis was a comely young Prince, tall and well 
Anne Archdutches of Austria. The qualities of Lewis.  form, excelling any of his age, having a singular and natural bounty, and adorned with so many goodly virtues, that certainly he had proved a most excellent Prince, if he had lived but a longer time. He was of a sweet and mild spirit, not any thing crooked or wayward, easily drawn to all things which were honest and just, being thereto naturally inclined of himself. He was greatly delighted in managing of Horses, and to bear arms, to hunt, and all other exercises worthy and commendable in a young man. In his words he was true and just, and no way variable or inconstant, neither would he disclose any thing which had been imparted to him in secret. Notwithstanding all these goodly virtues, he was in contempt and dislike among the greatest of his court, who abusing his young years did pill and spoil his estate, whilst they lived in all excessive lust and pleasure.  
At that time the dignity and honour of Count Palatine (which is the 
Count Palatine.  chief among the seculars next to his royal Majesty) was in the possession of Stephen Battor, son of Andrew Battor, and nephew to Stephen Battor, 
Stephen Battor, Count Palatine. john Zapoly, vaivode of Transiluania.  who immediately before him possessed the same dignity, and governed Transiluania with his great honour under King Mathias. john Zapoly Count of Sepusa (who afterward was King of Hungary) governed then Transiluania, having in his possession great store of wealth to be divided with his brother George, which they had gotten by the death and succession of Stephen their father. He had in such sort procured the favour and good will of all the Nobles and States of that country, that, even from his youth, every one set their eye upon him, as the right inheritor of that kingdom, if it so happened that, for want of lawful heirs, it should be vacant. Stephen commanded in great Walachia, which is named Moldavia, and among 
Stephen of Walachia. Raoul of Transalpina. Francis Bathian Ban of Slavonia.  the Turks Carabogdania; and Raoul governed the less Walachia, otherwise named Transalpina; both the one and the other nevertheless being subject to the kingdom of Hungary. Francis Bathian, (well esteemed of the King, in respect of his continual and faithful service from his youth) was Ban of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Slavonia, which three Provinces were altogether governed by this only dignity; which dignity we otherwise term Admiralty, although now this word Ban may properly be applied to all governors established in every Province that is of late added to this kingdom. The low Marches, and the fortress of Themeshwar, 
Peter Peren governor of Themeshwar.  were under the defence and government of Peter Peren, who with the Count of Sepusa did keep the royal Crown, which was left unto him by Emeric Peren his father. Paul Tomoree a grey Friar, and Archbishop of Colocense, 
Paul Tomoree, a grey Friar, and Archbishop of Colocense, governor of Sirmia.  commanded Sirmia, and all that circuit which is between the rivers of Saws, Draws, and Danubius. This Archbishop was a great parsonage, and of like esteem, and one who, before he took upon him the habit of Saint Francis, had made sufficient proof of his virtue in many exploits, valiantly many times fight against the enemy. The archbishopric of Colocense being vacant, and the possessions and profits thereof having no less need of a good defender, then of a Pastor and dispenser of sacred and holy things, for the late loss of the town and fortress of Belgrade: in a public assembly of the kingdom it was by every one importuned, that Tomoree should be forced (if he would not otherwise) out of his Monastery, and by the authority and command of the Pope should take the 
Paul taken against his will out of his Covent.  charge of this Church, and defend the goods and revenues thereof. This man resisted along time their persuasions; but in the end he was constrained to obey the King's pleasure, with the rest of the kingdom; and he behaved himself so wisely and valiantly in this charge, in every man's judgement, yea even of those which hated him (as excellent virtue is never without envy) that he forgot nothing which appertained to a good and advised Chieftain, and executed no more than was seeming the piety of a religious man, and a godly Bishop, not any thing changing from the austerity of his first life, neither in person nor in any other thing. Count Christopher of Francapine (being certain months before drawn to the 
Count Christopher of Francapine.  service of the Realm with fair promises, whereupon they had caused him to forsake the Court of the Archduke Ferdinand) in steed of receiving some preferment according to their promises, in the end was rewarded with a great injury, and returned again unto Ferdinand. Stephen Broderic, 
Stephen Broderic Chancellor.  (borne in that part of high Panonia which some particularly call Slavonia) after he had been Ambassador for the King to the Pope's holiness, and had a few months before been created Chancellor, had more affection to a zealous life, then to earthly things. Alexis Thurson (a man greatly abounding 
Alexis Thurson Treasurer.  in wealth according to common opinion) was Treasurer, and had in former time executed this office very diligently. The Castles of Poson and 
John Bornemissa governor of King Levis.  Buda were in the custody of john Bornemissa, who had so great authority with the King, that he could incline his will to which side he would, because he had the government of him from his cradle. He was also very well esteemed of every one, as well for his reverend old age, as for the severity which was seen in him, accompanied with great bounty, and for the fidelity which he bore towards his King. Behold here, these were they who then managed the greatest places of the kingdom.  
The other Prelates and Barons gave themselves every one to their private 
Lasdilas Salcane Archbishop of Strigonium, Metropolitaine of Hungary.  affairs, except Lasdilas Salcane, Archbishop of Strigonium, Metropolitan of the kingdom, and great Chancellor, who, whether he was not able to execute that office any longer, or whether he had a desire to pass the remainder of his life in greater content and quiet, certain months before having restored to the King's hands the privy Seal, which then was given to Stephen Broderic, had nevertheless a good part of the overseeing of all the affairs, which were for the most part governed by his advise and council. Also the King reposed great trust in him, as well for his dignity, age, and wisdom, as for the experience which he had, having a long time managed the affairs of the State.  
In this sort was Hungary governed, when news came to King Lewis, that Soliman, having made peace with all his other neighbours for many years, prepared himself to make war against the Hungarians by land and water, the passage being sufficiently open to perform this, by reason of the towns of Belgrade and Sabasia which not long since were under his government; and the fortress of Zalankemen, and all other towns on this side the river of Saws, unto Varadine Peter, being razed and thrown to the ground; which compass or circuit of the Country is yet, until this day, called by the ancient name of Sirmia. All this ruin and loss gave 
Sirmia.  the enemy such entrance into Hungary, that it was a difficult matter for him to be hindered from any his attempts, but as often as he thought good, he might with ease thrust himself into the bowels thereof. In this low Pannonia did then govern Paul Tomoree, who not content to have advertised 
The diligence of Paul Tomoree. From whence cometh this word Coche.  the King, by many messages, of the Turks coming into his Realm, with all speed transported himself with post in little wagons, named Kotcze (which bear the name of the place, from whence the first of them came) towards the King, who was then at Vicegrade the twentieth day of March, unto whom he gave notice of the Turks enterprise, of his preparations, and how great the danger would be, into which he saw the Realm might then easily fall, advertising him of the small force which he had in his government to hinder them; that it was needful to use all possible diligence; that it was requisite near Belgrade to hinder the passage of the river Saws; and that such a matter, although it was difficile, yet nevertheless might be provided for, so that he gave order for it in due time; and withal promised to employ himself in that business, if he would give him necessaries for that purpose.  
The King being much troubled with this news, which elsewhere in many places was confirmed for certain and true, appointed a public assembly to be held upon Saint George his day. At that time and thither repaired all the States of every Province, and determined of all things which appertained to the defence of the kingdom: and, among other things, it was concluded, that all the Princes, as well ecclesiastical as secular, and all the nobles with good store of able peasants, should be at Tholne, at the feast of the visitation of our Lady the blessed Virgin Marie, which is the second of june, and to march all with the King himself, against their enemies. In the mean time the King advised of that which was necessary for the maintenance of the war. He sent his Ambassadors to the Christian Princes (especially to 
Lewis soliciteth the Christian Princes.  his neighbours) declaring to them the danger and peril, which was to them imminent. By pithy and persuasive letters, and by experienced men, he solicited the Bohemians, Moravians, and Slesians, to send him what aid they ought him, and urged them with their promises and assurances, which they had before given him to the like effect. He solicited the Pope as much as he could, that he would increase the treasure which he disbursed in Hungary for the levy of Soldiers, whereby he might have the better means to defend himself. But he solicited not Sigismond King of Polonia his 
Sigismond King of Polonia confederate with the Turk.  Uncle, for that he a little before had made truce with the Turk, minding by that means to chase out of his kingdom the ruin and loss of it; since that otherwise he could not heal it, in respect of the many dissensions and quarrels which were among the Christian Princes: and Lewis very well knew the integrity of this Prince, that he was an observer of his faith, and did assure himself he would afford him no aid against him, with whom he was confederate. Also he had the like opinion of the Venetians.  
In this aforesaid assembly, it was granted to the King, to take a portion of the Church's treasure (if want did urge him to it) to supply the want of 
The Ecclesiastical treasure levied for the war.  his own treasure, which was but little, his coffers being wasted by those who had very carelessly governed the common wealth. This permission and grant was confirmed and approved by the Pope, for discharge of their consciences. Among those who were of the King's court, two had the 
Christopher Francapine. Nicolas Count Salms.  charge of this war, namely Count Christopher (of whom we have spoken before that he went to Ferdinand) and Nicholas Count Salms.  
These things and many other being thus disposed of in this assembly, the King, after he had advised with himself, gave every one leave to retire themselves; and for his part, he put in practice and executed (as speedily as he could) that which had been determined of in the assembly. And first of all, he writ to the Christian Princes, informing them of the present danger which he saw, demanding aid of all, and chiefly of the Emperor Charles, and of Francis King of France, who a little before was delivered out of prison. He instantly requested them both, that they would not forsake him in such and so great a peril. He put the French King in mind of this, that, while he was yet prisoner, he did, by his Ambassador in the town of Piczigyton, promise concerning the defence and preservation of Hungary; for the 
Francis the first, King of France, challenged of his promise.  which he frankly made him offer, and assured to aid him with forces and succours, if God did restore him to his full and whole liberty. Declaring to him that the time did now present itself to perform his friendly promises, having now (by God's assistance) the authority to put it in execution, and the rather, he being urged on his part so vehemently to importune him thereunto. He also sent unto his brother in law Ferdinand, and to other Princes of the Empire, who then were assembled at the Imperial diet at Spire. He dispatched letters again into Bohemia, Moravia, and Slesia. He treated with john Anthony, Baron of Bourgh, the Pope's Nuntio, Lieger with his Majesty, to solicit and entreat his holiness, that he would aid him with greater sums of money, to support the burden of this war. He gave commission to Lasdilas Macedonien to take half the treasure of the Churches, who, a 
Lasdilas Macedonien Bishop of the 5. Churches.  little before being Bishop of Sirmia, was chosen Bishop of the five Churches, by the favour of the Chancellor, and many other; and gave charge to Nicholas Gerendi, to have a care of such sums of money as should be collected, 
Nicholas Gerendi.  and to distribute and dispose of it only for the maintenance of the war, with the Nuntios consent. Certain sums of money were also demanded of the Abbots, of the governors of towns, and of the corporations 
Sums of money.  of Villages, who said they were free: and the like was demanded of the Saxons, the Transylvanians, and the jews. In fine, they did on every side so seek out money, the sinews of war, that within few days was collected no small quantity of treasure.  
During this time, letters were daily brought, messengers came aswell from the Archbishop of Colocense, as from the vaivode of Transiluania, by which upon their knowledge they assured, that the Turk approached near unto Belgrade, and that part of his army, which marched before, had already passed the river Saws. The King and his Council, upon this unwelcommed news, hasted all things, and principally to defend the passage of Draws, seeing the passage of Saws could not now be hindered. But seeing that we must often make mention of the rivers Saws and Draws, and of other places, it is necessary that we describe the situation of Hungary, and, amongst others, the parts and countries by which the enemy directed his course against the Hungarians, and by which they all marched towards him, and wherein battle was given.  
All Hungary (which for certain is now held to have received this name by the Hunes, or Hunger's, a people come out of Scythia, who there made 
The description of Hungary. The river Danubius.  their abode) is parted and divided in two, by the insition of Danubius, which is the greatest river in Europe, taking his original in the forest of Martian, nigh the town of ulme's, and so making his source overthwart 
Buda the capital town of Hungary. Hungary on this side the river.  Germany. By this division Hungary doth part itself into two parts, whereof the one is on this side the river, and the other beyond; and we write it, as if we were at Buda, which is the capital town of the kingdom.  
That part on this side the river is anciently called Pannonia, and is separated from that, which we call beyond the river, by Danubius, by Austria, Bavaria, 
The river Draws. Slavonia. The river Saws. Bosnia. Rascia. Walko. Posegan, and Sirmia.  and the skirts of the hill Cecien. The river Draws separateth it from Slavonia; and the river Saws from Bosnia and Rascia. For, along the river of Danubius, drawing towards Belgrade, even unto the mouth of the river Saws, do these three goodly countries stretch themselves, that is to say, Walko, Posegan, and Sirmia, which are named Counties, and which do part Hungary from Slavonia. The principal town on this hither part and side of the river is Buda, which is the capital seat of the kingdom. The most noted towns of fame are Alberegalis, recommended in respect it is 
The town of Alberegalis, the place of Coronation and burial of the Kings.  the place of Coronation, and sepultures of the Kings; Strigonium which holdeth the Metropolitan place; Five Churches, which is a Bishop's seat. Besides there are Sopronia, javerin, Sabaria, and Stridon: which last is noted to be the place where S. Hierome was borne, and in that last saving one Saint Martin took his birth. Besides the rivers of Draws and Danubius, there are 
Strigonium. Five Churches.  others worthy of note. There be also two great Lakes of special note named Balator, and Freton, one of which is about thirty miles long, but the 
Sopronia. javerin. Sabaria. Stridon. Balator and Freton two great Lakes. Slavonia.  other not being so long hath a more large compass. When you have passed and joined above Draws, you shall enter into Slavonia, which in that quarter doth coast this hither part beyond the river, which of ancient time did make part of high Pannonia, going along the side of Hungary unto the river Saws; & passing yet further, it doth stretch itself even unto the river of Hune, upon which Croatia bordereth, and is adjoined unto Dalmatia, lying along 
Croatia. Dalmatia.  the Adriatic sea; part whereof is under the obeisance of the Venetians, and part under the Turkish government, and the lesser part thereof is subject 
Bosnia. Rascia. The town of Zagrabia.  to the King of Hungary. The Bosnians and Rascians, who in times past have been called high Missians, do possess the countries which are within the same, and are further from the sea. The principal town of Slavonia is 
The town of Bigihon.  called Zagrabia. That of Croatia is now called Bigihon, and in times past it was named Fumium. That part of Dalmatia, which doth obey the Hunger's, 
The town of Segnia.  hath for the chief town Segnia. Bosnia hath jaycza. And that of Rassia or 
The town of jaycza. Servia.  Servia hath Belgrade. And such is the situation of Hungary on this side the river, and of the countries which are between Danubius and the Adriatic Gulf. 
The town of Belgrade.   
As for the other part which is beyond Danubius, that is, by the hills Carpathes, 
The further Hungary.  which begin above Poson, and by a long soil stretch themselves 
The river Tibiscus.  unto the Euxine Sea, separated from Moravia, Sclesia, Polonia, and Russia unto this Province, which we name Maromarusia, in which the other mountains 
The river Zamosse.  and forests, advancing themselves towards Severin, do sever it from 
The river Marosse.  Transiluania, and from Valachia Transalpina. This furthest Hungary is 
The towns of Poson. Tirnavia. Trincin.  watered in the midst of it by the river Tibiscus, the which, of all those that are in that North part, doth most abound in fish. It doth spring from the mountains Maromarusians, and, besides many other lesser streams, he receiveth 
The I'll of Comar. Nitria. Bistricia. Vacchia. Pesthe. Agria. Cassovia. Colocia. Bacchia. Zegedin. Varadin. Debrecin. Chenadin.  into him the rivers of Zamosse and Marosse, coming both from beyond Transiluania. In this part of Hungary are seated towards the North these most noted towns, namely, Poson, Tirnavia, Trincin nigh the river of Vagus, (which glideth towards the I'll of Comar, falling into Danubius) Nitria, Bistricia with certain others, situate among the mountains, wherein are the Mines of Silver and Copper. Besides there is Vacchia Pesthe which is right over against Buda: Agria, Cassovia, and certain others of the County of Sepusa. Towards the South are seated those of Colocia, Bacchia, Zegedin: and, beyond the river of Tibiscus, Varadin, Debrecin, the Lady's brook, with the Mines of gold and silver: Chenadin, and the Fortress of Themesuar, 
Themesuar. Mines of gold, silver, & tin.  which is a government that possesseth the third place among all those of the kingdom. Seuerin is in the same preciuct, where one may see at this 
Severine.  present, the relics of a bridge, built by the command of the Emperor trajan, and many other towns, which for the brevity of this history 
The bridge of the Emperor trajan.  I will omit. Tibiscus doth mingle itself within Danubius, near to the town of Titulia, seated on the other side upon the shore, not far from Varadin 
Titulia.  Peter. On the other side of these mountains which we have said to extend themselves from the hills Carpathes, unto Severin, is Transiluania, 
Transiluania.  the which in former time did make a part of Dacia, and for this cause it was anciently called Pannodacia, a name compounded of Pannonia and Dacia, 
Dacia.  and at this day it is commonly called by the Hungars, Ortell. The principal town thereof is Albe-iula, so called of julius Caesar, or rather of Hijula, 
Albe-iula.  Prince of the Huns. Besides this town, there be others which are rich and wealthy, namely, Sibinio, Brassovia, Colosuar, Bistricia, and many other, 
Sibinio. Brassovia. Colosuar. Bistricia. Saxon. Sicilians.  founded and built by the Germans, whom we call Saxons. There doth also inhabit in this Province, Sicilians, who are a people austere, stout, and warlike; they have not any distinction of Nobility, nor of peasants, but they follow the same conditions as the Swissers do. Transiluania is abounding in all things, principally in Mines of gold and silver, and other metals, and of 
The riches of Transiluania.  Salt Mines. It breedeth courageous and excellent horses, and bringeth forth great quantity of wine, but not so excellent as that of Hungaria, or of Slavonia. It is compassed about with both the Valacchians, Transalpina, and Moldavia. 
Valacchia. Transalpina. Moldavia.  Transalpina is upon Danubius, and Moldavia by the Euxin Sea. These two with Transiluania, do now comprehend this part of Europe, which by ancient writers was called Dacia. Therefore all this great circuit, that is beyond Danubius, which containeth not only further Hungary, but 
Dacia.  also Transiluania, with both the Valacchians, is enclosed of Danubius, of the hills Carpathes, and of the Euxin Sea, but specially of Danubius. And thus much for the general situation of Hungary.  
Now we must a little discourse more particularly of the places, wherein happened all the force and vigour of the war. Beneath Buda, a long the river side (besides other villages) is the town of Rakos, and near unto that, 
Rakos. Tholne. Batha. Mohacz.  is Tholne, which is threescore Hungrish miles from Buda: after that, followeth Batha, and consequently Mohacz, otherwise called Mugach, situate upon the stroude of Danubius. Mohacz towards the right hand regardeth the town of 5. Churches, which before the loss of Hungary was of great fame; it is four miles from Danubius, and three from Draws. Towards Draws is the town Soclosia; and beyond Draws is built the Fortress of Valpo. 
Soclosia. Valpo.  Beyond Mugach unto Draws is counted four miles, and a little more. On the other side the mouth of Draws, upon the shore, is seated the town of Ezeck, and in the same quarter, in times past, was to be seen, the Monuments 
Ezeck.  or remembrances of a certain town, built in the time when the Romans enjoyed the Pannonia's, which (it may be) was a Roman Colony. These ruins are seen two miles of, from the entering of Draws into Danubius. At the place where this town of Ezeck is, the river Draws doth close himself narrow, giving commodity to the Hungars to erect a bridge, where their army passed over, when Belgrade was taken by the Turks. After the town of Ezeck, followeth the Castle of Erdunde, belonging to the Provost 
Erdunde.  of Thitetie. This place is environed with a Forest, and in respect of the situation thereof, with a little labour, it may be made very strong. Beneath this Castle is Baroth, Walko, Zatha, and next Bachia, which is one of the 
Baroth. Walko. Zatha. Bachia an Archbishopric. Wilak. Sirmia a wealthy country.  Metropolitan towns of Hungary, situate in the plain, so that it is naturally all the whole circuit of the country, which is between Tibiscus and Danubius, and for this cause it is very commodious to breed store of cattle. Along Danubius, beneath Zatha, is seen Wilak, with his excellent Fortress, and there beginneth this fortunate and fertile country of Sirmia, not only abounding in wine, the most commended of all the Northern parts, but also in all necessary things for the use of man: and hath been renowned by so many Emperors, and from whence is sprung a man who hath greatly adorned the Roman and Apostolic sea. The countries of the same, yield pleasant and delightful places; the land is fat, and fruitful, as may be; the air is so temperate, that it is not easily to be credited: the which falleth out, by reason this Region is but three or four days journey at the most from the Adriatic sea. It had in former time a town which carried his name, of the which, at this present is seen no more, but the foundation or relics thereof. When you are past Wilake, you enter into this Province, and the first town you come into is Bannomostra, where is the Bishop's 
Bannomostra. Varadin Peter.  seat of Sirmia: and before you arrive at Varadin Peter we find by the way Kamanche, a town of good account. This town of Varadin Peter, with 
Kamanche. Zalonkemen.  the Castle, is subject to the Church of Colosence, and for the loss of Belgrade, it was afterward called the place of Belgrade. After Varadin is the town of Zalonkemen, and certain others which have been ruinated by the late loss happened to Belgrade. On this side the river Saws, is the Castle of Zemlen, and between that and the town of Belgrade, is the mouth of Saws, 
Zemlen. Belgrade.  which in that place, by reason of the entrance thereof into Danubius, maketh it a large and deep current, which is enjoyed by the town of Belgrade, so much renowned for famous battles, being fought in that place against the Turk, which being once almost surprised by the enemy, john Huniades, than governor of Hungary, father to King Mathias, with his brother john Capistrum, chased out of Hungary Amurath the Turkish Emperor, 
john Capistrum.  leaving, by that valorous means, an immortal glory to the name of Hungary. The Hungars call this Fortress Nandor-Albe, and some Albe-grecque: 
Nandor-Albe. Albe-grecque. Taurinum.  the ancients call it Taurinum, and at this day it is called Griech-sweisneburg. It is placed upon a steep Rock, which on that side Hungary is seen, and at the foot thereof is the town, having on the one side Saws, and on the other Danubius.  
And thus much for the situation of Hungary, and the places wherein the Hungars have received an incurable and desperate wound. As for the riches of this country, to say the truth, it exceedeth all the Provinces in Europe. But we will say no more hereof at this time, for that it would require a large volume: but let us content ourselves with the situation which we have already described, to the end the reader of this history may the better comprehend the discourse following.  
And now to come to the subject of our discourse. The King understanding that certain troops of Turks had already passed Saws, fearing that they marched to Draws, and that (before his coming) they should seize upon the town of Ezeck, advised with himself to defend that place with a strong garrison. And this charge was given to the Count Palatine, who at that time was remaining in a Castle not far from Draws, which belonged to his brother. He willingly received this commandment, although he was much troubled with the gout, which a long time had molested him. But those that should have been put into that place, or sent their people thither, were not so diligent as the necessity required: in regard whereof Count Palatine could not execute that which he desired to perform: whereupon he went to the King at Buda, who made recital of the negligence and slothfulness of those who had no will to assist and aid him, to effect the charge which was committed to his custody. Whereupon it followed that he went not from the Court, but stayed there to accompany the King in his journey. In this time, and even at the same instant, the King by letters was advertised from a certain person (who had ample and sufficient knowledge of the counsel and affairs of the enemy) that there was no better policy for him, then to cause the vaivode of Transiluania to march forward with Transalpina (the fidelity and alleadgance of whom towards the King was most assured) either to assail the enemy behind (of which they nothing mistrusted) or else they leaving them, to journey into Thrace (which was naked of soldiers) whilst the Turks advanced themselves against the King. For by this means the enemy should either be overthrown and defeated, (being enclosed between two armies) or else forced to forsake his enterprise, and return to defend his own. This counsel at the beginning was suspected for certain causes, which would be too long to rehearse: but afterward imparted to the Bishop of Strigonium, and approved by him, the vaivode of Transiluania was commanded by Urbine Batian (who then was dispatched to go into Moldavia) to advise upon this what was most expedient and behoveful to be done for the safeguard of the kingdom. And if he esteemed the counsel good, he was commanded to turn his forces, and those of Transiluania, with Transalpina also towards that quarter: and this in part was a special cause that the vaivode could not be present at the day of battle. During these counsels, the time of the assembly, and the rend vous appointed to be at Tholne, was already expired: yet nevertheless they were not yet in readiness, and it seemed that all were not pliable thereunto, but only the King: neither (said they) ought they to come to Tholne, before they understood of the Kings being there.  
In the mean while the bruit of the Turks approaching, and of his passage of Saws daily increased, in such sort, that in the end certain news came, that after, he passing the river, and having thrown down certain Castles, he held on his course towards Varadin Peter, and did besiege it both by land and water, though it were a town of no great force. In the end the King, although not any were come neither from Bohemia, nor from any other place, and though he had with him but few companies of soldiers, 
Lewis goeth into the field.  yet not willing to be reproved as tardy or negligent concerning this matter of import, he departed from Buda (called at this day Ofen) the 24. of july, 
Often.  marching along the shore of Danubius, coming by little and little to Tholne, hoping that the other would shortly come to him.  
A little before the King went from Buda, Stephen Battor of Somlie was sent to the vaivode of Transiluania, by whom he was commanded, that leaving the first assignments, he should haste himself towards his Majesty with all his Transylvanian forces, seeing the sudden arrival of the enemy did require it.  
When the King departed from Buda he had but 3000. men as well foot as horse, counting those that did belong to Queen Marie, and the Archbishop of Strigonium. The first day that they departed from Buda, they made their night's rest at the village of Ambroise Sarkan, named Erred, distant from Buda two miles. In that place the King's best horse, and that which he loved most, suddenly died, whereupon he was much disquieted, and many divined it to presage evil hap. The King having made his abode there certain days, and no aid coming to him, proceeded on, with those small troops which he had, to the next village named Erchij. There having spent many days, without effecting any good, in the mean time there arrived Andrew Battor, one of the principal of that kingdom, with a good number of soldiers, and they marched along Danubius unto Pantelee (which is a place, as we have said, of Ezeck) where is to be seen the remaindes of an ancient Roman Colony. There George Basi (coming from the vaivode of Transiluania) found the King, who imparted unto his Majesty that the vaivode was in great care what he should do, in respect of the diversity of messages which he had sent him, having first received letters from his Majesty, and afterwards by many Curreers, and namely by jasper Horwath of Wimgard, one of his chief gentlemen, by which he was commanded to come to the King; and that afterwards there arrived Vrbain Batian, who brought him certain specialties, that according to the former, he might assail the enemy behind with the Transalpinians: after him there arrived Stephen Battor of Somlie, who brought him the same and first command, but did not make it openly known to him, that the King did mean, that the advertisements sent by Batian should come to effect; and for that occasion he was uncertain what to do in so many alterations, not knowing which to follow, being nevertheless ready and willing to do what his Majesty would command him. And that nevertheless he found not any thing of more importance, then with all speed to come to the King, that it was now too late to assail the Turks behind: and in as much as that enterprise was dangerous, so was it also more hard now to execute it, then at the first, for that the Transalpinian (with whom he was commanded to join himself) was already forced to send his only son in hostage to the Turks Campe. The King understanding the charge of George Basi, dislodged, and arrived the same morning at the town of Felduar, situated by Danubius: and there conferred with his Council of that which Basi had reported to him. At the same instant he also commanded Basi to journey day and night with as great diligence as he could to the vaivode, and to tell him that the King allowed well of his counsel, and that it was sound and good, considering that the enemy had already entered into the kingdom, and marched towards him: and that therefore he leaving all other determinations, he should as well with all all the Transylvanians, as those which he met in the way coming towards him, make haste, and with all expedition come to the Camp, bringing with him not only the Nobility and private soldiers, but also even the peasants themselves.  
To this effect letters were dispatched unto the Transylvanians, to john Gozthan, Chancellor to the Queen, and Bishop of that Province, and to the vaivode, by the persuasion of George, who desired the same, according to the advice that he had received of the King his master. These letters were of purpose framed sharp and severe, and sent, to the end that the vaivode should show them to all, whereby to excite and animate every one. He was specially commanded by them, upon pain of disloyalty and treason, that he should day and night march to the King. To encourage every one the more, there was sent with George Basi, john Statile, a man of ready and quick wit, and well seen in learning. He was, by means of their sister, nephew to Peter Berizlas Bishop of Vesprimie, and to Martin Ban, a man greatly esteemed both in the affairs of peace and war.  
These messengers were not yet departed, when even then evil tidings 
Varadin Poter taken by the Turks.  came of the taking of Varadin Peter, which the Hungars otherwise call Petrovar, after it had been valiantly defended for many days, and all those who were within it, for the defence thereof, were cruelly put to the sword; the Castle being old and decayed, was the more ruinated by the force of the Cannon; and further, that the enemies did advance themselves by water and land against other neighbour places, and were determined, amongst others, to besiege the Castle of Wylatz. The King greatly perplexed at these news, gave express commandment to those who were to go to the vaivode, that they should post in the greatest haste they could. Letters were also sent to all places; Curriers were dispatched towards George Count of Sepusa, who was said not to be far from Alberegalis with 5000. men. Also unto Francis Bathian Ban of Croatia. Unto Count Christopher, who was thought to be departed from Ferdinand, and to be already in Croatia with his father, unto whom he was first of all retired, with an intent to have drawn from thence armour, horses, and soldiers, that so he might with better ability present himself in braver equipage before the King. Ladislas the Macedonian, was commanded to go with speed towards the Queen, who then was at Buda. She was willed to importune her brother Ferdinand, and in his absence the governors of Austria, to the end that it would please him presently to send him aid, and especially Artillery, for which he had been before required, and whereof the Hungars stood greatly in need, and the Turks to the contrary were plentifully furnished. Moreouèr, she was entreated to hasten the Bohemians with their troops, for the levying of whom the Queen had disbursed of her own charges great sums of money to Mezericie. Thomas Nadasdy was written unto, that he should solicit Ferdinand, unto whom he was sent, and to declare to him the double lineage and affinity which was between them two, and the common peril like to happen; in consideration whereof, he importuned that he would not leave his master in such and so great necessity, giving him sufficient notice of the danger of his person, of the kingdom, and the loss of Varadin Peter.  
In the mean while Paul Tomoree (who before the taking of Varadin, having with him 3000. men, left within the Castle of that town 1000 footmen, and certain horse, who were (as we have said) all put to the sword) esteeming it now a great rashness, if he should adventure to oppose and affront himself with 2000 horse against so great a multitude, he passed to the other side of Danubius, and there, as much as was possible for him, he withstood the enemy both by land and water: for he had upon Danubius' certain numbers of sea soldiers in vessels, which are called Nazadies; but they were nothing to be compared to the infinite multitude of the enemies.  
The King, after he had understood of the loss of Varadin Peter, marched along Danubius, to that place which before we have named Rakos, where he remained two days, and upon the transfiguration of our Lord, he arrived at Tholne, having now a little increased his army, so that then he could make 4000 horse, or somewhat more. As his Majesty was near to Tholne, Count Palatine, with those few men which were already come and arrived with the first at that town, went before. During the King's abode there, from all the Provinces (which are called Counties) 
Provinces called Counties.  in Hungary, as well on this side Danubius, as on the other, repaired great store of Soldiers to this town. Count George of Sepusa was also there with 300. horse good and bad, and 1200. foot, or there about. Thither 
Succours from the Pope.  also came Hannibal Carthaginois of Cyprus, with 1300. Soldiers, levied at the Pope charges, besides other companies that were there paid by his Holiness. They altogether made 4000 men well appointed. Of that number there was 1500. Polanders or Pollacques, who in all that, for which 
Pollanders came to the succour.  they are held commendable people, surpass all the rest, they were under the conduct of Leonard Gnomsky, who was said to be a man very expert and ingenious to lodge and seat a Camp, for which experience he was chosen and allowed. At the same instant came to that town Paul Vardagy Bishop of Agria: Francis Peren Bishop of Varadin, and many other, as well Bishops as Seculars. During their abode, almost every day they sat in Council, to whom were assisting the most renowned persons then in the Campe. In this said assembly, the affairs of the Realm were consulted upon, namely, of the advancing and marching of the Army, of the custody and defence of the passage of Draws, seeing it was now no question of that of Saws, and also by reason of the loss of Varadin Peter, and for that at the same time, it was said the Turks marched to Ezek, having already under his government the Fortress of Wylak, and ruinated all the other 
Wylak taken by the Turks.  Castles which were along Danubius. The said Count Palatine was then presently dispatched to seize upon the passage of Draws, before the enemy approaced. Many of the principal men were commanded to follow 
The privileges of the Barons of Hungary.  with their troops; but many notwithstanding repugned the Kings command, under the colour of their privileges and custom of the Barons, which is, not to go to the war, but under the Royal ensign: in regard whereof this enterprise was omitted, although that the Palatine, notwithstanding his grief, did endeavour himself, and gave sufficient demonstration, not to refuse any travail or labour. He being on his journey to go before to Mugach or Mohacz, and not being followed by any of those, who were commanded to accompany him, alleging their privileges, as we have said: the King even in open Council, where the affairs were treated of, being moved by their undutiful allegiance, said; I see, quoth he, (being willing to put his words in writing) that every one would assure his own head, by the danger of mine. But as for my part, I am marched, as you see, even unto this place, and do willingly thrust myself into this danger, and to expose my person against all hazards of fortune, for the safety of you and the kingdom. For fear then lest any should excuse his own cowardliness upon the safety of my life, and that nothing should be imputed to my proceedings in time to come, I will (by God's grace) march to morrow with you in person, into that place which you would not go unto without me.  
These vehement words being spoken, and this sudden resolution being apprehended by the applauding of many, but with the admiration of all those present; proclamation was presently made of his departure the next day. Certain of the wiser and graver heads, who were not ignorant of the great inconvenience which might happen of this unconsiderate voyage, importuned to dissuade the contrary, but it was in vain. The Army being then dislodged from Tholne, upon the even of the assumption of our Lady, they arrived at the town of Zeckzard, and the day following at Batha. Upon this bruit and certain knowledge which was had of the Turkish Army, which daily approached, command was given to gather the Hungars together (who were dispersed in the Villages) and to repair all to Batha. George Pauline Bishop of Boznia, a man of good and commendable life, and well seen in the civil Law, was sent unto Paul Tomoree to advertise him of what he knew, and that he should find the King in that place.  
They being all arrived in this town, and the time requiring to make election of some one to command the Army (which was deferred until that day, not without great ill hap of oversight:) the King having heard the particular advise of every one, and seeing the greatest part esteemed the 
Paul Tomoree a grey Friar chief commander of the Army.  Friar to be sufficient for this charge, proclaimed him chief commander of the Army, joining with him for his colleague, Count George of Sepusa, brother to the vaivode. Yet all of them notwithstanding approved not this election, and chiefly they disliked that election which was made of the Friar: nevertheless all willingly obeyed these Chieftains command.  
Tomoree knowing the pleasure of the King to be such, for his own part refused of a long time this charge, sometime alleging his profession and ignorance, than the corporal imbecility which was in him, not being able to endure so great travail; saying further, that the King had excellent secular Lords, to whom this charge did better appertain. He named the Count Palatine there present, and the vaivode absent, both well experienced in the conduct of Armies, and that they were the most practised and experienced in all Hungary, to employ their command in such actions. He also named Count George, and Peren, who although they were young, yet nevertheless had no defect of understanding, and men who were more worthy to manage and conduct this army than he. Further, he declared the disability which was in himself, to perform the due of such a charge, having never seen the manner of such war, as now presented itself unto his Majesty: and in the end he concluded he was not able, neither would he use that authority, although the King commanded it, no, if his Majesty would cut off his head.  
Having thus as well in public, as in private, used these or the like speeches, with like protestations in vain: the King notwithstanding proclaimed him Lieutenant of the Army, giving him (as we have said) Count George, brother of the vaivode, for his companion and colleague. He also would not have accepted of this charge, and instantly desired that his Majesty would not do him that honour. But in the end he submitted himself to do therein his endeavour, with this condition, that he might have no other companion but his brother Paul (for so he called him) and that so soon as his own brother the vaivode should arrive, it should be permitted him to be dismissed of his charge. This was easily granted him, for that already it was determined at the beginning to make the vaivode, with Paul Tomoree and Count Christopher, commanders of the Army.  
After the election of these Chieftains, they went together to take council, concerning a place convenient and commodious to encamp themselves near the town of Mohacz. This town appertained to the Bishopric of five Churches, and is situated upon the side of Danubius, between 
The description of Mohacz and the place of the battle.  Batha and the mouth of Draws. A little above Batha, Danubius doth begin to open, and make two currants, of which the largest stream runneth a long the further Hungry, and passeth with a gentle calm source, stretching itself in those great and large plains. The other part watereth the towns of Batha and Mohacz. These two arms of one river, joining together again in one, and shutting up beneath Mohacz, make an Island. This borrowgh or town of Mohacz, is sufficiently known: it is environed on all sides with a great plain, which is not any thing covered either with woods or hills. Towards the West, it looketh to the town of five Churches, a town of good fame before the loss thereof. On the North side there is the town of Batha; and towards the Leavant, it is bathed with that arm of Danubius, which we have said to be the less of the two. Towards the South, it doth behold the waters of Draws, which is four miles from it. Between that and this town, are certain little hills, planted with Vines and Marshes there about. In this compass there is not far from the town a water, which seemed rather to be a Marish, than a water or river that did run: and the inhabitants do call it Krasso. Beneath that strange, Tomoree was encamped with five or 6000. horse, who were part of those which at the first were gathered together, and part of others, who with Peter Peren, and other Captains, he caused to come from beyond Danubius by the King's command, to join together with the body of the Army.  
The place then being chosen commodious, to lodge the Army by Mohacz, and the same being directed and appointed by Leonard Gnomsky, and the quarters thereof for every company: Tomoree went with Peter Peren to his Soldiers, who were yet encamped beyond the Marshes (as hath been said) to lead them, if they could, to the Kings Campe. They being now arrived at that place, and giving notice to the Captains, that it was the King's pleasure, and his also, to command them to retire, and join themselves to the body of the army, wherein the King was in person. Hereupon the soldiers began to murmur, and be angry, saying, that they would make them abandon the enemy, against whom it was more needful to march, and with whom it was expedient forthwith to join their hands, if they would show themselves men: and in doing the contrary, it were an imagination of flying, and not to fight: that those Princes who counseled his Majesty to such effeminate things, were given much to sloth: that the King (said they) should come presently and affront the enemy with them: the victory is within our hands: we sufficiently know that they are infinite in number, and that they have as many Cannons with them as is possible, but they are without armour, and not any thing exercised to the war: there is not the tenth, no not the twentieth of them, which hath a weapon wherewith to offend or harm us: they further alleged, that they were assured that those brave and valiant soldiers, which the Turk had, were all dead and slain at the siege of Belgrade, and after that at Rhodes: that the valiant and courageous Commanders of the army should do (said they) with their companions, that which beseemed wise and virtuous Captains, and we assure ourselves that all things shall frame to our desires: that he would bring the King, and withdraw him, & all the other hardy combatants out of the throng of those idle Priests, & others who refuseth the fight, who go about by their fashions and counsels, which is cowardly and effeminate, to corrupt and discourage our King, who is endued with corporal beauty, and marvelous courage, and by this their idle means, of a fair and well accomplished young Prince, they should make him answerable unto themselves.  
Whilst these soldiers did thus vaunt themselves, all the army was lodged almost entirely together, every man in his quarter. The King did not yet depart from the town of Villeneufue of the Macedonians, which is between Batha and Mohacz, having with him but a small troop, being there in great danger, if the enemy, who was not far of, might have discovered him. But fortune reserved the death of the King until some other time, wherein he should die more gloriously for the good of his country. In the mean while, in the night when the King was asleep, there arrived at the same time Michael Podnamisky, coming from the Camp, and sent on the behalf of the Commanders, who came to give advertisement, that the Turk had already passed the river of Draws, with the greatest part of his army, and that the rest followed with all expedition; that the fight could not be deferred; that all the Captains urgently importuned his Majesty to come with all diligence to the Camp, and advise with them concerning the battle.  
The King understanding this news by Podnamisky, called to council that small company that was with him, acquainting them with this business, demanding of them what was to be done in so doubtful and urgent a matter. His Majesty then did call to mind the counsel and opinion which the vaivode and Count Christopher had sent him, by those who were dispatched towards them, who certain days before were returned, by which advertisement from them both, they greatly blamed the counsel of those who had brought the King into that place so near the enemy, before it was time, and that it had been better for him to remain at Buda, or to encamp himself further from the enemy, until all the forces of the kingdom were united together. They had also, by the same messengers, exhorted the King not to fight with the enemy, at least not before their coming. The vaivode particularly sent him word by john Statile, that he would bring with him from Transiluania great troops of soldiers, who for force and number should be so secure, that the King, upon their fidelity and valour, might have a special hope of victory. This came into the King's mind, and he well considered of this counsel; and of the other part he well weighed that which the Chiefs of the army did importune him, to whom if he condescended not, the enemy being so nigh, and his soldiers having so great a desire to fight, he well saw that the blame and evil of all that might happen, would be imputed to him, and that he should be found culpable in omitting so good an occasion. His mind being disturbed with these difficulties, he determined (before he resolved of any thing) to prove his Leaders and Chieftains of the army, if they thought it good to attend the vaivode of Transiluania, and Count Christopher, and that if in the mean time the enemy approached nearer, or pressed, them, whither they should remove the Camp into some other place of better safety. For this cause he sent to the Camp (even at the same instant that Podnamisky was come) the Chancellor (who was then with the King) to persuade the principal of the army, yea the Commanders themselves, namely, the Archbishop of Strigonium, and Count Palatine (upon whose opinion all the others depended) that they should find out some good mean to retire and defer the fight. He was commanded further to let them understand, all which was reported to the King, concerning the vaivode and Count Christopher, and to explain unto them how clear and apparent the ruin of the kingdom was, if the King, with so many Princes, and the flower of all the Nobility of the realm, should expose themselves to so eminent a danger. For if it happened (which we ought to be mindful of, considering the multitude of soldiers, and the great preparation for war of the enemies, in comparison of the small number of his majesties forces which he now hath) that the King should be overcome, who should afterwards hold back or hinder the enemy, but that with little difficulty he might enjoy all Hungary? He declared unto them, that it was most expedient the Camp should be removed into some other place of better security, or to retire back a little, if the enemy should enforce them thereto, until the vaivode with the Transylvanians, the Ban with the Slavonians, Count Christopher with the Croatians, Bohemians, Moravians, Slesians, and other succours should come: that Hungary should receive less loss, though the enemies should overharrie from Mohacz unto Poson, putting all whatsoever they did encounter to fire and sword, then that such an army should miscarry and be overthrown by one battle, in which the King himself, and so many great Princes, and chief persons of the realm should be. For they being slain, what hope of reenforcing new succours, could rest to the kingdom? But the King, with so many Lords, and such brave soldiers remaining safe, and preserving all things in good estate, they may find singular content and security under the government of such a King, who both for his parentage and alliance, is respected throughout all Christendom.  
The Chancellor having the same night made this speech, first of all to the chiefest, visiting and talking with them apart, and after in general to all the Council: his reasons nevertheless were of so small efficacy, as if he had said nothing to them: such was the haughty courage of every one, being eager to fight under a vain hope of victory, being notwithstanding otherwise by a certain fear withheld, which did hinder them from dissuading the fight, although the contrary was so earnestly desired by the soldiers.  
The King then came by break of day to his Camp, and for that the vessels which did bring by water his majesties Tents and Pavilions, were not yet come from Buda, he retired himself for the present into a Bishop's house, which was adjoining to the town, there to prove that, which as yet he understood not by the Chancellor. They commanded the Councillors of all estates and nations, to assemble before the King, which failed not presently to visit him with many expert Captains and hardy soldiers, among whom were certain Bohemians and Moravians, who were already arrived there. In this assembly it was propounded to the Councillors and soldiers what was needful to be done, not any being yet come from Transiluania, Slavonia, Croatia, Bohemia, nor Germany, whereof the greater part were presently to arrive, as was assuredly expected: yet notwithstanding the enemy was very nigh, being no more than two miles from the King's Camp, who upon this occasion, as it was thought, could not, nor would not, defer the battle until another time. Upon this, their opinion was asked which of these two seemed most expedient, either to remove the Camp elsewhere, and for the present to delay the fight, attending those which daily were expected; or else to make trial of fortune in giving the enemy battle. At this council was present Paul Tomoree, who 
Paul Tomoree adviseth to fight.  the night before, was commanded to come from the other Camp for the same purpose. He thought it not amiss to fight. The King marveling upon what hope he had such courage, would willingly have dissuaded him from such a purpose, and demanded of him, in the presence of all the Council, of what strength his forces were, and the strength of the enemy. For there was no doubt but that he very well knew it, yea better than any other, by means of his discoverers and spials, which always he sent and had in the enemy's Camp, and by reason also of many enemies which daily resorted to him. Tomoree answered; touching the first point, in his judgement, he thought that there were no more but 20000. fight men, as well in the King's Camp, as in his (those two being divided, as we have said): but that for certain he knew the enemy was 300000. The standers by being greatly astonished to hear their number so small, in respect of the great multitude of the enemies: Tomoree presently adjoined unto his former speeches, that for all their multitude they were not to fear them, in regard that their great number was for the most part without armour, and not any thing acquainted with the war. The King further demanded, how many he thought the enemies were, armed, and in state to fight. Tomoree answered, that they were 70000. This number seemed yet to all, over great, in respect of the King's army, every one affirming, that Tomoree said, the Turks had 300. great Cannons.  
In the mean time whilst that these affairs were considered of, as well by the cousel and instigation of the Friar, as by the desire, and courage of all the soldiers, greatly importuning to fight (except such, whowere, I know not how, possessed by a foolish fear, that durst not proffer themselves, nor openly declare their opinions:) there came at that time certain messengers from the other Camp, who being admitted before the Council, said, that they were charged to impart some matter in the behalf of those of the other Camp, as well to the King, as to the Council, and then being in place apart, acquainted the King with the effect of their message, and after went in again with the King to the Council, who in the name of all the rest which had sent them, advertised them not to dissuade the King from fight: that they were well assured of the enemy's force, although they were of far greater number: that the victory was already in their hands, so that they would presently aid them with that good fortune, which God did present unto them. Besides, they encouraged all the Lords who were of the Council, to march forward with the King, and join his Camp to theirs, which was nearer the enemy, and lodged in a place more commodious to assail them. In the end, instead of gentle persuasions, they used threatening terms against those, who dissuaded the King to the contrary, denouncing to them death, and assuring them, that if they would not presently join the King's Camp with theirs, they would without delay march against them, and force the enemies to acquit themselves from thence.  
Upon such speeches so vehemently urged in the Counell, the King's presence, and of all the other Lords; there being also those among them, who were of a founder and deeper judgement, for the good of the common weal, and yet being greatly terrified by such uncivil threatening: they concluded to give them battle, without expecting that the vaivode, Count Christopher, or the Bohemians, could in time arrive at the day of battle. Francis Bathian, Ban of Croatia, (who was at that time not far from the five Churches with his troops of Slavonians) gave some hope to be at the Camp within two days, as it afterward fell out. There were some among them (after all things being determined, and the Council risen) that did greatly blame the resolution, which was determined, so suddenly to fight. Francis Peren Bishop of Varadin was one of them, a man young, quick, and of a brave spirit, who wrote and indicted his letters so excellently well, that not any Hunger whosoever, did surpass him in that art, except it were Thomas Zalahazy Bishop of Vesprimia. But yet he had been far more commended, if he had as well employed his wit to virtue, as he otherways spent his time in slourh, and other frivolous matters, in the which young men of good parentage, do too often take pleasure in, to their own ruin, and overthrow of their Country. He then, as it were, divining of that which presently happened; said to the King, and not without great admiration of all the standers by: that that day which was appointed 
Spoken merrily and earnestly.  to fight (sith their resolution was such) should be dedicated unto 20000. Hungarian Martyrs (the number of the Army being no more) slain for the religion of jesus Christ, under the conduct of Paul Tomoree, and that they should send the Chancellor to Rome, to have them canonized (as men say) if so be he then escaped the battle, for that he was well known to the Pope, and Cardinals, by reason of an embassage which he had been used in, to his Holiness.  
I would to God that this Bishop had been a false Prophet. There may 
Reason persuading unto fight.  be some that would accuse the Hungarians of over much temerity, for that they so fervently desired the Battle, and they say this hardness ought rather to be named rashness and foolishness, then by the name of virtue. And surely I see not, but that they have reason to maintain at this present, such their sayings. But yet they may be ignorant of many things which incited the Hunger's thereunto, whereby they might easily have drawn unto such a resolution, yea even the wisest and greatest Captains among them: and amongst other things this marvelous and incredible ardency (as fatal to all soldiers) and the hope of victory, which every one in his own conceit, thought himself certain and sure of. Besides it was thought, that Tomoree, had some secret notice, and special practices with many of the Turkish army, namely with those who were Christians, or with such as were borne of Christian parents, and also with those who had the conduct and government of the artillery, part of whom were Almains, and part Italians. It was also further considered, that the retreat (the enemy being so nigh) could not be done, without putting themselves in great danger, specially the Turk having such nimble and swift horse to charge upon the back of those who should be in the rearward, in which kind of fight they are more strong and fierce, then in an encountering charge. The battle then being thus determined and appointed, order was given for all things necessary thereunto. First of all Tomoree went to his Camp, which, as we have said, was not far from thence, and with much a do persuaded his men to retire a little back, and that he would join with the army of the Kings. The day following, their Camp was joined with the body of the army, half a mile beneath Mohacz, nevertheless there was some little space between the one and the other. At the same instant came from Buda the Vessels fraughted with Cannon, powder, and other munition for the war. With those also were sent down nine pieces of Artillery, which came from Vienna. A little after came also 200. soldiers of Alexis Turzon with certain Cannons: himself with the Bishop of Vesprimia were remaining at Buda with the Queen. These two were appointed for the guard and security of her Majesty, and did serve her at the retreat and flight, which afterward she was constrained to take, and continued a long time in her service. The Ban of Croatia arrived the Sunday before the Battle with three gallant troops. There was of them 3000. horse, and not so many of foot. He was accompanied with john Tahy, john Banfy, and certain other of the principal Lords of the kingdom of Slavonia. The day following, there came also in the morning to the Camp (the King being there and ranged his men in Battle, for that it was thought the same day the enemy would fight) Simon Erdeund Bishop of Zagrabia, with his brother Peter Erdeund, bringing with them in good order and well armed, more than 700. horse. At the same time came thither Stephen Azel with 300. horse, which john Bornemisse had sent to the aid of the King, with many thousands of crowns, which was the last present, made by the father to his nursling. About the evening of the same day john Zerechen came with 2000 foot, which he had gathered along the river Draws, aswell in his own territories, as in the Chapter of the Church of the five Churches, they being reported to be very good archers. During these three days, many other came to the Camp, especially those who were nigh, among whom was Philip More Bishop of the five Churches, and his brother Vladislas More. 
The forces of Lewis and of Solyman.  This Army being thus assembled together to the number of 24. or 25000. men, not counting the companies which were on the water, who served not at the day of Battle, the enemy being with his puissant Army of 300000. men, no further from them then two miles: three days were expired before the Battle was begun, during which time, daily skirmishes, and fine stratagems interchangeably passed between them, wherein still the Turks received more damage than the Hungars. In the time of their abode, it was also consulted how and in what place they should fight with the enemy, and in what sort they should ordain and range the Battle, and in what place thereof they should appoint the King to be: where and how they should range the Cavalarie and infantry, and where they should plant the artillery, whereof the Hungars had but 24. pieces, which were little to be compared to those of the enemies. Before, they determined and advised, for the safeguard 
The means to preserve the King's person in the Battle.  of his Majesty, some were of opinion, that it was convenient for him to be a good distance from the Battle, with some thousands of his best troops, but seeing the Army could not spare them, and for that the soldiers would have him present therein, (following their ancient custom) it was advised that some one should represent his person in his coat-armour: but presently they thought that the same could not be done without being discovered, and without great tumult of the Army; the which by this deed would be greatly discouraged. But in the end it was concluded, that seeing the fight did seem doubtful, some purposely appointed should have the charge to preserve the King, if evil did betide, and that then they should conduct him out of the throng, as soon as they saw the Battalions so broken that there could be no more hope to reassure and encourage them, being so terrified. This charge was committed to jasper Raskay, to Valentine Toronke, and to john Kalay, most excellent men, and doubtless very faithful to the King. There was also appointed certain swift and light horses, by means of which the King might escape, if need required.  
But now to come to the order of the battle: there were many, and amongst 
The order of the battle.  others, Leonard Gnomsky was of opinion, that it should be very needful to inskonse the army with the wagons (whereof the Camp was sufficiently furnished) like the fight at Barriers and upon a Bulwark, alleging, that by that means they should frustrate and annoy the enemy from their hemming them in, which was the only and material thing they most feared. Radich Bosich did well allow of this devise, as also Paul Bacchie, who was said to have been in three several battles given by Soliman against his enemies. This counsel than was accepted of, and thought good by all; the execution whereof was committed to Gnomsky, and certain other, but it was effected more slowly than was needful, for it was but thought upon the night before the battle: and so this policy, among many other, was quite neglected. The 29. of August (which is dedicated to the beheading of S. john) being the day of battle, the army of the Hungars was ranged and lead by those (which we have spoken of) in such sort, that they advanced the front of their army as far as was possible, to the end, they might be the less enclosed by the enemy, and after they divided it into two battalions. In the first, the Commanders thereof had no certain place of abode, but thought it more needful to be vigilant over those places, wherein their presence might strengthen and encourage their soldiers. On the right wing of it, was the Ban of Croatia, with john Tahy; and the left wing was governed by Peter Peren, in the absence of the vaivode of Transiluania. In the first battalion there was many of the principallest of the army, and among them there was Anthony Poloczy, Francis Hommonay, Gabriel Peren, Thomas Zechy, Andrew Battor, Emeric Cibak, and many others. The artillery was planted next after the first ranks.  
The second Battalion, which we commonly name the main battle, and in which was placed the King, was more furnished with horsemen than footmen, who for the small number they had, were placed in the flanks of the horsemen. Between this Battalion and the other (which we will name the Vanguard) there was no more distance than one might throw a stone. In the battle before the ranks (wherein the King was) there was three other ranks, who all of them, for the most part, were gentlemen of the King's chamber, and many Barons of the country, who were under the charge of Nicholas Tharczay, a man of good courage, and very faithful to his Prince. There were also the two controllers of the King's house, Peter Korlatkey, and Andrew Trepka, Polanders. Stephen Slijk, a Bohemian, was with the Bohemians and Moravians hard by the King's person, and before him. After the three ranks followed that of the Kings, in the midst of which was his Majesty.  
Of spirit, beauty, and virtue all one  
With that which is celestial,  
Bearing a mind to his country's boon,  
But Destinies made denial.  
Upon the right hand of the King was the Archbishop of Strigonium, and the Bishop of Zagrabia; and the Bishop of Agria was sent from Batha to Buda. Next unto him of Zagrabia, were the Bishops of Varadine, the five Churches, and of Sirmia. Those of javarin and Vacchia, were upon the left hand. Behind the Chancellor were placed the Bishops of Nitria, and Bosnia, and the Provost of Albe; after whom were the Secretaries, and the Grooms of the chamber. On the left side of the King, and near unto his person, there was a place void for the Count Palatine, who although he had the gout, and not without great pain could sit upon his horse, yet notwithstanding he did valiantly his duty, sometimes being in the Vanguard, and by and by in the battle. Whilst the Palatine continued not in his place, there were certain Barons kept themselves about the King, and those two Bishops which we have before named; behind the King were Czetricz, Malliart, and Horwath, Master of his horse. All these Lords had behind them the best and most resolute men they could choose for their guard and defence. In the midst of this battle was seen the Ensign royal, which was borne by john Dragfy, Martial of the King's house, which among the Seculars is the third dignity next to the King. This battle was environed with light horse, and certain footmen upon the flanks. Upon the right wing, after the Bishops & Secretaries, were ranged these three ranks, in which (as we have set down) was placed the King's person. The place wherein this army was thus seated and ranged in battle, was distant from Mohacz one mile, and 
The place of the battle.  from Danubius' half a mile, having near unto it a long and large plain, which was not any thing annoyed with wood, bushes, hills, or water; but only upon the left hand towards Danubius, there was a muddy marish, and overgrown with rushes, within the which afterward many men lost their lives. Before the army, a far off, was a little hill, which was of great length, and in form of a Theatre, behind the which Soliman was encamped. At the foot of this hill there was a little village with a Church, it was named Feuldwar, and in that village was planted the artillery of the enemy, with many soldiers, specially of janissaries, who on this side the houses of the village, took up a large place of ground, by reason of their long and thick troops: among those was Soliman, as after was known. This artillery being thus planted, was as in a valley, and for that cause was less offensive to the Hungars, then if it had been upon the plain, in so much that the fear thereof was more offensive, than the hurt. The army being thus ranged in good order, in the morning presently after the Sun was up, the day being clear and calm, Count Palatine lead the King out of his place, and did 
Count Palatine showeth the person of the King, to encourage the Hungars.  show him to all the soldiers, riding along the ranks of the army, as he had done the same three days before, to the end, to frustrate the distrust which some had, that his Majesty was not present in the battle, openly showing him to all with his hand, and publishing aloud, that the King was resolute, and ready to endure all extremities, and even death itself, for his country's weal, for the unspotted religion of jesus Christ, and for their wives and children: declaring to them, on his part, that they must show themselves men, and be mindful that they were Hungars: and to be such, who oftentimes, as hardy and valiant defenders of the Christian public weal, had heretofore brought away so many and so excellent Trophies, from such and the like enemies, as these were, who they saw before their eyes: that they should not be astonished at the multitude of their enemies, for that the victory consisted not in the plurality, but in the dexterity and courge of the soldiers: that God on high would assist them, they fight for his holy religion; that the safety, not only of their own country (which the Turks would usurp and tyrannize) but also of all Christendom, was now in their unconquerable hands.  
After that the King and Count Palatine had thus revisited all the ranks of his men of arms and footmen, and used to all of them the like orations, the King retired to his former place. A great part of the day was spent in attending the enemy, who having only sent a small troop of his people to skirmish, he himself kept behind the hills, imagining (as it appeared) either 
1  to draw the Hungars within the straits of these hills; or feigning to defer 
2  the fight until the next day; he might in the mean time assail them, and in the night following (they being unprovided) to set upon them in their Camp, which he might easily do, as well for the infinite number of his people, as also for the great store of Cannon which he had: or else that he might 
3  rather molest them by a protracting fight. They knew not which of these three devices the enemy would execute, but all the day the Hungars were in great doubt of the Turks resolution, until, towards evening, they perceived the troops of the enemy to approach by a valley, which was on the right hand under those hills, being only discovered by the tops of their lances.  
The Friar thinking that they which now came in sight were of the Vanguard, to force and break his Camp, or to environ his people, commanded jasper Raskay, with two others, who were appointed for the guard of the King's person (as is said before) to discover what the enemy would attempt, and force them take some other way. jasper knowing what charge was committed to him, to have a special eye and care of the King's person, most honestly refused (as much as he could) that commission: but in the end perceiving the Friar did greatly press him thereto, and that the King did not contradict his command, disdaining lest the refusing he made upon so good and just a cause, should be imputed to him as fearful and cowardly, suddenly he set spurs to his horse, and with his two companions, being followed of all the companies of soldiers which he commanded, advanced themselves, with this hope nevertheless (whereof they held themselves assured) that they should be able to return in time, before the King should have need of them. They being set forward, although they were uncertain whether the enemy would give battle that day or no, for it was already three hours past noon: beside, there were certain of the principal of the army, who being tired with so long an expectation of fight, were of opinion to sound a retreat, and retire themselves to the Campe. The Friar hearing this sudden 
Paul doth importune the fight.  motion, came with his companion towards the King, and did advise him in any case not to delay the fight, alleging, that there was less danger to fight now with part of the enemy's army, then to stay until the next day, at which time he was to fight against all their army, and as for the rest, he needed not to doubt of victory. At this his speeches, the King incontinently commanded to sound the alarm, and presently all the Trumpets, Clarions, and Drums made a marvelous and terrifying noise, and all the soldiers (following their accustomed manner) invocating the name of jesus, made a confused noise of crying, and at the same instant one might perceive the enemies to descend the hill, which was opposite against the Hungars, seeming by their ranks an infinite number, among whom was Soliman himself. Then they gave the King his headpiece, who upon the receipt thereof, looked very pale, as a presaging of evil fortune at hand. And then the signal to 
A sign of evil hap to the King.  fight was given to those who were in front, who very courageously charged 
The beginning of the battle.  the enemy, and all their artillery was also made ready and discharged. But this first encounter was not greatly offensive to the enemies: nevertheless there was more slain of them, then of the Hungars, in so much that they were forced to retire, being so hardly pressed by the Christians: whether it was by the force and courage of the Hungars, or the subtlety of the enemy, endeavouring by that means to draw them on to the mouth of their Cannon, that I know not. Then presently Andrew Battor hasted to the King, declaring to him that the Turks had turned their backs, that the victory was now in him, that he should not doubt but set forward, and that it was needful presently to second his men, who were in chase of the enemy that fled. Whereupon the King advanced forward in hap hazard: but when they came to the place where the first charge was given, there might you have seen many bodies of the Hungars dispersed over all the field, some maimed, others half alive, yet breathing. In the mean while, those of the Vandgard pursuing the enemy, and valiantly fight, the battle of the Hungars approached to them with as much speed as armed men could make, the left wing began to bend, and many quitted themselves and fled, being feared (which I well believe) with the enemy's Cannon, which then began to play among them. This did not a little astonish the battle, whilst those who were in it, did hear the continual and horrible whistling of the bullets which passed through their ranks, and over their heads: and then the King was seen no more in the rank where he was; whether it was 
The loss of the King.  for that he passed beyond the first ranks, which were before him, (as we have noted, and as was before determined upon, to the end that he should not be too much known, remaining in the same place) or whether that he was forced from the danger by those who were behind him, for both the one and the other might well be. Some said, that having gone beyond the ranks which were near him, he thrust himself into the front of the battle, where he valiantly fought with the enemy: but neither dare I affirm it, nor altogether deny it. For my part I know this for truth, that 
These are the words of Broderic, Chancellor of Hungary, who was present at the battle.  he was not found in that place, neither in the rank wherein he was at the beginning, after the Cannon of the enemy began to play, and when those of the left wing of the Vandgard were seen to fly. At the same instant was missing the Archbishop of Strigonium, who was side by side by the King, and also certain others who were by his Majesty. I will not impose this fault of the loss of our King upon those, to whom he was committed in custody, nor to those (which may be) carried him by force, or ill hap out of the battle; but even to the hard fortune of the Hungars, to the end that together with the loss of their King, they might not only suffer that which they endured of a stranger, but also endure the infinite evil which they afterward felt, by their factious and domestical dissensions, for the election of a new King, in place of him whom they had lost; their sins, no doubt, being more worthy of a greater scourge and punishment. For we know that both the one and the other, who had the charge to respect the King's safety, were most faithful unto his Majesty, and very desirous to preserve his life. And concerning those three, who ought to have had a watchful eye upon him, it is most certain they could not return from the enemy, against whom they had been sent, before our army was put to flight: yea one of them was taken and suddenly delivered. That which causeth me to discourse more particularly of this action, is, through the vehemency of grief which I have, by reason of a certain man, who in a prayer which he set forth, was not afeard falsely to call the Hungars, the forsakers of their King. But should one esteem those to have forsaken and abandoned their King, who showed unto him all the duties that good and faithful subjects owe unto their Prince, and who also were well near all slain in that field, wherein his Majesty was found dead, & who also by their death declared, how true and faithful they were to their King, & what great love they bear to their country? But this goodly Orator, who hath couched this in writing, and who so greatly iniurieth this nation, doth beside so largely write such a discourse of this overthrow, that I am ashamed of him: so impudently dareth he divulge to the world's view, the history of a thing which was altogether unknown to him. But to our purpose.  
The battle of the Hungars being greatly troubled by this inconvenience, as we have said, and shaken in such manner, that it altogether tended to a flight; nevertheless they fought a long time, not in that large plain, but even before the Cannon's mouth of the enemy, which was but ten paces from them: so that the Hungars, as well for the fear which they had thereof, as for the smoke which darkened them, were forced, for the most part, to descend into a valley adjoining to those aforesaid marshes, the rest (notwithstanding) continued still fight before the Cannon. In the end, those who were retired into this valley, being returned again to the fight, and seeing there was no means to support the violence of the artillery, and the smoke which still thickened; one part of the army being already put 
The discomfiture of the Hungars.  to flight, they also were forced to turn their backs. Every man then, as his commodity would serve, began to fly, drawing for the most part towards that place, wherein an hour before they had passed in great mirth and brave, and full of hope to obtain the victory, traversing their Camp, which was now already sacked and razed by the enemies, wherein there was nothing remaining, but only their footsteps and dead bodies.  
The Turks seeing the flight of the Hungars, thinking it to be but some stratagem, or else feeling themselves weary of the fight, continued a long time at a stay, in so much that they did not pursue them, in respect of the night, which had already covered all the earth. This partly was the cause, and also the vehement rain that fell that night, for the safeguard and preservation of many. The violence of the fight endured at the most but an hour and a half, and many were swallowed up and smothered within that marish. The body of the King (who was said to have ended his days in that 
The body of the King found dead.  place) was afterward found in a great whirl, or rift of earth, above Mohacz, half a mile on this side a little village which is called Czelie, the which meadow was then overflowed, more than it was wont to be, with Danubius: in that place he was stifled with his horse under the water, being armed as he was at the battle. And seeing we shall speak no more of this King, I will add to, in this history, one thing of him worthy the noting: and that is, when he was newly borne, he had no skin that covered his body, which he nevertheless recovered by the help of Physicians, who by their art succoured and helped the want and defect of nature. We have heretofore noted a certain presage of the pitiful end which should happen to him, but the same might well have been told him before as a destiny of that which afterward happened to him, during the time he gave order for his affairs to resist the enemies, according to the first news which he had received. For he being at Buda, when he was at dinner, the gates of his Castle being shut, 
A strange aparation.  (as the custom was) a certain Ghost in form and shape of a man, evil favoured, with crookedlegs, came halting and knocked at the gate, and with a loud shrill voice, desired to speak with the King, to acquaint him with things which nearly concerned both the good of himself and of the kingdom. His speeches being not at the first heard by the guard, who were at the gate, (as it is the use in Princes courts) he cried louder, and with a horrible voice demanded again whether they gave the King notice thereof. In the end certain of the company being moved by the importunity of this deformed Ghost: they demanded of him what he would have; but he replying, said, that he would not reveal his secrets to any but to the King. This message was presently carried to his Majesty; who understanding thereof, sent unto him one of his servants, in the best and richest apparel, and one who was next himself, feigning that he was the King, commanding him to inquire what this fellow would say. This messenger coming before this Ghost, and ask of him in private what secret he would impart unto him: the other denying that he was King (whereby he thought to abuse him) with a high and loud voice, he said, that since the King would not hear him, he should shortly perish. These words being pronounced, he vanished away, to the great astonishment of all that were present. It is a discourse somewhat near unto that of Saul; but yet different, for that which the one required was not offered to him; but this of itself, was presented without seeking for it, which one may interpret divers ways.  
But let us return again to the subject of our history. In this place where the King's body was found, many others also lost their lives. A little beyond, was also found the bodies of Andrew Trepka, and Stephen Azel. It is said that the Friar ended his life valiantly fight in the Vanguard; the day following his head being cut off, was carried upon the top of a lance round about the enemy's Camp, in token of joy, and some said, that it was for a time placed before the Pavilion of Soliman. The day after the Battle 1500. Hunger's who were taken prisoners, among whom were the chiefest of the Nobility, being all commanded to be set in a round form, were presently beheaded, their blood, serving in stead of a sacrifice to the Gods of these Infidels. Very few prisoners had been saved, if it had not been to inform and give them notice of some special matters which Soliman, and Abraham Bascha were desirous to know. Among those was Nicholas surnamed Hertzek, which in the Hungarish language signifieth Duke, as he was indeed, and the King's Treasurer. john Pileczky, and john Maczieowsky Polanders were also of that number. They were gentlemen of the King's chamber, and being returned unto the Queen, they discovered many matters, which for the brevity of this history we will omit to write of. Michael Fekete, and Bartholomew Martin were also saved from death, and within a while after were redeemed, paying a great ransom. Among those which died in the fight and flight, besides the King, were these: Ladislas Salcane Archbishop 
These slain in the Battle.  of Strigonium; Paul Tomoree Bishop of Colocense and Lieutenant general of the Army: Francis Peren Bishop of Varadine: Philip More Bishop of the five Churches: Blaise Paxy Bishop of javerin: Francis Gzacholy Bishop of Chenat: George of Pauline Bishop of Bosnia: George of Zapolia Count of Sepusa the other commander of the Army: john Dragfy Provost of the King's house: Francis Orzag chief gentlemen of the King's chamber: Peter Corlathy, and Andrew Trepka Captains of the watch at the gate: Simon Horwath the chief taster: Thomas Zechy: Gabriel Peren: Ambriose Zarchan: Anthony Poloczy: Mathias Czethingny, Count of Francapin: Sigismonde Bransy: Francis Hampo: john Bathian: Stephen Slÿk a Bohemian, with certain other Bohemians and Moravians. And these were the principal Barons of Hungary. Among the Nobles and other Lords of the Country, there are worthy of note Francis Balasse: Nicholas Tharza: john Paxy: john Istwanfy: Emeric Warday: Michael Podnamisky: George Orlowchicz Captain of Segin: Stephen Azel Castelane of Poson: Sigismonde Pogan: john Torualy: john and Stephen Kalnay: Nicholas Forgach, and besides these about 500 other. As for the foot men, there escaped three or four thousand, and they were in all 12. or 13000. There was remaining of their Captains no more than Hannibal Cypryan. All the pieces of Artillery as well those which were planted before the Battle, as those which were remaining within the Camp, and in the boats, were all taken by the enemy; the charge thereof was given too late, being but the night before the fight, to john Hadek, a man of good courage, and well managed in such affairs, & who had always frequented the King's court, of whom he was so loved, that few had the like favour of his Majesty. The night and day after this unfortunate Battle, the enemies running all over, made wonderful waste and ruin of all the neighbour countries, set fire on all, not sparing any person, having no regard to sex nor age, nor to any religion, executing upon the poor people all cruel and inhuman acts. My wit cannot sufficiently write and bewail the calamity of this whole night, and the days following, being so great and intolerable for all this part of Hungary, which we have named to be on this side the river: that I cannot be persuaded, that ever any barbarous enemy, hath elsewhere used the like cruelty. Amongst such miseries, there happened one extreme and unnaturallaccident, the like whereof was never heard before, and this it was; that the poor and wretched mothers buried alive their sucking Infants, for fear themselves should be discovered by their crying, and they poor babes died, whilst their mother's being in no better safety, dispersed themselves hear and there, to avoid the tyranny of the Infidels. The enemy proceeded even unto the lake of Balator, and in passing by, they fired the city of the five Churches, which was all burnt, only the Castle and the fair Temple reserved. Whilst the execution of this unfortunate Battle (and of all those which we have recited) was in doing: the vaivode was almost at Segedin with all the forces of Transiluania, who not being able with all his troops to march with that expedition as he would, and desiring notwithstanding to be at this battle, which, as he understood, could not in any sort be deferred, he being in a swift and light Coach, and followed with few men in the like wagons, went in the greatest haste he could to seek the King. Count Christopher was also arrived at Zagrabia. One part of the Bohemians which came to succour the King, were about javerine, and the rest were not far from Alberegalis. George Marquese of Brandenburg, and the Chancellor of Bohemia named Adam Newhuis, were about the same quarter.  
The Queen understanding this untimely news, of such an unfortunate 
The retreat of Queen Marie.  overthrow, suddenly retired herself, with the Bishop of Vesprimia, Alexis Thurson, and the Pope's Nuntio, to Poson, which the Hungars name Presburge, and transported the best and richest of her movables by Danubius, not yet knowing any thing of the death of the King her husband. These movables, and other goods which appertained to the citizens of Buda, were rifled, and some of them stayed by Andrew Orbancz, who commanded the Castle of Strigonium, which at this day is called Gran. Nevertheless, he that writeth this history, and reciteth this vile and infamous outrage, doth greatly err, when he added to it, that certain of his light horsemen (who are commonly called Vssarons) behaved themselves towards the Queen's maids, otherwise then their honours required, for that in a merriment they put off their shoes to dance with them.  
The Emperor Soliman sojourning there a certain time where the battle was fought, and after having reunited together all his companies, the which he had sent here and there to ruinate and spoil the country, set forward towards Buda, and there within six or seven nights he arrived himself, marching along the shore of Danubius, firing all the towns, boroughs, 
Buda taken by the Turks.  and villages by the which he passed. He found this town forsaken of all the garrison, and caused it to be fired, not any thing being exempted from the violence thereof, but the Castle, and the King's stables, and the house of wild beasts.  
From thence the Turk sent many horsemen to spoil and rob the country on this side the river. They put all to fire and sword whom they met between 
Waste made through all Hungary by the Turks.  Danubius and the Lake of Balator, even unto javarine. The Castle (notwithstanding) of Strigonium was cowardly left by Andrew Orbancz, of whom we have spoken before, nevertheless it was valiantly defended and 
Places forsaken by the Captains, and preserved by men of mean condition.  preserved by a man of base and servile condition, and who a little before lead to the war the footmen of the Chapter of the great Church of the town called Mathieu Nagh, he being retired thither with a few men. The Fortress of Vissegrade, wherein the royal Crown was always kept, was also saved by the Peasants, and Friars, it being forsaken of the soldiers: so greatly was every man amazed at the Turks coming unto Buda. These strong places which we have noted, together with those of Thata, Comora, and Alberegalis, were not forced of the enemy, for that he, I know not by what counsel, did content himself only to spoil the country, and little respected to assail the Castles and strong holds.  
As these Barbarians did exercise their enormous cruelties in every corner, so there was no place in Hungary where they had more resistance, then at Maroth by Strigonium. This was a fine place of retire, and pleasantly 
The great massacre of the Hungars happened in Maroth.  seated, belonging to the Archbishop of Strigonium, situated in the midst of those Forests, which we name Wiertesies, with which it is compassed about. Into the said place certain thousands of Hungars retired themselves, with their wives and children, trusting upon the strait and narrow passages which were strongly shut up. With those the enemy often came to handy strokes, and always they received the worst, and were put to the foil. In the end, the Turks seeing by no means they could force the barracado, which the Hungars had made with their wagons, they were constrained to bring thither their artillery, by means whereof all those wagons & other such defences were broken & overthwrone to the ground, and almost all the people put to the sword. The great heaps of bones, which is to be seen at this day, in that place, doth sufficiently witness the greatness of the massacre, the which, as those few report that escaped, was 25000. persons one and other. And he who would account the whole number of those which had been slain, violently put to death, retained prisoners, or that remained in captivity, I dare well affirm (according to that which I have understood) they were well near 200000. That part of Hungary on this side the river from the mouth 
200000. Hungars slain and overthrown.  of Draws unto javerine, being thus spoiled and harried with the Infidels (as we have said) not without the great astonishment of the neighbour countries adjoining, others further remote, and even of those of Vienna: Soliman also causing a bridge to be made over Danubius, which reached to Pesthe, the 14. day after he was arrived at Buda, transported his men to the other side of Hungary, where he made the like waste, as he made on this side.  
The end of the first Book.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE SECOND BOOK.  
AFter that the Hungarians were thus overthrown, Solyman investeth john Zapoly (who was Vayvode of Transiluania) in the kingdom of Hungary, and then he returned to Constantinople: whereupon Ferdinand of Austria pretending title to that kingdom, and seeing he could not obtain it by peace, entereth thereinto with a great army, and john forsaketh Buda, and retireth into Transiluania, is pursued by ferdinando's forces, and overthrown, who then flieth into Polonia, and Ferdinand is crowned King of Hungary. john seeketh aid of Solyman, who undertaketh his defence: whereupon Ferdinand sendeth to Solyman for peace, but he denounceth war against him, and entereth into Hungary with a puissant army, who taketh Buda and Altenburg, and besiegeth Vienna, from whence he is repulsed and discouraged by the gallant exploits and resolution of the assieged, and in the end retireth from thence. Many hostilities pass between Ferdinand and john, and after an agreement made between them, john dieth, and left a son named Stephen, to whom was governor Izabella his mother, and one Friar George. After john's death, Ferdinand sent to the Queen for the yielding up of the kingdom of Hungary, which now he pretended title unto, but is denied by George, who, to withstand him, demandeth aid of the Turk. Ferdinand sendeth forces into Hungary, besiegeth Buda, and is there overthrown by Soliman's army, who taketh Pesthe. Mustafa warreth in Transiluania against Malliat, ferdinando's Lieutenant there. Malliat is betrayed, taken, and sent with other prisoners to Constantinople, who there died, and the Transylvanians swear homage to young Stephen, whom Solyman greatly desireth to see, who is sent, accompanied with many of the Nobility, and are all detained prisoners but only Stephen, whom he returneth again to his mother at Buda, which treacherously is taken by the Turks, and Queen Izabella dispossessed thereof, and sent into Transiluania to govern there. Ferdinand again sendeth to Solyman to demand peace, and to be invested King of Hungary by him, who returneth him a most scornful answer. The Queen being received into Transiluania, George manageth all things, and little esteemeth the Queen.  
AFter that the Hungarians had received this cruel overthrow at Mohacz, wherein were slain about 30000. men, with many of the chiefest Lords and gentlemen of the country; and after that Lewis their last King was thus stifled in this Quagmire or Marish of the aforesaid place, Solyman not fearing any who could oppose themselves against his forces, being now with his victorious army arrived in the town of Buda, (which with the Fortress, without any resistance, was presently reduced under his subjection) that he might the better observe the ancient custom of the Ottomans, 
The custom of the Turkish Emperors.  (which is, that the Prince ought rather to repose himself in his army, then to be enclosed within a wall) would not therefore rest himself therein one night, but presently retired himself into his Pavilions in the midst of his Camp, which was hard adjoining to the town; whither being come, there was presented to him seven Bishops heads, and the heads of other Hungars, being of the number of those who were left dead in the field, where the Battle was fought; among which, was that of Ladislas Salcane Archbishop of Strigonium, who for his extreme covetousness was greatly 
The censure of Solyman concerning the Hungarish Lords, who were slain in the battle.  blamed of Solyman, in respect he would neither aid the King, nor himself, with his treasure, which was found about him to be very great. There was also much fault imputed to George Sepusa, brother to john Vayvode of Transiluania, for his riches: and also to Paul Tomoree, Bishop of Colocense, for his riches, who further was condemned for his imprudency and rashness, having so foolishly, and without reason, counseled Lewis to fight with so little an army, against one who was eight times as great and mighty. But on the other side, Peter Peren Bishop of Varadin, was greatly commended and esteemed, for that contradicting the opinion of Tomoree, he advised in any case not to give battle, but to temporize and strengthen his holds, and to put his people therein for safety, and to fortify the town of Buda with a strong and sufficient garrison: because in thus doing he might the better resist his enemy.  
And after that Solyman had seen & viewed all those, & had given his soldiers leave to spoil and massacre (who failed not presently to cut, mangle, and cruelly tear them in pieces) they presented unto him the pictures of Lewis and Marie his wife, upon which casting his eyes, and considering their 
The compassion of Solyman upon the fortune of Lewis and Mary.  young years, he lamented their sinister fortune, greatly blaming all their Councillors, who rashly advised them to fall into such extreme misery: affirming with an oath, that he was not come to expel him out of his kingdom, but only to revenge his men of the injuries which the Hungars had done them, greatly complaining for the death of Lewis, the which had taken from him all means whereby in effect he might show the truth of his words, the which were, that he would have placed him again in his father's kingdom, under certain good conditions of an honest and reasonable tribute. But he now seeing this Realm to be unprovided of a King, and that there was not any of the blood, to whom it ought of right to be given; it seemed that he was willingly inclined to invest john the vaivode therein: always provided that he were found to be of the blood of Lewis, or at the least, to be dissended of his race, by some collateral line one or other.  
Whilst he retained his Camp about Buda, he sent into divers quarters the greatest part of his Army, to pill and waste the champain Country and neighbouring places, leading with them an infinite number of prisoners, and an inestimable booty, giving to all the Provinces thereabouts an incredible amazement, there being by so cruel and sudden a surprise, taken and put to death more than 250000. souls. After which he minding to retire into Thrace, he caused to be taken away from the Castle of Buda, those three fair 
Brazen Statues carried from Buda to Constantinople.  brazen Statues of Apollo, Diana, and Hercules, which with marvelous art and judgement were made by King Mathias Coruin, for an ornament of that place. And besides those, he caused to be carried away certain brazen Colombes, with some great pieces of Artillery, (which in times past were belonging to the King of Bosnia) and caused them in token of victory to be 
Solyman his returning to Constantinople.  transported to Constantinople, and he willed they should be erected in the market place, to the end they should publicly be seen and admired; and not long after, himself arrived in the same City in great triumph.  
In this time john Sepusa the vaivode, conducting the Soldiers of 
john Zapoly Count of Sepusa, vaivode of Transiluania, aspired to the crown of Hungary.  Transiluania to the aid of the King, and being arrived too late, even at the time they were defeated, and brought into the extremity of misery: seeing now there was none left of the blood royal, who might succeed in the Kingdom, began then in himself to aspire to that high degree: and this did he so much the rather, for that he found himself amongst these people in great esteem, and conceived no small hope of it, by reason of the victory which he a little before had against the Peasants, who did rise against the gentlemen; (in respect whereof the principal of the land bore him some favour) thus taking heart and courage to him (using notwithstanding wise and provident counsel) he hoped in the end thereby to obtain that kingdom, and be crowned King: further endeavouring himself by all means to win the good liking of the Nobility (as he did) and to draw them to his intention, persuading them they should never tolerate, that such degree and dignity, (which anciently had been maintained by the Hungars) should now come under the government of a stranger, and that they should not obey any other command, then that which should be appointed by their own proper nation. With such good persuasions, and friendly admonitions, he gained the hearts almost of all: and so aptly did he manage all things, that at the next assembly, they all in his favour determined to negotiate and treat of this affair: and the absence of Stephen Battor fell out fitly for his purpose, who was gone towards Ferdinand, and unto whom (because 
Stephen Battor the chiefest among the Princes of Hungary.  both in respect of his Nobility, and of his blood, being one of the principal) the administration and government of the kingdom appertained rather, then unto john. There being then assembled at the Diet, held at Alberegalis, all the great Lords of Hungary: whither was brought the dead body of the unfortunate Lewis, which a little before was drawn out of the Marish at Mugach, to be there interred with royal pomp, and entombed in the Sepulchre of his ancestors; and where (after such magnifical and sumptuous 
The funeral of Lewis.  funerals were selebrated, accustomably done for so great a King, there was incontinently published the foresaid Diet, and the Council of the Soldiers (which in their language is commonly named Rhakos) was called thither by the authority and disposition whereof the King ought to be chosen. In this assembly john the Vayvode not finding any competitor, with 
john Zapoly vaivode, chosen King of Hungary.  the general consent and good liking of every one, was chosen King, and crowned with the ancient crown of gold, (which then was in the coustodie of Peter Peren) by Paul Archbishop of Strigonium, and by Stephen Broderic Bishop of Vacchy, who afterward was chosen Chancellor of Hungary; and by these two he was anointed.  
After that the feasts and triumphs (accustomed to be done at such Coronations) were consummated, King john made john Emeric Cibacchy Bishop of 
Emeric Cibacchy Bishop Varadin, and Vayvode of Transiluania.  Varadin, and Vayvode of Transiluania, disposing afterward among gentlemen of other degree (according to their qualities) martial preferments, and in like sort with great discretion and indifferency, in general towards the people, and especially towards those who were at his Coronation, and who were the principal cause and means for him to aspire unto that puissant dignity of such a kingdom. Of the number of those were Stephen Verbetz, Nicholas Glesse, Gregory Peschen, Paul Artand, and all the Colonels, Captains of soldiers and men of war, who were come out of Transiluania, and many other. Whilst he was intentive to confirm and strengthen his forces in this his new investiture of the kingdom, by all good and vigilant means, Ferdinand, who not long since as heir of Ladislas (who by the deceit of George Pogghy Bracchy, aspiring to such a Signiory, was upon 
The pretences of Ferdinand of Austria to the Crown of Hungary.  the day of his marriage poisoned) setting before him his reasons (notwithstanding the ancient strife which had been between Mathias Coruin and the Emperor Frederick his great grandfather) was chosen King of Bohemia, and perceiving himself to wax great, and more puissant and mighty, by the forces which he was able to levy from that kingdom, began now to think upon the conquest of Hungary, which appertained to him by the right of Prince Albert of Austria, and of Anne his wife, sister to the late King Lewis, wanting not thereto the aid of many great Hungarian personages, who being already pricked with new alterations, and extreme greediness of novelties, and beside, for the secret envy they bore to King john, were retired to Ferdinand, instantly inciting him to make war upon john, assuring him also that he was created King more tumultuarily, then legitimately, by the common people, being deceived therein by his craft and subtlety, there being (besides Battor) many other within the Realm, more nobly borne than he, unto whom in right it also appertained to be King, as well as to john: and namely, those were Balthasar Pamphille, jasper Sered, Paul Bacchit, Ference Guena, Valentine Turkey, Stephen Maillat, and john Salle, besides many other whom they named not. At the vehement persuasion 
Ferdinand entereth Hungary with a great army.  of those, Ferdinand (who of himself was willingly inclined thereunto) gathering together a great army, as well foot, as men of arms of Bohemia, Austria, Germany, and other places, drew himself directly towards Buda. Upon his arrival, john finding himself environed with extreme lack of all necessaries, was greatly troubled, wanting sufficient forces to resist the mightiness of his enemy: and seeing all things in a feeble and weak estate for his succour and aid, by reason of the lightness of that nation, who naturally are inclined to suspicion; and having no leisure nor time, for want of money, to levy any soldiers, determined with himself not to attend his enemy at Buda, but to transport himself with all his people to Pesthe, 
john forsaketh Buda, and retireth himself into Transiluania.  and there (as the shortness of the time served) exhorted and desired his Captains, not to forsake him during these turbulent broils, in the midst whereof they saw himself deeply plunged: and thus in great haste they flying, passed the river of Thyssa, anciently called Tibiscus, and lodged in a Castle named Thoccay, situate almost upon the rivers side, in a large and spacious plain. The news of this retreat being posted to Ferdinand, incontinently he caused his army to enter and possess the town of Buda, who without the loss of any one man, was master thereof. He stayed not there long, but the Council assembled together, to know whether they should follow King john, or no. Among the diversity of opinions, it was thought best that at all adventures they should pursue him, before he might be able to increase his forces, and to admit him no time to repose himself in any one place, nor to expect for any aid out of any place, and to perform that even now, while he was disfurnished of men and counsel, and in a manner put to flight. According to which resolution, Ferdinand gave leave to his people to follow King john, as far as they thought it convenient: whereupon they presently set forward on their journey, and with great travail, without any delay, arrived at the river of Thyssa, which they passed with boats that they brought with them upon wagons, and they in camped by King john, before he was aware, who, for the little or no inkling he had of them, never dreamt of so sudden a thing. Being astonished at so present an arrival, he began now to confer with his people, what course was best to be taken. They answered, that they would fight, and that he should withdraw himself from the danger thereof, that if it should fall out ill, he might have sufficient time to save himself: and on the contrary, if it should alter and fall out well, he might with his presence, aid and succour them the better; and so by that means he should in every case find himself safe and in good security. At that time among all his Commanders, he had one whose name was Ference Bode, a man of great reputation and well esteemed, to whom (for his virtue, 
Ference Bode a valiant Captain.  fidelity, and experience) King john had committed his Standard royal, and the Lieutenantship General over his army. He foreseeing the miserable success which might happen of this war, did deliberate and resolve with himself to die, rather than to fly or forsake his King by a cowardly and dishonest flight. And among many opinions and advises which were propounded before the King (and the same it may be more necessary, then profitable) this Captain turning himself towards the King, said: Most excellent Prince, the virtue and force which may come by counsel, is not then necessary, when the effect thereof must go before men's opinions. For this cause (since our enemies are so ready to fight) it is in like sort convenient, and that for two causes, that we also prepare ourselves to the combat. The one 
1  is, that we ought to preserve your Majesty safe and sound: and the other, 
2  that we may maintain our honour and reputation; for it would be imputed as a base and servile thing, for us Hungars (who are borne and always accustomed to manage arms) now to fly, or refuse the battle which the enemy offereth us. And for this respect it behoveth us both with body and courage to fight with our invincible forces, and especially now, since the commodity of further advise is taken from us, (the which would greatly have besteaded us in this affair) considering that either a memorable victory must happen to us, or else a glorious death to all: and so much the rather also, as the necessity of this war doth take away all benefit and commodity of the time, by the sudden arrival of our enemies: and yet more than that, considering that there is nothing less thought of, than the interest which the one and the other pretendeth to the government and rule of this kingdom, which cannot acknowledge two Lords, and indeed demandeth but one. For these causes, although the enemies far exceed us in number, it is necessary that every one fight for the glory and renown of his Country, and for the good and quiet repose of the public weal, to the end that it may not be thought that we would fly the burden and danger of a Battle, and also we ought this day, for the benefit and commodity of every one, rather to hope for a memorable victory by the point of the sword, then to save ourselves by a cowardly flight: and if fortune be favourable to us, we shall gain a perpetual peace; or else in dying, obtain an honourable end, considering the custom of fortune is such, that among those who fight courageously for the preservation and defence of their Country, she doth rather favour them, whose number is but small, than those who are followed by thousands of soldiers.  
These speeches being ended, presently he began to form and order his Battle, committing the right & left wings to the Transylvanian soldiers, 
The appointment of the Battle.  and to the Cavalary of the same Country, as reposing greater affiance in them, then in the other, and he impaled himself in the midst of the Hungarish and other soldiers, newly gathered together. Opposite to these Battalions: the Captains of Ferdinand ordained their squadrons in form of two wings, giving the right to the soldiers of Austria, and to the horsemen of Bohemia, and the left wing to the soldiers of Stiria, & to the horsemen of Carinthia, and Valentine was placed in the midst of all with the royal Standard, environed and followed of all the Hungars, and Paul Bacchie (a man expert in feats of war, being well acquainted with Turkish deceits) with a good company of Vsarons (who are like our light horsemen) withdrew himself into a secret ambush, where he might (as he did) suddenly assail the hinder part of the Army of King john, and according to the accidents of fortune, annoy him. At this instant the soldiers, aswell on the one part as on the other (without being requested thereunto by their Captains) were inflamed to fight, and began now courageously to march one against the other, and after the Artillery had interchangeably played, not being greatly offensive to either part, they encountered in such rude and fierce manner, that the Stirians could not sustain the violence of the Transylvanians, but begun to turn their backs, and their Cavalarie to disperse here & there. But on the otherside, the Carinthian men of arms bore the shock & force of Ference Bode his squadrons (who were but freshwater soldiers lately levied) and passed through them, and broke their arrays. In the mean while the Hungars aswell on the one part as on the other, valiantly fought with equal art and industry, force and courage, (none being able to judge on which side the victory would fall) and that with such obstinacy, that there was sinal or no difference at all betwixt them, in respect of their valour & courage. Nevertheless, all the Hungarish Battalion of King john's, was broken and overthrown by the Bohemian armed men, who came in to the skirmish. At this alteration offortune, Bode enforced himself to reunite certain companies which were dispersed, and again to make head against the enemy, and to pursue the battle: in executing of which, he was suddenly surprised and environed by the light horsemen of Paul Bacchie, who, until then, held himself in covert, and there Bode was the second 
The overthrow of King john's army.  time broken, and himself taken prisoner, and all his army defeated and cut in pieces, and the royal Ensign of john's taken, with all the Artillery and baggage. King john seeing fortune incline to Ferdinand, and to be opposite to him, and all his army overthrown; and that there was now no more hope left unto him of any good, took his flight towards the confines of Sarmatia, 
john flieth into Polonia.  (which we at this day call Polonia) and the Conquerors ranging all over the country, reduced Transiluania, with the rest of Hungary, under the obedience of Ferdinand, to whom was sent Ference Bode, with all the Ensigns won in the battle, and many other persons of note, whereof he received great content: and causing the fidelity of Ference Bode to be sounded, to see if he would forsake john's part, and swear allegiance to him. But not being able to draw from him in any sort that he had a meaning to break his oath and promise, which he had given unto john, he was in the end, by his command, sent prisoner to a Castle, where, in great penury, and not without a pitiful example of fortune (and to the great ignominy of him, by whom he was imprisoned) he ended there his life, having been a man of singular virtue and wisdom, who well might have been compared to any 
The death of Ference Bode  one of the ancient or worthy Captains; and one might justly judge, that such calamity was far unfitting such an excellent and worthy man.  
Ferdinand obtaining this victory, and publishing at the same time a Diet of the Hungars, to be held at Alberegalis, was in like sort, after the same manner, as john was, with Anne his wife, crowned King of Hungary, and that 
Ferdinand crowned King of Hungary.  by the hands of the same Archbishop of Strigonium, and of Peter Peren, who had forsaken King john, who being brought into poor and mean estate, was retired into Polonia, he being entertained by Hieromic Lasky, a 
Hieromic Lasky receiveth john.  mighty man both in possessions, and also well followed in those countries, who exceedingly rejoiced at the arrival of so great a parsonage, and received him very courteously, and did greatly comfort him for the pains and misery, whereinto he was so deeply fallen, and entertained him in such friendly sort, that it well appeared he wanted nothing else, but only the dignity and state of a King, & did so much honour him as was possible. But Lasky being of a haughty spirit, and a man who with deep judgement had often managed affairs of great import, as well in the wars, as in the peaceable government of a kingdom, and other public Estates: persuaded john that he saw no other means more behoveful to redress and reduce this present extremity of his affairs into better order, nor none more proper nor convenient for the recovery of his kingdom, then that which might befall him by the aid and help of Solyman the Turkish Emperor. And therefore instantly advised him, not to forsake the means and opportunity, but to use it in his necessity: for that he assured him, in respect of the extreme ambition, glory, and covetousness, to increase the limits of his Empire, and in hope to make himself a greater Monarch, he would by no means fail or omit to give him aid and succour: so as himself would offer and vow to hold his kingdom of him by faith and homage, as depending upon the Ottoman house, and to pay him some reasonable tribute, such as Solyman himself would impose upon him. Which being concluded and determined 
I asky practiseth at Constantinople to obtain some succour for john his guest.  between them, Lasky desiring greatly to favour and aid the cause of his friend, and receiving of john the sum and charge of an embassage, he set forward to go towards Constantinople with a good train, where at the length being arrived, he presently endeavoured himself, by gifts, to win the favour and grace of all the bashas, and of the Captains of the grand Seigniours Port, and of all other principal persons of his Court, who with his presents he in such sort gained, that they served him as a ladder to mount to the top of his desires, who being at last admitted to the Turks presence, and after humble reverence to him made, was by him (according to the custom) sent again to the bashas, among whom, Luflefy and Abraham had the most authority, command, and credit, the one being allied to the grand Signior, because he had married his sister, and the other being a Visir, 
Visit.  which is the chief of all officers, and one that keepeth the Turks seal, and signeth all expeditions, or dispatches, Lasky gained, and that beyond all expectation, these men's amity, by means of their wives, whom he had possessed and corrupted with rich and costly presents, with whom also he discoursed so familiarly in the Slavonian and Turkish languages, as if he had been naturally bred and brought up among them. His fair and good speeches caused him to be gracious and amiable to all, and by such pleasing courses, he began with all his endeavour to treat of the affairs of King john, specially tending to this purpose, that he might be restored again to his kingdom, being unjustly chased out of it by the forces of Ferdinand, and by the envy and wickedness of certain Hungars, being before by them juridically chosen, and crowned King; for the recovering of which, he did offer (besides a reasonable tribute) to acknowledge and hold it of the grand Signior, and to be called the subject of the Ottoman house; and in token of true fidelity and allegiance, and for the perpetual memory of such a benefit, he would yield himself to be his subject. Lasky further declaring, that it was better for Solyman to have King john, with a weak force, for his neighbour and friend, than Ferdinand, who because he was brother to the Emperor Charles, and King of Bohemia, and Archduke of Austria, and Lord of many other countries, would make show rather to be feared and redoubted by his neighbours: and he further declared, that if he would not listen thereunto, it might possible be, that one day he would vex and disturb him more, than he now presently thought of. And besides that, he should do in this, as beseemed a magnanimous and virtuous Emperor, in aiding those, who by others are wrongfully oppressed and injured, and to favour the just cause of him, who for ever should remain his bounden and loyal subject. These reasons being heard by the bashas, and reported to Solyman (who by a secret window had already understood all that passed). did so set him on fire with the glory which he hoped for by such an expedition, that incontinent he 
Solyman undertaketh the defence of john.  resolved to undertake it; with such conditions notwithstanding, that King john should observe from point to point, all that which he had caused to be promised him.  
In the mean time, Ferdinand not without cause mistrusting (the which indeed happened) that john might seek aid of the Turk against him, did deliberate (thinking to prevent the designs of his enemy) to send to the grand Seigneor, to demand of him truce, and to confirm the amity 
Ferdinand sendeth to Solyman.  and friendship that Ladislas and Lewis, Kings of Hungary, had in former time sworn with the house of Ottoman, and the which truce the King of Polonia then enjoyed, not doubting but he would willingly condescend to his demand, if he would sufficiently apprehend his reasons. For this cause he sent his Ambassador john Oberdansch to Solyman, to practise and negotiate this confederacy. He being dispatched, with good expedition arrived at Constantinople, and was honourably entertained as was fitting for an Ambassador. But publishing the occasion of his coming, he well perceived the rigour of Solyman, and the little credit he had amongst his people, and he manifestly knew that King john had already prevented his purpose. And receiving his answer, that the grand Signior would not by any means accept into friendship, them who in former time had been such and so great enemies to his house, and by whom his people had received infinite outrages; and especially considering his Master had so unjustly usurped that kingdom, which he possessed not, but only by force expulsing the true King; the just titles and allegations of whom, being before from him concealed by the late victory which his Master obtained against him, and being afterwards better acquainted with the cause, by the information of credible people, he was forced by pity and justice of his sword, to reinueste the said john in his true and lawful possession. For these causes Solyman 
Solyman denounceth war against Ferdinand speaking to his Ambassador.  absolutely denied Ferdinand all his demands, as unworthy of his friendship, and instead of peace, he denounced open war, commanding presently his Ambassador from Constantinople; who with all expedition departed, and within a short time came to Vienna, imparting to the King's Counsel what was the issue of his embassage. The councillors giving no credit to his words, but judging his report to be false, sent unto Ferdinand, who then was at the diet at Spire, and when he heard it, he was greatly astonished thereat.  
The Spring time approaching, Solyman caused to be proclaimed, that all his 
The Army of Soliman's in Hungary.  forces of Europe and of Asia should resort to Andrionoplis, where he would make a general muster, and presently after with great diligence to march to Belgarde (which is in Hungary) with all his forces where he so iourn not long, but incontinently King john with a great company of the Hungarian Nobility, which he brought with him, came to kiss his hands, and to 
john kisseth the hands of Solyman.  acknowledge himself to him, as his subject and tributary. He found him sitting under a Canopy where he made no great countenance to move himself at the reverences which he made, but showing a great Majesty, he gave him his right hand in sign of amity, the which he kissed, and after some courtesies, Solyman said to him; that he doubted not but with ease to reconquer all that which unjustly had been taken from him, and that by the justice of his forces, which being done, he would liberally render it to him again. King john departing from Solyman, went to visit Abraham Bassa, whose friendship he had already obtained, (as is said before) by means of Lasky, who also was the only cause to procure him such favour with Solyman, and drew to him Lewis Gritty, who was the son of Andrew Gritty, 
Lewis Gritty a Venetian, with the favour of Solyman, aided john.  than Duke of Venice, and who easily and friendly ruled Abraham, and so familiarly also, that it seemed he could not live without his company. Also Lasky, as having intelligence of the basha's affairs, and with the Lords of Soliman's Court, had specially practised the friendship of the said Gritty, for by the industry of him (by means of Abraham Bassa) he obtained of the grand Signior that which he desired. And King john had in this so good success, that he found in this army the aforesaid Abraham.  
After that Solyman had reposed himself with his army certain days at Belgrade, he marched directly to Buda, which was forsaken by the citizens, as soon as ever they heard of the report of his coming; and so it came 
Buda taken by the Turks.  under the government of the enemy, without any resistance: only the Fortress was kept by 700. Germans, who very courageously for a time did their endeavour to defend it. The Turks seeing they could not so soon be masters thereof as they thought, began to mine and sap it, whereby they might make the defences and walls saultable, and having thoroughly performed it, the fire and the thick smoke which darkened the element, ascended even to the noses of the assieged, who greatly feared to be destroyed therein, and seeing their companions already begin to fly in the air, caused them (maugre Nadasky their Captain, who commanded that place) to sound a parley and treaty of a composition with the Turks, conditionally, that in delivering that hold, they might in safety depart with their baggage, and retire themselves into some place of safety. Which being accorded and concluded, they rendered up the Castle and departed. In the mean time it being reported to Solyman, that this composition was only made by the soldiers, without the agreement of Nadasky their Captain, he presently sent after them, in the way towards Poson (to which place they would make their retreat) his janissaries to put them to the sword, as unworthy to live, having already suffered them too long to breath.  
This town and Fortress being thus taken, the army marched directly towards Vienna, all the Camp resting in the way before Alteburg, which was a town defended by the Bohemians, who at the first manfully withstood certain assaults; but seeing that in one of those assaults their Captain had lost his life, they began then to lose their courage, and wax faint, and feeling themselves weary, for that they were continually at the fight, and finding themselves more straightened then before, and assailed with greater fury, they forsook the Rampires and gave place to the enemy, who with 
Alteburg taken by the Turks.  such a fury entered the town, that they put all to the sword. This town being won, the grand Signior was advertised, that he should not now find any hindrance neither in towns nor field: whereupon he sent before the Accanges to the quarters of Vienna (which are, as in former times, like the 
Accanges.  adventurers of France, and not much unlike our Scottish borderers) to fire and spoil all the country. These people serve not for wages, but in time of war are levied among the peasants (as the Ayduches in Hungary are): they are not paid any wages, neither are they taxed, but of the booty which they get, they give the tenth part thereof to the grand Signior, as they do of all their goods besides. They now following the command which was prescribed them, executed incredible cruelties, bearing away with them all kind of booty. After that, they made towards the five Churches, where they committed no less outrage to the inhabitants of the country, than they did to the other, who fearing such and the like devastations, and enormous cruelties, forsook their houses, seeking by divers means to save themselves. In this sort the Accanges continuing their pilling, robbing, and massacring, at last arrived before Vienna, by the river of Lints, where they were no more merciful, then in other places.  
Ferdinand a long time foreseeing these events, had put into Vienna all that little aid which then he had, causing new Rampires and fortifications to be built, and fearing worse would afterward ensue, he travailed to all the towns of Germany, not as a King, but as a Post or messenger to demand speedy aid. At the request of whom, and upon the bruit which was dispersed of the taking of Buda, all the Germans with one accord sent the Count Palatine 
Count Palatine of Rhine entereth into Vienna.  with 20000. Launsquenets, and 2000 horse, to the end himself, with many other Captains of mark, might enter into Vienna, to take possession and defend it, and hinder the Turks further proceedings, as it was an easy matter for him to do. Among other voluntaries, there went William Roccandolph, controller of King Ferdinand's house, john Gazianer a Slavonian, Hector Ransach, Nicholas Salm, who was at the taking of the King of France at Pavia, Leonard Velsch, and Nicholas Turian, and many other renowned through Germany for their virtue and prowess: they put into the city 100 pieces of great Artillery, and about 200. dat, all which were in good order planted about the town.  
In the mean while, the enemy not being able to march so fast as was requisite for them, in respect of the great store of rain that fell in the month of September, and especially by reason of the passage of Danubius, which was then overflowed; in the end they arrived before Vienna, upon the 13. day of the same month, who with all their army environed it, dividing their 
The Turk before Vienna.  Camp into four quarters, the circuit of which was so great, that one could not see nothing but the ground covered with Tents and Pavilions for four miles' compass. Abraham Bassa was encamped under a hill right over against the city, that he might the more commodiously observe 
1  and take view thereof, himself being lodged in a little ruinated Castle which was thereby, where also was lodged all his people, as well foot as horse. On the otherside, towards the Port of Purgatory, right over against S. Vlderios' Church, was the Beglerby of Anatolia, with the choicest soldiers of the army. 
2  The third siege was towards Saint Vit, under the conduct of Micalogly, within the village of Smireng, above the which, upon the descent of the hills, 
3  was lodged a strong squadron of soldiers. The fourth was towards the Scottish Port, where were many Asapes, (who are Archers very expert) and 
4  amongst them were also some janissaries, along the rivers side of Danubius. Those of this side suffered not any within the town to appear upon the walls, but strait they were brought to the ground, and sometime they sent such an hail of arrows into the city, that those who walked in the streets, were grievously annoyed & wounded, except they had on some headpiece for their heads, or armour for their bodies. The last squadron, which was the most warlike, and valiantest of all the army, and wherein was Solyman 
5  himself, was lodged right over against S. Marks Church, within a great close, walled with brick, where was fixed the Turks chief Standard. On that side, the Asapes began to remove the earth, that so they might overthrow the walls into the ditch, by means of their mines and other inventions: but having no Artillery to batter, their travel and labour did not greatly profit them.  
During these approaches, as another part of Soliman's army came in boats rowing up Danubius, Wolfang Oder (who was then Governor of Poson) being 
Wolfang Oder defeated the Turkish vessels upon Danubius.  advertised thereof, caused a good company of Launsquenets, with certain pieces of Artillery, and some few horsemen, to lie in Ambuscado under the bank of Danubius, in a place secret and commodious for that purpose, where suddenly he assailed the Turkish army, who were unprovided, and so thoroughly did he effect it, that he sunk many vessels fraught with Artillery and Munition, staining the water with the blood of a great number of soldiers and Turkish Captains, who were there slain, causing also such disorder and confusion in that army, that even through the fear of their Artillery they were overthrown and broken: which victory was a special cause of saving Vienna. In this surprise and canuisado, the enemy lost the gallantest and most esteemed men among them, and Wolfang in this victory not losing any one of his own people, retired himself with his company safe and sound to Poson. The remnant of those that escaped, proceeded on their journey to Vienna, and at their arrival, they broke all the bridges of the Isles, which was made over Danubius before the town, to go & come more commodiously in and out of the city: which being done, they placed themselves before the Castle, to the end none by this place should neither go nor come without great danger, either to be killed, or taken prisoners: even as it happened to the company of john Ardech, who sallying out on that side to skirmish with the Turks, had such ill success, that it little wanted that they were not wholly overthrown by the thick shot of the Accanges & janissaries; he who bore the Cornet was taken, and after sent back (not without some subtle devise) clothed in a gown of gold & silk, after the Turkish habit, with an intent, that by such outward shows & dissembling favours, he might the better persuade the Viennians to yield themselves. But the constancy 
The constancy of the citizens of Vienna.  and courage of every one was such, that they had all rather die, then hear of any such disloyal matter: having this firm hope, not only to warrant the town, but also to effect incredible damage (as they after did) to Solyman. The citizens seeing that the greatest violence of the enemies (being deprived of Artillery) did consist in mines, began to look well to that, and with divers instruments to discover the places where they were made, and to this end they used basins full of water, dice upon a Drum, and many other inventions, by which they might know where the enemy mined, and by that means they might presently remedy any inconvenience 
The means to discover a mine.  which might happen, by making countermines, which would frustrate the other, and make the enemies labour frivolous and to no effect; and fortifying behind the walls with counter walls of roots and trees, in such forcible manner, that the assailants should receive more loss and damage then the assailed; and with such dexterity they rampired behind, that they thereby prevented the determination of the enemy, as it afterward happened. For they setting fire to the mines, and a great part of the wall falling, they thought by that ruin, without any great danger or loss to give the assault. And upon this imagination, they ran presently with great fierceness and courage to assail the breach. But the Viennians being well fortified and retrenched within, contrary to the opinion and expectation of the enemies, they received thereby an incredible loss, tumbling them down from the top to the ground, and enforced them with a great slaughter and shame to recoil back, and acknowledge the valour and courage which was in the hearts of the assieged. Even almost at the same time, towards Saint Clares Church, did also fall a great canton of the wall, so large and wide, that the enemy did easily see the Germans well ranged in Battle to maintain the assault, which incontinent was given by the Turks, with a marvelous desire to make themselves masters of the town, contemning all the sinister accidents which were presented to them, forcing themselves by all violent means to enter, and to encounter those soldiers whom they saw so well martialled. But their courage was quickly abated, for they were valiantly repulsed by those who defended that breach, giving them just cause to buy their bold attempt at a dear rate. And although this multitude of assailants were as it were almost without armour, yet were they so audacious and bold, that scornfully disdaining our people, and foolishly fight, they did in the end force them sometimes to retire, although that they were slain so thick, that body covered body, and in place of those who fell to the ground and were slain, others ran to possess their rooms with incredible fury, and with such dexterity, that their ranks never seemed naked nor empty.  
In this manner both the one part and the other, with great effusion of blood did often fight, and amongst others at the Port of Carinthia, where was also fallen down a great part of the Courtian; at the fall whereof, the enemies presently gave the assault, only with sword and target, having forsaken the harquebus and bow, they running to it in such a multitude, as if they had been grasshoppers, and began an assault mort cruel and bloody than the former, where on both parts they fought with such hatred and desire of victory, that both the one and the other encountering so rudely together, wear often repelled, this being one of the bloodiest assaults that ever was heard of; but in the end, the force and courage of the Germans increased, the Turks being constrained to yield, notwithstanding the admonitions, prayers, exhortations, and threatenings of the Sangiacs, and other Captains, who with blows of their Semitaries, forced them to return again to the assault, not being able otherwise to stay them from turning their backs. Thus while the air resounded, and the earth shaked, by reason of the wonderful thunder the Artillery made, and by the noise, and sound of bells and drums, the enemy with greater obstinacy than before, returned to the assault, which was long and courageously maintained, more than four hovers continually, not without great slaughter on both sides. During which assault, there was slain (with Ambust Ottinge a valiant Colonel) many Captains and men of special mark: and of those without, many Captains of the janissaries, and of the Asapes, and many Sangiacs, who for their virtue and renown were greatly esteemed among their Nation. These being provoked with fury and courage, put themselves on foot with their sword and target only, to animate and encourage others the more to the fight. In the end the Turks not being able any longer to resist the prowess and valour of the assiedged, abandoning all shame of dishonour, and despising all injurious upbraiding, not respecting the blows which they received of their Captains, they tumbled down through and from the ruins and breach of the wall, flying directly to their lodgings. Solyman thoroughly vexed to see such a bucherie of his people, urged by a kind of deep revenge, did purpose to put in execution his last endeavoured violence, wholly to destroy the town. And to that effect he caused all the Captains and principals of his Army to come before him, who severely and with sharp speeches reprehending them in great choler, that they so villainously and infamously, and by a more than womanish cowardliness, having almost the victory in their hands, suffered now themselves to be deprived thereof, and put to flight, commanding them within a short time, to make themselves ready and renew the assault with greater courage; every one either resolving to die there, or else to regain the victory even as it behoved them more than any other nation. At this cruel command, which was pronounced to the extreme fear of all, every man furnished himself with arms, and with all necessary things for fight, and the prefixed time being come to begin this horrible assault, which was the 13. of October, Anno 1529. the 
The general and last assault given to Vienna. Anno 1529.  Turks with all their force and last endeavour in divers places, and especially by the Port of Carinthia, began again to assail the town with so great a multitude and fury of the soldiers, that it seemed the world would presently have ended, thinking by their shouting and fearful cries, to enter the town, and darkening the day by the great clouds of arrows, with which they filled the air. But the Germans who held themselves gallantly aloft, were advanced before the insolency and boldness of the enemy, opposing their thick squadrons against their force and multitude, and by such valorous means, frustrated their violence, making with their Cannon and handy strokes a great butchery of them; which would cause great marvel and amazement in those, who could behold the infinite number of them that were slain and wounded: notwithstanding, the Turks abated nothing of their courage, but to the contrary, abandoning all fear of death, more hardy, rash, and more inflamed with pride then before, redoubled the assault, and so fiercely they persisted in their obstinacy, that many times our men were constrained to yield a little back. But at last, by the volleys of the arquebusiers, and the violence of the Artillery (which by good discretion was disposed about the walls, especially where they saw the greatest force of the Turks fight) the enemies were forced to retire, miserably falling in heaps by the ruins of the breach, making themselves a pitiful spectacle; the ditch being filled with the dead bodies of these Infidels, and the stones stained with their blood. Thus having lost all their courage and hope of winning the town, and no more dreading the threats and menaces, nor the blows of their commanders, of two extremes, they chose rather to be killed of their Captains, then by those of the town, whereupon tumultuously they retired themselves in great confusion from that terrible assault, flying in great hurly burly to their lodgings. By this confused retreat, behold how this bloody fight that day took an end, which did very dear and infinitely cost the Turks, by the death of his bravest and valiantest Captains. Wherefore Solyman seeing fortune contrary to him, and considering the valour of the assiedged; not willing to attempt any more so cruel a loss, determined to pack up and depart. And before his departure, he caused certain prisoners to be apparaled in robes of Veluct and cloth of gold, who liberally were sent home again into the town, whereby they might inform the Citizens, that his intent was not to take Vienna, but only to be revenged of the injuries which he had received of Ferdinand, and specially, because he meant to possess those kingdoms which were not his; and further, that he was so much the more displeased that his enemy was retired into the midst of Germany, and had not attended him in Hungary, that there he might be revenged the better of the injuries offered to Kind john his friend: and that if they would yield to him, he assured them, that he would not enter into their town, but leave them in full liberty, promising to the soldiers who were within, that they should retire themselves to any secure place where they would, and that afterward he would incontinently return again. These speeches being by the prisoners recited, in the assembly of all the people and soldiers, gave notice to them that the forces of the Turks were greatly weakened, and by that they judged the loss which he had received, and that he used this deceit, but only to win them to his lure, and so nothing but laughing at it, they made account of his words as they deserved, knowing well by reason of the winter which was at hand, that the siege could not long continue. And so within two days after, which was the thirtieth day of the siege, the Turk raised his Camp from before Vienna, dividing it into 
Solyman departeth from Vienna.  three parts, (and he took the way towards Constantinople) one part whereof marched by Strigonium, the other by Gran, and the third by Bosnia. And in order, with such an innumerable quantity of spoil and prisoners, Solyman retired himself from Vienna, and Abraham Bassa remained in the rearward, to defend that none should charge or assail the squadron of the grand Signior marching along Danubius; upon the which also softly floated another part of the Army, to give relief of victuals, munition, and of men, to those who were on land if need should require it.  
At the departure of so great and puissant an enemy, all Germany and Hungary greatly rejoiced. But when news was brought how the Turks lead captive more than 60000. prisoners, that all the villages and houses in the champion were burnt and overthrown, their joy was presently turned into sadness, beholding with great compassion all the fields to be disfurnished of men, ●easts, trees, and houses, not any remaining to till the ground, which miserable spectacle gave occasion to every one to lament and sigh bitterly.  
The great Turk being arrived at Buda, and willing to perform his promise 
john confirmed King of Hungary by Soliman.  which he had made, confirmed john King of Hungary, with privileges written in letters of gold, and invested him in his kingdom, calling him his friend and vassal of his house, leaving with him Lewis Gritty to advise and aid him in all necessary things, and to be an assistant to him in his kingdom. 
Gritty remaineth with john.  And after proceeding on his way with tedious journeys, by reason of the vehemency of the winter (which with snow and frosts was already at hand) at length he arrived at Constantinople, where with great rejoicings and triumphs, he was as well received of his subjects, as if he had conquered all Austria.  
Now after that Lewis Gritty had sojourned a certain time with King john, in the administration and government of the kingdom of Hungary, he was called home by Solyman. He attained to this honour by the means of Abraham Bassa, 
The savour of Solyman to Gritty.  (a special friend of the Duke his father) through whose friendship he was so conversant with the grand Signior, that one day he invited him to a feast at his house, unto whom the said Signior vouchsafed him the favour to go, the rather in respect of the haughty spirit, and deep judgement in all things, which he knew was naturally grafted in him: in regard of which, he had oftentimes sent him to execute great enterprises, as this was one, wherein he used such marvelous wisdom and great expedition, and carried himself so indifferent to all, that his greatness was not envied of any one. Now the cause of his calling to Constantinople, was only to discourse 
Gritty called to Constantinople, and after sent into Hungary again.  with him of many matters, which were of no small importance, which when they had advised upon, he was presently dispatched again into Hungary to his charge, with ample commission and great authority; being, among other things, commanded to remain at Buda, and with his uttermost ability to maintain in those quarters, the glory and renown of the Ottoman house; charging him to be continually present at all the Counsels, which should be held, as well for war as for peace; the grand Signior furthermore not minding that they should alter any thing in that kingdom, whilst he was absent in making war against the Persians. Moreover, he was commanded to inquire if the report which was bruited, were true: namely, that john (at the instance and request of the Hungars) would accord with Ferdinand, and have peace with the Germans and Bohemians, who continually made incursions into his country, upon these conditions, that as long as he lived, he should peaceably enjoy all Hungary; and that after his death he should leave the possession, and all such right as he could any way pretend therein, to the children of Ferdinand, as we shall hereafter more at large treat of.  
At the time when Solyman went into Armenia, Gritty arrived in Valachia, having for his convoy certain Turkish horsemen, and companies of janissaries, and those of the grand Seigniours guard sufficiently tried, with some of his own familiar acquaintance, and other Italian companies, who of their own accord, being well armed, followed him, and he had also with him two famous Hungarian Captains, namely, Vrbain Batian, and john Doce with their companies, they in all making about 7000. men, as well horse as foot. He was beside, in outward show for war, well furnished with Camels, Mules, Horses, cattle, and other munition for the service and relief of his Campe. And with this train (which rather seemed an army) he caused great suspicion as well among his friends as his enemies: and before he departed from Valachia, he made peace with Peter, vaivode of Moldavia, 
Peter, vaivode of Moldavia, friend to Solyman and Gritty.  (who before was made Soliman's friend) he having sent unto him many rich presents, to request his favourable assistance for his going into Hungary, and to aid him with men and victuals, and with all other necessaries which he stood in need of, until he had accorded the strife of Ferdinand, for the love of whom he undertook this voyage. This league being confirmed by oath of either side, Gritty thinking himself to be sufficiently strong in those parts, to manage such affairs at his pleasure, entered presently into Transiluania, 
Gritty entereth into Transiluania.  causing open proclamation every where to be made through all the provinces of Hungary, belonging to the Emperor Solyman, that all the towns, Commonalties, and Lords of that kingdom, should have recourse to him, as an Arbitrator and Lieutenant for all the provinces of Hungary, for the grand Signior, and as the sole judge of all their debates, strifes, process, and discords. But this did not greatly please King john, and it was afterward the cause of Grittys fall.  
At this time lived Emeric Cibacchy Bishop of Varadin, and Vayvode of 
Emeric Vayvoyde of Transiluania and Gritty were enemies.  Transiluania, a man who for his nobleness, puissance, and virtue, was very famous among his people, being (in regard of his calling) the second person next the King. Against him, john Doce bore special hatred and open malice, for receiving a blow of him with his fist upon the nose, about a certain question and controversy moved between them. He upon the bruit of the coming of Gritty to Bresovia, made no such haste (it may be) as Gritty expected he should have done, in respect of the honour he looked for: but making slow speed, it thereby seemed that he little regarded those whom the grand Signior had sent, which made him odious and displeasing to Gritty, who sought nothing more, then to increase the authority which he had, and to make it appear how greatly, above others, the Transylvanians had honoured and reverenced him. Upon this, a common opinion went, that Emeric used this manner as beseemed a good Christian, being greatly displeased in his heart to see the Turks in his country, where they never came before, and that he should consent to open to them a passage, whereby they might have more ample knowledge of the store of towns, boroughs, and villages; of the infinite number of horses, of the fertilenes of the land, and the fat pastures which are therein, by the which they might be enticed in time to make themselves masters thereof. But all such opinions were in the end found false, for that without any suspicion he went as a friend to receive and visit him. When Gritty was already arrived at Bresovia, and that from thence he meant to go to Megest, where he was by many messengers informed, that Emeric would come to see him, and that he marched well accompanied, being lodged but five miles from him with a great company, and furnished with many troops of Cavalarie, all the chief of the province being come to him, to honour him the more in this voyage, as was fitting to their vaivode and supreme Bishop, and especially understanding that this was to go before Gritty. These men, together with Emerics train, ranged in the midst of a field, seemed in a manner a good army. This wonderfully moved the tyrannical spirit of Gritty, who ambitiously aspired to haughty attempts, and probably to the usurpation of that Country, considering that the authority of that Bishop might molest and frustrate the greatest part of his designs; and imagining that it was necessary to parley with him in the plain field with an appointed battle, as it were against his professed enemies. For this cause, after Gritty had dined, not being able any longer to smother the vehemency of his choler & arrogancy, he took his hat off his head, which was agglated and made of Martens Sables, after the Turkish manner, and with a swelling pride cast it on the ground; saying, That that hat could not serve for two heads, since it was so necessary that but one alone should have the use thereof: and threatening all those who would not obey to his command, he put it on his head again. By these and such like speeches, 
john Doce incensed Gritty against Emeric.  john Doce took occasion to revenge himself upon Emeric, and answered him thus: Truly Signior Gritty, a man cannot better apply this which you have said to any thing, then to this Realm, which by no means can tolerate two Lords, nor two governors. And I assure you by the living God, that you can never use your puissant and magnifical authority so majestically, as long as Emeric shall remain alive, against whom you ought this day to maintain the authority and royalty of Solyman, and yourself. I now perceive by this his insolency, which I have long before known, what this cruel beast Emeric is, the boldness and pride of whom (if you please) shall soon be abated, and I will make him lie full low, as he well deserveth, for that he so peremptorily refuseth obedience to Solyman, and that dareth to despise thy name, manifesting thereby, that he rather aspireth to make himself an absolute King, then to maintain the dignity of a vaivode. Therefore it is necessary by some devise to make him away, whereby every one may be freed from his insolency and pride. This counsel was specially praised by Gritty, who encouraged him to execute it. And the better, and in more safety to attain to the period of his enterprise, he caused to be given unto him, by Vrbain Batian, a good troop of Hungarish horse. And although it is said that Gritty commanded not Doce to kill Emeric, but only to take him prisoner, and that afterward he might send him chained to Constantinople to the grand Signior, minding to create in his place Hierome Lasky vaivode (who then was with him, and by whom, as we have before recited, the affairs of King john was greatly furthered) nevertheless, the 
Lasky aspired to be Vayvode of Transiluania.  common bruit was, that Gritty, by envy and the false suggestion which was reported to him, gave command to Doce to kill him, feigning of his part an intent but to go and visit him. Thus Doce secretly in the night dislodged, and came on a sudden to the Camp of Emeric, being a little before advertised by his spies, that Emeric was without guard, or any fear, being lodged in the fields under the shadow of trees, to avoid the heat which then was, and that he was accustomed to lie alone in his Tent, only with the grooms and pages of his chamber, and all the rest of his people dispersed in commodious places, as every man found it most profitable to himself, little distrusting any treachery, thinking that they should the next morning have time enough (considering the distance of places) to assemble themselves, before they should encounter with Gritty. This little mistrust of Emeric, increased the courage of Doce, and gave him good hope to execute his devilish enterprise. Whilst that Bishop Emeric dreamt not on such unhappy and miserable fortune, which by the wickedness of another, untimely happened to him, he was laid upon his bed to take his rest, when suddenly Doce and his soldiers were within his Tents, who, before himself, orany of his household were awaked, or before any noise or neighing of horses were heard, seized presently on his body, without having any reverence 
Emeric vaivode of Transiluania slain by Doce.  to the quality and condition of his calling, and forgetting all Christian piety, he cut off his head, afterward giving leave to those Turks, who had accompanied him in this murder, to sack and pill all the movables and baggage of this poor Bishop, and to lead away his horses. All the rest of this goodly company, being greatly astonished at this detestable accident, betook themselves to flight. This being done, Doce retired himself to Bresovia, carrying the head of Emeric hanging by one of the ears, and presented it to Gritty, who laughing, did behold it with Hierome Lasky, who 
Lasky moved at the death of Emeric.  was then with him. This man stirred up with so villainous and infamous an act, conceived in him a great indignity, at the miserable fortune happened unto so venerable a man. But dissembling the grief, which touched him at the heart, and which of a friend made him an enemy, made semblance as though he little cared therefore. Gritty turning himself to him, said: Signior Lasky, do you know this shaven head? believe me it was the head of a great parsonage, but yet besides ambitious and proud. At these speeches, Lasky oppressed both with anger and grief at one time, answered, that it was then at no hand like to that which he had seen when it was alive standing on his shoulders. These words nearly touched Gritty, who presently replied, as one repenting himself of that deed, and that he could not contain himself from shame, in respect he was so unjustly put to death, and that he gave no such command that he should be slain, but only taken prisoner. After he caused certain Hungarish and Turkish horsemen to seize upon a Castle, which was reported to be the place where his treasure was. By this time the issue of this pitiful and lamentable death, was divulged into the ears of every one, in respect whereof, all the nations of that province, as Saxons, Sicilians, Transalpinians, and Podolians (who are upon the confines 
The Transylvanians in arms for the death of Emeric.  of Polonia) with all possible discontent felt themselves greatly outraged with grief, and assembled together against Gritty, to revenge the death of so honourable and reverend a man, and within few days they were about 40000. men, they having for their Commanders Gottart a Saxon, and Stephen 
Gottart.  Maillat, who always bore great affection and honour to Emeric, and in 
Stephen Maillat.  their public Diet condemned this foul act and detestable cruelty, judging Gritty worthy of any kind of infamous death, and his adherents as murderers and thieves, aught to be pursued and punished with death. Gritty understanding this tumult of the Transylvanians, and the great assembly of soldiers, and preparations which were determined of against him, was greatly troubled therewith, and withal being uncertain what to do in his defence, with great expedition retired himself to the town of Megest. The inhabitants whereof discovering a far off the Turks following 
Gritty retired himself to Megest.  him, and that his company might amount unto some 4000 men, they shut the gates against him: but in the end, by the entreaties and persuasions of Doce and Batian, they condescended to lodge them below in the town, reserving to themselves the advantage of a hill, where they had a large Church, walled about, and well furnished of houses, into the which they all retired with their richest movables, fortifying themselves within as well as they could. And as afterward they understood when Gritty took the way to this town, he had an intention to seize upon that hill, and to fortify it, as well as the shortness of the time would permit him, there to defend and keep himself, until some little aid should come to relieve him, by means whereof he might for a time save himself, either by a little brook which ran not far from thence; or by the river of Alute, which doth pass upon the left hand, and from thence doth cast itself upon one side into Moldavia; or of another into Valachia, which countries he might easily win, without any fear of the Turks power. Whilst his brain was busied upon such urgent necessities, he ceased not from fortifying himself very strongly, and encouraged those who were with him, to labour and employ themselves in all affairs, which should be thought fitting for so present a necessity, sending letters and messages to all parts to aid him, as need should require. But the Transylvanians, who desired to prevent him, being stirred up through a deep revenge, by a just indignation, to see their vaivode so cruelly murdered, and the Turks (their capital enemies) in their country, into the which they never yet before entered; came with such great diligence, that he beheld himself rather assailed, then environed: notwithstanding so sudden an attempt, he lost no courage, but animating his people, he so courageously defended himself, that he forced his enemies to retire, a great number of them being slain, or wounded by the arrows and arquebusiers of the janissaries. Maillat and the Saxon seeing the assault to be too hard and sharp for them, gave over, and would attempt it no more, and willing to prove better fortune, caused their people to retire from the town, and entrenched themselves so closely about it, that none could neither enter nor sally forth. During this siege, Gritty daily expected that he should have such succour sent him, as he demanded: but seeing his hope to be frustrate and none came, and that victuals began to fail them, and the forces to defend the town were weakened, and that the inhabitants declared themselves to be his enemies, began to fall into extreme despair, & although he had not then his health very perfect, notwithstanding he omitted no means to attempt, by gifts and promises, to appease the minds of those who did besiege him. But he laboured in vain, for the fury and rage which foamed in their courages for the premised matters, was so great, that by no means they would hearken to any such enticements. But seeing himself forsaken of Soliman's officers, (who said it was not in their power to send him any aid, without some commission or authority from their Master) and being also abandoned of King john, (who in his heart rejoiced to see such a tumult) of the Moldavian (of whom he more relied then of any other, for the alliance and peace which he had made with him) and withal being forsaken by Vrbain Batian, (who fearing likewise that which happened, saved himself by flight, by means of certain Hungars his friends) he secretly by a post practised with the Moldavian, that he should command his people, who were in that siege with the Transylvanians, to let him pass, and that they should endeavour to save him, when he attempted to come forth. He assuring himself in vain upon such an uncertain promise, and being constrained by his fatal destiny, even as soon as all the citizens of Megest were risen in arms against him, and had opened one gate to them without, he was forced to open another, from whence desirous to pass through the Moldavians (as had been accorded) he saw no person that showed him any favour: but on the contrary, (answerable to the faith of a Barbarian) denying unto him all promise 
Gritty taken by the Transylvanians, and afterwards executed.  and safety, did massacre his people, and as it were by a public edict condemned them to death, suffering him to fall directly into the hands of Micola, Francis Chendy, and Maillat, cousin of Count Thomas Nadasdy then Palatine of Hungary, before whom being brought, that cap which he did wear of Martens Sables, made after the Turkish manner, being from his head cast down to the ground, he was by a general consent left in the custody of Chendy, to see him executed. Being lead all about the Army, he was in the midst thereof stayed: and being demanded for what cause he willed Emeric to be slain; he answered, that he commanded no such thing: but in the end he was made a precedent to all the world (according to the example of Polixena, sacrificed upon the tomb of Achilles) for an oblation to appease the ghost of Emeric; and in cutting off his head he spoke nothing else but these words: Ah our Lady, to what point am I now brought unto? In memorial of such a revenge, every one dipped either his helmet, or some 
The custom of the Transylvanians. john Doce torn in pieces.  piece of his harness in his blood. With the same coin was also john Doce paid, who was not only beheaded, but, as a savage beast, was torn and drawn in pieces, in such pitiful manner, as though he had never been in the world. He which executed them, unclothing Gritty, found within his scarlet breeches, which he was wont to wear, a purse full of precious stones, as Rubies, Diamonds, and Emeralds, which, by estimation, were worth 25. or 30000. Ducats, and those afterward were given King john. This being performed, Chendy Ference, one of the principallest and richest Lords among the Hungars and Transylvanians, who was among the other at the death of the said murderers, caused presently his people to march on, and at last assailed the sons of Gritty, remaining at Seghesuar with 500 Turks, which did always accompany them, who being advertised of their father's lamentable death, and how Chendy Ference did pursue them, began with all diligence to search the means to save themselves: but in the end they were entrapped and taken in a plain, saying one to another; We greatly misdoubted ourselves of the Turks, and now we shall die by the hands of Christians. And they were presently, without any compassion, beheaded, and all those who 
The children of Gritty beheaded.  accompanied them slain. Behold the miserable end of Grittyes' intolerable pride, who by his evil government lost that within a moment, which in many years he endeavoured himself to aspire unto. Many were of opinion (yet I hold it false) that Grittyes' returning into Hungary, by the appointment of the grand Signior, was permitted him by the means of Abraham Bassa, 
The designs of Abraham Bassa.  who determining to have slain Solyman, and made himself Emperor of Constantinople, had already acquainted Gritty with part of his determinations, whereby he might the rather consent unto his practices: because such a matter falling out, he thought by the force of his Army to have held all Hungary in peace: and therefore it was said, that this was the occasion that moved Gritty, to put all those to death whom he esteemed great in reputation, and such who might oppose themselves against him, and somewhat impeach his enterprises. But often it is seen that humane practices, although they be not periudiciall to any, do seldom happen according to the desire of the party who manageth them. And therefore how much less ought those to succeed to a wished end, which are wicked and detestable? which for the most part light upon the backs of those who invent them, to their great shame and confusion. King Ferdinand of Arragon said, That evil 
Sentence.  council doth for the most part bring more damage to him who giveth it, then to him who doth execute it: as it happened to these two, far from that which their ambitious minds forethought upon, for one of them died miserably, as hath been said, and the death of the other needed not to be any occasion of envy to the survivor: For that not long after, Abraham Bassa was accused by an Eunuch, very domestical with the great Turk, to whom he discovered his intention, thinking he could not execute his practice without his assistance: and upon this accusation (although it was then said, that it was for negligent governing the martial affairs of Persia) or as some say, for a certain Carcanet of precious stones which he bought for his wife, for envy whereof, Rosa, Soliman's concubine, was greatly incensed against him; saying that this was done in contempt of her, in that she would first have bought it, before it was shown to him, he was in the night strangled as he slept in one of the grand Seigniours chambers, who also presently commanded 
Abraham Bassa strangled.  all his goods to be confiscate, leaving his wife in great care and distress for want of the benefit and commodity of her dowry.  
Gritty being thus defeated, the Transylvanians determined not to admit into their kingdom any of those two Kings; namely King john, and King Ferdinand; but to maintain themselves Neuters, electing a Captain, who should rule and govern them, until it might be determined which of those two should be their lawful King; and thus they governed a certain time. But King john within a while after, reduced them under his obedience. In the mean time, these two Princes did daily make war one upon the other, fortune being now favourable to one, and immediately to the other, and never any intermission was of their quarrels, until it was concluded between them, that john as long as he lived, should enjoy all that then he possessed, and after his death, all should succeed to Ferdinand, 
The agreement between Ferdinand and john.  or to his successors, with such conditions nevertheless, that if john left any children legitimat, Ferdinand was bound to give them in recompense, so much of the revenue of his patrimony in towns and castles, which should be convenient, honourably to maintain their estate; and beside, 
The death of john King of Hungary. Stephen the son of john, also called john.  the Vayuodship of Transiluania. Within few days after, occasion presented itself to execute these agreements, by the death of King john, who left one only son, borne eleven days before his death, named Stephen, who afterward by the commandment of the Turk, was also called john, in memory of his Father. This Infant was borne of Queen Izabella, the 
Izabella daughter of the King of Polonia, and mother of Stephen.  daughter of Sigismonde Kind of Polonia, who was his guardian and governess of the kingdom with George, who commonly was called the Friar, for so he was by profession. This George was a Croatian borne, and descended of a noble family, but in great poverty, and brought up in the house of john's Mother, where he was employed in servile and mean affairs, 
George the Friar, tutor of Stephen surnamed john. A discourse of the life of George.  and he never had, during his youth, a more liberal employment than the carrying of wood and coals to offices, and making fires. He seeing by this kind of life, he could attain to no higher promotion, being urged with despair, or incited by destiny, (which may be did provoke him to do it) became a Friar, of the order of Saint Benedic, in the Monastery of Saint Paul by Buda; in which place during the first years, he had no better office, then in distributing the alms to the poor at the Abbey gate: and as he himself some time said, he bestowed the better part to his friends, rather than to others. But he being of a lively spirit and haughty courage, knowing this his present fortune not to be sufficient to attain to any honour, or to be ranged amongst worthy men, imagined in himself, that certainly he should never be advanced to any place of esteem, as long as he was in such obscure estate. For this cause desirous to put in practise his devices which were impressed in his thoughts, he studied to write fair, and to learn as much latin as would serve him to sing a Mass. Which having now sufficiently obtained for his content, by means whereof attaining to the degree of a singing Priest, he endeavoured himself so much, that he was entertained into the service of King john, whilst he was in Polonia chased from his kingdom; for whose affairs he travailed into many places, and always returned again with quick and faithful expedition, aiding himself greatly with his habit, under the colour of which he freely passed through every place, for none suspected, that under that habit he could perform such weighty affairs, and it helped him much to escape from many great dangers and travails. After john was returned into Transiluania, and that he had recovered his kingdom, he was then mindful of the service which the Friar had done him, and considering he had been so faithful to him in his adversities, and knowing that all the dangers which he was often subject unto, and all the troubles which he had endured for his sake, proceeded not but of a great love and good affection, began now specially to favour and to accept of him to be near about his own person. And although that at the beginning, King john gave him not so great means, as willingly he would have done; yet nevertheless by his diligent services (being a man who well could temper himself, and who had a passing subtle wit, and who naturally in his mind aspired to great things) gained the favour of the King in such sort, who noting in him such great prudence and excellent wisdom, made him of his counsel, and gave him the Treasurership: and not long after he was chosen Bishop of Varadin. By such dignities he came to so high authority, that he was in general, greatly esteemed and honoured of all. And thus continuing his dutiful service, King john drawing near his end, not seeing any about him that was more provident and circumspect than Friar George, left him to be his sons guardian, and coadjutor in the administration and government of his kingdom, with Queen Izabella his wife. But he (who was of a turbulent and subtle conceit; and one who would not be satisfied with a little) disposed of the affairs in such cunning manner, that within few days he had them all in his government, and nothing was dispatched without his consent and appointment. Thus the affairs of the common weal being directed by his only Council, Ferdinand had now sent to the Queen to demand that part of the kingdom, which she yet possessed in the name of her son Stephen, the lawful inheritor of john, offering to give him of his patrimony, all that which in his father's life time he promised him, and to perform all the covenants which was concluded between them. The Queen with good will received these offers; saying, she was content to satisfy all that which had been agreed upon between him, and the King her husband. But Friar George, as Protector, would by no means consent thereto, for that 
George hindereth the performance of the agreement which was between Ferdinand and john.  he would not lose his reputation wherein he now was, considering that he should not so easily strip his pupil of such a kingdom, and also seeing that by such a surrender, he should greatly abate his own estate and dignity. Wherefore he retired himself with the Queen and her son into Buda, entertaining Ferdinand with dilatory words, and every day alleging to his Ambassadors new excuses, and in the mean time, gave notice to the 
George demandeth aid of the Turk against Ferdinand.  Turk of all that which had passed, requesting of him present aid, foreseeing that the end of this business could no ways be determined, but by war. Ferdinand seeing how with vain hopes he was delayed from day to day, in prolonging the time, and knowing all these things to be wrought by the subtlety of the friars invention, would no longer temporize in the matter, but assembled 40000. men, and 40. great pieces of Artillery, under the conduct of a German Lord, called William Roccandolph, high steward of his house, (who, as is a foresaid, was with Count Palatine within Vienna, when 
William Roccandolph Lieutenant for Ferdinand in Hungary.  it was besieged by the Turks) and sent him as his Lieutenant general with this Army, to assail the town of Buda, commanding him to do all that was possible to take the Friar who was within it, and to send him unto him to be revenged of the mockeries which he used towards him. Roccandolph being departed, marched with his Army directly to Buda, where being 
Buda besieged by Roccandolph.  come, he besieged it on all sides, making two batteries where the Artillery did desperately batter, finding the town well repaired, and otherwise then it was in former time. For john by the art and industry of an ingenious Boullenois, had so strongly fortified it with Bulwarks, environed it with walls, and enclosed it with deep ditches, that it seemed very hard for those to win it, that did behold the difficulty thereof. Towards one side of the town there was a hill of some little height, as high as the walls, having a little valley which pleasantly reached unto the side of the ditch of the fortress of the town. Upon the top of that hill was built a Church, named Saint Girrard, from whence one might see the roofs of the King's Palace, and the gilded porches. Upon that hill, Roccandolph (the more to amaze and terrify the Queen) caused there to be planted certain pieces of Artillery, wherewith he battered the Palace, and especially a tower, which he so greatly shaked, that it was like to have line on the ground (if the day following he had continued his battery) by the fall whereof it had broken and greatly ruinated the Palace. But fearing the loss of such a work, he caused his battery to cease, respecting the infinite charges it would have cost in re-edifying of it again. And in the mean time he sent to the Queen to incite her to keep and perform the covenants, and to fly from the pestilent advises of Friar George, who under the colour of an overseer and guardian of his Ward, aimed at no other thing but her ruin and utter overthrow, assuring her (in the bounty of Ferdinand) that he had appointed a goodly principality for her & her son, where they both should live in great pleasure and friendship with their neighbours; declaring to her, that if she was not determined to accept of these honourable conditions, he should be forced presently to plant greater battery against the town, and to overthrow and ruinate all the fairest buildings which were within it. To these persuasions, Friar George made answer, that the Queen should show little judgement, to change a kingdom for a Sepusian principality, and from the royal dignity of a Queen, to become an ordinary Lady. Thus the Friar deriding Roccandolph, did so spite and provoke him, that he swore he would destroy and utterly ruinate the town, and caused all the force of his Artillery to be brought to the place where the jews were buried, towards the jews Port, lying between the East and South, by the gate of Sabatia, where was the strength of the Hungars, and good store of Bohemians, under the conduct of Peren, and commanded that without any intermission the Cannon should play; and he with his Germans made another battery at the Port of the jews towards the Castle wall, behind the which were the Queen's gardens. This battery was maintained with so great violence, that the greatest part of the Curtain fell within the ditch, which so amazed the besieged, that they thought rather to yield, then defend themselves. But the night being come, Friar George seeing the Germans retired, and that they prepared 
Friar George a diligent Captain.  themselves the next morning to give assault; during the night, he caused certain trenches and rampires to be cast up behind the breach, sufficient to hinder and annoy the victory of Roccandolph, which fortune had presented to their sight. When the dawning of the day was come, the Germans with their ladders ran to the breach, and gave the assault, the like being done on the other side at the Port of Sabatia by Peren, against whom those of Buda gallantly opposing themselves, they behaved themselves so bravely, that they constrained their enemies to retire, who lost at that assault about 900. men, and 2000 were wounded. By this disgrace, Roccandolph being greatly incensed, commanded that all violence should be used to conquer the town by art and cunning, seeing that by force he could not effect his purpose, wherefore he began to apply himself to mines. But the Budians being advertised of this practice, took such diligent care thereof, that all their work and labour turned to nothing.  
There was at that time within Buda a Hunger very wealthy, named Bornemisse, who harboured a special hate against Friar George, for some injury which he pretended he had done him. He, to be revenged, caused secret 
Bornemisse a traitor to the Budians was executed.  notice to be given to Francis Rival his friend, who was in the Camp of Roccandölph, that if he liked thereof, he would in the night deliver into their hands the Port, which was by the Church of the Germans, called S. Marry. Roccandolph understanding of this complot by Rival, well allowed thereof, and having concluded between themselves touching the manner that should be observed therein: the same night, upon which they had agreed of amongst themselves, Bornemisse failed not to open a postern which was in the wall, by which the enemy entered into the town. But the watch walking the round, perceiving this surprise, began to make an alarm, so that every man had speedy notice thereof. At this bruit and tumult, Vrbain Batian, and Peter Vicchy (who for that night were Captains of the watch) ran presently to the place, where the one part and the other were fight with great obstinacy: but in the end the Germans were forced to turn their backs, and save themselves by the same port wherein they entered. In the throng there was taken certain prisoners, among whom were known some of familiar acquaintance with Bornemisse. Those, after due examination, discovered the treason of Bornemisse, who was presently attached, and all his goods seized and confiscate, who after, by divers torments, confessed all the fact, and was by the command of Friar George cruelly tormented and executed as a Traitor to his country. Roccandolph seeing all his purposes came to no effect, and that fortune hourly did change from prosperity to adversity, determined with his Captains to avoid the occasions of handy strokes, and only by a long siege to attempt that, which by force of arms he could not perform.  
In the mean time, Solyman understanding the evil entreaty which was used to the Queen, and how greatly Ferdinand forced himself to take that kingdom from him, which he had given to her husband; after setting his affairs in order, which he had against the Persians, leaving Archane an Eunuch in Mesopotamia, to make head against them, if they attempted any thing, sent Mahomet Bassa to aid the Queen with all his Europian soldiers, 
Mahomet Bassa came to succour Queen Izabella.  who among the Turks are commonly called Rumilar, or Rumiler, and vulgarly Vrumilar, of this word Romania, which they call all Greece.  
Izabella not being assured of any such succours, was brought into great fear and extremity, not knowing well what might betide her in this behalf: knowing also all their doings would but badly succeed, and never come to good issue, if they were entangled by arms: and especially seeing that Ferdinand, for former matters, was grievously offended, and that he conceived of this matter at the heart against her, which also did not a little trouble her, because she knew that she maintained an unjust cause, in not observing the conditions made with him, during her husband's life. Upon these considerations she was often incited to render the town, and especially knowing Ferdinand to be a Prince so meek and courteous, that he would commit no act which should be any thing derogating from her honour, she determined to yield herself into his hands. But Friar George would by no means consent thereto, for that he daily expected succours from the Turk, who at last having notice of their coming, he then thought that these matters were not so slightly built, but that his affairs would be well ordered, as they had been already begun.  
Thus during the siege, Solyman came to Andrionopolis, to be more near if need required it, retaining with him Rostan Bassa; and he sent Mustafa into 
Mustafa Bassa sent into Transiluania.  Transiluania against Maillat, and commanded Peter, vaivode of Moldavia, that he should aid him with all such succours, as Mustafa should have 
Forces of Mahomet.  need of. Peter with all expedition, after he had received this command, failed not in his favour to furnish him with 30000. horse. Mahomet, whilst 
Peter vaivode of Moldavia.  Solyman came to Andrionopolis, and Mustafa drawing towards Transiluania, hasting on his voyage with the greatest expedition he could, got to Belgrade, in which place he joined with the Sangiac of that province, who also was called Mahomet. Among them he found sufficient men of war of Bosnia, of whom Oliman a Persian was Sangiac. This name of Sangiac, or 
Oliman a Persian.  Sanzac, doth properly signify an Ensign of war, made of a round piece of copper guilt over, and fixed upon the top of a staff, from which there hangeth down in great tresses of long hairs, or horse tails, & upon the top of that round piece of copper, there is sometimes fastened a half Moon. Mahomet being together with all his troops, made a good army, & marched in great journeys towards Buda. Upon his coming, the Germans of Roccandolph being thereof certified, began among themselves to take advice what was best to do. Some counseled to forsake the siege, and others to encounter and give battle to the Turks. After such and like opinions, that of Roccandolph's was followed, which was, that it was more expedient to preserve the army whole and safe, then so rashly to adventure it, and to do an act which might afterward be found dishonourable to them all. According to this opinion he removed his Camp from the other side of the town to the foot 
Roccandolph removeth his Campe.  of S. Gerrard's hill, having the river Danubius on the one side, and on the other side towards the East a great plain, where he was well entrenched, being first possessed of the top of the said hill, where he well furnished himself with Artillery. And in this manner he attended his enemies, with this determination, that if they should assail him, he would fight with them, and molest them with his Artillery from the top of that hill, and if he should be the weaker, or in any peril, he would retire himself to the river, where he had many boats for that purpose, to go and come to Pesthe, from whence with more men he might reinforce his Camp, and entertain the Turks with little skirmishes, and in the mean time by a long siege to annoy the town. Roccandolph being thus busied, the Turks began to approach, and Mahomet had sent to view the situation of his Camp, and what courage his people were of. Roccandolph performed the like by Mahomet, who approached so near him, that his Tents were no further from the Germans then half 
Mahomet encamped by Roccandolph.  a mile, causing all his Camp to be environed by the Asapes with a trench, and certain rampires. The other Mahomet of Belgrade was lodged upon the next hills which compassed that plain, where Roccandolph was encamped, and lodged himself right over against S. Gerrard's hill, near unto the Hungars of Ferdinand, who were lodged in that quarter. After that the enemies were thus seated, the two Mahomet's scent their Ambassadors to salute the Queen, and presented her with a great quantity of Sheep and 
Presents sent to Queen Izabella by Mahomet.  Lambs, which they had brought along with them out of the country. These Ambassadors entering into Buda, greatly admired at the diligent preparations and defences which they saw made in the town, for the defence thereof, greatly commending the force and constancy of the Budians, that had so gallantly resisted the forces of Ferdinand, saying unto them, that they always bore them special good will, and that they came for no other intent, then to revenge all the wrong and injuries which was offered to them. And having conferred with the Queen of all that which was given them in charge, they returned again, receiving presents double as rich as those which they brought with them, being honourably and pleasantly entertained. The Turks, by many assaults, suffered Roccandolph to take no rest, whilst on both sides he was hindered by providing boats and barks to keep firm before one part of the Turkish army which came up Danubius, and was already arrived at an Island called Chep, nigh unto the bank side, which, if he had followed the advice that the Hungars prescribed, should have been fortified and well planted with Artillery, before the enemies had been masters thereof, for by that means they might have endamaged their army, and easily defended that they should not have encamped there, by reason they should have been constrained (maugre their wills) to forsake that plain, and retire back, considering that from that I'll, the Cannon might scour the plain in any part wheresoever. But wicked and adverse destiny, willing that Buda should by any means whatsoever fall into the hands of Solyman, and that the army of Ferdinand, by the carelessness of the Commanders, should be broken and overthrown, blinded Roccandolph that he had no care to fortify it, but only with certain soldiers, and a few field pieces. Mahomet, who was not in any thing negligent, perceiving another hill, which was by the Island where the Germans had the guard (being very drowsy and sluggish in their charge) did deliberate with himself to assail them on the sudden, whilst in another place he caused the alarm to be given to the whole body of Roccandolph's Campe. Following this determination, before the dawning of the day he commanded his vessels to sail before the I'll, and give the assault upon those of Roccandolph, which were also by the I'll, and against the bridge, which he caused to be built, that upon any occasion he might save himself and retire to Pesthe. The janissaries entering suddenly within this I'll, began to cut the throats of 
The I'll of Chep taken by the Turks.  the soldiers who had the guard thereof, and of whom before they were wakened from their dead sleep, and that they were somewhat safe from the fear that had before possessed them, there remained slain upon the place well near 600. The bruit of this alarm being spread abroad, our soldiers, who were on the other side, putting themselves in order, began to discharge certain pieces of Artillery, which were under the covert of a wood, lately cut, by the rivers side, and so greatly annoyed the army of the Turks, that they were very rudely disordered: and if those of roccandolph's army had that day acquitted themselves of their uttermost devoir, they had quite overthrown all their enemies, who in the end, by the disorder that happened amongst ours, and by the dexterity of the janisarie arquebusiers, remained victorious, all the vessels of Roccandolph being taken and broken, the greatest part of the bridges cut off, and the I'll under the Turks command. At the same instant Mahomet commanded that the rest of roccandolph's Camp should be assailed in two places, which then by the prowess and valiantness of the Bohemians and Hungars, and certain German Captains, they held good, and for that time maintained firm and sure footing. But the tediousness of the fight was an occasion that the forces of Ferdinand waxed faint and weary: and to the contrary, those of Buda, by reason of the Turkish aid, increased their courage.  
Solyman being advertised of all that which passed until then, departed 
Solyman entereth into Hungary.  from Andrionopolis in great journeys with 200000. men to come to Buda, and marching with great diligence, gave notice to Mahomet of his departure, which being also known to Peren, who was one of the chiefest of roccandolph's army, caused presently the Council to assemble, persuading them instantly to retire to Pesthe, and not to attend the arrival of all the Turkish force. To this opinion Roccandolph answered, that he could not depart without the command of Ferdinand: and upon that resolution, Salm was dispatched to go towards Vienna, and whilst within a Brigantine he went a long Danubius, fear and necessity in the end constrained Roccandolph to raise and retire himself to Pesthe, beginning in this manner to march with 
Roccandolph raiseth his Campe.  his people. First, he sent before all the Hungars with the great Artillery, wagons, and other baggage, which should any thing annoy his army upon the way: after those, all the German and Bohemian Cavalarie marched, with a good troop of infantry: and in the rearward marched all the footmen, with the rest of the baggage. Even now the Vanguard and battle were already (by the obscurity of the night) arrived at Danubius, causing bridges of boats to be made. When the two Mahomet's were advertised thereof, by two Vsaron horsemen (who fled from roccandolph's Camp) they presently assembled together, and caused their people to march in two places, sending the janissaries of one side, with a good troop of Cavalarie: and on the other side, the remainder of all the horse, with all the infantry that 
The overthrow of roccandolph's army.  remained. The beginning of their assault was with cries and horrible shriek directed upon the German quarter, which they presently fired. The Germans and Bohemians, who already were at the rivers side, were greatly astonished at so sudden a charge, endeavouring themselves to dissemble their flight, they began valiantly to make head. But all the rest of the army in the Tents was out of order, and especially those a long the side of Danubius, where every one, without order or shame, endeavoured to save himself by pressing into the boats, and neither by blows, threats, nor entreaties, were any able to draw them back, much less to make them stand and turn their faces: so great was the fear they were possessed withal, and the more, in respect of the astonishment which the fearful thundering of the Cannon made that night in every place, and every one was so degenerated and discouraged, that neither Roccandolph nor his commands were of any force or authority to stay them, who also, besides the incomparable grief which greatly oppressed him, was sore wounded, and by his indisposition, the rest of the soldiers, who were appointed to fight, being advertised of this general fear, retired themselves by little and little, seeking by flight to save themselves as well as they could. Thus all in the end went to the spoil and ruin of fortune. The soldiers of Peren were the first that were charged by those of Belgrade; and the Germans, who kept S. Gerrard's hill, were overthrown by the janissaries and Turkish Cavalarie, and with great slaughter were thrown headlong down. The Budians sallying forth by the Port of the water tower (so called for that it was continually beaten upon with the waves of Danubius) and taking a covert way, which was made before by King john, charged upon the flanks of the Bohemians, overthrowing all those who were before them. The Turks who were at the guard of the I'll of Chep, understanding of this tumult, caused their vessels to float up against those of Roccandolph's, under the charge of Casson their Captain, who after a long fight against their enemies, and seeing the disgrace of fortune (which upon all sides was poured out against our soldiers) unloosing themselves from the hands of the Turks, and being more light and swift than they, began to cut the water with the force of their oars, and with a speedy swiftness saved themselves in the I'll of Comar. Friar George in the mean time, in another part set fire on the King's stables, which were possessed by roccandolph's people, and which was full of hay, which burned so cruelly, that the light thereof was seen in Pesthe, and by the vehemency thereof, it seemed all Danubius had been on fire. By such an unlooked for alteration of fortune, all the rest of roccandolph's Army having lost both courage and men, they fled in great rout, and 3000. soldiers of several nations, (who flying the cruelty of the enemy, retired themselves into the Church of Saint Gerrard) were all cut in pieces, not sparing the life of any, but those which they could sell or keep for slaves. Casson with his people and vessels pursuing them that did fly, and arriving by Pesthe, gave such a fear to the soldiers and Citizens, and to those who 
Pesthe taken by the Turks.  were newly saved, that presently forsaking their habitation, they left him to be Master of the town, without any further impeachment. Upon his entering into this town, he committed the most horrible massacres amongst the poor inhabitants, that ever was heard of, and so general was the slaughter, that the blood ran down the streets like a little brook, not sparing any of what degree of sex so ever.  
Roccandolph now seeing his Army to be wholly discomfited, was constrained to take a brigantine, and save himself in the I'll of Comar, where within few days after, he ended his life in the town of Samar, leaving to 
The death of Roccandolph.  the Turks, with great loss of his nation, victory, in which defeature, besides the loss of 36. great pieces of Artillery, and 150. lesser, there was slain 25000. men, not counting the infinite number of those who were made slaves. Solyman (who greatly desired to give such a check) under the colour to aid the Queen and the Friar, marched with as great diligence as he could, and made very great haste; but first conceived with himself, to be secure of the suspicion which he had of Stephen Maillat, (who at that time governed Transiluania in the name of Ferdinand) against whom (as we have said before, not willing to leave behind him such an enemy) he sent Mustafa. This man assisted with 30000. horse by Peter, vaivode of Moldavia, with the Vayvodes of Transalpina and Valachia, and with the 
Mustafa warreth in Transiluania.  men of Achomet, who was Sangiac of Nicopolis, together with this Army, which besides the infantry, amounted to 50000. horse, set forward against Transiluania, whereinto he entered by Sicilia, notifying to the Transylvanians, that he was not come with any intention to spoil or destroy them, but only to negotiate and treat of certain important affairs with vaivode Maillat: against whom notwithstanding he caused his people to march. Maillat seeing himself environed with so great a multitude of enemies, 
Maillat Lieutenant for Ferdinand in Transiluania.  and finding himself in feriour both in men and other forces, and being out of hope to have that aid which Ferdinand promised him, (by reason of his late overthrow before Buda) doubting of that which afterward happened, determined with himself to retire to Fogar (a Castle in Transiluania) which by reason of situation and art, being marvelous strong and defensible, was presently environed by mustafa's Army, and furiously battered 
Fogar besieged by Mustafa.  with Artillery. But the enemies seeing neither by 1000 assaults, which in vain they had attempted, nor by any force they could win it, advised with Achomet, to use some cunning and deceit, to effect his enterprise; whereupon they sent to Maillat, persuading him by all effectual reasons, that he should yield himself to Solyman, and to seek this reputation and favour, rather to be in the number of his friends, then of his enemies, and from whom he could not choose but hope for infinite clemency and many great favours; they further assuring him that he would freely leave him the degree of Vayuodship, with the whole signory of that province, and that he would demand of him no other thing, but a certain reasonable and honest tribute: and beside they persuaded certain Transylvanians, to go and negotiate with him about this business, if they would have peace and quietness between them; and above all they should endeavour that he might come to parley with them, because if he did otherwise, they would with fire and sword, in the worst sort they could make war upon them. These messengers endeavoured so far, that they entered into Fogar, and conferred with Maillat of all that which they had incharge, greatly importuning him with earnest entreaties, that if he respected the love and good of the whole country, he would not refuse so honest and large conditions of peace, nor yet contemn the friendship which in the name of Solyman, was liberally offered to him. Maillat although he reposed no trust in the words of Mustafa and Achomet, in respect of their inconstancy, nor in those of the Moldavian, who seemed to be the only means; neither in like sort in the offers which were offered to him: thought notwithstanding not altogether to despise the conditions of peace, and promised to come forth, and offer himself to Mustafa, if Achomet would give his son for pledge. But it was refused by Achomet: saying, that he had already given him to Solyman, and that he was not now in his government, therefore he could not dispose of him without his commandment; but in place of him, and that he should think himself well satisfied, he would give him four principal Captains of his Cavalarie for hostages and performance of his faith; which offer Maillat refused. But the earnest entreaties of the Transylvanians, (who persuaded him to go) took such effect in him, that like a good Captain and faithful to his Country, careless of all future mishaps which might befall him, for the general and common good of all, he was content to accept of this offer, and he (good man) as one ignorant of the sinister fortune, and treason which was wrought against him, after he had received the hostages, went forth with a goodly company to the Turks Camp, he being conducted to Mustafa and Achomet, of whom he was honourably received. And for the more commodious treating of such things as should be concluded upon between them, upon the conditions which were offered to him, the parley was deferred until another day, and upon that day the Moldavian invited him to dinner, and he in the mean time returned to Fogar. The appointed day being come, the Moldavian caused a sumptuous banquet to be prepared, and commanded those who should be present, that at the sitting down at the table, they should propound certain pleasant and facetious speeches, and that from them they should proceed to outrageous words, and after that to arms, and that upon this tumult they should seize upon Maillat, and take him prisoner. Which from point to point was fully performed, as had been before determined of. For Maillat being come to the Tent of the Moldavian, was by him entertained with great mirth, and cheerfully. And dinner time being come, he placed him at the table with all the other invited: who, after they had exhilerated themselves with pleasant discourses, performed that so well which they had in charge, as taking arms in hand, they would needs offer violence to Maillat, who in such an act minding to 
Maillat arrested prisoner among the Turks by treason.  cry out treason, and to defend himself (being a very strong and stout man) and to accuse the Moldavian of that infamous deed, he was presently seized upon, and bound, and spoiled of the richest things he brought with him, he exclaiming that he had thus villainously, and under pretence of friendship, so treacherously deceived him. Achomet came in, who, feigning bitterly to reprehend the Moldavian for such a dishonourable act, advised him not to violate that faith, for confirmation whereof, pledges had been given, and that he should not be an occasion of the death of those Captains which were sent to Fogar. To whom (in manner of disdain) the Moldavian made answer, that he caused him to be apprehended for certain injuries which he had received of him, and that he would keep him alive, and send him to Solyman, who afterwards should judge whether he were justly taken or no.  
This being done, the Castle of Fogar (after the pledges were set at liberty) by the treason and wickedness of those who commanded it in the absence of Maillat, was within a while after yielded to the Turks: although some say that it was for the delivery of Maillat, and those of his train. By 
Fogar taken.  this means Maillat, and (as we shall hereafter speak of) Valentine also (who were the two principallest of the Hungars, and who alone were remaining of the ancient Huns) unfortunately happened at one time under the tyranny of their enemies, who caused them to die in prison at Constantinople: and not being able otherwise to vanquish them by arms, they were in the end subdued by the deceit and treachery of Peter the Moldavian.  
Mustafa and Achomet having the possession of Fogar, and not seeing 
The Transiluanias swear fidelity to Stephen.  any who opposed themselves against them, caused all the Transylvanians to swear fealty to Stephen, the son of King john, under whose government every one lived peaceably, having been, before that, thirty years in subjection to his father, unto whom they were very affectionate and faithful subjects.  
These things being thus pacified in Transiluania, the two Mahomet's took their way towards Solyman, who travailing in great haste, received news of the victory which the two Mahomet's obtained at Buda, which was the cause that afterward he marched more slowly, and performed his journey at his own ease, and with great pleasure. In the end, at the beginning of August, Anno 1531. he arrived within two miles and a half of 
Solyman arrived near unto Buda, Anno, 1531.  Buda, where he lodged his Camp, being come, not so much to restore the Queen and her son to their first estate and tranquillity (as to every one he bruited abroad) as to reduce this town under his tyranny, and to settle himself there, without any great expense, knowing the commodity and succours that he might receive thereby in his wars, which he hoped to commence against Ferdinand. The Armies of the two victorious Mahomet's being joined to his Camp, he did highly commend them; and also Mustafa and Achomet, because without effusion of blood, they had with such good expedition, brought the affairs of Transiluania to so wished an end: and after that, they presented to him Maillat as a prisoner, who within 
Maillat sent to Constantinople.  a while after was sent to Constantinople with Valentine Turkey. Afterwards there were brought before him, and before the Sangiacs and bashas, all the other prisoners who were taken at the overthrow of Roccandolph, and were bound with long cords four and four together, being about 800. amongst whom were certain Captains of mark, namely Balthasar 
The massacre of prisoners executed by the Turks.  Pocan, Taisch, Bursicchy a Bohemian, and others, whose lives were saved at the instance of the Queen, and all the rest (as those who contemning the peace and friendship, which by his Ambassadors he offered unto them) were by him condemned to die, which presently was performed by the janissaries, in such sort, that in an instant they were beheaded; which certainly was a miserable spectacle.  
This being done, Solyman sent three fair horses to King john's son, furnished 
Presents of Soliman to Stephen, and to the Hungarish Lords.  with golden harness, pearls, precious stones, and rich plumes, apparel, and cloth of gold. He also sent to other Hungarish Lords, and the chief men of his Court, certain fair long gowns after the Turkish manner, and chains of gold. His Ambassadors being admitted to the Queen's presence, presented, in the name of their Lord and Master, to every one the presents which they brought, and courteously entreated the Queen to send her son with the chiefest of her Court to Solyman, who greatly desired to see him, 
Soliman requested that Stephen might be sent him.  and that she would not distrust any thing; assuring her, that all should fortunately succeed to her own content; this being his usual manner, not only to maintain and increase the kingdoms and estates of his friends, but also to defend and preserve them: and that for that cause he desired to know and embrace his son, who had been so great a friend unto him, and in token of perpetual amity, to be acquainted with him: and in respect of her, that he bore no less regard and honour unto her, then if she were his own daughter or child: and that he would willingly have come to visit her, if it were not forbidden him by his law, and that also to preserve her honour, and to avoid all suspicion, he would by no means that she should come and visit him in his Pavilion, contenting himself to have the child sent him with his Nurse. Solyman made this request, to the end that he might with more ease get possession of the town of Buda, (as within a while after by a certain deceit he did) and also to see if this child were a son or daughter, for that it was bruited to be a daughter, and the rather so suspected, because the Queen would not suffer any to see it, and therefore she had it privately nursed, and to know the certainty thereof, he was desirous that she should send the child to him. The Queen being greatly troubled by such a demand, would willingly have made a resolute answer to the contrary, that she would do nothing therein: but presently Friar George interrupted her, and prayed her that for the avoiding of doubt in the minds of the barbarous 
Stephen, by the persuasion of George, is sent to Solyman.  Turks, she would not fail but send him, offering to accompany him himself, and to bring him back again safe and sound. By such speeches the Queen was somewhat appeased, and caused her son to be richly appareled, as beseemed the majesty of a King, and sent him in a fair Coach richly gilded, having with him his Nurse, and certain Ladies; and in this equipage she sent him, accompanied with all those who had received presents from the Turk. He approaching nigh the Turks Camp, certain troops of horse, in excellent good order, and followed of many bands of janifaries, were sent before to meet him, and do him all honour, and he was placed in the midst of them, and conducted with this pomp to Solyman, who, with all lenity and courtesy, friendly received him as a Vassal of his house, and son of a King, which had been his great friend, being also willing that his children, Selim and Bajazet, (borne of Rosa his wife) should do him the like honour. These two children only were in the Camp with their father: Mustafa his eldest son, and borne of Cercassa his first wife, was then sent into Amasia, upon the frontiers of Persia, by the subtlety of the said Rosa, who aspired to exalt her own children, and debase and suppress the other. Solyman having courteously entertained this child, and making show to him of all possible good will, commanded the bashas to invite all the Hungarish Lords to dine with them, and that they should prepare a bountiful banquet, furnished with all sorts of dainty cates. Afterward he commanded certain Captains, that (during this feast) they should feign themselves to go and see the town of Buda, and also find the means to seize thereon without 
Buda taken by the Turks with deceit.  any bruit or tumult, making show, that as some entered, others should come forth, to the end that the Budians might not distrust this matter, which was wisely performed. For many entered by troops by the Port of Sabatia, with semblance only, as though they had been strangers desirous to be hold novelties and the singularity of a town: but few came forth, and many of them remained within, in so much that for one of them that came out, there entered seven. And by this policy (when they thought themselves of sufficient number) they suddenly forced the guard of that Port, who nothing distrusting such a treachery, were content to yield, and these being seized thereof, they gave thereby entrance to a good troop of soldiers, who were not far from thence ambushed, attending the issue thereof. They being now masters of the town, they presently passed to the place and Palace of the King, and the Captain of the janifaries made proclamation through the town, that none should come out of his house, but that every one should peaceably stay therein, and that if the citizens would live in quiet, they should render up their arms into his custody, which was presently done; and in token of their fidelity, every citizen took a Turk into his house to lodge, and they all carried themselves so mildly, that it seemed 
The marvelous obedience of the Turks.  there was never enemy entered into the town, nor any Turk whosoever durst give his host a foul word.  
Solyman understanding that Buda was taken, and all things quiet therein, (although it was almost night) sent the Queen her son again, retaining 
Stephen sent back to Buda, and the Hungarish Lords were stayed.  with him all those Princes and Lords who accompanied the King, namely, Friar George Bishop of Varadin, Peter Vicchy, near kinsman to King john, and one whom the Queen greatly respected, Batian Vrbain, Governor of Buda, Stephen Verbetz, great Chancellor of Hungary, and Valentine Turkey, Lieutenant general of the King's army, with many other. The Queen seeing by this craft and deceit her town taken, and those great personages who accompanied her son, to be detained prisoners by those, of whom she thought to find aid and comfort, knew not for the present what to do, being as much as was possible, surprised with a fear of the worst, & with a certain grief which happened by such an unexpected adversity: she, duly considering of these premises, fearing lest the rest should also be taken away from her, writ very humble and submissive letters to Solyman, instantly requesting him not to violate or offer injury to the fidelity, which she had reposed in him, & which he confirmed unto her by many his Letters patents, and that in like sort he would be mindful of his accustomed clemency and magnanimity on the behalf of his child, who of his own accord made himself the friend and Vassal of his house: and that it would please him to release those Lords, which he detained as prisoners, who had so well served and defended her, during the passed wars, considering that upon his faith and royal promise she had sent them with her son. This letter being sent, was sufficient to mollify the outrageous fury of the Turk, who, upon the receipt thereof, held a Council to consult thereupon. And opinions 
A Council held upon the delivery of the prisoners.  were different, and did not agree together. Mahomet, Governor of Belgrade, with many other, would that all those Lords that were prisoners should be beheaded, and that they should send the Queen and her son to Constantinople; that he should place a Bassa in Buda, with a good and strong garrison to govern and defend it against the assaults of the Christians. On the other side, Rostan Bassa (unto whom the Queen had sent rich presents) refuted the opinion of Mahomet, and of his adherents: saying, that if Solyman followed their advice, he would greatly blemish the reputation of his renown, and that his faith and promise would not be any whit at all esteemed among other nations, when they should so apparently see that it was not observed, especially to those, unto whom at their own requests and entreaties, he had given it for aid and succour; and that the example of Buda considered, never any would afterwards call him to succour them, fearing that the like surpise would happen to them: and therefore he thought it better to suffer the Queen to enjoy her state in peace, with some augmentation of tribute, and by that means he should avoid the infamy of infidelity, whereinto every one of them should fall with everlasting ignomy. By means of such diversity of opinions, the bashas could not agree, Solyman not determined of any resolution, dissolved the Council, seeing the time was come wherein (according to his law) he should offer sacrifice to God, which was the 30. of August: and to that end he sent into Buda his 
Sacrifice made by Solyman in the great Church of Buda.  Priests, to consecrate for him the great Church, according to the Mahometaine manner. And they overthrew all the Altars, and pulled down all the Images, cleansing and hallowing the Church after their custom. That being done, Solyman with his Sacrificers entered into the town, taking thereupon occasion to dismiss the Council, and would not execute any thing, concerning that which his Bashes had counseled him unto. But taking a more mild and pleasing course, he gave notice to the Queen, that she 
Solyman sent Queen Izabella and her son Stephen to govern in Transiluania.  and her son should presently depart the Castle, and that she should retire to Lippa, which is beyond Tibiscus, to govern the kingdom of Transiluania, where she might live in better security and content, then at Buda, and where she should be a neighbour to the kingdom of Sigismond King of Polonia her father, and there they should remain until her son should come to age, and be able to govern and rule that kingdom, of which he offered himself to be an overseer and protector, promising to make restitution thereof unto him at that time; alleging for his excuse, that it imported her son no less to have sufficient and careful overseers to govern Hungary, then of other persons able to defend and preserve it for him. Whereupon he nominated Peter Vicchy to be Governor of the County of Themesuar, & of 
Peter Vicchy Governor of Transiluania.  the neighbour countries bordering thereon, and willed that Stephen Verbetz, a man in years, wise, and provident, should remain at Buda to execute justice, and to have respect to the Hungars. And to encourage her the more to depart, and begin her journey with best convenience, he offered her wagons and horse, as many as should be sufficient to carry her baggage, and other movables, and beside, he appointed her a sufficient convoy of Cavalarie, and janissaries to accompany her unto Tibiscus, he having (notwithstanding those his feigned promises) another secret intention in himself, that within a while he would make himself absolute Lord, not only of Transiluania, but also of all Hungary, which was on the other side of Danubius towards Vienna, not being able at that time to prosecute so difficult a matter, in respect of many occasions & impediments, which did then greatly hinder him from it. Afterwards he named King Stephen his vaivode, and 
George with the Queen overseer of Stephen.  confirmed the Queen to be his governess, reigning in Transiluania, and made Friar George her coadjutor & Treasurer, following therein the last will of King john, bequeathed to him by his Testament, of which he said he was and would be an executor. The Queen having understood this cruel and unlooked for command, and bathing her face with tears, did extremely blame and grievously cry out against the natural impiety of so damnable and faithless a Lord, who (against his vowed faith) deprived her both of her kingdom, and of all that which she held most dear: but seeing no remedy, she patiently yielded to fortune her enemy, and left the Fortress (out 
The Queen departeth from Buda.  of the which the Turks would not suffer her to take any Artillery nor munition, but only her movables) and took her journey out of the town of Buda, with such provision of wagons and horse, as Solyman would appoint her.  
Upon her departure, the Turk presently set at liberty all those Lords 
The Hungarish Lords set at liberty.  which he kept prisoners, except Valantine Turkey, who, as hath been said, was sent prisoner with Maillat to Constantinople, where within a while after they both died. The other, although they were greatly offended to see 
The death of Maillat.  themselves so fraudulently deprived of their lands and goods, yet were they exceeding joyous, seeing themselves free and secure of their lives, whereof they stood in great dread. They being thus at liberty, they presently went to the Queen, who, together with them and the Friar, and certain other of her household, took their way towards Transiluania, being often constrained for want of horses, to draw her Coach with oxen, which she notwithstanding endured with an invincible and noble courage: already very well 
The constancy of the Queen.  perceiving that her affairs were in a manner declining; and beside, seeing herself (according to woman's nature) to be a weak and tender woman, not able to resist so sad and heavy blows, which fortune began already to torment her with. But being now fully resolved to make small account of all misfortunes that might betide her, took notwithstanding always good heed (during these adversities) to preserve her authority and royal government, in such decent and discreet manner, that during her life she was greatly honoured therefore, as her dignity well merited.  
In the mean time while the Queen with these complaints and griefs drew near Transiluania, Ferdinand having received under the conduct of Roccandolph this bloody overthrow, and wonderful loss of people, Artillery, Munition, and special towns of importance, distrusting the Turk would amass together all his Army before Vienna, presently dispatched Leonard Velsh to the I'll of Comar, (after the death of Roccandolph) to really 
Ferdinand sent to Solyman to demand peace.  the remnant of his Army, and with all speed to conduct them to Vienna, and to fortify the said I'll with the best defence he could. And seeing on the other side his brother the Emperor Charles so busied in the affairs of Germany, that he could not then send him any succours, did deliberate with himself by Ambassages to require peace, and to prove how Solyman was affected towards him. To this end he sent an embassage by Nicholas 
Rich presents sent to Solyman by Ferdinand.  Salm, and Sigismond Litestan with rich and excellent presents to him, among which was a cup of gold, beautified and enriched with precious stones of great value, furnished with a cover, upon the which was a dial, that did not only contain in it the course of the hours, Moon, and Sun; but also of all the other Stars and Planets. It was a work made with such excellent and marvelous art, that it seemed a miracle of nature to them, who could seriously contemplate of the rareness thereof; and it came by succession from the Emperor Maximilian. These Ambassadors arriving at the Turks Camp, first presented themselves to Rostan Bassa, and afterward to Bassa Casson, who lodged them in honourable tents, and the day following, they dined with the bashas at their own table. The feast being ended, they took from them their weapons, and also their knives, (according 
The manner to present an Ambassador before the Turk.  to their custom) and were by the basha's (every one of them between two bashas that lead them arm in arm) presented before Solyman, whose hand they kissed, and after offered him their presents, which greatly pleased him, and especially the vessel of gold, that bore this admirable dial, which he so curiously beheld, that he could not therewith sufficiently satisfy his greedy sight (so often did he view & review it, both within and without) by means of him who usually kept it, who purposely came with the Ambassadors, curiously demonstrating unto Solyman the exquisiteness thereof, and caused him to see the excellent workmanship that was with in it, and how wonderful the work was. Solyman after he had sufficiently perused this rare jewel, gave audience to Nicholas and Sigismond. They demanded 
Ferdinand demandeth to be invested King! of Hungary by Solyman.  that he would give to Ferdinand, together with Buda, the kingdom of Hungary, with the same charges and conditions, upon which before he had agreed with john, promising that the Emperor his brother, for his greater surety, should send Ambassadors to be comprised in the same peace, and that he would yield to the conditions that should be mentioned therein, whereby he might more liberally and without suspicion, by force of arms, enlarge the limits of his Empire towards the East. And the rather to persuade him unto it, they declared to him, how john acknowledging to possess that kingdom unjustly, had in the time of his life, of his own accord compacted with their Master, that after his death, it should be rendered to him, allotting to his son such a revenue as should be convenient to maintain his estate, he knowing himself to be chosen King, rather by the favour of fortune, then by his own demerits. Therefore they besought Solyman to accept into that kingdom, rather their Master for his friend and Vassal, then for his neighbour and enemy, considering he was already created King of Bohemia, and elected by the Germans King of the Romans, and that he was by the Hunger's themselves, rather desired to be their King then any other.  
Solyman having well understood their demands, and greatly commending their presents, answered them that within three days they should know further of his pleasure. When two days were expired, he caused Rostan Bassa to impart unto them his whole intention, who told them, that Ferdinand should render all the towns which had been in the possession of King Lewis, which he did enjoy, and that he should utterly renounce the kingdom of Hungary; and that Solyman for the injuries which he had received of him (by reason whereof he was often forced to take arms) was content notwithstanding to pardon him with a light penalty; to wit, in paying tribute for the Country of Austria for the time to come. Upon such conditions, Rostan said that Solyman was content to entertain peace and friendship with their Master, or else if he would not accept thereof, that then he would not cease to make continual war upon him, and would presently send to destroy, and wholly to ruinate all the Country of Austria.  
The Ambassadors seeing they could not obtain any thing worthy their coming, and that all these their proceedings would dissolve into wind, demanded respite to answer this so unworthy answer, so far out of peaceable terms, and withal to send unto Ferdinand; which was not granted to them. They thought verily that the Turks in denying all that they demanded, would easily notwithstanding entertain truce, considering that the winter approached, and that to avoid the inconvenience thereof, he should be forced to take his journey towards Constantinople. But these Ambassadors made show as though they understood it not, and in stead of propounding other matters, they took occasion to demand Balthasar Taish, who was taken at the overthrow of Roccandolph, and put in chains among other slaves. Rostan answered them, that he should be restored without any ransom, when the premised conditions of peace should be entertained; or if war happened, that then occasion would be offered to exchange him for some of their own. Thus they being excluded from all agreement, and deprived of all hope of concluding peace, they in this sort returned to Ferdinand.  
Whilst those were in their way to Vienna, Solyman after he had fortified all the frontiers, dislodged from Buda with his army, taking the way towards 
Solyman returneth to Constantinople.  Constandinople, leaving within the town of Buda a strong garrison, under the command of a Hunger named Solyman, who was turned Turk, and who for martial affairs should defend and govern the town; appointing beside for the executing of justice (willing thereby to gratify the Budians) Stephen Verbetz, whom they all knew to be a man of sincere life.  
As these affairs were dispatched at Buda by Solyman, the Queen travailed continually until she approached near unto Transiluania, when she was advertised by all the principal of the kingdom, that they would not suffer her to enter thereinto, least by the like deceit it should happen to them, as it fortuned to those of Buda: whereupon she was constrained after so long a journey, to repose herself at Lippa, where being arrived with her son, she presently sent to seek Friar George, that by the friendship and favour of 
The Queen was received into Transiluania by the favour of George.  certain of the chiefest, who were specially affected to his part, and many other of his friends, she might by their good liking enter peaceably into the kingdom. George, by the help of his friends, effected so much, that the Transylvanians were content to receive her as their Queen, and use obedience to her son, with no less duty, then if he had been john his father, allowing him as their King, & his mother as his governess. Besides, the Friar managed the affairs so well, that he was again elected and confirmed by the country, great Treasure, and general governor of that province: and within a while he returned to the Queen, who presently after his arrival, ceased not to journey until she came to Transiluania, leaving to Peter Vicchy the government of the County of Lippa, and Themesuar, in respect of the confidence she reposed in him, to the end that he receiving so large a command of her, she might have more confidence that he would hold and defend it in her sons name and to his use. But this government did, together with the time, so puff up his heart with pride, that he durst adventure to possess those places as his own inheritance, and not as things movable, or depending upon the Crown of that kingdom; and yet notwithstanding he did not this but by some secret consent of the Queen. She being arrived in this country, began now to take the rule and administration of the kingdom, in such manner, that she had only but the name and title thereof, all the puissance and authority being in the hands of the Friar, who, under the colour of his estate of Treasurership, received into his custody all the revenues of the kingdom, and so little did he distribute and allow to the Queen, that much ado she had wherewithal to suffice her own wants. 
George useth the treasure of the kingdom and beginneth to govern, and little respecteth the Queen.  And he determining to rule all things, aided himself by all the suttlest means, which he thought could any way profit him, to command over the mightiest of the kingdom, endeavouring himself in the beginning, by infinite courtesies, to draw all the gentlemen to his part, and make his faction great, who, after he had won and enticed them to his dispose, than used them like slaves: and if it happened that they at any time complained thereof, presently he excused and cleared himself, saying, that it was not needful to use such courtesies and ceremonies with those who were his familiar and kind friends, but rather to such who were not in any sort bound to him by so strict and faithful a league. And if he had notice of any one who would not be alured and won to his faction, but rather was inclined to the service of the Queen, he strait pursued them with all violence even unto death. All this behaviour of the Friars was well known to the Queen, in regard whereof she deeply maliced him: and although she could hardly support the grief and discontent of such a burdensome yoke, yet nevertheless she endured all his arrogancy and peremptory behaviour with incomparable patience, still hoping that time (according to custom) would remedy all: all Empires, estates, riches, honours, poverties, glories, triumphs, and all prosperous and adverse things, being subject continually to inconstant alteration, and there being nothing under the concavity and cope of heaven, which continueth long in one and the same estate, but is forced within a short time to change the form, habit, and colour, and which showeth not the instability of human actions to be conformable to the natural change of her course.  
The end of the second Book.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE THIRD BOOK.  
THe Queen complaineth to Solyman of George; he seeketh the favour and aid of Ferdinand; of which the Queen having notice, advertiseth Solyman thereof; whose puissance George fearing, he retireth and fortifieth himself in Sassebasse, and the Queen leavieth forces against him. Solyman sendeth a Chiauss into Transiluania in favour of the Queen: the Transylvanians forsake her, and incline to George, who acordeth with the Queen for fear of the Turks power marching towards him; against whom George taketh arms, and forceth them to retire, and he still useth the Queen after his accustomed manner: she incenseth the Transylvanians against him: whereupon he uniteth himself to Ferdinand, who maketh john Baptista Castalde his Lieutenant, and sendeth him into Hungary. The Queen publisheth a Diet, and George interrupteth and dissolveth it. Castalde besiegeth the Castle of Dalmas, which is yielded to him. The Queen acordeth with George, and Albe-iula is yielded to him. Many suspicions passeth between Castalde and Friar George, and the Queen yieldeth herself to Ferdinand: but George seeketh to frustrate that agreement, who in the end is made vaivode of Transiluania, and created Cardinal. The Queen resigneth all the royal ornaments to Castalde with the Crown, which are sent to Ferdinand, unto whom the Hungars swear homage. The Queen departeth out of Hungary, and George seeketh again the favour of the Turks, who lie in wait for the Queen travailing to Cassovia.  
Queen Izabella seeing the affairs between herself and Friar George succeed from worse to worse; and also diligently observing his bad and evil demeanour, which was more than her patience could digest or tolerate; and that notwithstanding she knew not any means how to withdraw him from his obstinate wilful course, being highly offended therewith: had no other recourse or help of redress, but writ to the Turk, greatly complaining herself of the bad entreaty which he used towards 
The Queen complaineth of George to Solyman.  her; desiring him that since he was content to appoint and leave her in possession of that kingdom, that in like sort he would vouchsafe to assist and aid her out of such a miserable subjection, wherein she was now fallen into, specially in suffering the cruel tyranny of the Friar, which was more burdensome to her, than the injury of her professed enemies; and if it were not speedily prevented, it might in time be the cause of some sinister and ominous fortune: wherefore wholly relying upon his favour and clemency, she effectually prayed him to relieve her against so great a calamity, whereby she might quietly enjoy the same peace, which many times he had promised her, with a faithful and sincere affection.  
Solyman understanding these complaints, made no other show at that time for the redress of them, but only writ to the Friar, that he should use the Queen as was fitting and answerable to her calling; and that so much the rather, for that she was recommended to him: and if he did to the contrary, he would teach him how to behave himself, yea it might be, he would make him an example to others, to take better heed for the like presumption. These letters, in stead of causing him to alter his peremptory behaviour towards her, confirmed him the rather in a more malicious and obstinate will then before. He now notwithstanding seeing all his actions were discovered to the Turk, and that it was behoveful for him to live more near and private to himself, determined (percevering still in his peremptory resolution to use the Queen after his accustomed manner) to assist himself, by the favour 
George seeketh again the favour of Ferdinand.  of Ferdinand, who was already crowned King of the Romans, with an intention to be able by his means (at every assay that might be offered) to resist and only defend himself against the Turk; and the rather being induced thereunto, through a continual vexation which he received of Solyman, demanding of him oftentimes (besides the yearly tribute which was paid him) sometimes victual, sometime munition, and other extraordinary subsidies which were infinite, by reason whereof, not being able to satisfy his greedy ambitious mind, the treasure was in the end spent and consumed, in so much that there remained little or nothing thereof; so that he to content his barbarous appetites, was constrained to impose upon the kingdom new taxes, and tributes, whereby he procured the dislike and hate of every one.  
In this time was Count Nicholas Salm Lieutenant general for Ferdinand 
Nicholas Salm Lieutenant general for Ferdinand in Hungary. Tocchay.  in Hungary, who (as hath been said) was sent upon an embassage to Solyman, to treat of a peace with him. Long before, Friar George desired conference with him in the Castle of Tocchay, where King john (as we have said in the first book) was overthrown by Ferdinand's Lieutenant, where (by the means of a river) Hungary doth divide itself from Transiluania. But there never falling out any opportunity to see one another; one day (as they both desired) it happened (they nothing thinking thereof) but either of them minding to go some other way, that they met in the midst of a way 
The conference between George and Count Salm.  coming from Hungary to that place, the Friar continually soliciting the Count, that he might come to him and speak with him for the King's service; and having instantly urged him thereto, the Count would never seem to hearken thereunto, as not reposing much trust in him, knowing that he was mutable, inconstant, and a friend not much to be trusted. Notwithstanding, setting at that time before his eyes the great and often solicitation which he daily used, to cause him to come to parley; and seeing himself well accompanied with sufficient bands of footmen, and troops of Cavalarie, refused not to hearken to the Friar: whereupon he went to lie at Tocchay with George, who all the whole night continued together in private, with long conference concerning his purpose, saying, that he had notice that Peter Vicchy, Governor of Lippa and Themesuar, had intelligence with the Turk, and under colour to give up these countries (into which he had invested himself, as if it had been into his own inheritance) under the Crown of King john's son: and to comfort and aid the Queen the more, he would wholly take away the care & administration of the kingdom from him, and reduce it into extreme calamity, and transfer it (as already he saw some likelihood thereof) under the government of the Turk: which did not much displease him for his own particular, as for the great damage which all Christendom should receive thereby, this being manifest that Transiluania is the Port that giveth large entrance to annoy it, which being under the hands of so puissant an enemy, Ferdinand might then with grief easily discern what preparation and mean this would be, to enter into his country of Austria and Germany, which he could by no means hinder: considering the weakness of his forces, and his brother the Emperor Charles greatly encumbered by the dissensions of Germany, in regard whereof, he could by no means send such succour as was needful for him; and that for his part he saw him already to be old and sickly, and without means to defend this country, against the mighty puissance of such an enemy, who not only by force, but also by deceit and subtlety would not cease, until he had reduced it under his government: And that upon this occasion, before he would see such an indignity, and receive so great a loss, and especially not being able, by reason of the great bonds wherein he was obliged to King john, to do otherwise then procure that this kingdom might remain free and peaceable to his son Stephen, he had advised and determined with himself, to have recourse to the majesty and princely regality of Ferdinand, desiring his help to frustrate & dissolve such enterprises, importuning the Count to recite amply this weighty matter to him, praying him he would not fail to favour a deed so holy and just: the issue whereof would not only be profitable to the service of God, and to the good of all Christendom, but also a special profit and commodity to his Majesty, in whose royal favour he offered to do him all possible service, to the end that that which he already had negotiated with the Queen, might take effect, to wit, in persuading her to relinquish that State, according to that which King john had by his last will and Testament decreed; excusing and acquitting himself by such like offers, of all dislikes which before had passed, promising to do him faithful service in time to come, and to observe and entertain inviolably, whatsoever it would please his Majesty to command him.  
Count Salms made him answer, that he would very willingly undertake to advertise Ferdinand of all which had passed between them two. And to animate and confirm him the more in this his good purpose, he promised him to perform it, both by word and deed, assuring him that Ferdinand would not fail but condescend to all that which he had demanded: nevertheless with this condition, that he should still persever in his faith and promise, and effectually observe all which he had promised him. With this conclusion they both departed, the Friar taking his journey towards Transiluania, and the Count towards Vienna, to impart unto Ferdinand the whole discourse which had passed between them.  
This conference was not so private, but the Queen had present notice thereof: and well knowing that the Friar sounded all the means to do her the greatest mischief and spite he could, she understood that he secretly practised to accomplish fully his thoughts, and put her to all travail and pain, which he thought good and meet to chase her out of her kingdom: she well knowing that for this end, and not to do him service, nor for any other occasion, then that which he falsely and wickedly pretended, practised to join with Ferdinand, and take part with him: and knowing herself to be a Queen of weak force, and a woman without the aid of any Christian Prince, and even of Ferdinand himself, by the friendship and favour of whom she hoped to prevail in her necessities, being deprived thereof by the subtleties and crafts of the Friar; she was constrained that she might not behold a man (to whom she wished so much ill) to triumph over her and her son; rather to serve her present need with the promise and offer of the Turk, esteeming it better for her to endure all that which should happen to her, by the violence of this great disaster, than the evil (although it would prove but little) which might betide her by the friars wicked policies and practices. Upon this resolution, she presently dispatched john Solanze (a man of good esteem, and greatly renowned in those countries, 
The Queen sent to Solyman, advertising him of the friars practices.  and who was very much devoted to her) to go to Constantinople, and acquaint Solyman with the practices that Friar George wrought against her. He travailing with good expedition, arrived in short time before the Turk, to whom he imparted all the effect of his embassage. Solyman, who by his own people had been already advertised of all the affairs which were done in Transiluania, and namely of the Friars proceedings, was at this new information, provoked and incensed the more, and sent presently one of his Chiauses to the Bassa of Buda, with express command that he should either take the Friar alive or dead; he also writing to the Transylvanians, that they should favour and assist his Chiauss in all things which he might need from them: and charged him that if he did see that they could not execute that which he would, that then he should show them other Letters Patents, by which he deprived the Friar of all his degree, dignity, and state, and commanded them all no longer to obey him, but to oppose themselves against him, and according to the manner of that country, that they should endeavour to kill him as a traitor, and thief, and if any refused to execute this command, he should threaten them all with death, and ruinate and quite subvert the whole country. He writ in like sort to the Vayvodes of Moldavia, and Transalpina, and to the Bassa of Buda, that as often as the Queen required them, they should presently take arms and aid her against the Friar, with the greatest force they could.  
The Chiauss was scarcely departed from Constantinople, and these commands dispatched by Solyman, but Friar George had presently secret and particular notice thereof by many his friends. Upon which occasion, being well advised, he retired himself from the Queen's Court, to a town of good strength called Sassebesse, which he presently caused to be well victualled 
George retireth and fortifieth himself with Sassebesse.  and fortified, putting therein a good strong garrison, cleansing and deepning the ditches, heightening the rampires, repairing the walls where they were decayed, and furnishing it with Artillery, sufficiently to sustain the brunt of a siege; & in the mean while, he forgot not by the best means that he could devise, and particularly by good words, to clear himself to the Turk. During this time, whilst he was careful with expedition to effect this matter, yet nevertheless (as being very vigilant) he omitted not to practise on the other side what was fitting for him, that he might not be surprised. Therefore he called together all his friends, and especially the Sicilians (who are the warlikest people in that kingdom) and from amongst them he took into his pay 4000 first causing them to swear that they should be faithful to him. By these and others, he so increased his forces, that he began to be feared near and far off.  
The Queen understanding of all these preparations, and certainly knowing, by such intelligence as was brought her, that the Friar made full account to possess all, and that then for the present she had no other means but take him by force, and fearing withal that she should be chased out of her kingdom, before any succours could come to her aid; writ with all speed to the Bassa of Buda, and to the two Vayvodes, that according unto the ordinance which they had received from the grand Signior, they should send 
The Queen gathereth forces against George.  her present aid, she speedily advertising them in what estate the friars affairs were. They not omitting any time, caused their people to be in a readiness, and in the mean time, while they were in coming, the Queen levied 7000. men, and sent them to besiege the Castles of Brancich and Vincky, which Friar George had built from the ground, upon the river side of Marosse.  
Peter Vicchy understanding of all that passed, as well on the Queen's part, as on the Friars, assembled as many men as he could in his government of Lippa and Themesuar, and through his persuasions drew to his party Serpietre Vicchy, who was a Ratian, and one of the greatest of his country, & who before time expected to have been King: he brought with him 8000. Ratians, and joined himself and his forces with Peter Vicchy, and they went to 
Peter Vicchy besiegeth Senath.  besiege the Castle of Senath, which was belonging to the Bishop of Varadine, situated in the lower Transiluania, which was kept for the Friar, Bishop of Varadine, by jasper Perusicchy a Captain of his, who failed not valiantly to defend it, until he was relieved by Thomas Varcocce, although Serpietre used all his skill to win it by battery. This man being particularly certified of the estate and manner of this siege, was sent with all expedition by the Friar into the Bishopric of Varadine, to make a present, levy of as many persons as could be found able to bear arms, to relieve Senath. Varcocce having diligently ordered all things, and having gathered a sufficient number of foot and horse, as well hirelings, as others bound to perform that service, and seeing himself no less gallant and forward to fight, than his emies, as a valiant and prudent Captain, that would not through his negligence let pass any favourable occasion of fortune, after a thousand deliberations, and as many premeditations, resolved upon the sudden to set upon the Ratians in many places, and by the virtue and dexterity of himself, and favour of the assieged, to make a direct and quick dispatch to the victory. Upon this resolution, he sent in the night certain Spies, diligently to view and consider the order and martialing of his enemy's Camp, the guards, watch, and number, and in conclusion their quality and condition, whether they were hirelings, or of the number of those who were to perform such a duty, and whether they were more of foot or horse, and in what place, and how they were lodged, to the end, that as occasion served, he might more commodiously fight with them, without prejudice of his own people. These Spies in the night entering into the Camp of the Ratians, perceived 
Thomas Varcocce defeated the army of Vicchy.  nothing else amongst them but disorder, and that above all very great carelessness, in so much that they were of present opinion, that Varcocce might with great facility overthrow and defeat them. They having with good vigilancy surveyed this drowsy leaguer, returned again to Varcocce, acquainting him with all that they had seen and known. This increased his courage, and redoubled his desire to give them battle: and in the mean time giving notice to those of Senath, of that which he determined to do, marshalled his squadrons in three parts; placing in the first good store of Cavalarie, with many infantry; and in the other (which was towards a little hill) making a left wing thereof, he placed the rest of his infantry, which were flanked with a good troop of horse, to the end, that as the first squadron should charge upon the flanks of the enemy, this should spread itself in form of a Crescent, and with one of the horns thereof to bear in upon the tail of the enemy, and with the other to force the left flank; and as for himself, with the best horse and foot he had, was placed in the midst, and purposed to assail the enemy before. Disposing of his people in this manner, one morning two hours before day, he marched with so great silence, that his arrival was sooner felt, than they had any inkling of his coming, and arrived even by day break among the Ratians, who thought themselves secure, and charged them at one instant in three sundry places, with such courage and fury, and with so great a noise of Trumpets, Drums, Fifes, and cries, that it seemed the world would have turned topsy-turvy. The Ratians seeing themselves (contrary to their expectation) to be assailed in three places, and furiously charged, they could not so soon, as necessity required, put themselves in battle for their defence, but began wholly to be discomforted, and sought their private safety by an ignominious flight, which they bought dear at Varcocces hand, who thereupon made a great butchery and slaughter of them, pursuing them even to their homes, and ranging the country as victorious, and in his retreat led with him 4000 prisoners, with great and rich spoils of his enemies, of whom he put to the sword 2500. Having by this overthrow reduced the country to his true and ancient obedience; and having assured it from the assaults of war, and enfranchised this Castle from such an extremity, he victoriously returned to Varadine.  
Nicholas Serpietre, chief leader of these Ratians, escaping half naked from this tempest, retired himself safe and sound into a Castle of his own, where his wife was remaining, to whom (almost with tears) he sorrowfully recounted all the success of his disgrace, unfortunately happened to him, imputing to fortune the loss of his people, which indeed happened by his evil and negligent government. His wife hearing this discourse, in stead of condoling and comforting his hard disaster, began, not as a woman, but as a man of courage, resolute to upbraid and reprehend his womanish spirit: saying to him, that he should for shame return, and recover the honour of 
The marvelous courage of a Ratian wife.  his blood and house, which chiefly he had lost, otherwise, that she would never consent to be called the wife of him, that was worse than the basest and cowardlyest woman whosoever, and that he deserved not to have an heir of his lineage, since so basely he showed himself in such an act. The husband would willingly have replied and alleged some excuse for himself, whereupon she more inflamed with ire then before, added presently: I would to God (said she) that thou hadst rather been brought to me in a thousand pieces, if thou hadst died in glory and renown, rather than to live in health, as I now behold thee, bringing with thee nought but dishonour and ignomy: knowing well that thou never tookest this reproachful example of thy forefathers, who never yet fell into such unseemly cowardliness, whereinto thyself art now deeply plunged. And who of our time is he, that by so base & vile a courage hath committed so foul and enormous a fault? and who hath ever left unto his heirs so great and infamous an outrage, without being revenged, as they self? Dost thou not think that it would rather have rejoiced and contented me, if thou hadst with thine own hands slain our enemies, and that myself, even with my mouth might have sucked their blood, then to see them so cruelly murdering ours, and to suck the blood of mine? And nevertheless, thou leaving all thine dead in the place, darest now presume to come crying before me as a little girl, even as sound and whole as when thou didst depart from thy house. Avoid infamous man, and cause that mine eyes do never behold thee, for they shall have as great shame to see thee to be my husband, as myself to behold myself to be thy wife, since the condition and nobleness of my blood abhorreth the indignity of thy person, whom (if it had pleased God) I would in regard of so shameless a fact, I had never known thee, and so I would esteem myself more proud and joyful, then now I am, and in stead of life, I should not be so urged, as now I am, to desire death. She having ended these words, inflamed with ire and great indignation, departed from him, being many days and months before she would once vouchsafe to see him again.  
Whilst fortune in this sort favoured the affairs of Varcocce, the Friar went to Megest, not in respect he misdoubted the strength of Sassebesse, but only to be more near unto the Sicilians, upon whose forces he greatly reposed himself, there being the principal of the kingdom ranged on the 
The Chiauss of Solyman in favour of the Queen threateneth the Transylvanians.  Queen's part, to whom they were very favourable, until the Chiauss (of whom we have before spoken) being without hope any longer to delude the Friar, or obtain him by any stratagem, did divulge to them the Turks command, telling them, that if all of them did not presently take arms against the Friar, he would procure the Bassa of Buda, and the two Vayvodes of Moldavia and Transalpina, to chastise and handle them, as the deserts of disobedient persons merited, destroying all their towns, and ruinating the whole country, as they were wont to do. But these threatenings little profited the Queen, but to the contrary, so incensed the hearts of those who were adhering to her part to succour her, that seeing the Turk began to take upon him to aid her, they wholly dismissed themselves from her service, in respect of the natural hate which they bore to the Turks. Upon this occasion the Friar omitted no opportunity, but thereby did the better 
The Transylvanians forsake the Queen.  shadow his ambitious proceedings, imparting to those Lords, that if they any longer favoured the Queen's part, they might be well assured, that it would be the manifest ruin and utter subversion of their country, seeing it was apparent, that under the colour of aid, she endeavoured to bring the Turks in among them, who once knowing the Fortresses and difficult passages, the condition and fertileness of the country, and prying by all devices into their commodities, and their other actions, they might within short time find the means to patronize themselves of all Transiluania, even as by the like facts they tyrannously have made themselves masters of all Greece.  
By these and such like persuasions, the Lords were drawn unto his faction, absolutely leaving the Queen, and they amassed and united themselves with the Friar, that within few days he assembled a good army, and encamped before Albe-iula, where for the most part the Queen made her 
George encamped before Albeiula.  abode, with such few men as she had of the country, the chief and Captain general of whom was Peter Vicchy. Both parties being thus certain days without performing any memorable act, the one against the other, the Sicilians began to mutiny; saying, they would return home again, and that they would no longer remain in that place against the Queen. The Friar not knowing the cause of this mutiny, armed himself with his Cuirass, and being well mounted, went into the midst of the mutineers, who understanding the cause that did thus move them to this tumult, answered them in this sort; that they should not be astonished at so great a delay, the which was not done without special advice and benefit to the whole country, and that thereof, there should proceed great good and quiet to every one, for that now in the mean time an agreement was laboured between himself and the Queen, which was almost well brought to pass. And for that cause he prayed them a while to have patience, not doubting but this business would effect to good end, and that afterward they should return with great content and quiet. By such and many other sweet persuasions (which he well knew at pleasure how to use both in time and place) he appeased all this tumult, yet not without great travail and labour. But seeing it was no easy matter for him to entertain them with words, but that he must in the end conclude by deeds, for that these dissensions were like to continue long, and end by war and battle, (which the Sicilians by no means would endure) he began (knowing it greatly imported him, in respect the Bassa of Buda, the Moldavian, and the Transalpinian were coming against him with three armies) diligently to seek an agreement between himself and the Queen, who also was 
The agreement between the Queen and George.  greatly inclined to peace, (for that she doubted no aid would come from the Turk) and she presently accepted of the conditions which the Friar offered her; and the rather, in regard she was disfurnished of necessaries for the maintenance of war, as of men, money, favour, and forsaken (as she thought) of the Turk, in whom she reposed but little trust. And being a sole woman, not having any whom she might assure herself to rely upon, she thought that the continuance of this peace would be very momentary; notwithstanding of two evils she determined to choose the least, and the rather accepted of this agreement which was concluded between them; and both willingly dismissed all their forces.  
Whilst Friar George and the Queen were in terms of reconciliation, the Bassa of Buda on the one part, and the two Vayvodes on the other, being carefully solicited by the Queen, were already in their way, whilst these broils were in motion, and every one of them brought a sufficient army to relieve her: and although she was advertised thereof, yet in stead of coming forward, she writ unto them that they should retire, because the Friar and herself were now accorded and in terms of agreement, and that their coming would be little profit or commodity to her. But neither the one nor the other would hearken thereunto, for that they determined among themselves, before their retreat, to enter into Transiluania. The Queen imagining nothing less, then of the evil which might ensue of their proceeding forward, and fearing that it would happen to her, during the peace, which had not chanced to her during the time of war, to wit, to be absolutely deprived of her kingdom; sent with all expedition to the Friar, to inform him, that he should use some present means to prevent this inconvenience, and to endeavour himself with all expedition, that these forces might return into their countries, and that she might not need to send them any presents, whereby they would the willinger retire. The Friar little respecting her request, did not greatly busy himself about it, but answered 
The arrogancy of the Friar  coldly, that they should cause them to return, who were the cause of their coming: and as for presents, he was not accustomed to send any to the Turks, but only to Christians. And although he made so severe and obstinate an answer to the Queen to vex her the more, (showing his perverse nature) yet nevertheless did he not omit, although it was in vain, to attempt that which the Queen had commanded him. But neither the Bassa, nor the Vayvodes made no great account of his words nor gifts, but still came marching on, desirous with their armies to environ and subdue the kingdom. Upon such obstinacy of theirs, Friar George seeing it was not 
George taketh arms against the Turks.  behoveful for him to omit any time, presently levied his people at Torde and Egneth, which are two great towns of Transiluania, and instantly thereupon gave command to all the provinces of the country, that every one should betake himself to arms, for the common good and defence of the country, for that the Bassa of Buda, the Moldavian, & the Transalpinian, would every one enter upon that side next adjoinant to him, and spoil and ruinate the country. He so diligently applied this business, that within few days he had gathered together 50000. men, with whom he went to Sassebesse, that from thence he might march against the Bassa of Buda, of whom (by reason he was a good soldier, and experimented in the war, although he had fewer men) he had more dread than of both the other, who were not reputed to be so expert soldiers. This Bassa arrived with his Camp almost at Deva, a Castle of good strength, situated upon the river of Marosse, which 
Deva.  is one of the principallest rivers of that country. When the Friar dislodging from Sassebesse & began to march against him, he dispatched upon the way john Chendy (a man of good regard, and of a noble house among the Hungars) with a good troop of horse and foot against the Transalpinian, 
Chendy, Lieutenant of George, defeareth the Transalpinians.  to defend and stop the passages, whereby he must of necessity pass, if he would enter into Transiluania, and also to hinder him that he should not join with the Bassa. Chendy diligently proceeding on his journey, and gathering together of the next towns (besides the number which he brought with him) almost 4000 men, arrived privately with them, hard adjoining to the enemy, where they were (as they thought) securely encamped without any fear: and being assured by certain Spies, what form and order they held, he appointed his companies to be stretched forth at large, and so gallant was the show, that they appeared to be infinite; and about day breaking, he began to assail the Transalpinians with great noise of Trumpets and Drums, that with the number of men, whereof they were greatly afeard, and the long troops of their enemies which descended from certain hills, ranging themselves in battle, they seemed thrice as great as they were, they verily thinking the Friar had been there in person with his whole army: whereupon their hearts presently fainted, and they by no means would attend the issue of the battle, but disbanding themselves they began to fly, and with such disorder, that Chendies soldiers taking courage and following the victory, pursued them so nigh, that in this confusion of slight, they killed more than 5000. and took as many prisoners, bringing with them from their chase 3000. horse, and many Ensigns. By this victory, Chendy so terrified the Transalpinian, that flying from this overthrow, through the cowardliness of his people, he durst not in a long time after take arms against the Transylvanians. The enemy being thus chased on this side the country, he incontinently returned back to Friar George, enriched with many prisoners, and so great spoil, as it was a wonder to see. The Friar after he had dispatched Chendy against the Transalpinian, at the same instant commanded the Sicilians, with all expedition they should repair to defend their most important towns, which they thought the Moldavian would assail; that they should fortify the passages, which naturally by the favour of the steepy mountains, were very inaccessible, and such that they might well defend with few men. The Sicilians, who naturally are ancient enemies to 
The Sicilians and Saxons natural enemies.  the Saxons, being continually catching the one from the other, seeing they must pass by Sassebesse, a principal town of the said Saxons, and from thence with violence to proceed through their country, leaving that honest regard which they ought to have had, for the defence of their country, they proceeded on to a revenge, in such sort, that as soon as they arrived at Robet, they began to ransack all the houses which belonged to the Saxons, burning and ruinating the towns they passed by, insomuch that they did not a little waste and endamage that people, carrying with them all the booty which they got.  
Whilst they were thus occupied in such enormous cruelties, they gave leisure to the Moldavian to enter into their country, and without any impediment, to ruinate and pill their towns, and in destroying and burning all their villages, to turn all topsy-turvy, which thing (to say truth) was justly permitted of God, to the end, that in reason they might endure from their enemies the same calamities and miseries, which so unjustly they had caused those to suffer, who in consideration of common safety, ought then at the least to have been reputed their friends. Whilst the Sicilians and Moldavians practised these cruel exploits, Friar George with tedious journeys advanced his Camp against the Bassa of Buda, having sent before Thomas Varcocce into the County of Varadine, to gather what force he could, as well infantry as horse, with intent, that if the Bassa would perhaps attempt to pass the river of Marosse, being received at the half passage, he should assail and fight with him before and behind, or else that he should be forced to retire half broken and overthrown. But the Bassa also distrusting 
The retreat of the Bassa of Buda.  the same, and being advertised that the Friar came in person to fight with him; and fearing that if he proceeded any further, he imagined he might be (as he well considered thereof) surprised in the midst, and charged in the rearward, by the companies that were under the conduct of Varcocce, assuring himself that he was deceived by the Queen: whereupon in the greatest haste he could, passing a little arm of Marosse, he retired, and journeyed as far in one day, as he marched before in six, and went again to Buda, not without the loss of 300. horse, who were defeated by Turchy john, the which before his Vanguard dislodged, he had sent into the country 
Turchy john.  of Deue, to range as well for victuals, as also to discover if there were no ambushments to hinder or annoy his retreat. This Turchy was sent by the Friar to prevent him of the passage, and to annoy him in his rearward: but the quickness of the Bassa caused that he arrived too late, and took away from him all occasion of being able to join with Varcocce, much less to endamage his rearward, which might easily have been broken and defeated, if these two had been united.  
The Friar being now assured by these two, that the Bassa was retired in the greatest expedition he could, turned his Camp against the Moldavian, who (as we have said) spoiled and burned the country and towns of the Sicilians, and went forward with a vehement resolution, cruelly to be revenged of the injury, which he esteemed more intolerable, than any that ever he received. But the Moldavian having notice of the friars intent, and knowing besides what had happened to the Transalpinian, found it good 
The retreat of the Moldavian.  by the advice of his Council, not to attend his coming: whereupon, after great spoil made in the country, he speedily retired himself with his people, as well horse as foot, who were about 30000. leading with them a great booty of movables, and beasts, with more than a thousand prisoners, who were taken by a Chiauss of the Turks, that, in respect of the love and kindness he bore to him, came thither with certain troops of Turkish Cavalarie.  
After that Friar George had thus chased all the enemies out of Transiluania, he retired towards the Queen, where with consent of all, in respect of his valour and prowess (which undoubtedly was very great) the peace was 
The peace confirmed between the Queen and George.  again confirmed between them two, with such conditions which should like them both: among which he importuned, that the Queen would write to the Turk, and acquit and clear him of all such matters, whereof before he had been accused. Which request, though it was contrary to her disposition (for women like not to countermand their own proceedings) yet notwithstanding she presently did it. But the Turk being well informed of the verity of the cause, and of all that which passed; and withal seeing how mighty and puissant the Friar was, and that the greatest part of the kingdom was favourably addicted to his part; he smoothly dissembling the matter, reserved the chastisement thereof, until better opportunity, and made show to the Friar as though he held himself satisfied with his fidelity, and that he very well knew, he of his part was not faulty in any of the late broils. Whereupon he sent another Chiauss with Letters Patents 
Solyman sendeth to the Transylvanians that they should obey George.  directed to all the kingdom, by which he commanded that every one should obey and reverence him, as being again confirmed in all his former honours and degrees. But yet the peace lasted not long, for the Queen in the end seeing the Friar respected not any thing which he had promised by the last agreement, omitted no time, but by the occasion of his absence, (being then in his Bishopric of Varadine to recreate and solace himself) she began privately and under hand to raise and incense the greatest Lords of the kingdom, with intent to assist her, to chase the Friar out of that province, 
The Queen incenseth the Transylvanians against George.  and especially those whom she reputed most faithful and affectionate to her, and most opposite against the Friars proceedings, manifesting to them how his natural disposition was inconstant and cruel, and how he used her badly, not willing to keep nor observe any laws, covenants, promises, nor faith, but aspiring to the universal tyranny of that country, he did thus wickedly demean and behave himself towards her, with this intent to chase both her and her son out of the kingdom, and to remain sole and absolute Lord himself; assuring herself, that for the love and fidelity which they in former time used to King john her husband, and always maintained the same (notwithstanding all sinister fortune) in the behalf of Stephen her son and herself; in regard whereof they would never endure this injury, nor tolerate such a cruelty far surmounting all other practised against her person, in falling from so high and eminent dignity of a Queen, to become an ordinary and poor Lady, and their King of Transiluania to become a servant: esteeming it of greater moment, that they should rather desire to have the son of him and their natural Prince, for their Lord and Patron, than a Friar void of all faith and honesty, and only gorged with ambition.  
By such like demonstrations, she so awakened the spirits of every one, that all in general (not willing to submit themselves to any other Lord, then to King Stephen and herself) concluded to take arms against the Friar, with intent to expel him the kingdom. George having notice of this, and of all their other proceedings which was practised against him, and seeing himself weakened of men, and deprived of such forces, which were necessary to resist the scourges and assaults of such unlooked for fortune; after he having long pondered upon these affairs, determined upon this resolution, to 
George agreeth and united himself with Ferdinand.  accord and link himself with Ferdinand, and to conclude with him the practices, which oftentimes without effecting, he before had acquainted him with, he being induced and in a manner constrained thereunto by his extreme ambition and troublesome mind (the enemy of quiet repose) it being told him, that if by that means he could expel the Queen, he might easily compass his intention; which was, to see himself absolute Lord of Transiluania, which he so much esteemed, that he would often say, he cared neither to be Pope nor Emperor, and that he would never go out of it. By these devices one might manifestly discern the insatiable desire of his ambitious nature, which tended to no other end, then to the sole government of this kingdom.  
Now, Count Salm being dead (with whom he had already begun to treat of this affair) and knowing not how to effect his determination, finding himself now nearly driven, resolved to negotiate this business by Ambassadors, sending secretly to Ferdinand one of his gentlemen, by whom he gave him to understand, that he greatly desired that either one way or other, they would put in practice that which he before time had given him notice of by Count Salm, instantly praying him again, that he would not fail to send speedy succours, and that it would please him to commit this charge to such a one, that was sufficient and able to withstand the Queen, who had again begun to bandy against him. And further he showed him, that if he did not allow & ratify of his former motions, he should in short time see all Transiluania under the Turks government: also willing him, that in the mean while he would send such a man as might be capable, and have authority to manage such affairs, because it might so fall out, that that which he had often desired might be effected; to wit, that Queen Izabella should wholly and entirely yield to him the possession of that kingdom: but with this condition, to observe such covenants as he had before offered, and concluded with King john: which if he did execute and perform, than he did not only promise, but also liberally offer (giving him quiet possession of all the places and Fortresses which were in his government) to use such means, that he should be thereof absolute Lord and King: and swearing not to fail him in this, he greatly importuned him that he should quickly resolve.  
Now Ferdinand (although he knew well the mutability of the friars disposition, and that he might not repose any great credence in his words) well remembering how many times before he had cunningly deceived him: and that he apparently saw that he was not moved to do him so good a deed for that purpose which he propounded unto him, but only for his own private interest and commodity, and that he might mount to the top of that, which he already had imprinted in his circumventing brain, and execute his designs: nevertheless, seeing on the other side if he did not take hold and credit his words, he should let him slide out of his hands, in respect whereof he would by no means contradict him, especially holding it always for a thing commendable in himself, not to be reproached nor blamed of any, for not doing his uttermost ability, which belonged to a true and Christian King, to hinder and withstand that the kingdom should not come under the Turks government, and that they should not report of him, that by his fault or negligence, he should leave the ports open to Infidels, and bring into servitude, not only Austria and the rest of Hungary, but also ruinate and burn Germany, with other Provinces.  
Thus upon these considerations he took upon him the charge of this honourable and godly enterprise, and respecting not the inconstancy of Friar George, but the travail and peril which might cirumvent him, if he deferred time, presently sent to the Friar 1000 Hungarish horse, paid for four 
Ferdinand sendeth aid to George.  months, and certain pieces of Artillery, to maintain and defend himself, until he might send him such a man with a puissant army as he demanded, assuring him that there should be no fault nor want of any thing, which before he had promised and offered, willing him to persever in his good opinion which he had manifested to the world.  
Behold now the state wherein this poor and miserable Transiluania was, which (as a man may plainly perceive from the death of King Lewis, until now) was tormented with so many discords, civil wars, and assaults, that it was ruthful for any Christian to behold, seeing of the one side the Turk, and on the other side Ferdinand, and the Lords themselves of the country (bandying themselves with one, and then against the other) continually practised all manner of cruelty in it, using against it such rigour and violence, that oftentimes one would judge it to be almost lost and quite overthrown by her own evil misfortune; not counting the great losses and damages which she received in every vain and corner, as well in the favour and behalf of john, as in that of Ferdinand, as it oftentimes happeneth in such broils, where surely the favour that men bear to the victorious, is no less hurtful and offensive to either part, than the disgrace into which he vanquished falleth: because that neither the one nor the other receiveth any thing, but with the loss and damage of the very inhabitants and naturals of the country.  
Ferdinand with a resolute determination, willing to prepare a remedy for so many mischiefs, and to unfold and untagle himself from those who had been the cause thereof, and not to omit the occasion which fortune so favourably presented unto him, for the conquest of that kingdom (which justly by succession, by election, and by an agreement appertained to him) determined to undertake this enterprise, and therein to employ his uttermost endeavour with all his skill and force. And for that this expedition required a man that should be very wise and circumspect, and one who had good experience in martial affairs, and who should be vigilant and wary in resisting and apposing himself against the Turkish ambushments, and be able to avoid and prevent them as occasion should require, and such an one also as should be able to behave himself with that circumspect modesty in this business with the Friar, that he should give him no occasion of any new invention to practise his inconstant wickedness. And beside, seeing that at that time he had none such with him, as the Friar demanded, he determined to write to his brother the Emperor Charles the fifth, that it would please him to assist, and not to fail him in this so important business, and withal to send him so sufficient a man, who could with good discretion conduct this war to a glorious and happy end, as he desired, well knowing he had many a famous and renowned Captain with him. He having resolved upon this conclusion, dispatched one of his gentlemen with letters, and beside commanded his Ambassador, who was at Auspurg at the emperors Court, that he should thoroughly acquaint him with the discourse of this war, and whatsoever else should be given him in charge. The Ambassador, as soon as the gentleman was arrived, diligently performed his Master's command.  
The Emperor understanding at large this enterprise, and considering of what importance this war was of, and regarding the distrust which he had of Frederick Duke of Saxon, and of Philip Landgrave of Hesse (whom as yet he held prisoners) he could not of a sudden so well determine what to do, not willing to forsake those Commanders, whom he knew in all stir and tumults to be necessary for him: and further understanding of certain motions of war, that Henry King of France intended against him: and beside, the dislike of Duke Maurice, whom he had in great jealousy, for that he would not deliver his father in law, observing the promise which he had made to him before, which was a thing that within short time after (as in place convenient we shall at large more speak of) procured him such hate and toil, as never in all his life time he endured the like. Having well considered and weighed all these things, and willing to help his brother in his necessity, specially against the Infidels, determined in the end to send to him john baptist Castalde, Count of Piadene, whom he a little before created 
john baptist Castalde chosen to go Lieutenant into Hungary for Ferdinand.  marquess of Cassan, and who at that time was Master of his Camp, and of the Council for war, a man sufficiently experienced in all the former wars under the old marquess of Pescara: who being called to him, he commanded that he should prepare and employ himself in the expedition of his brother Ferdinand, making him Lieutenant and Captain general to his nephew Maximilian King of Bohemia.  
Castalde graciously accepted this charge which the Emperor had imposed upon him, and being well furnished with good store of horse and arms, which were bestowed upon him by many Lords of the Court, of whom he was well beloved and favoured. And among others of the Duke of Alba, the Bishop of Arras, the marquess john of Pescara, and of the Duke of Sessa, he put himself in good equipage: and taking his leave of the Emperor, he set forward towards Vienna: where being at last arrived, with a reasonable company, he was received of Ferdinand, and with great mirth & sports by the King Maximilian, with whom spending certain days, he was instructed by them of all things which were needful for this war, and of the manner which he ought to use towards the Friar, and how he should govern and command this Province, and the means to entertain in love and kindness the Lords thereof. After that, Ferdinand promised him yearly 8400. Florins of gold, to maintain his estate, besides the rewards that should particularly be given him to dispose among men of mark and authority who followed him. And to the end there should be no default for the true payment of this money, he made him a more ample and sure assignation. He having thus confirmed his estate and authority, he specially commanded him that he should peaceably & friendly manage his affairs with Friar George, according to his nature, but with special discretion, whereby he might at the beginning the better know and enter into his conditions; according to which, and to the experience and practise of things, which daily would present themselves to him, he might govern and behave himself, and not to contradict him in any thing, but agreeing to all reasonable matters which he demanded, he should always show himself towards him liberal, mild, and gracious, knowing well that he was ambitious and covetous: that being the only way whereby he must walk and temper with him. He also commanded him that he should make a memorial of all such things which were necessary for this war, as well for the commodity and defence of footmen as horsemen, whereby there might be provision made therefore, and all things to be in a readiness by that time he should set forward on his journey: which was presently done, and presented to his Majesty, according to the articles which here follow.  

Instructions for the conduct of an Army, and maintenance of the same.  
1 That first special choice is to be made of a good and discreet General 
Lieutenant general of a Campe.  of a Camp, who before hath been practised and experienced in that office, and knoweth what belongs to that charge, as well to lodge and dispose of a Camp, as also to minister and execute justice, and to set a reasonable rate of victuals. It is necessary for him to have two good Auditors, besides his Secretaries, Notaries, Sergeants, Archers, Masters of justice, jailers, and such other officers, as for example are overseers of the Camp, surveyors of victuals, and such like, by whom all the Camp ought to be governed and subject unto, obeying unto the precept of the ordinances, which daily ought to be set down. That in like sort all the other officers of the Camp, of what nation soever, aught to receive from the foresaid General his ordinances and commandments, and to execute them in their quarters, whereby all things may proceed in their right and due course, not at any hand tolerating the retailers to lodge within the Camp, for fear of famine, and bringing of them to necessity, or victuals or other merchandise to be heigthned in their price, upon which things they ought to have special care.  
2 That he must have a general commissary over victuals, one that hath 
A general commissary of victuals.  experience therein, who hath the charge to distribute them; and to have Bakers to make and bake bread; Butchers to give every one a sufficient quantity of flesh; Victulars, Taverners, Ostlers, and others who are accustomed to carry wine, flesh, poultry, eggs, salt meats, cheese, rice, salt, pulse, and other such merchandise: for which necessaries there must be convenient rooms, and market places; to make even measures, weights, and to moderate their prices, severally chastising those who shall exceed and infringe the said edicts, or offer violence, or shall enhance their merchandise above the price which the General hath already rated them at.  
3 Also that he ought to be provided of a faithful and politic Treasurer 
A general Treasurer.  general, who knoweth means to get and bring in money when there shall be need thereof, and to negotiate with Merchants, or others, to have it at the lowest rate, whereby the soldiers shall not altogether be entertained with words and hopes, but with deeds themselves, suppressing thereby the mutinies and tumults, which often upon that occasion are stirred up in a camp.  
4 That he ought to have a diligent and careful Secretary, who is to 
A secretary.  have the books, accounts, and registers of the whole army, and to keep the rolls of payments that are made to the General's officers of the Camp, Colonels, Captains, ensign-bearers, commissaries, Sergeants, and other officers.  
5 Also he ought to make choice of a wise and subtle commissary, who 
A commissary.  should have the charge to know and understand, whether all the Colonels and Captains, as well of foot as horse, have as much and the same pay, as their rolls bindeth and prescribeth unto them, whereby the King shall not any ways be defrauded, nor the soldiers deceived of their pay: and that the Captains do cause their Colours to be well guarded by the soldiers, to whom they shall be committed unto, punishing those who do not their duty therein. And that to the said Secretary and commissary, he ought to allow as many officers and clerks to be under them, as they shall need, to the end every man may be furnished of their due; and that upon any occasion they may be ready at hand according to their charge.  
6 That he ought to have a good and experienced General of the Artillery, 
A General of the Artillery.  who may have the charge to cause it to be conducted and planted, where want is thereof, and to bestow them in such convenient places as shall be appointed. This General of the Artillery ought to have such officers as is needful for him, and to every piece a Canonier, with his pioneers and overseers to govern them, as well in their journeys, as in places where they are lodged, and every number of Artillery ought to have his Captain, with so many pioneers as shall be needful for the voyage, and for the occasion of time.  
7 Besides, he ought to appoint a sufficient guard for the Artillery, as well footmen as horsemen, under the charge of two Captains, who ought 
The conduct or guard of Artillery.  to have a special care often to visit and oversee them, to the end that they be not choked, and that the munition be not fired.  
8 That the canoneers ought to be lock Smiths, black Smiths, Carpenters, 
canoneers.  and Masons, because such men are necessary for a Camp, to shoe the Artillery and horses, when need shall require, to build bridges, Bulwarks, walls, and other engines upon any occasion.  
9 And because that oftentimes it happeneth upon the way, that the Artillery, 
Engines to mount and dismount Artillery.  by default of the wheels and carriages, doth break and fail, by which inconveniences it doth much hinder the speed of an army: therefore to avoid such lets, he ought always to have (in such necessity) other instruments and engines which are fit and necessary to mount and dismount the Artillery.  
10 The manner being, that after the Artillery, the munition and instruments follow: therefore he ought to make provision of as many wagons 
Wagons and carts.  and carts, drawn by horses or oxen, as shall serve to bear the powder, bullets, lines or ropes, tools to mend the wheels, carriages, axeltrees, and scourers; verjuice, vinegar, lead, nails, and other necessary things; as boards, double wheels, double carriages and axeltrees, barrels, spokes and staves of wheels, hammers, pieces of iron, anuils, pincers, and many such instruments, and to have them always in a readiness.  
11 He ought to have over the said munition, a wise and provident commissary, 
A commissary over the munition.  who particularly may have the charge to distribute and dispose of them, according to the opportunity and necessity of the time, and a good Saltpetre or gunpowder maker, and others who can make and invent all sorts of artificial fires, and to beat the powder for the Artillery and small shot, whereby no inconvenience should happen through his negligence: and to the contrary, by the good store of provision, the army shall not only have sufficient for itself, but also that it may be able to send to the neighbour fortresses some relief, if need require.  
12 And considering that it is well known what profit pioneers bring to 
pioneers.  a Camp, to make trenches, rampires, mines, and countermines; to make plain and mend the bad ways, to sap the walls, and holds of towns, or Castles that are besieged; to cut trees, and necessary wood for the fortification of any place; to dig pits for the commodity of soldiers, as well to have water, as also to throw thereinto all the filth and ordure of the Campe. For these occasions he ought to be provided of as many as he can, to whom he must appoint a Captain and other Commanders, such as it behoveth to have some knowledge and art to fortify a Camp, and to make bastions when occasion serveth: which kind of people are most necessary for a Campe.  
13 That he ought to choose a Captain who may have the care and charge 
Captain of the Spies.  of the Spies, and another to have regard to the Guides, they both being very necessary, and among other things to conduct the Interpreters. These two Captains shall have the charge to dispatch all the Spies and Guides that they will employ, to inquire and know by their voyages and travails, that which the enemy intendeth to enterprise against their King and Lord. Under these, the Spies (which the Lieutenant general would keep by himself) must not be comprised.  
14 In like sort he ought to ordain and appoint certain officers to cleanse 
Officers to cleanse the Campe.  the Camp of the filth and excrements, which is done as well by men as beasts, (which oftentimes causeth a great mortality) for that the air should not be corrupted, nor the soldiers fall sick, and they ought to carry it by wagons or carts to the river, or to throw it into deep ditches made for that purpose.  
15 That he ought also to make provision of good store of wagons, 
Wagons or carts to carry victuals.  drawn either with horse or oxen, furnished with coffers for bread, biscuit, meal, salt flesh, salt fish, cheese, oil, pulses, and other kind of victuals: with wine, vinegar, and salt, to use as occasion serveth, and also to carry provender.  
16 He ought also to have carts to carry piles, stakes, pickaxes, hatchets, 
Carts to carry implements and tools.  saws, pincers, and other instruments fit for pioneers; and good store of helves for piles, stakes, and other iron instruments, as occasion shall serve in time and place to use them.  
17 He ought also to carry with him in the carts, Mills to grind corn, 
Mills and Ovens.  and Ovens to bake bread on the way, where they can find no such necessaries, and to leave them as they pass by in Castles and strong Forts, where they have none, and to assist them therewith in time of necessity, which often happeneth unlooked for.  
18 That he ought to be furnished with boats and bridges portable; of 
Boats and bridges.  beams, boards, cords and cables to bind them together; which things he ought in like sort to have carried upon the carts, whereby he may be the better able to pass any river, ditch, bog, or any bad passage.  
19 He ought also to make good provision of Pikes, Lances, Calivers, 
Pikes, Lances, Calivers, etc.  Swords, Morions, Burgonets, and Corselets, & also good store of Harquebusses a crock, and men who are able to use them, and serve therewith at need. These weapons ought to be carried in carts after the Campe. He ought also to have good store of Saddles, Bridles, Bits, Stirrups, Spurs, and all such like necessaries which are fitting for a Campe.  
20 That he ought to have with the army good Physicians, Surgeons, Barbers, and Apothecaries, to attend and heal the sick and wounded. 
Physicians, Surgeons, Barbers, etc.   
21 He ought also to appoint a diligent Master of the Post, who ought continually to be well provided of good horses, and to follow the Camp, 
A Master of the Post.  and still hourly with diligence to carry the advertisements and answers which come to his hands.  
22 And to the end that the soldiers do not of a greedy mind 
Priests.  rob and spoil others, it is necessary that they forget not what appertaineth to good Christians. Therefore he ought to make choice of Priests to follow the Camp, with their Vestments and other ornaments, fit publicly to sing Mass, whereby they inclining and addicting themselves somewhat to religion, may undertake the war for honour and glory, and not for spoil, or to enrich themselves unjustly by the goods of their neighbours: seeing that in every army, the fear of God, the respect of religion, and the observation of justice, are the true foundations and pillars of all commendable virtue.  
23 That the said Priests ought to have the charge of the Hospital, which 
That the Priests have charge of the poor and sick louldiours.  for the common good of the poor soldiers, shall be ordained in three or four Tents, at the King's cost and charges, and the Camp to be provided of Physicians, Surgeons, and Barbers to heal those who are sick and wounded: and that they also be provided of servants sufficient for their turn. And if any of the sick be at the point of death, the Priests shall be ready at hand to confess them, and minister the Communion and all the Sacraments to them, as is fitting for good Christians: and if they die, to be buried with as great honour as may be.  
24 He ought also to give command to certain officers, not to suffer 
Commands that none disbandeth themselves.  any to disband themselves out of their ranks, and especially when the camp marcheth, and that they may have authority to punish them accordingly.  
25 And lastly, he ought to make choice of a Captain for the baggage, 
A Captain of the baggage.  who shall conduct them under an Ensign, but in such sort, that by the way he do not intermeddle himself with the army.   
I have hither unto written more amply of this note, to the end it may serve to all Kings and Princes who would manage and exercise martial discipline, whereby they may know how to provide and conduct their armies in their journeys. And whosoever hath a desire to see more of this subject, I refer them to the five treatises that the Lord Ascagne Centorio hath made of war, wherein he shall more at large see all things distinctly written.  
These Articles being finished and presented to Ferdinand, he gave special order to execute them, if not in all places, yet at least in as many as for that time they could conveniently. And whilst they were busy in these affairs, Friar George fearing, that by too long a delay of succours, which he daily expected, the Queen should assemble so great forces, that the preparation of Ferdinand would be in vain, and to little effect to aid him: wherefore he ceased not by messenger upon messenger to solicit and urge him, that his army should march towards him with as great expedition as was possible, because that in temporizing and deferring time, he feared the loss of so fair an occasion in the conquest of the kingdom. Ferdinand being advertised of this, and judging it best not to omit any time; after the accomplishment and delivery of the said Articles which they presented unto him, and perceiving that it was best that Castalde should depart with such men and munition, as for the present he then had, he caused to be dispatched to Castalde a very large Commission, by which he gave him power & authority to cause him to be obeyed, and to command every one, not only in Hungary, and Dalmatia, but also through all Croatia, and even to the other parts of Slavonia, and lower Austria, minding that he should be chief in all the Counsels and assemblies which were held in those countries: and he commanded him that before he went to the Camp, he should visit the I'll of Comar, and other holds, and inquire in what estate the frontier places were, that so he might diligently provide what was necessary for them; because that they were then but meanly munitioned, through the sloth and carelessness of those who had the command of them.  
Following this command, the first day of May Anno 1551. Castalde departed 
Castalde goeth into Hungary An. 1551.  from Vienna, and took the way leading towards Agria, where the soldiers were that he should lead into Transiluania, first going himself to the frontier places (as we have said) which he commanded to be repaired the best he could, foreseeing that a time would shortly come, which would manifestly declare how profitable it might be, not to have been slothful and negligent in these things, which in semblance are thought little and of no validity, and yet afterward do cost very dear: for besides the loss of honour, men many times lose for them, both State and life itself. Castalde being arrived at Agria, he found there Bernard Aldene, Camp master of seven Companies of Spaniards, which Ferdinand at his costs and charges entertained in those quarters, and those to attend him were lodged by the town. He spent there certain days, until he had gathered all his soldiers together, and in the mean time he laboured to furnish himself of all necessaries, which was behoveful for a battle. And he seeing this town 
Castalde caused Agria to be fortified.  to be one of the most important of Hungary, and that it was neither strong by situation nor rampire, and that there was no industry nor art used for the remedy thereof, and that the walls (such as they were) were not yet very well flanked, being rather built after the ancient manner of fortification, than such as of our time: for the remedy of so many inconveniences, he committed the charge thereof to Erasmus Teufl to fortify it, and (by the command of Ferdinand) not to omit nor defer the fortifying thereof, until he had fully finished it.  
Having gathered together all his army, and seeing that in expecting the Cannons (which by the negligence of those who had the charge to send them, were not yet arrived, and which might be the cause of some inconvenience) he determined nevertheless to depart without them, giving notice to Ferdinand, that he should cause them to be sent with as great expedition as could be. Resting upon this determination, he departed from Agria the 26. of May, appointing his army to march in this manner. He placed in the Vanguard seven Ensigns of Spaniards, who were in number 1200. and 500 Hungars, called Aiduchs, and 1000 of light Hungarish horsemen, named Vsarons, who after the Turkish manner fought with Targets, 
Aiduchs. Vsarons.  Turkish Lances, Maces of iron, Sables, and Morions: they were under the 
The army of Castalde.  conduct of a Lord of Slesia, named Captain Christopher, and after them followed 4. field pieces. The Battle was led by Count Felix of Arco, and Count john Baptista of Arco, they had under them one Regiment of 3000. Almains, all good experienced soldiers and well armed, with 4. other field pieces, and two small Culverins, with 400. horse, whereof were 300. of Lances, and 100 Pistoliers. He caused to march in the Rearward, the Hungarish infantry, with 300. light horse, and the baggage with three field pieces, the whole army making 5700. soldiers, and 1700. horse. With this small army, Castalde proceeded on his journey to conquer Transiluania, against so puissant a Prince as the Turk. And hereof may be said, as King Tygranes scoffingly said of the Romans army, which came to encounter him, under the conduct of Lucullus: That they were too many for Ambassadors, and too few for fighters, for that they seemed but a handful of men, in respect of his which were 250000. Castalde being arrived in this Military order at Tisefeu, anciently called Tibiscus, which is a large and deep river, which taketh 
The river Tibiscus or Tisefeu. The hill Carpatus.  his beginning in Poland, at the foot of the hill Carpatus, and thwarteth Hungary, and stretcheth itself towards the South, until it entereth into Danubius between Belgrade and Cenedin, where then it loseth his name. It is in some places eight miles broad, by reason of Quagmires, and Marshes which it maketh, as it findeth the ground there flat and even, and it glideth so soft and smooth away, that one can scantly see it move. The water thereof is very fair and clear, and greatly abounding in fish. Castalde by this river a while reposed his Camp, and willing himself the first to pass it, the better to encourage his Captains and soldiers: some say that upon the shore of this river he made to them this or the like speech.  
If I had not known (my brave and valiant soldiers) that your spirit 
The oration of Castalde to his soldiers.  and courage desireth rather the glory and renown of God, than your own proper safeties, I would never have ventured myself thus far under your affiance and valour. And for that I well know the renown and fame of your predecessors, who have obtained in this country so many victories, will stir up in you (my loving companions) courage to follow their steps and honourable endeavours, and that the memory of their exploits and glorious acts may be as prevailent in you, as they have been in your predecessors, in considering the things which may now eternize you, I doubt not at any hand but you will cause your valiantness and virtues to appear through the world, and specially in these quarters, where we may see more store of enemies than friends, and where in respect of the common enemy, we must with the edge of the sword make our passage, being now in a Province which we have never seen nor sought after; where is no great surety to repose any confidence; where it is a novelty to see a new kingdom erected; and where infinite dangers do abound, necessity forceth, and the wars which now already are prepared against the Infidels threateneth us; which are motives (albeit they seem very fearful) of which we ought to make our benefit, to cause our prudence, wisdom, and dexterity of spirit to be known, (which are virtues more desired than any other) in that thereby men shall see the boldness and courage of you (my loving soldiers) and the faith and end of that inviolable oath which we all have made to our King. Behold we are here upon Tibiscus, the passage whereof should cause us all to rejoice; we ourselves being now out of Italic, you out of Spain, and the other forth of Germany, not to follow corporal and effeminate pleasures, which make a man weak, sickly, effeminate, tender, and bleakish: but, to aspire to honour, riches, and victory, and to have the reward of our honourable deeds, such as shall be yielded to us by prosperous fortune, which I doubt not but it will be such towards us, that ofterrestriall men, it will make us celestial, and sound in the air so honourable a bruit of our worthy names, that neither time, nor death shall obscure nor rake it up in oblivion, but we shall live time out of memory, yea eternally. And for that we are now to deal with people, who are diverse from our customs and manner of living, of whom it behoveth us to win their love and liking by policy and discretion, and to whom, to the end our manner of life and estate ought to be an example and mirror: it seemeth to me not to be unfitting or unworthy, but rather necessary and commendable (discoursing of this with you, and reducing the whole to the first glory of true Military discipline) to advertise you, that after we have passed this river, and begun to enter into the country, (which by us, in the name of our King, aught to be defended and conquered) to draw the hearts of the inhabitants (which are divided into three Provinces; namely, the Sicilians, Saxons, and Subalpinians) to our devotion, will, and friendship, we must be with all of them very modest, temperate, and quiet, and must banish avarice, despise voluptuousness, and contemn the pleasures of the body, and above all, must fly all idleness; which how hurtful it is to an army, and how many evils it bringeth with it, you sufficiently conceive. Besides, we must avoid robberies, preserve the honour of women, respect ancient persons, have care of poor children, to live amongst yourselves as observers of true religion, to favour the friends thereof, and pursue the enemies: and think that we being in a strange country, and in another man's house, to do but that which you would do at home: we seeing by experience that every beast, though never so little, being in his den becometh as a Lion, in defending himself from the injury and oppression which is offered him: and judging thereby how much more they ought and will become courageous and hardy in their own houses, if they see or feel themselves outraged by us. Besides, ye ought in all your actions to have God always before your eyes, for the love and honour of whom we ought to expose our bodies and lives; and thereby manifesting ourselves meek and courteous one to another; and towards our enemies, fierce, bold, horrible, fearful, prompt, and hardy, to cause others to know that we are courageous without fear, wise, and full of understanding, that by such means you may always have together with health, a high way to virtue set open before you, and that every one of you may with me carry into his country renown and eternal memory: not refusing any pain or travail, for that no weariness nor any incommodities, or crosses, can, or aught ever to enter into such vigilant or heroical spirits, whereby to darken or deface the desire and earnest affection which proceedeth from true honour and glory: and specially, I being with you, not as a Commander amongst you, but as a father, brother, and companion as well in adversity as in prosperity. And to the end you may assure yourselves that it is true which I have said, myself will be the first that will pass over this water, and will not refuse the first danger that may befall me; to the end that by this example, every one of you may learn rather to esteem honour and reputation, than his own proper life, and prefer an honourable death before a vile and dishonest life.  
Having thus ended his speech, he presently passed to the other side of the river, causing also the rest of his army to follow, which was eight days in 
Castalde entereth into Transiluania.  passing, in respect of the largeness of the river. After they were all beyond the water, they continually marched in battle, until they came to Debrezen, 
Debrezen.  a small town of no great strength, where they found Andrew Battor, and Thomas Nadasdy, who were the greatest and richest Lords of Hungary, and 
Andrew Battor.  such who already had obtained great reputation through the whole country. 
Thomas Nadasdy.  One of them was General of the Hungarish Cavalarie, and great commissary; and the other was Lieutenant general. These two were in this town with 500 horse to receive Castalde, and to conduct him into Transiluania, according to the means and experiences which they had in that kingdom. Castalde knowing that they would at their entrance into the town, observe and note what number his army might be of, commanded the Sergeant Maior, and Camp master, that they should presently cause the army to march in the best order and form they could, and so, that it might seem he had more men, then in truth he had. This presently was done with such dexterity and judgement, that those Lords esteemed the army to be of far greater number, than indeed it was, and seeing all the soldiers well ordered and marching with a grave and settled countenance, they highly commended their ordinance. The army being certain days refreshed in this town, they all together continued on their journey, until they came to Zalnoch, which is a Castle environed with water, where, for 
Zalnoch.  the guard and safety thereof (before he departed) he left 50. Spaniards.  
During the march of this army, and that they hasted to arrive at the place 
The Queen caused a Diet to be held at Egneth.  where Friar George was, the Queen had published a Diet to be held at Egneth, (which is one of the greatest towns of Transiluania) there to deliberate and advise what means was best to chase and expel the Friar out of that Province. He at that time (as we have said) was at his Bishopric of Varadine, and understanding the drift of the Queen, and to what purpose she laboured, omitting all things, which then he was greatly busied about, called for his Coach, and in the greatest haste he could, took the way that lead towards Cheresuania. Upon the way, passing a little brook which runneth by a valley, it happened that his Coach overturned in such dangerous manner, that if he had not instantly been helped by his men, he had there been drowned. Certain gentlemen of his train, ill interpreting this accident, advised him to return from thence: but he smiling, made them this answer: That such divinations as were grounded upon Chariots, were exceeding miserable; knowing that they had in heaven another Chariot, which by his influence would warrant him: minding by his pleasant countenance to infer, that the Chariot of Erictonius placed in heaven, should among other signs stand him in stead of a guide: and so with expedition continuing on his journey, within short time he approached near to Torde, from whence he wrote to all the Lords, who were with the Queen, and specially to his friends, that if they would see the safeguard and defence of their country, and that the whole kingdom should not be overthrown and lost, and fall into the puissant command of the Infidels, 
George dissolveth the Diet at Egneth.  they would not fail, but presently come to the place where he was, and where he daily expected them, that they might speedily provide for the common good of all. Within a while after, there came to him certain bands of soldiers and companies of horse, which he caused to come from Varadine, which being come together, made a good number of men, with whom he determined to go to this Diet, shadowing his intent, that they came with him for no other cause, but only to be a guard for his person. Thus against the opinion and liking of all, he came from thence to Egneth, where being arrived, he so thoroughly dissolved and broke off the Diet, that not any (so great and mighty was he) durst stay there any longer, lest the Friar should stomach and malice them: and by this means he overthrew all the Queen's designs, which vanished into smoke. She understanding the arrival of the Friar, and seeing she could come to no better end of that, which to her great charges and travail she had already begun, suddenly dislodged from that town with her son, and retired herself to Albe-iula, with such force as she had, of which Peter Vicchy was Captain general, who caused the town to be well fortified. But after fearing to be besieged therein by the Friar, leaving there as many men as was thought necessary for the defence thereof, she thought it better to make her retreat to Sassebesse, (a place for the situation far stronger than Albe-iula) where she determined to stay and expect what would be the issue of her fortune. The Friar being advertised of all this, and also understanding certain news, that the forces which Ferdinand had sent were already on their way, and that Castalde came with no small aid, presently determined upon this occasion to 
George besiegeth Albeiula.  besiege Albe-iula, thinking that if he were able to be master thereof, he had effected the greatest part of his desires. Being there arrived, with this resolution he very straightly besieged and battered it in many places with great store of Cannon. But those within being nothing possessed with fear, valiantly defended themselves, and more courageously than the Friar expected. He now seeing the constancy and resolution of the besieged to be such, and that Castalde made but slow speed, although every day by letters and Posts upon Posts, he willed him to hasten on his journey, and so much the rather because he besieged this town, which defended itself so gallantly, that it was greatly needful for him to have the help of his forces; he again thought it sitting to seek out means once more to accord with the Queen. Whilst these matters were treated of, Castalde arrived at the confines of Transiluania. But since it now very fitly falleth out, I will for a while leave the continuation of this history, and will largely describe the situation, the inhabitants, the strength, the quality, and fertility of that country.  
Transiluania is a Province of the kingdom of Hungary, making a part 
The description of Transiluania.  thereof, environed on all sides with high mountains, resembling a well walled town, having all his entries and passages very difficile and narrow, which maketh me think that it took his name thereof, being anciently named Dacia, of King Docus, who was Lord and King thereof. Towards the North it boundeth upon Polonia, and of one part of Moldavia, having in the midst the hills Carpates. Towards the West it doth confine upon Hungary: and towards the East it stretcheth itself to the shores of Danubius, and taketh his ending against Walachia: the inhabitants whereof are called Walachians, 
Walachia.  anciently dissended of some Roman Colony, sprung from the family of the Flacchians, who were sent to subdue that country, of whom that Province afterward took the name of Flaccia, which at this present is corrupted into the name of Walachia, which also containeth in it Moldavia, being 
Moldavia.  two several Provinces, which now are separated, comprised in time passed under the name of Flacchia. Towards the South it neighboureth upon the 
Transalpinians.  Transalpinians, and servians named Slauons, and the Rascians, vulgarly called Rhatians, who in a manner are as natural Walachians, for that they all 
Rhatians.  live under one law and custom: they are Christians, and observe the decrees and ceremonies of the Greek Church, they obey the Patriarch of Constantinople; they use the Italian language, but so corrupted, that it is hardly understood to be the same; they use arms like to those of the Turks; they have been and are yet a warlike nation, cruel, and endureth travail and weariness of war more than any other people, for that they are naturally very strong. Within Transiluania there is a Province in a manner linked to a mountain, which separateth it from Moldavia, which is named Ceculia, and the inhabitants thereof are called Ceculians, and at this day they are called 
Ceculians'.  Sicilians, who are of the Hungarian nation, and of the same quality and 
Sicilians.  disposition, living according to the laws and customs of Hungary. The other part of the kingdom, which is the greatest, is inhabited by the Saxons, 
Saxons.  who ever since the time that Charlemagne overthrew them, by mean of that great battle which he obtained against them nigh the mountain of Ouege, have always remained there. For Charlemagne defeating them, caused a good number of them to be led into Gaul, and forced the other who would not observe and obey the laws (which he would have established) to go seek some other habitations. Of these a great part entered into Transiluania to conquer it, and making themselves masters thereof by force of arms, they there set up their abode, and built seven towns or Castles, whereof for a long time that Province took the name, which continueth until this day, and in respect whereof, it is called in their language Sibemburgen. These live after the German manner, and observe their customs, speaking the ancient Saxon language; they are affable people, and of great truth and fidelity. They are not always in league with the Hungarians, neither will they suffer them to build in their towns. Their mountains are inhabited by the Walachians, to whom the Saxons (who are of the greatest authority and rule in that kingdom) would not permit them to build any of their houses with chalk and stones, nor have nor possess much about them. And therefore they dwelled in little houses and cottages, which they made themselves, without any Mason or Carpenter, and are but thatched with straw and rushes. They labour not nor till the fields in hope of any gain, but only to gather together so much as is necessary to nourish and sustain their family, and the Slaves which they get. This kingdom greatly aboundeth in corn, wine, flesh, venison, and all manner of fruits, and breedeth very many strong and goodly horses. There is found in many of those mountains, mines of gold, silver, iron, and salt is fetched from thence in so great abundance, that most part of Hungary and Polonia are served therewith, which is an exceeding rich commodity, and bringeth great profit to the King. These mines are not far from Isembergh, Clausemburgh, and Saltzburgh. Victuals are there sold ordinarily at so cheap a rate, that it is a thing incredible. The Merchants of this Province, during the peace and truce, might traffic with their merchandise through all the Turks dominions, and continually have intercourse with Germany, Hungary, Pololonia, and Italy. The air is many times intemperate, by the extreme cold, and excessive heat, which often is felt there: the cold though nevertheless it be terrible and sharp, yet it dureth not long, and happeneth not but at certain times, which being passed, the heat prevaileth more than the cold. All the country is uneven or hilly, and the greatest part is like to Tuscan, or hilly Spain, and is full of great forests, which yield store of wood, as well to build, as for other private commodities. There be two great rivers which be navigable; the one runneth through the midst of the kingdom and is called Marosse, which springeth from the mountains of Moldavia towards 
The river of Marosse.  the North, and runneth from one side to another of that country, until it entereth into Tibiscus, near the frontier towns of Lippa and Themesuar, which are two strong holds, and so named, for that they are situated beyond the mountains towards the West. The other is named Alto, and 
The river of cheers.  at this day the inhabitants call it cheers, which springeth at the foot of Mount Carpatus, about the place where it joineth with the other hills of Moldavia. There is also other small rivers, wherein are found amongst the gravel, many grains of gold of great value and price. Towards the South dwelleth certain people named Rhatians, which were relics of the ancient 
Rhatians.  Rascians, who remain until this day, since the time they were chased forth of their native country of Macedonia, by Lysimachus. They are to be hired of any who will give most: one while they take part with Ferdinand, and then again they are in the Turks pay. They are unconstant people and of little faith; they are Christians, and live after the Greek Church; they are poor, having no towns peculiar to themselves, and they are in great dislike with all other nations for their inconstancy and perfidiousness. They dwell among the Bulgarians and servians in two places of the kingdom, and on the other side among the mountains by the Transylvanians, which stretch themselves towards Walachia.  
This kingdom of Transiluania, after it was reduced to the faith of jesus Christ, was subject to the Crown of Hungary; for the government and rule whereof, one of the principallest of the Court was deputed and nominated with the title of vaivode. The capital town is called Sibinium, taking 
Sibinium called Hermenstat. Pressovia called Cronenstat.  that name of a river which passeth by it. This town is named by the Germans Hermenstat, others call it Pressovia, alias Cronenstat, and it is of great traffic. Thither is brought great store of merchandise from Greece, which from thence is dispersed throughout Hungary. There are many other towns, as corone, Torde, Cassovia, and Albe-iula, which was built by 
Corone. Torde. Cassovia. Albe-iula.  the Romans, and established for one of their Colonies. This Province had no absolute King but john, who reigned after the death of Lewis King of Hungary; and after that, Stephen possessed it, (who for the present is King) 
Stephen King of Transiluania called john.  who also was called john in memory of his father, and by the Turks favour and assistance enjoyeth it peaceably: and from hence forward we will call him john, and not Stephen.  
Castalde (as a little before hath been said) being arrived in Transiluania, sent Andrew Battor and Thomas Nadasdy before, to foresee and survey the passages of the mountains, by which he must of necessity pass, giving them a good troop of horses, with other soldiers. Which being well foreseen by the Queen, she sent the marquess of Balasse, a great Lord of Hungary (who a little before was entertained into her service, through 
The marquess of Balasse.  some disgrace offered by Ferdinand, for that he had thrust him out of certain Castles situated in Hungary, under the colour of rebellion, which was said to have been pretended against his Majesty) to possess those passages with 700. horse, and a good troop of soldiers. Castalde being assuredly informed of this, was by the advice of two (although it was a thing very tedious and difficult) constrained to seek other passages and ways, which being in the end found, he commanded them to be repaired the best they could, which assuredly was a work long and tedious: but nevertheless they laboured so diligently and commodiously, that by the same way, all the Artillery might pass without any great labour. Whilst the marquess kept the most frequent passages, Castalde by that new unaccustomed way, entered with all his army into Transiluania, without any disturbance, and the day following marched in battle, and was forced to pass by a Castle of 
Dalmas besieged by the people of Ferdinand.  the Queens named Dalmas, seated in the way upon the top of a mountain, from when he was saluted with the force of the Cannon: he being not willing to tolerate such a bravado, went himself to view the place, and to see if he could take it by assault, with intent to leave nothing behind that hereafter might annoy him. But he seeing it was more strong than he took it to be, and that it was of no small importance by reason of that passage, and being needful to have Cannons to batter it, whereof he was altogether unprovided, was forced, without doing any other thing, to depart, leaving there Count Felix, and Count john Baptista of Arco (who then led the rearward) to continue the siege with their Germans, and to batter it with four field pieces, and two small Culverins which they brought with them, with intent to prove them, if through fear they would yield. Which thing the Count performed, by straightening the besieged, and battering it as he was commanded. Whilst Count Felix was thus busied about this place, Castalde proceeded on his journey with the rest of his army, and lodged by a town named Colosuar, from whence he sent to the Count 300. Haquebuziers of Spaniards, to be at the siege of Dalmas.  
The Queen being persuaded by the Friar to accord with him, refused 
The Queen acordeth with George.  not any agreement, specially after she understood that there should come to his aid 10000 Spaniards, and great store of Cavalarie from many places: even as Fame (a messenger as well of false as of true matters) is accustomed to increase and multiply in the mouths of men, sometimes stretching things beyond the compass of truth. And knowing that he was already arrived in her kingdom, and that her Castle of Dalmas was besieged, she was by this news greatly troubled, seeing herself disfurnished of soldiers, and fearing to be expelled forth of her kingdom by the Friar, and to lose that which she held most dear, falling from the dignity and majesty of a Queen, to the state and condition of a miserable Lady, being assured that Albe-iula (wherein were her jewels, and movables, and the Crown of Hungary, which above all things was specially desired of the Friar, and also greatly esteemed of her) could no longer hold out, she willingly accepted of such an agreement as was offered her; and gladly inclining thereunto, commanded those of Albe-iula to surrender the town, 
Albe-iula yielded to George.  conditionally the goods and the rest of any worth that was therein to be saved; whereunto her people obeyed the Friar in all things that he would. Whereupon he permitted not that any soldier should enter into the town, until all the Queen's movables were carried out: and to the end they might be carried to the place where she desired, he provided them of many wagons for the more commodious carrying of their baggage.  
Presently upon the taking of this town, he failed not speedily to send advertisement to Castalde of all that which had happened until then; and withal sent to him a certain commissary to guide and direct him through the passages of the country, and to march with his army towards Egneth, where he might at pleasure commodiously lodge and refresh his Camp certain days, the place being very pleasant and abounding in victuals. Castalde 
Castalde at Egneth.  being there arrived, he was lodged with the Spaniards within the town, and disposed the Cavalarie and the rest of the soldiers in places convenient thereabout, whereby they might keep every man in the greater security, attending there a certain time, to find the means to join with the Friar, who after the taking of Albe-iula, went to see the Queen, and gave her notice of the coming of Castalde, further persuading her to command those of Dalmas, that they should yield to him, and not hold out any longer against them which did besiege it, nor against the Artillery which greatly endamaged them; especially considering that she very well knew, that granting to their accord, this Fortress should become hers. The Queen consented to it for two causes: the one, that she might not see those within the Castle so greatly oppressed for the love and affection they bore to her, and the place to fall in decay and ruin: the other, to the end that the Count (for the hope which the Friar gave him) might not by the loss of his people receive any detriment, and for that respect he might not show himself too cruel towards her people. Thus by reason of such fear, she gave command to all the soldiers of Dalmas to yield. They following 
Dalmas yielded to Castalde.  this command, failed not to surrender the place into Count Felix possession, even at the same instant when a mine was almost finished to have blown it up, in stead of the Cannon; and withal to have given a fierce assault.  
As this Castle was yielded, and Castalde remained at Egneth, the Friar came to confer with him, who although he was counseled to come unlooked 
The meeting of George and Castalde.  for into the place where he was lodged, yet was it not done so secretly, but it was discovered half an hour before his coming. Castalde having notice thereof, presently went forth of the town well accompanied to meet him, the Friar coming in his Coach, drawn with eight great horses, as he was usually wont to ride, there being in his company for his guard more than 400. horse, the most part of whom were Gentlemen and Knights, and of the principal and chief of the kingdom, having beside 200. Harquebuziers. In this equipage the Friar approaching Castalde, presently descended his Coach, and mounted upon a well paced horse, which always he caused to be led with him, and coming to Castalde, he embraced him very kindly, manifesting what infinite content he received at his coming, there passing between them a thousand speeches full of courtesy, and showing exceeding honour one to another. After which salutations between them, the Friar turning himself towards Aldene Master of the Camp, and other Spanish Captains who also were there present, entertaining them with many friendly and kind speeches, he made it known to them what singular comfort he received, in seeing them so safely arrived and conducted thither. After all these friendly salutations, they entered together into the town, and went directly to castald's lodging: where after they were refreshed, and had discoursed together of many important things, Castalde showed him the letters of Ferdinand, acquainting him with the authority and command that his Majesty would he should have in managing these affairs of the kingdom; 
The subtleties between Castalde and George.  in the administration and rule whereof, he was expressly charged to obey and submit himself to his judgement, considering that for the time to come, all things should pass through his hands, as already they had until then done; yielding to him all authority to dispose of things at his pleasure, knowing that such was the will of Ferdinand, from whom he had express command, to content and gratify him in any thing which should please and satisfy his liking. Whereof the Friar was exceeding glad, and thought himself well apaid, as well in respect of Castalde himself, as also for the honour which was done him, and of the fair words which (in the name of Ferdinand) was reported to him. For being by his natural disposition of a proud and haughty spirit, and puffed up with honour and renown, would by no means endure that any should be his superior. And considering the great authority and command that Castalde (as Lieutenant general for the King of Bohemia) had, and the reverence, honour, and submission which nevertheless he made show to use towards him, he esteemed it a good beginning to continue his pride and greatness, and that in all the affairs of the kingdom he might command and dispose thereof according at his own pleasure. Desirous then to enjoy (according to his accustomed manner) such pre-eminence and authority, and to show the command and greatness which he had through all Transiluania (two days after that he was departed from Castalde) he presently seized upon Albe-iula for himself to lodge and remain in, not acquainting Castalde therewith, saying, that that place was the most commodiest and fittest to find him, when need should require, and the necessariest to treat of all businesses that might fall out. That being 
George went to the Queen.  done, he posted to the Queen to Sassebesse, to inform her of all which had passed between him and Castalde.  
During the time the Friar was on his way, the Queen (who nothing was idle nor slept) had by one of her Lords, who was a Polonian, a man of good esteem in his country, sent another way to visit and salute Castalde. By him, and by the offers which she made to him, Castalde did prognosticate what the issue and event of all the affairs of that country would sort unto, and principally of those which concerned the Queen, he well knew they would succeed to his desire, and have such ending that Ferdinand should think himself well apaid therewithal. Certain days being passed before any news was heard of the Friar, in the end there arrived a messenger from him, who gave notice to Castalde, that he should not fail the 6. of july to find him at Albe-iula, to confer together upon their affairs. The time being come, Castalde without any guard, only accompanied with certain 
Castalde went to seek George  of his own household, went to the place appointed. The manner of this departure was against the counsel of Andrew Battor and Thomas Nadasdy, and many other, who thought it not convenient so slightly to repose himself in this man, who because they knew him to be so mutable in his opinions, and so variable in his doings, might be able within a short time after, under the colour of any occasion whatsoever, to invent and stir up some new matter, and be more hardy and bold to execute the same, seeing Castalde alone, then otherwise he would be, if his forces were with him: and for that cause they persuaded him, that he would not depart but with a good troop. But Castalde considering, that although he should have all his people to guard him, yet was it little and to small purpose to resist the Friar, in case he would use any treason against him: wherefore he judged it much better to go so privately, whereby he should outwardly manifest the great and special trust he reposed in him, rather than by a strong guard to give him suspicion and occasion to stand upon terms, an act which in no sort he found to be convenient for the beginning of such affairs, and specially seeing he had to negotiate with a man so giddy brained, who was almost of a child's condition, that for the least toy whatsoever, would be offended and alter his opinion; resolving that if he did otherwise, he would easily escape his hands, and all his purposes should be overthrown.  
But proceeding on his determinate journey, in the end he arrived at Albe-iula, where (according to the foresaid advertisement) he found not the Friar, for that he was yet at Sassebesse with the Queen, unto whom he was gone, without giving him any notice thereof. Whereupon those of his company thought it not amiss (since the Friar and the Queen were yet together) that he should go thither to them, where he might more commodiously, and with quicker dispatch, establish many important matters, and such which had need of present and sudden resolution: wherefore they counseled him to go to Sassebesse, where he arrived about the third hour of 
Castalde went to seek the Queen, and to declare his charge.  the night, finding the Queen accompanied only with those of her Court, for that a day before, Peter Vicchy (seeing he could not conclude any league with the Friar) retired himself to his command of Lippa and Themesuar, with all the men of war, leaving thus the Queen alone at Sassebesse, in which place two days after, Castalde sat in council with Friar George, and many other great Lords of Transiluania, where he declared the occasion of his coming, which was tending to this end; that the Queen should restore that Province to Ferdinand, according to the articles concluded with King john her husband, he himself being ready to accomplish all which his Majesty had promised, declaring that upon the accomplishing of these covenants, it could not happen but (besides the general contentment that every one should receive thereby) all things would succeed better and more expedient, and specially to herself profitable and commodious then to any other, if she would duly consider with what travail and sorrow she possessed those countries, and with what suspicion and doubt she was maintained amongst them, only depending but upon the Turks good liking, who when he thought good might dispose her, and so in fine to be always in danger to lose both the one and other. And that therefore knowing Transiluania to be the key and bulwark of all Christendom (as by apparent effect was to be seen) which if it were lost, not only the utter ruin of the rest of Hungary and Austria would follow, but also of Germany, and of all other Christian countries. Wherefore for these respects she ought to desire, that this Province should fall into the government and rule of a Christian Prince, great and puissant, as Ferdinand was, who might at all times be a curb against the force and violence of the Turk, and might hinder him from further proceedings: and the rather, that she ought to have such a desire, for so much as she saw herself (though a Queen) yet of no force nor command for such an enterprise, neither was she able to promise herself any defence, to maintain that kingdom, without she craved aid of others. Therefore all these things duly considered, it were much better for her to accept of Ferdinand's offer, as the most sure and peaceable for her, although it were less, then remain in continual danger and travail, and to reign in a kingdom, which was not in her power to preserve nor keep. Besides these foresaid agreements, Castalde for the more assurance and confirmation 
Offers made to the Queen by Castalde in the name of Ferdinand.  of both parties, offered the Queen in the name of his Majesty the Infanta joan his youngest daughter, with 100000. Crowns for a dowry, and to give her in marriage to her son john, and to enter into bonds to satisfy her in every thing which he promised her, and to pay all the interest which she could pretend, and in like sort to satisfy all the debts which were found to be due since that time. These offers seemed generally good, and reasonable to all, and specially to Friar George, who also made show to be well pleased therewith. And after many advertisements, it was concluded that he should cause the Queen to understand thereof, and bring an answer from her. This charge was committed to the Friar, who willingly accepted thereof; and being come to the Queen, he recited to her all which had been propounded in the Council. She being attentive, and understanding what had passed, and withal considering the offer of Ferdinand, and that it was a means for her to wade out of that subjection, wherein the Friar so peremptorily held her: she presently answered, that whatsoever he did, she esteemed it greatly beneficial to her, committing all her actions and affairs into his hands; of which particularly and by piecemeal they conferred together by the space of fifteen days. But the Friar continued still without resolution, now saying this, then that, apparently showing that he had no other respect but to his own proper commodity, which he shadowed by this, that he feigned that herein he aimed at nothing, but that which particularly concerned the Queen and the good of her son, whom he protested he loved more than himself, in respect of the indissoluble bonds of gratitude that forced him to it, which oftentimes he had received from his father King john, who was his raiser and maker, and of whom depended all which he possessed in this world, being raised by him of nothing, and exalted to this high degree of honour wherein he was now. And thus cunningly did he dissemble and draw back the most he could.  
As these affairs proceeded on in this manner without any resolution, it happened one day the Queen, without the friars knowledge, found opportunity 
The Queen conferreth with Castalde, and complaineth of George.  to have some private conference with Castalde, and in such a convenient place where she might freely discover and impart the conceptions of her own mind; assuring him what singular contentment she received, in that Ferdinand King of the Romans, had sent so sufficient and worthy a man as he was, to negotiate in these affairs; the virtue and renown of whom, she had before heard an exceeding good report of, and she thought herself thrice happy of his coming, greatly commending the choice that was made of him, and the judgement of the King, in giving him that absolute authority to dispose of things in his name as he thought good of, thinking thereby she should have occasion speedily to bring her miseries to an end, which until then had held her wrapped up: effectuously importuning him that he would give faith and credit to the integrity of her heart, which had always desired and endeavoured herself to do his Majesty service. And afterward she earnestly desired Castalde, that for her discharge he would amply advertise his Majesty, that for the time passed she was not of herself withdrawn from the agreements between them, but that all proceeded through the friars subtleties, who never would agree nor consent that they should proceed to the execution of them; but to the contrary entreated her so badly (as still he did) that finding none to whom she might have recourse in such necessities, she was constrained (as being in despair) to demand aid of the Turk, of whom she had been many times importuned and incited to leave that kingdom peaceably unto him, in exchange of another great estate, which he offered her, especially seeing it was in his power (as he said) to thrust her out of it. And although some great fear might give her good occasion to think seriously thereof, yet nevertheless she meant not for all that to offer that displeasure to Ferdinand, especially considering that she was a Christian borne, and that it was not convenient for her to yield to any agreement with a Heathen Prince, she being greatly sorrowful for that which was passed.  
Thus to release herself out of the friars snares (which she reputed a worse and more intolerable subjection, then that of the Turks) as she had been before constrained peaceably to depart from one part of her kingdom, so for 
The Queen yieldeth herself to Ferdinand.  the like effect, she would now willingly forsake the other, with a resolute determination to deal with him so, that besides the consideration of the service which she meant to perform to Ferdinand, he should find great contentment freely by her means, thus without any condition to surrender this Province, which by force of arms she would never have yielded to any. And yielding all things into his majesties hands, she would entreat him that he would have regard to her son, who was a King, a child, and an orphan, for which respects he should not refuse to be a Lord and father to him, and esteem of him so in regard of the time to come, as if he were his natural son, having that particular respect and care of him, as she would, and aught to have of him herself: and specially acquainting him with the pains and torments whereinto she was fallen, yet withal having patience to see herself brought to that low ebb, that of a great Queen (as in former time she saw herself to be) she was now forced to become a poor Lady and a beggar, having never since the time she was expulsed Buda, with her son in her arms, and accompanied with a small train (leaving that town (by the friars juggling) in the government of the Turk) received any comfort, until now that he gave her occasion of exceeding consolation, seeing herself now ready to depart out of Transiluania, which she would leave under the government of such a King as Ferdinand was, who no doubt would defend it, and never lose it; and who might repute it for no small good fortune, seeing so voluntarily she suffered herself to be by him deprived of her kingdom, with so small a number of men & Artillery, of which others with great armies could not dispossess her. Castalde in Ferdinand's name answered her, that he accepted of her good and sincere affection, which she manifested in these proceedings, more than any rich kingdom whatsoever; promising her that in all fidelity and sincerity, he would perform all that had been treated of from point to point, and he firmly assured her (gauging his word) that his Majesty from thence forward, would have such respect to King john, as to his own children. And for his own particular, he offered in all her affairs to remain her obedient and faithful servant, and protector of her cause, desiring no less to satisfy her expectation and to please her, than Ferdinand himself who sent him thither.  
After such like discourses, they took leave one of another, the Queen retiring to her chamber, and Castalde to his lodging. In the mean time the Friar began to practise a dissolving of all the agreements which already were 
The devices of George to dissolve the agreements of the Queen and Castalde.  but lately propounded, and mistrusting the disposition and humour of the he Queen, to bring that to better effect which he desired should happen, would never consent to any conclusion, but deferring it from day to day, busied his brain about no other things, than trifling delays. And that his purpose might not be frustrate, and to the end also that he might not be thought he pressed so much for his own particular commodity, as for the good of the Queen and her son; he would that before any other thing, 
The second agreement between Ferdinand and Queen Izabella.  they should begin to treat of that which concerned them, that so he might at the length perceive what conclusion he might make, minding also that before any act of renouncing the kingdom to Ferdinand should pass, his Majesty should be first bound to give and perform to john the Queen's son, a yearly revenue of 25000. crowns, to him, his heirs, and successors, even as had been already promised him, and that out of such estates which were free, peaceable, and sure. Which was presently accepted of by Castalde, and promised (notwithstanding that when such offers were made, Buda was not then lost, nor other principal places of the kingdom, for the loss of which the Crown was shrodely weakened) there should be given and assigned the Duchy of Oppolia and Rhatibor, which are two pleasant and fertile countries, abounding in all things which can be desired, and are within the Province of Slecia. The Friar thinking himself satisfied for that point, instantly propounded another motion; which was (besides the agreement offered and decreed upon for the good of King john) he should pay to the Queen the 150000. crowns, which for her dowry was imposed upon King john her husband: and until she was fully satisfied and paid it, Ferdinand should be bound to give her some town in pawn, whither she might retire with her son, and remain there until such time they had performed all, and put them in possession of the aforesaid States, and discharged the said sum, with reasonable interest therefore, and in like sort the revenue of 25000. crowns which was promised. This demand was also agreed upon, and immediately she was appointed the town of Cassovia, which is one of the greatest and richest in that country, wherein she might for her own commodity remain, until an absolute accomplishment should be, of all that which had been promised.  
After they had concluded and decreed in this manner, of all which appertained 
George vaivode of Transiluania.  to the Queen and her son, the Friar began to negotiate and practise for himself, and demanded that they would bestow upon him the Vayuodship of Transiluania, with the same condition that King john was wont to give it, which was 15000. crowns by the year; which request was granted him, nevertheless with this condition, that he should have for his copartner and companion Andrew Battor. But by no means he would admit thereof, alleging that he had always been accustomed to command and rule alone, and not accompanied, neither would he receive into his government an equal, in respect it would rather be a charge and burden to him, than an honour. In the end, not to discontent him in any thing, he had his full ask. He having obtained this dignity, he yet demanded the Treasurership, which in former time he executed with the ordinary wages of 4000 crowns yearly: and besides that, his demand was that they should allow him aswell in peace as in war 1500. horse for his guard and the countries: 
1500. horse for the guard of George.  and further, he desired to have the Salt pits at Torde, which were exceeding profitable, and he at that time was in possession of them. He motioned this last demand with such craft and subtlety, that he thought thereby to find some just cause to frustrate the former conference, assuredly thinking they would never agree unto it. But herein his expectation failed him, 
The custom and manner of Princes.  and discretion would he should have credited the contrary, in respect himself was often wont to say; That it was requisite for him who would reign and govern, although he had not the gift to accomplish them, yet to give fair words and promises to every one, and to perform but a little thereof: which well he might imagine to be practised upon him by Ferdinand, since he saw that so readily they condescended to all that he demanded. He having now obtained all which he desired, yet could he not thus suppress the great thirst of his covetous and greedy mind, but altering every hour from the purpose, he often repent himself even in a moment of that which he had done, not supposing that his inconstancy was any shame or discredit to him. Castalde being one day with him, marveled greatly at his uncertainty, and that he was so changeable in his proceedings, telling him that he was greatly astonished at this his mutability, for that he saw his nature was to speak of one particular matter, at one time this, and another time that, by this means causing every one to be doubtful, and without any resolution he deferred the time, until he found the occasion such as he desired, and seemed favourable for his affairs.  
Whilst these affairs were thus traversed between them, one day he acquainted Castalde, that he greatly desired to be a Cardinal, and desiring him greatly for that purpose he would solicit Ferdinand to write to the Pope concerning it. Castalde promising him his best endeavour, speedily advertised his Majesty thereof, giving direct intelligence of the friars ambition, and of the special desire he had of the Cardinal's hat. Ferdinand having notice hereof, lost no time, but presently dispatched a messenger, writing 
Ferdinand entreateth the Pope to make George a Cardinal.  to Pope july the third, that it would please his holiness to receive Friar George into the College of Cardinals, amply reciting to him his virtue and prowess, and how for many years with his own forces and industry, he had defended and maintained the kingdom of Transiluania against the puissance of the Turk, whom he had often foiled; greatly praising him, that from an uncredible poverty (although he was dissended of a noble house) he had by his virtue and wisdom attained to these high degrees of honour, wherein he was now installed, in opposing himself for the general good of Christendom against the Infidels (as appeared to all the world) as a provident and valiant Captain; showing thereby to his holiness, that in consideration of such commendable acts, he well deserved to be admitted to that dignity. He also writ to his Ambassadors who were at Rome, to use the best means they could to further this suit, and to have answer of the Pope according to his desire.  
Whilst this matter was negotiated at Rome, the Archbishop of Strigonium 
George made Archbishop of Strigonium.  died, by whose death the Bishopric was void, which was yearly worth 150000. crowns. The Friar omitted no time, but presently made suit for it, which was as readily granted by Castalde in Ferdinand's name, to whom he writ with all speed, praying him that with like diligence he would send him the confirmation thereof, seeing they had to deal with so variable and inconstant a man, it was therefore requisite to make a brief conclusion, for that in prolonging time to bestow it of him, and not to yield to that which he demanded, was too much to adventure and hazard the present affairs. In the end, there remained not any thing for him to demand more, but only to be King, thinking he had now well effected all his affairs, was at last content to allow and ratify the articles made between them. Now to conclude or repent that which he had done, was all one to him, insomuch that even at the same instant, he went to the Queen to persuade 
George dissuadeth the Queen from the agreements made with Castalde.  her, not so easily to pass these articles, which were already accorded, telling her she might do it without bringing her honour and name in question; in saying, that she would not depart out of the kingdom, until Ferdinand had accomplished all that which he had promised: for the rest he would afterwards take it upon himself, assuring her to find the means to dismiss castald's army out of Transiluania, and to deliver her out of that subjection wherein she was, promising her by fair words, that he would always be faithful to her, and never contrary her in any thing, further persuading her, that this kingdom because it was justly come by, did appertain rather to her son john, then to Ferdinand. Whereto the Queen made no great semblance neither with yea nor nay, giving him thereby to understand, that it was neither just nor lawful to halt and dissemble so often in his words: and on the other side she told him, that she had committed all her affairs into his hands, from which she rather desired to be delivered then from the Turks. The Friar not perceiving himself deceived by her subtle fetch, and considering that he could not work so with Ferdinand, as he had effected with the Queen, and that he should not be any more of that great command in those quarters, as he had been, began to manifest exceeding great contentment of that which in private they had agreed upon, feigning afterward, that the Queen would never condescend to such agreements. But the Queen much doubting that the Friar would not fail to practise most cunningly that which he had said to her, caused Castalde 
The Queen accuseth George to Castalde.  once again to come and speak with her, advertising him of all which had passed between her and the Friar since the time of their two meetings; plainly telling him, that those whom Ferdinand had chosen for arbitrators in this business, were the most opposite to his proceedings that possible could be, and especially Friar George, who brewed new inventions to dissolve all that which had been concluded amongst them, acquainting him with some particulars of his disposition, and instructing him of that which was requisite for him to do in time to come, that so he might the better treat of these affairs with him, against the next Diet; because besides that which he understood already touching his condition, deceits, and subtleties, he should yet the further he went on perceive more and more: but yet not so well as others, who by their experience they have had of him, have discovered such his deceits. In fine, the Queen for conclusion added, that by no means he should repose any confidence in him, because that by how much the less he should think thereof, by so much the more he should find himself to be deceived and sold.  
The Friar seeing his devices succeeded not to his liking, was in the end 
The agreements decreed.  content to accept thereof, and conclude all the articles contained in their parley: that is to say, that the Queen among other points should depart out of Transiluania within six days, and retire herself to Cassouia. The premises being thus determined, notice by writing was given to Peter Vicchy, that the Queen would forsake the kingdom, and that also she would leave to Ferdinand the low countries, wherein Lippa and Themesuar are situated, and that they would in recompense thereof, give her in Hungary, or in some other places, so much as would satisfy and content her. And to the end that this business might with better expedition be dispatched, there was safe conduct sent him, that he might with more security, and without any suspicion come himself to the Court. Vicchy mistrusting that it was a train of the 
Vicchy reposeth no trust in George.  Friar to get him into his clutches, and not thinking that the Queen would so soon advance the King of the Romans, and renounce and deprive herself of her own kingdom, (which until then she had with many travails and cares defended and preserved): and not daring to come himself in person, he sent two Ambassadors to know in what estate and condition the Queen's affairs were. They being come to Sassebesse, they understood of all the occurrants which had passed until that day: and it was concluded with them, that seeing Peter Vicchy would not otherwise come, for his greater security, and also speedily to remove all distrust, Andrew Battor should be sent to manage those affairs with him. Thus they went together from thence, and Andrew Battor notwithstanding led with him 2000 horse for his guard; and also because they understood that Vicchy daily expected succour from the Turk (to break all this agreement) who presently after, as he had advertisement of that which the Friar practised with Ferdinand, gave command to the Bassa of Buda not to fail, but aid him. And truly if these succours had been arrived before Battor had spoken with Vicchy, this peace had never been made, neither had they spoken any more of it.  
Battor being now arrived at Lippa, whilst he conferred with Vicchy concerning 
Battor and Vicchy confer together.  the effect of his charge, there departed from Sassebesse a French gentleman, who was called Monsieur de Santon, whom Ferdinand had sent to be entertained amongst the Spanish companies, he being recommended 
A French Spy in the army of Ferdinand, who advertised the Turk of the occurrents of Transiluania.  to him by the Emperor Charles his brother. This man (as it was reported) had been a Captain in France, whither (he said) he would not return, until he had revenged certain injuries which was offered him; in memory whereof he wore his hair so long, that it reached to his shoulders, and said, he would never cut it off, until he had first satisfied himself with revenge. Castalde had great distrust of him, thinking (as it proved) he was a Spy for the Turk, and sent thither by Henry King of France, to the end that he might take notice of all occurrences which passed in Transiluania, to advertise the Turk thereof. And although he liked not, that one whom he so much disinherited, should be suffered to practise and be familiar amongst his soldiers, yet nevertheless would he not in any sort disturb him, for that he was greatly recommended to him by Ferdinand. Within a while after he was departed from Sassebesse, it was certainly known that he was a Spy, and what diligence so ever was used to recover him, yet he could not be found; and at the same time came command from Ferdinand, that his head should be cut off, being advertised by the Emperor that he was a Spy for the Turk. In the mean time, while they expected news of him, he saved himself at Lippa with Peter Vicchy, to whom he was sent. Vicchy understanding the decree, and the proclamation that was made against him, and how they sought him in every place, gave advertisement to Castalde that he was arrived at Lippa, and that if he so pleased, he would send him to him: but during this message, he caused him safely to be conducted with a good guard to Belgrade, from whence he took the way directly to Constantinople, to advertise the Turk of all which was done in that country.  
At the same time the day came that was appointed for the Diet to be held 
A Diet held at Colosuar, where the Queen resigned all the royal ornaments to Castalde.  at Colosuar, where should have been all the principal of the kingdom, and where (as it was determined) the Queen should renounce and resign to Ferdinand the kingdom, and acknowledge and approve himself King thereof. After all the Deputies of those Provinces and towns were arrived, the Queen the 28. of August departed from Sassebesse, accompanied with all the Knights and Gentlemen of the country, and also with Friar George and Castalde, the one riding on the right hand, the other on the left. Two days after they were departed, they arrived at an Abbey, distant from Colosuar eight miles, where they lodged; and there it was concluded between them, to execute all that which before had been a greed upon. And the beginning of this solemn resignation, was by the royal ornaments, which were, a Crown made of plates of gold, mounting on high in form of a 
The ornamets of the King of Hungary.  high crowned hat, enriched with stones and pearls, and having a little cross of gold on the top. The next was a Sceptre of ivory, garnished with gold, and a Mantle of cloth of gold, after the ancient habit in manner of a Vestment, beset with many stones, but of small value. A gown, and a pair of shoes of gold, which in respect of the work were like to those made for the Apostolic Sea. Among all those jewels, the Friar demanded of the Queen that she would commit the Crown into his custody and keeping. Which request she absolutely denied him: saying, that she would never give her consent, that a Friar should be King of that kingdom, whereof she dispossessed her son; but she would that they should be conveyed to him, to whom in right that Province belonged. And causing them to be brought before them all, she took the Crown in her hand, in the presence of the Friar, and many great personages, and after great effusion of tears, from her own eyes, and from her young son (who was present at the whole action) 
The sorrow of john, seeing his mother give the Crown to Castalde.  turning herself towards Castalde, said in Italian, such or the like speeches.  
Although inconstant Fortune following her cruel alterations, cutting off and confounding at her pleasure the affairs of this world, hath in such sort subverted mine, that now both my son and myself are forced to forsake this kingdom, this Crown, and all these other royal ornaments, which in times past were belonging to my dear Lord and spouse King john of most happy memory (but now unhappy that we be) and to resign into the hands and protection of others: yet notwithstanding she shall not for all this hinder me, but that at the least in my troubles and anguishs, I may take this only contentment, seeing them to fall into the hands of a Prince, who is not only a Christian, but also so puissant and benign, as is the King of the Romans, whom I repute for my Lord and father, who also shall know with what zeal and affection they are given him, and whom by our good liking we re-establish in this State, praying God that he may enjoy it with greater tranquillity and longer time, than we have done. And thus Seigneur john Baptista Castalde, I present them into your hands, with intent (of my part) they may be sent to his Majesty, giving him to understand, that we yield him not this kingdom and Crown, under the bond of any condition or covenant whatsoever, but freely. And we, myself and my son, cast ourselves into his merciful arms with all our fortune, beseeching him he would have regard of our miserable destiny, which, besides that we are Christians, hath caused us to spring of royal and princely blood. And that it would please him (following his accustomed bounty, which maketh him beloved of all the world) to receive and account of us for his children, and not deny us the relief, favour, and protection, which we hope and expect from him, and which you yourself many times in his name have promised us.  
After these speeches of the Queen, her son being yet but young, and 
john yet a child manifesteth not to consent to the Queen his mother.  knowing notwithstanding how greatly it imported him, to see himself deprived of his estate, and of that wherewith his father sometimes was crowned, making some resistance, he showed to the Queen his mother the little contentment which he conceived of this surrender, and appartly manifested that he would not consent thereto.  
But the Queen turning herself towards him, said: Since (O john my dear and tender son) that I know thy fortune and mine is not sufficient and able to defend this kingdom, without the aid and help of others, by occasion of the great number of those, who either by envy, or of some certain malice, or by some wicked disposition, make themselves masters of others, continually searching with the loss of the same, our ruin and destruction: Thou oughtest not to conceive ill thereof, if having a care rather to public good, then to our particular profit, which we cannot maintain against the Turks power, who by the daily provocation of our enemies doth molest us, and in a manner deprive us of all. Therefore in the midst of so many assaults of misery, which fortune hath bequeathed us, I have chosen this to be the best means, to give and resign this kingdom to the King of the Romans, who will defend and deliver it from the Turks violent attempts, and who in recompense will assign thee such estates, as he hath promised me, for the renouncing which I have made to him; to the end that thou mayst (at the least) yet live as a great Prince, if thou canst not live like a King: and I have the rather yielded to this, as not minding with common loss, to be obstinate in war, and to leave and omit the certain for the incertainty in the disposition of Fortune: considering also the inconstancy and mutability of her tickle government, which is accustomed rashly to rule and govern Kings houses, which are fallen in disgrace and contempt with the world, & who oftentimes imprudently and without thinking thereon, suddenly doth deprive them of their kingdoms, and sendeth them into perpetual exile. Therefore that on my part I may not behold such infelicity, and not to fall into such an indignity and misery (being forsaken of all aid and help) with the loss of the kingdom, I am easily persuaded with a comfortable hope, to reserve thee to a perpetual and quiet repose, with a less estate and condition, and to take thee out from so many troubles, amongst the which I do not yet despair, that for a kingdom which thou dost now leave, it may be in his power that taketh it from thee, to give thee another, and happily of greater command. Let it not seem strange to thee to leave this kingdom wherein thou wert borne and nourished, being a thing which happeneth to many: but be assured, that by the favour and dignity of virtue, a noble courage shall never be so much rejected of fortune, that he shall want any States or kingdoms. Therefore for the delivery of the poor people, which are afflicted and destroyed by our wars; for common repose, and for the preservation of our faith, thou oughtest not to withstand or gainsay it, but confirming all that, which for thy good I have yielded unto, consent that these princely ornaments be sent to his Majesty. And although I have good cause to mourn in giving over this Mantle, this Sceptre, and chiefly this royal Crown, (which not long since adorned thy father's head, and which also should have been set upon thine) yet shall I not for all that fail but greatly comfort myself, since they fall into the puissantnes of a King, who will embrace thee as his own person, and maintain thee against those enemies, who secretly (in respect of the alienation of thy estate) will now rest satisfied, and who (it may be) in time to come, would notwithstanding think themselves but little eased thereby, receiving at the least from God in another world, besides just punishment, that chastisement which they received not here, even as notwithstanding they had well deserved by their iniquities and wicked treacheries. Therefore whilst we are floating in the midst of this turbulent sea, it is requisite we sail with advised patience, as fortune will appoint the wind, and conform ourselves to God's omnipotent pleasure, since that there is no felicity durable to mortal men, nor any kingdom, nor principality permanent.  
Having ended these penitrating speeches, which were of that efficacy to have mollified a stony heart, and could not be spoken without being interrupted, with many deep and lamentable sighs, great commiseration and tears of those who were present, and especially of Friar George, she gave the Crown and the other ornaments to Castalde, who kindly and with good words gave her infinite thanks, as well for the good will he perceived in her, as also for the magnanimity which she had declared, and for the bountiful liberality by which she did give unto Ferdinand this Crown, and the absolute entering into this kingdom. And applying comforts to her adversities, he persuaded her not to attribute the renounciation of this kingdom to her misfortune, since she could by no means properly say, that she lost it, leaving it to Ferdinand, whom she drew and bound to be a continual friend, and father unto her, who would never forsake nor leave her in all her needful affairs; and encouraging her the more, he assured her that he would entirely and religiously keep it for him, and that he would perform to the uttermost all whatsoever he had promised her. And with this doubtful hope, the poor afflicted Queen departed to go towards Colosuar.  
Castalde having in this manner received the Crown, caused it to be carefully kept, being above all things by the Kings of Hungary highly esteemed, in respect of the vulgar opinion which is held thereof in that country: the report being, that an Angel brought it from heaven to S. Ladislas King 
The common opinion which is held in Hungary of the royal Crown.  of Hungary; and that the King which doth not possess it, cannot be the true nor lawful King, nor iuridially govern the people, nor execute justice to them. Men do yet say further, that if by chance this Crown should by some casualty be lost, and found by any whosoever, although he were the poorest in the world, presently without any other trial, he should be created King, and they should swear fealty and homage to him, as to their lawful and undoubted King. But whether this be true or no, I know not; yet upon this opinion, the Turks have a special desire to get it within the compass of their custody, as also Friar George had. All the Gentlemen and Lords who were present at the delivery of this Crown, judged that which the Queen had done, was of no small importance, esteeming the validity of the Crown to be of equal price with the kingdom itself.  
For this respect Castalde caused it continually to be kept in his chamber with great vigilancy, until with a good convoy he sent it to Ferdinand, by 
The Crown of Hungary sent to Ferdinand.  the Lord john Alpohnse Castalde Pescaire, his nephew. The Queen being arrived at Colosuar, Castalde also arrived there within a while after, where he remained certain days, attending those who should be there, and that were called to the Diet, to know what their affection was to the King of the Romans, and to confirm them in their good devotion, and to satisfy the Queen of that which was promised her; to appease all the tumults which was amongst them, and to incite them to take arms against the Turk, and chase them from those parts, understanding they would once again attempt to enter thereinto. And after they were all arrived and assembled together, Castalde acquainted them with all the passed proceedings, whereof every one was well contented. And if peradventure there were some, yea, and of the chiefest, to whom it seemed not good what the Queen had done, yet durst they not make show to the contrary, for that Ferdinand's part was then the strongest. And thus they all with one accord did swear fealty 
The Hungarians swear fealty to Ferdinand.  to his Majesty, manifesting great joy to see themselves returned under the government of their natural Lord and King, to whom of right that kingdom belonged. And although Castalde discovered the affections of many (who rather inclined to the amity and league of the Turk, then to that of the King) yet feigning notwithstanding to reduce and bring all to his devotion, and to show them the inconvenience of the amity and friendship of the Turk, and how hurtful and prejudicial it would be to them, with a speech as eloquent, as his countenance and carriage was grave, he used to them this oration.  
I have always esteemed it (Lords, and chief Commanders of this kingdom) to be a thing very convenient and necessary, not to speak at any time for any grace or friendship, which we have purchased from other men; nor for the favour which we have, or hope to receive from them; nor for any instinct which we have towards any: but only sincerely to explain and declare what we take to be good and praise worthy, as well for the particular, as public benefit; and not at any time to persuade any thing which is not both reasonable, just, and holy, as well before God as men; which I for mine own part have practised as much as hath been possible for me, and (by God's assistance) will always do it, choosing rather the good and glory of the King (your Lord and mine) and the public and general quiet, than my own proper life, as this day I mean to manifest to you, not minding to do any thing, but that which shall be sitting for the office of a lover of peace and public tranquillity, who ought not to omit unspoken any speech, that may be necessary for the good and safety of this country and kingdom, although with his own proper blood, he should not fail to sustain and assist it. Now, considering the present estate and condition into which you are fallen, by the secret hatreds which reign amongst you one towards an other, and by the dissensions sprung amongst you, and your former Lords: by occasion whereof you have called the Turk to your aid, and have brought him into this country, with the ruin, not only of the vulgar people, but also of yourselves, and have showed him an open high way for the time to come, in a moment to be masters of you, he practising towards you that which he did to the Paleologians, Comins, Buccals, and other of the principal of Greece, who for their conceived hatreds, thinking by the Turks aid wholly to banish and expulse their Emperor, did not only ruinate the Empire, but also lost their own goods, honours, themselves, and lives, the Turks being alured with the goodliness and fertility of the country, and feigning to favour or support the discords of one faction or other, learning to make war after their manner, & having therewith in such diligent observance, noted the situation and passages of their country, that with little labour they thrust in upon them, with such multitude and force, that after they had seen their young infants, their dear sisters, their beloved wives and kindred to be prays and slaves enchained; their towns burnt and destroyed, the country harried, and the common people made slaves, and they forced to fly and seek other Provinces to inhabit, wherein living in calamity they were forced to end their miserable life; of Lords to become servants, and of liberty to be in the thraldom of subjection, which is the greatest misery and calamity of all, and surely which in all the world hath not his like; being too painful and intolerable a burden, that a free man, fortunate, and rich, should become a servant, miserable, afflicted, and begging to satisfy his necessity. All which mischiefs had assuredly happened to you, if God's goodness, and the bounty of the King had not foreseen it, opening the eyes of your understanding, to remember the passed glory and renown which your Kings have undoubtedly achieved, by the victories and triumphs obtained against the Turks. Considering, I say, this your poor state, and knowing that you are not ignorant with what ability and force I am come hither, and how his Majesty hath sent me with an army, to take care and charge of this Province, and to succour and assist it in her afflictions, and by your friendly aid to deliver it out of the hands of Infidels, our common enemies; I have esteemed it necessary to declare unto you, that you ought to swear fidelity to Ferdinand your King and Lord, with such homage as you are bound to perform, and to persuade you, that you ought so much the more to settle yourselves in his favour and clemency, who will embrace you not as his subjects, but will place you in his bosom, as his natural and dear children, in such affectionate manner, that you may say, you have rather gotten a father, than a Lord, who will not fail to assist you in your necessities, nor forsake you in all chances of fortune, counting himself happy if they be such: and on the other side, deeming himself wretched with you, if it should succeed otherwise (which God defend it should) seeing the fortune of men is variable and more mutable than the waves of the sea, and subject to infinite hazards. But he esteeming you as dear as his own members, it behoveth not you therefore to give any credit to the dissembling promises of Infidels; nor to the enticing persuasion of those who little affect your good, and less your quiet; nor by the instigation of those, who secretly practiseth your ruin, and would separate you from the body, of which depend the common health and life: but rather, it is needful that you unite and incorporate yourselves into one resolute mind, and by that means valiantly redoubling your forces, you may show yourselves such, that in opposing yourselves courageously, you may be able to chase out of this kingdom, those enemies who violate our Religion, dishonour your Churches, force your Virgins, and with as much possible wickedness as they can imagine, defame your wives and children, never observing any faith. After this your manifest and courageous fidelity, it behoveth that you deliberate and consult with me for the public liberty (although it be a thing that seemeth dangerous) to denounce war against them, which being justly and discreetly managed, will promise to us victory, and immortal glory with them that shall succeed us, who learning of us to esteem honour and glory, (more dear than their lives) will freely choose rather to die fight for faith and liberty, then to be as prays to these inhuman Barbarians, living in continual dishonour. And if these reasons are not so persuasive, nor yet of that force to move your courages, yet ought they at least to make them tremble, by reason of the horrible cruelties you shall receive when the Turk shall become your Lord: for assure yourselves you shall not for all that enjoy any great content or quiet, but even daily your sorrows and griefs will be redoubled with great and tedious impositions, for that he will not satisfy himself with an ordinary and reasonable tribute: but with an absolute command he will take away the dearest of your children, forcing them to deny our faith, and to forget both the father and mother, who have begotten, produced, and brought them up; and will nuzzle them among his janissaries, to increase by that means their wicked and heathenish opinion, and overthrow and suppress ours, which is grounded upon the blood of our dear Saviour jesus Christ. And beside, if you have a fair young daughter, who is of seemly and well favoured countenance, and enriched and adorned with virtue, she shall presently be taken from you, and put into the Serraile, to satisfy the unsatiable lust and incontinency of this abominable Tyrant, who continually will aspire to no other thing, then wholly to extirpate and ruinate you, and to make you in the end to become his servants and perpetual slaves, purloining from you the best of whatsoever you have, and the remainder of all which shall be left unto you by your ancestors: neither can you say any thing in defence of yourselves, nor contradict them, which if you do, or make any show of discontent, then shall you be strait in present danger of your life. Consider by this and firmly impress it, what these calamities are, and how horrible and grievous the effects be. Awake, awake therefore, I say, your drowsy spirits, and wait not upon a vain desire, & upon a swollen pride, so willingly to yield yourselves under so miserable a servitude, yea much worse than death itself: but valiantly oppose your uttermost abilities against such enterprises, and give not occasion to others to call you tyrants: for surely not only he is a Tyrant, who is the cause of another man's servitude, but also he who is able to oppose himself against the violence of another, and yet maketh no resistance. Call together with you all the Sicilians and Transalpinians, making a league with your neighbours, and with those of whom in time you may hope for succour and aid, and in defending yourselves, offend the enemy; this being no dishonest thing nor worthy of blame, for defence of yourselves, to enter into league with any strange nation whatsoever. And resolve and unite yourselves quickly in one, considering that in the occurrences and adventures of war, too long remissness increaseth more detriment than profit. And by such a sudden determination, doing that which in reason and courage ought to be done, you shall manifest to your King a quickness of spirit, and declare how much your hearts are clear and clean, as well in prosperity as in adversitic, those only meriting to be reputed truly courageous, and of a firm resolution, who perfectly discerning troublesome things, and things that are pleasant one of them from another, not doubting at any hand any peril, nor withdrawing themselves from the service of their Lord, as I assure myself you will not do; making full account of this, that having before your eyes the pregnant experience of evils passed, and deeply thinking on the present labours, you will rather make choice to lose your lives by a just and honourable war, then live with a vile peace and an infamous quiet.  
These speeches animated Friar George, with all the rest and chiefest of Transiluania, presently to yield themselves (knowing the verity of the cause) to the King's service, and he offered himself with them altogether to his devotion, acknowledging him for their true Lord and King. The first who did swear fealty, were the Saxons and Sicilians, nevertheless with this condition, that he would confirm and observe their privileges. Their chief Commander among them, named Ladislas Endef, was then greatly recommended, because he had induced them to such their acknowledgement. And they deliberating together upon the war, that they meant to take against the Turk, (who, as it was said, would come and assail them) it was concluded that they should send (as they had already done through all the Provinces) and publish that every man should be in a readiness upon the first summons that should be given them, to march against the common enemy. During this time, and whilst these things were discoursed of, Ferdinand's 
The ratifying of Ferdinand upon the agreements.  packet of letters arrived, by which he confirmed and ratified all that which Castalde had promised and agreed upon with the Queen and Friar George. And beside, gave thereby further authority to Castalde, that if possible it could be done by a Proctor or Deputy, to celebrate the espousals between the Infanta joan his daughter, and john the Queen's son; which 
The betrothing of the Infanta joan the daughter of Ferdinand, with john the son of the Queen.  within a short time even in the very same place was after performed, with great joy and contentment of all the kingdom, being the general opinion, that this new alliance and agreement made between these Kings, would bring forth among them a perpetual quiet.  
These affairs being thus decreed and concluded, the day following, which was the 9 of September, the Queen departed from Colosuar, with a convoy of 400. Hungarian horse, which Castalde sent with her, accompanying 
The departure of the Queen out of the kingdom with tears and sorrow.  her himself from that place two miles, which maketh four French. The Queen being thus accompanied and in a Coach with her son (who was very sick) and travailing on her journey, she that day plainly manifested the great sorrow and extreme discontent which she felt, to see herself deprived of her kingdom, and by agreement to leave her own, and to search after another man's, which was very apparent to every one, by the mournful plaints and deep sighs which she powered out, together with abundance of tears falling from her eyes (true witnesses of her sorrow and distress). They being all come to a way which led on two hands, the Queen and her son took leave of Castalde, not without great redoubling of sorrow and tears, the one returning towards Colosuar, the other proceeding on their journey towards Cassovia.  
Scarce was the Queen departed, but news was brought her that Peter Vicchy had agreed with Andrew Battor, into whose custody he had already 
Vicchy yieldeth the low countries to Battor.  yielded Lippa and Themesuar, with Becch, Becherech, and Chinad, and all the other Castles which were under his government, not being willing before to come to this agreement, until he was acertained by the Queen's letters, of all which had passed until then. And after he had thus yielded his whole command, he set forward on the way towards the Queen, to accompany her to Cassovia. Whilst he was proceeding on his journey, Battor entered into the said towns, and taking ample and sure possession of them, furnished them with a garrison of such soldiers, as he had drawn out of certain Fortresses, and who for that purpose he had brought with him, being 800. Aiduchs, who are footmen bearing Halberds, cuirasses, Bows, Arrows, Crossbows, and Sables, and 300. horse. With this warlike company he greatly assured the country, specially because the Caransebansses, the Lugasiens', and the Rathians (people very puissant) were reduced under the obedience of Ferdinand, and had declared that they were content to live under his majesties devotion, and to serve him in all occasions of war which should be offered.  
The affairs of Lippa and Themesuar being thus with diligence dispatched, Castalde thought than he had fully effected his most important business; because that whilst these two Fortresses were not yet under the government of Ferdinand, men thought, that that which he had negotiated before, was to little or no purpose, for that those two places were of great importance, 
Lippa and Themesuar towns of importance.  and specially Lippa, which was esteemed and reputed the key and port of all Transiluania. The same, besides it was of great importance, was exceeding profitable and commodious, and therefore necessary to be more carefully maintained and kept, in respect of the great revenues which come from thence, because it is the Port where all the vessels of salt are laden, which is transported by the river Marosse through all Hungary, and is a merchandise of the best and greatest traffic dispersed into all those countries. Friar George demanded this toll of the King, importuning that his Majesty would give it him: but afterward the King understanding it was yearly worth 300000. Florins, he would not entirely give it him; but yet he had it at a reasonable rate, although the other would not so accept thereof: and because he was not willing to give him any occasion to complain of him, he liberally 
George had the third part of the toll of salt.  gave him the third part thereof. All Transiluania being reduced under the obedience of Ferdinand, and the marquess of Balasse, and Francis Chendy, men of special authority and credit in their country, being also entered into amity with him: Bernard Aldene camp-master of the Spaniards, desired 
Bernard Aldene a Spaniard, sent to to command Themesuar and Lippa.  Castalde, that since he would send other Captains for the defence of Themesuar and Lippa, that it would please him to send him thither, being the rather desirous to go, for that he understood he would send Spaniards thither. Castalde was therewith well content, and presently dispatching him, he gave unto him 300. Spaniards, and sent with him Captain Rodrigo Vigliandrando, who then was come to the service of Ferdinand, during this expedition, and who was by the same Aldene, earnestly desired to have him in his company, and that to the end that he might assist him both by his virtue and good advice in any Martial affairs, for that he was a man of trust, experienced, and very desirous of honour. Being thus dispatched, having with them two pieces of Artillery, they set forward on the way from Colosuar, drawing towards Themesuar, which according to the judgement of all, was of greatest importance, taking with them divers Ingenors', to fortify and repair the other places which were of least strength. On the other side they caused to fortify and strengthen Sibinio, Albe-iula, and Sassebesse, which are towns situated upon little hills in the midst of great plains, and which with little cost would be made impregnable. Castalde caused these fortifications to be repaired, to no other end, but only to stop the Turks incursions, in case he would enter into the kingdom; and that in the mean time he might make other provision and have commodity, to expect the succours which Ferdinand should send him, if need so required. And for that in the late Diet of Colosuar, the Transylvanians being for that particular cause required to aid Ferdinand with certain sums of money, they had excused themselves in respect of the great poverty of the country, which was an occasion they could not contribute thereunto: therefore by the command 
The revenues of the Bishoprics employed to the fortification of the country.  of the King it was ordained, that all the revenues of the bishoprics in Transiluania, with the Bishopric of Agria, should be employed for the charges of such fortifications.  
Whilst these things were thus in doing, the Friar made semblance as though he had been very glad thereof, but especially because he had thrust out the Queen before him: and thinking that his purposes had at the beginning taken good effect, he hoped (as it many times chanceth to men who often deceive themselves in their own affairs) that also the midst and the end would succeed fortunately, as his own conceits had already promised him. Now the Friar knowing that he had greatly offended the Turk, in bringing Ferdinand into this Province, he endeavoured by all means to clear himself thereof, and again to creep into his former grace 
George seeketh again the favour of the Turk.  and favour. Thus by his subtleties thinking to hold Ferdinand in one sleeve, and the Turk in another, and to content them both, he meant now to kindle that, which afterward in the end he could not extinguish. And to execute this his intention, he departed from Colosuar to go to a Castle of his own, which he had built from the ground, named Wivar. He had given order that there he would meet the Chiauss, which the Turk sent to receive the tribute which that Province yearly paid him, to the end they might live in peace. The Chiauss was already arrived at this Castle, whilst they negotiated all the premised affairs. And the Friar caused him to be so privately, yet well entertained, that none could speak with him, which he did in this respect, for fear that any should advertise him of what had passed. For this cause he appointed him to be lodged and friendly used in this place as the most commodious, being more solitary and less frequented of ways, than any other in the kingdom. The Friar being arrived at this place, presently caused many sports and rich presents to be showed and given to this Chiauss, with sumptuous entertainment, and after he sent for Castalde, who presently came thither, and by their general agreement and consent, he paid the tribute to the Turk, the time being almost expired, in which the said tribute should be paid; and the truce yet continued, during which, it seemed 
Tribute paid to the Turk by the Transylvanians.  not good to Castalde (and specially at that time) to give the Turk any other occasion to infringe or break it, then that he had already done, which was, in lifting him out of Transiluania; which he meant not to do for many respects, and specially because he had a purpose with speed to provide for the fortifications of the places before mentioned; and because that in the mean while he meant to gain the good wills of the ablest and mightiest men in the country, and to increase himself both with men and money to maintain and keep it: but fortune would not suffer that he should long enjoy his desire. For being one night at supper with the Friar, news was brought 
The Turks in field to take the Queen.  him, that by the command of Achmeth Bassa, there was gone out of Buda 3000. horse to assay to take the Queen, her son, and the Crown of the kingdom, which was sent to Ferdinand, assuredly thinking that she would carry it with her as a precious jewel. But she (as good fortune was) took the way towards Cassovia, going in the poorest habit and painfullest travail 
The misery of Queen Izabella.  that could be imagined, not any thing dissembling the extreme grief which still heavily oppressed her. To her uttermost ability she manifested this her immeasurable affliction, which hourly gnawed and sorely distempered her mind. Insomuch that one day passing a mountain, which separateth Transiluania from Hungary, and going down the side thereof, which was very rough and tedious, by which ragged way her Coach could not pass, she was constrained (during a great shower) to go on foot, and down that side with her children and Ladies, and that not without great labour. Walking in this sort, she greatly complained herself of her adverse fortune, who not contenting to be contrary and opposite to her in great and weighty things, would yet afflict her in small and mean matters. And attributing this sorrow and discontent of mind, which untimely happened to her, to the wickedness of her destiny, she took a knife, and with the point thereof (to ease a little her untolerable grief) writ in the bark of a great tree (under which she was retired to repose and shroud herself from the rain, which powered down amain) these Latin words; Sic fata volunt, 
So the Destinies will have it, Izabella the Queen.  and underneath it, Izabella Regina, which is as much to say, Ainsi le veulent les Destinées, Izabella Royne. After she had engraven these words, she again presently took her Coach and proceeded on her journey, and arrived in 
The Queen arrived at Cassovia.  safety at Cassovia, making by that means the Turks sally out of Buda vain and frivolous, who knew not what to do, for that she took another way more unusual and less frequented, and quite differing from that which they were of opinion she would take: but the Queen being exceeding provident and of good judgement, prevented the Turkish subtleties, escaped their ambuscadoes, and fell not into their hands. And thus (by God's providence) altering her way, she disgraced Achmeths frivolous enterprise, and his followers found little contentment of their laborious desires.  
The end of the third Book.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE FOURTH BOOK.  
SOlyman prepareth an army to invade Hungary, and George (Vayvode of Transiluania) leavieth forces against him. Themesuar summoned by the Turks, and divers towns with Lippa is yielded to them. Themesuar besieged by the Turk, but he raiseth his forces and retireth from thence. George is vehemently suspected by Ferdinand, who sent advertisements to Castalde to kill him. The town of Lippa besieged and taken by Castalde, but the Castle held out, and George endeavoureth to save Oliman, who was Governor thereof, who in the end upon composition departed in safety from thence: but was set upon by our men, who were overthrown by him. Aldene made Governor of Lippa. The conspiracy of George, his death, who was slain at Buise; his burial, and his movables seized upon to Ferdinand's use, for whose death the Sicilians began to mutiny: but were appeased by Chendies wisdom.  
AFter that the agreement passed between Ferdinand King of the Romans, and Queen Izabella was ended and concluded, and that the Queen peaceably leaving the kingdom, was wholly freed out thereof; the Transylvanians for two causes thought happily to live a long time in a peaceable tranquillity, and to have brought to fortunate issue, the bitter afflictions which they in former time, with many perturbations, sorrowfully endured. The first whereof was, because they saw the son of King john in league with the now present King, and to have taken in marriage the Infanta joan his daughter, which alliance and amity did indifferently minister to every one an assured expectation of a perpetual and quiet repose, and that in time, by means of Ferdinand's clemency and bounty, the way should not altogether be taken from john one day, to re-enter again into that kingdom. The other was, that for the late sustentation which by these new agreements happened to them, they thought themselves so sufficiently assured in ability, that the Turk for fear of the puissant authority of Ferdinand, and of the Emperor Charles his brother, durst never more, or at the least not so often as he had done, molest and spoil them: but on the contrary, in consideration of this he would greatly fear and doubt them: so that by this means they should have time and leisure to fortify and strengthen the passages, and furnish the low country towns in such warlike manner, that they should never hereafter stand in dread of the Ottoman violence.  
But fortune not minding to satisfy their expectation, unhappily shuffled all the cards in their hands, and altered that sweet desire of peace, into a trembling fear and suspicion of war. For this Frenchman (of whom we have before spoken) being arrived at Constantinople, declared how he fled from Sassebesse, upon suspicion that he was a Spy for the King of France; and being retired to the grand Signior, informed him of all that which had passed between Ferdinand and the Queen. Solyman now knowing 
Solyman prepareth an army to invade Hungary.  that to be true, which until then he would not believe, commanded with expedition to levy an army to send into Transiluania, under the conduct of the Belerbey of Greece, to whom he gave command, that with all diligence he should with 12000. horse repair unto Belgrade, where the whole army should be joined and united together, which should be sent him by the Sangiacs lying there about, and that he should enter and assail this Province on both sides: on the one side by the help and assistance of the vaivode of Moldavia; and on the other, by the aid of the Bassa of Buda, and that he should with his uttermost ability endeavour himself to conquer it, and levy such a mass of his people, and so continually employ them, that Ferdinand should have no time to prevent it, norfortifie himself there.  
Castalde having notice of this by special advertisement, in the greatest haste he could, mustered his men of war, and began to persuade with the Friar, that he should prepare his forces to encounter the enemy, and give prevention the best he could to the sinister chances which shortly might ensue, because that they were not able to provide for the time. The Friar greatly dreading the Turk, in respect he was vehemently incensed against him, for his former proceedings: answered (dissembling his thoughts) Castalde, that he would not fail him in any furtherance. But on the other side he 
George negotiateth with the Bashnes.  cunningly practised his atonement with the enemy, to whom feigning to write for the good and behalf of Ferdinand, he only writ for his own safety and commodity, and sending certain presents to Rostan Bassa, and to him of Buda, to draw and allure them to his friendship, he assayed as much as he could to shake the blame from himself: saying, that if the Turk should send an army into Transiluania to conquer it, because they had put the King of the Romans into possession thereof, that for that purpose he need not send thither, seeing that all was done by the Queen, and not by him; who had already married her son john with Ferdinand's daughter, to whose Lieutenants also she had freely, and from the persuasion of her own opinion, entirely relinquished her country and crown, and herself was retired to Cassovia: and that for these reasons it was to no great purpose to send an army to destroy the kingdom and spoil the poor inhabitants, who were utterly ignorant and guiltless of the said facts: and promised that he would herein so carefully travail, that he would chase from thence all those soldiers and men of war which Ferdinand had sent thither, and that he would continually pay the ordinary tribute, and that according to such order as before was promised, and as they had already begun to pay it: and further writing many other reasons for his excuse: and also to confirm this his device, he caused likewise certain of the principallest of the kingdom, privately to write to the said bashas to approve all that which he had said. Yet would it not induce the Belerbey to desist from marching on with his 
The Turks army in Hungary.  troops, which he brought with him from Constantinople. He being arrived at Belgrade, he began to muster and assemble his Camp, and after having prepared certain bridges over Danubius, he passed to the other side, and went to lodge by the river Tibiscus, upon which he also caused likewise another bridge to be made, and from thence passing on a long, he came near to a Castle named Becche, situated almost upon the rivers side. In the next plain he pitched his Camp, and from thence gave advertisement to all the neighbour Provinces which were subject to the Turk, that they should not fail, but presently send him men and horses, such as they are bound to send in the like affairs.  
Whilst the Belerbey busied himself to gather the rest of his Camp, Castalde commanded Aldene the Master of the Camp (who then was in the low countries for the defence and assurance thereof) that Stephen Lozonse, a famous Knight among the Hungars, should with George Sotede enter into 
Lozonse Lieutenant for Ferdinand at Themesuar.  Themesuar with 600. horse, for the guard and defence thereof. And further, for the better assurance of the same, he commanded that Aldene himself should enter thereinto with all the Spaniards which he had, making Lozonse Governor of those countries, and General over all the warlike affairs. He with Aldene caused Themesuar and other places to be fortified with the best defences they could: and knowing that the enemy was already in the field, they daily laboured to fortify the town with Rampires and Bulwarks of good sufficient strength, giving advertisement of all things which he heard or they did to Andrew Battor, who was then at Lippa. Battor seeing the necessity of the time that urgently pressed every one, began to levy as many 
Battor at Lippa.  men as he could, instantly soliciting all the people of his Province, and admonishing them, that every one should aid him against the common enemy. He also drew to him the principal Lords of the Rhatians, not in respect to assist him with their powers, but for that they should not be invited to the service of the Belerbey, knowing their inconstancy to be such, that they would affect and take part with the strongest. And having thus by all good means drawn them to him, and causing them to swear fealty to Ferdinand: that he might yet win their good like the more, he entertained 4000 of them into pay, with many Captains, who voluntarily offered to be also entertained into Ferdinand's service, as the others were. And having with great diligence levied 15000. men, who were most horsemen, he presently with these troops put himself into the field, and went and lodged beneath Lippa, expecting there what the enemy was determined to do, who also was encamped between the two aforesaid rivers. Castalde at the same time diligently surveyed and munitioned the fortifications, and specially the frontier towns of Transiluania, as he saw was most needful. And being acertained that the Belerbey would come to Themesuar, he sent another company of Spaniards thither, and money to pay the Rhatians, whom he knew were variable and inconstant, and such as were needful to be entertained with many and often pays, which happily would procure them from revolting. On the other side, he used his best labour to provoke Friar George, 
George, Vayvoyde of Transiluania, raneth his army against the Turks.  that instantly (as being vaivode) he should assemble all the soldiers of the kingdom, to march with them and relieve Themesuar, commanding Andrew Battor that he should send to Lozonse as many men as he could, whereby he might hinder and withstand the Belerbey from the passage of Tibiscus. The Friar was very slow, and fearful to levy the inhabitants of the country, having before commanded that none should stir, without his appointment & express command, assuring them that the Belerbey would not pass Tibiscus, and that it was not needful of such an assembly, which he the rather assured himself of, in regard of the letters which he had already sent to the Turk and bashas. But after having certain notice, that he prepared two bridges upon Tibiscus, he went presently to Deva, levying thereabouts 3000. horse, and with those he encamped in the field, and presently writ to all the towns, that they should with all expedition send such men as they were bound by their custom to furnish, which was willingly executed with great celerity.  
Now when they would by the authority of the superior Lords raise amongst 
The custom of Transiluania to levy the soldiers of the country.  them such infantry and Cavalarie, as every town is bound to furnish, and that specially for general defence; the custom of this Province is, to send one Lance and a Sword stained with blood, and borne on horseback by one of the principallest officers of every town or place, and carrying them on high (in token of great and present necessity) showeth them to all thereabouts, with another man on foot, who goeth crying; The common enemy cometh against us all, let every house prepare a man for general good, and send him speedily to that place which is appointed you. At this cry every one causeth speedily to depart, all those who are apt and able to bear arms, and sendeth them to the rend vous. And thus within a short time they assembled a great number of men, as well foot as horse: the care that Castalde had thereof, greatly assisting them in that business, who specially hastened the men, which he caused to be levied through the kingdom, 
George suspected by Castalde.  and so much the rather, because he had vehement suspicion of the Friar, who continually ceased not to his uttermost, to drive him out of those countries, whereof he was well advertised by means of one who was very familiar with the Friar, and acquainted him with all such occurrants. Yet Castalde dissembling the matter, used Friar George in the greatest kindness as was possible, and endeavoured himself by all means to gain his good liking, and the rather, for that he knew him to be fickle and inconstant, and stood in much awe of the Turk, having continual distrust that for his inconstancy, he would exchange the favour of his friends, to follow the ambitious wiles of his enemies. In respect whereof, he confirmed him general Treasurer, 
States confirmed to George.  with 4000 Florins by the year, and also Vaynode of the kingdom, with 15000. Florins by the year, as he had requested, and with authority in time of necessity to have 800. horse, and 500 foot for his guard; and beside, 200. other horse which he should maintain at Deva, and at Gherghe, two strong Castles and places which was given him to keep. Being by such bountifulness won to a dissembled fidelity, he came to the Diet at Sibinio, (which a little before was appointed) where every one being arrived, they required all the Provinces of the kingdom; to wit, the Sicilians, Saxons, and Transalpinians, to contribute some money to maintain the charges of the war; which was agreed unto by the most. And whilst the Friar by all good outward offices showed himself serviceable to Ferdinand, yet he omitted not 
The inconstancy of George.  secretly to practise with the Turk, to accord with him, and in recompense of the good which was done him, he still caused such soldiers whom he most trusted, to resort to him, with whom under the colour to chase and expel the Turk, he endeavoured to thrust out of the kingdom Ferdinand's people.  
About that time came news, how Maximilian King of Bohemia, was 
Maximilian espoused Marie daughter of Charles the Emperor.  returned out of Spain, with Mary daughter of Charles the Emperor, & that having passed through Italy, he arrived at Vienna, where, by reason thereof, was made him great feasts and sports: and how some brought letters from Rome to his Majesty, by which (in the first creation of Cardinals) the Pope promised to include and create Friar George in the number.  
Ferdinand understanding that the Bassa of Buda laboured thus that he might increase his army, did (besides the people which he sent into Transiluania) reinforce the garrisons which were on the frontiers of Hungary, for fear that the Bassa turning his course on that quarter, yet should he not be so soon master thereof as he imagined. Whereupon he dispatched Andrew 
Succours sent by Ferdinand to Castalde.  Branday with a Regiment of 3000. Germans, and Charles Seheretin, a Lord of Slesia, with 400. horse, the most part whereof were men of arms, and the rest Pistoliers, all under the conduct of the marquess Sforce Palauicin, who then was commissary general of the Campe. Being all arrived at Varadine, they sojourned there a time, attending that which Castalde would command them. He seeing that by no means he could depart out of the kingdom, without giving the Friar great suspicion of him, sent to tell the marquess Sforce, that with the people which he brought out of Germany, he should come and join with him where he was; and in the mean time, he leaving in Albe-iula one company of Germans, another at Sassebesse, and two at Sibinio (it being the greatest and most important town of Transiluania) with those few Spaniards which he brought with him, and the rest of the Germans, he departed to go and join with the Friar. And then he understood that the Belerbey had already passed Tibiscus with a great army of 80000. men, as well infantry as Cavalarie (as the Spies, and those who secretly had knowledge of his Camp, reported): and that he brought with him 50. pieces of Artillery great and small for battery, and with this warlike train, he held on his course to Themesuar. The Belerbey having thus passed Tibiscus, presently commanded Lozonse, that he should without 
Themesuar summoned.  any further delay, in the name of the Grand Signior, presently yield this town to him, and that if he would not, he protested to raze it stone from stone, and also both himself and those who were with him, to be put to the sword, and that he would execute this according to the express command which he had thereof, without any mercy or favour. And on the contrary, that if liberally, and of his own good will, he would yield it into his hands, besides the guerdon and assured recompense which he should find, he would use all courtesy and favour, which according to fair wars, was accustomably used to valiant and gallant soldiers: and by that means he should assuredly win the friendship of the Grand Signior, whose favour he should never want.  
Lozonse at this proud summons answered him thus: That that town belonged to the King of the Romans, and that in his behalf he would undoubtedly keep and defend it to the death, acknowledging no other rightful King, nor Grand Signior of that Province, but he: and that it were far better discretion for him to retire back again, then to proceed with this cruelty to destroy the poor commons and country which were none of his, and over whom he had not any mite of interest: and therefore he held it safest for him and his train quietly to depart, and let those live in peace, who did not any thing offend or annoy him. The Belerbey seeing the gallantness of Lozonse, he made him no other answer, but only sent to him by writing these four verses taken out of Virgil.  
Ante leues ergo pascentur in aethere cerui,  
Et freta destituent nudos in littore pisces,  
Ante pererratis amborum finibus exul  
Aut ararim Parthus bibet, aut Germania Tygrim.  
Minding thereby to demonstrate, that Hearts should rather bruise in the air; the fishes forsake the sea; a banished man see the end of the world; a Parthean drink up the river Saone; or a German, the river Tigris, rather than 
Saone, or Sagona, a river in France.  he would return from his intended course. And so proceeding on his journey, he came before a little Castle which standeth almost upon the passage of the river, and is named (as is above said) Becche, and there in camped 
Becche taken by the Turks.  himself before it, and seeing it would not yield, he began so rudely to batter it with ten Cannons, that the greatest part of the wall fell to the ground. Whereat the besieged being greatly astonished, and perceiving themselves cast away, because the whole Castle was broken down and laid open, they presently yielded to the Belerbey, with this condition only that their lives might be saved, who observing no promise towards them, were notwithstanding slain by the janissaries, who after they were come forth, of 200. men left not one alive, the Captain excepted, whom the Belerbey with great difficulty saved. Going from thence with one part of his army, and two double Cannons, he came before another Castle named Becherech, 
Becherech taken.  which being astonished at the late misfortune happened to Becche, without enduring the force of the Cannon, they presently yielded. This Castle being thus rendered, the Belerbey speedily with all his army marched directly to another Castle named Senath, otherwise Chinath, before which he made a stand with all his squadrons, to see if they would yield: and whilst he was occupied about these attempts, the Rhatians of Ferdinand's part, seeing the Turks Camp approached with great force and violence, and thinking Ferdinand's power deferred too much time before they came into the field, they all persuading themselves, that it was neither shame nor dishonour 
The Rhatians revolt from Ferdinand, and incline to the Turks.  to break their words and oaths which they swore to the King (although they had received pay) they wholly retired to the Belerbey, sending to him for his greater assurance, their wives and children, and that because the Turks are not accustomed to repose over much trust in them, knowing their extreme inconstant dispositions. After he had entertained these Rhatians, he caused those of Senath to be tempted to some agreement, promising them that if they would yield, he would preserve both their honours and lives, and he would permit that peaceably every man should enjoy their own proper goods. Upon which condition they yielded, and the Castle 
Senath yielded to the Turks.  came under his command, and leaving therein a good garrison, he speedily marched towards Lippa, which was ten miles distant from thence, leaving behind him Themesuar, which then he would not besiege, but reserved that enterprise until better opportunity, and performed no other thing, but diligently observed the situation and commodities thereabouts, and after that proceeded on his journey.  
Every one was of opinion that he meant not to enterprise any thing against this town, because that he was certainly informed there was a strong garrison within it, and that it was sufficiently munitioned and fortified, insomuch that he esteemed the exploit very difficult, and perhaps he supposed he should never get it. Thus leaving the siege thereof, until a more commodious and fit time, he thought it more profitable to take from him all the Fortresses thereabouts, and especially Lippa, (which was the direct passage by which Castalde was forced to send all the succours that were necessary for him) and that afterwards he seeing himself deprived of all hope, he made no doubt, but that either by force or composition he should carry it. He being now within one days journey of Lippa, presently sent his Vanguard, to know and survey the Camp of Andrew Battor, who was suddenly advertised thereof by his Sentinels, which he appointed in certain places, to be assured when the Belerbey approached. They with all expedition in the beginning of the night brought news to Battor (who was then at Lippa) that the Turks drew near to that town, 
Battor confusedly quitteth Lippa.  and that they had already discovered the Vanguard. Battor upon this news even the very self-same night retired so confusedly with his people, that all his Camp was in a manner quite defeated, because that every one for his own part sought the means how by flying he might save himself. Dislodging in this confusion, he left in the Castle Captain Pete a Hungarian to govern it, a man of good reputation as well to manage arms, as also for other politic affairs, with 300. horse, and certain Aiduchs, who are (as we before have showed) footmen, who in their arms and manner of fight, imitate the Turks; and commanded him with his people to defend both the town and it, the best they could. Scarce was Andrew Battor departed, when in the morning the Burgomaster of Lippa (who is the principal officer of the town, and every year one is chosen and created, for the administration and 
The Burgomaster of Lippa yieldeth the town to the Turks.  government thereof) went to seek Pete, plainly (yea and like a jolly stout Burger) telling him, that he would yield the town to the Belerbey, since he saw no forces left to defend it, it being forsaken by Battor, and that there was not one citizen that would hazard the loss of their children, wives, sisters, and revenues, all of them being well assured, that if they should stand upon their guard, the Belerbey would without mercy put them all to the sword, and that for this fear, neither they, nor the other Rhatians who were remaining in the town, would adventure that, which within short time was probable to bring them to utter confusion, nor foolishly hazard such a miserable end which now was eminent, if they stood upon defensive terms, well knowing that they had neither force nor provision sufficient to resist him: and that for these considerations he was resolved to present the keys of the town to the Belerbey; and as for him he might do with the Castle as he thought good. Pete seeing the cowardly resolution of this Burger, and assuring himself, that the Turks being in the town, he could not possible defend the Castle, esteemed it better and more profitable for the service of Ferdinand, in preserving those soldiers which he had with him, to retire with safety, then to expect and adventure the loss of all. Upon this deliberation he forsook the Castle, and the greatest part of the town, and so departed out of it with all his soldiers. And of the other side, the Burgomaster went presently to seek the Belerbey, unto whom he yielded the town keys, with many submissive demonstrations of obedience; in recompense whereof, the Belerbey received it with kind thanks, showing him many pleasant sports, and also bestowing many presents of him, and presently after went accompanied to Lippa with the said Burgomaster, where he lodged with all his army, and sojourned there ten days, greatly rejoicing himself, that without the loss of his people, all things were quietly yielded to him: and supposing with himself that all the other places would do the like, he endeavoured with his uttermost ability to take a little Castle, yet very strong, named Solimos, which was situated upon a mountain, distant from 
Solimos defended against the Turks.  Lippa only but a Culuerine shot. The soldiers who were within were Hungars, and little regarding the Turks Camp, valiantly defended themselves, hoping that within short time Castalde would relieve them (as for certain he did) and showing their valiantness and courage, which was exceeding great, they daily made sallies out upon the enemy, and endamaged and annoyed the Belerbey as much as they could, so that he seeing neither by promises, good words, nor by more than reasonable offers he could win it, he was forced in the end to depart, and let them live in peace, persuading himself that he should in the end have it either by a long siege, or of their own good will.  
Thus leaving within Lippa 5000. horse, and 200. of the best janissaries which were in his Camp under the charge of Oliman Bech a Persian (who a little before for some indignation which he conceived against the Sophy, was come from Persia to one Turks service) departed with the rest of his army to besiege Themesuar, thinking that upon the conquest thereof, he should not leave any thing behind him which was not firm and assured to him, and that he should not have any more occasion to conceive any fear or doubt to be stayed by the succours which was hoped to be sent by Ferdinand: and for the better notifying of this town of Themesuar, I will make a brief description thereof.  
Themesuar is a little town environed with the river Theme, whereof 
Themesuar.  the town taketh his name. The half whereof is enclosed with a mud wall, and built up with wood in form of a Rampire, and before it are great Ditches, Marshes, and Quagmires full of water, in regard whereof it maketh the town in that place so strong, that by no means it can be battered, and much less besieged. The other half is enclosed with a wall of quarters after the ancient manner, which when they heard that the Belerbey would come to besiege, they presently began to repair it, making within it a long Trench of 150. paces, and of breadth and depth a pike broad and deep, with his traverses and necessary defences, and below at the foot of a tower (which was in the midst) was made a Casemet to defend the Ditch of either side, which was already fortified with flanks, fit for the shot to play out of.  
This town being thus fortified, they got thereinto all the victuals which were in either of the Suburbs, and fired the greater of them, for that the enemy should not find commodity to lodge therein; and the other part which was environed with two arms of the river, remained whole until they saw where the Belerbey would encamp himself, with intention to defend it, as well for that it was of itself naturally very defensible, as also for the commodity which they received thereby; and all of them determined to keep and defend that town against the fury and force of the Barbarians, or else to make an honourable and glorious end. They being generally of 
Themesuar besieged.  this firm resolution, behold the Vanguard of the Turks arrived the 14. of October, to peruse and survey the place: and whilst they were busied and attentive about their view, Lozonse sallied forth with 400. horse, somewhat against the liking of the Master of the Camp, Aldene. Captain Vigliandrando also issued forth with 50. Harquebuziers to skirmish with the enemy, and so effectually did he pursue it, that that day he performed the acts of a valiant and courageous Leader: as for the same valour there was renowned and commended a Spanish Knight, named Alphonse Perez of Saiavedra, to whom a little before Ferdinand had given a company of Hungarish horse. Lozonse on the other side with his horse performed as much that day, as was possible for a man of experience and valour to do against his enemy, so that being well seconded by the vigilancy and dexterie of the Harquebuziers, he forced the Turks (which were 2000) maugre their braveries, to retire themselves to their main squadrons. And this skirmish continued until the Master of the Camp sent to them, with command to retire, fearing that by their too much forwardness, there might befall them some sinister fortune, because the Turks were a great number, and considering also that they had given the enemy sufficient notice of their pr 〈…〉 esse. Obeying this command, they retired without the loss of any one of their men, although they were very hotly charged even to the very entrance of the Suburbs, where Vigliandrando well foreseeing the event, had placed certain Harquebuziers to relieve them, when they should make their retreat. And this prevention stood them in singular good stead, and greatly endamaged the enemy, who for fear of the said shot, were forced to make a stand, and in the end retire  
The day after this skirmish, the Belerbey presented himself before the town with all his Camp in a well ordered battle, who (by reason of the Rhatians that had forsaken and disbanded themselves from our part, and were linked to the Turks) was grown to the number of 90000. men, whereby he thought to amaze our people only with the sight of their army: and minding to begin to take some knowledge of the place, was by the sallies of the assieged so sharply annoyed, that he could not at that time possibly perform what he went about. The Master of the Camp in the mean time placed 100 Harquebuziers within the Suburbs to defend it against the Turks, until the munition which was therein, was gotten and had into the town, the better thereby to aid themselves during the siege. The second day after, the Belerbey in the night time caused his battery to be placed, and on that side which Lozonse and the Master of the Camp had begun (as good fortune was) to fortify. Which thing when our men had understood (by the confession of certain prisoners, whom they had taken in their sallying forth) they presently caused with all expedition that night, to lengthen the Trench which they had begun fifty paces, and so diligently did they labour, that the next day they thought themselves sufficiently strong. The enemy having viewed the place, began at dawning of the day to batter with two Cannons, two culverins, and other small pieces, with which he battered against those defences to beat them down. Our men seeing so weak a battery (although that Aldene had already sent to Castalde, to certify him that if within 20. days he was not relieved, he should be forced to render the town) esteemed as nothing the Turks violence, for that they assuredly thought, they were well able to maintain the defence of their town, unless perhaps they should be so battered with a great number of Artillery, that by main force the walls on all sides should be broken down and laid open, whereof they had some distrust, fearing that the Belerbey would have brought thither seven other double Cannons, which they should bring from Belgrade for this war, even as they had understood by the foresaid prisoners.  
Now whilst these things passed thus at Themesuar, Castalde having first furnished all the Fortresses with German garrisons, and after that he had appeased the disorder which was at Bressovia by the soldiers (who were 
A tumult at Bresovia.  risen against the citizens, and had offered them great outrage: and to appease which mutiny, he was forced to use severe justice against those who were authors thereof, and to manifest thereby an example unto others, to live more peaceably and in duer obedience: for some of them were executed, others banished, and others condemned for a certain time to prison): After (I say) that Castalde had set in order these affairs, he came and joined with the Friar, who with great diligence and promptness had already levied 
The army of Castalde.  as well horse as foot an army of 70000. men, which daily increased, and namely by the arrival of the marquess Sforce Pallavicin, who came thither with 3000. Germans, and of Charles Scerettin with 400. horse, and lastly by the arrival of Andrew Battor with 10000 men, who after his retreat from Lippa, had thus redressed and reunited his army, which so timorously and by such a confusion was disbanded and fled. By this augmentation Castalde and the Friar had in their Camp well near 90000. men, as well those of his own pay, as also those which were sent him by others, and 50. pieces of Artillery. But although the number was great, yet were they of little ability to perform any matter of moment, for that they were men of small experience, 
The Transylvanians for the most part are soldiers of small action.  and such as were sent of every house, (as the custom is in this kingdom always to send upon such necessity) meanly armed, and merely ignorant of any warlike discipline: so that they are more fit to move trouble and fly, then to fight or pursue the enemy. For these respects Castalde had no great affiance in them, but only upon a few men which were in the King's pay, of whom, and of no other he made special account for any important service, which number might amount unto 15000. horse and foot of all nations: but specially he reposed singular confidence in 500 Spaniards which continually he had with him, in whose quarter, as well in the field, as elsewhere, he always pitched his Tent and lodged. And because that among so many nations, which from divers parts were come thither, men could not perceive any great order or observation of Military discipline amongst them, but rather, by reason of the hatreds, quarrels, private and public enmity, which they had one against another, they might behold an extreme confusion, because that one Province would not join and consort with an other, but every one would muster and range himself a part, the entreatings and persuasions of their Captains and Officers nothing availing: Castalde seeing the inconvenience thereof, and endeavouring to abate and suppress all their particular dissensions, and to reduce and unite them into one atonement, that he might not by the means of such tumults and disorders, cause to grow the hope of the enemy, and weaken Ferdinand's forces; caused the principal and chief men of mark among them to assemble before him, and used to them this or the like persuasive admonitions.  
My loving and friendly fellows in arms, your famous predecessors in 
Castalde his oration.  times past flourished by good and commendable customs, and abounded in all excelling virtue, and specially in warlike affairs; where in former time they usually attained to the period of eternal glory: yea, and in such famous sort, that they thereby were greatly admired of all Nations, Kings, and Provinces. But since, this path of virtue hath been left by their posterity, and that it hath been covered on all sides, and darkened with innumerable vices; this brightness and light of true glory (there being laid a part ancient Military discipline) remaineth so obfuscate amongst you the rest of the Dacians, that it hath engendered in this Province a most infamous loss and markable damage. In considering of which, I now esteem it no less necessary than commendable to reform this army, and re-establish it in that estate and renown, which our ancient custom and observation requireth: which is unpossible to be done, without your assistance. Therefore I am very desirous to admonish and exhort you, that leaving all covetousness, forsaking all pleasures, avoiding all corporal delights; and above all, excluding the slothfulness mixed with your private hates and dissensions, you would endeavour to reduce and submit yourselves under obeisance and good order (under which, your ancestors with unspeakable fame were wont to live and manage arms: to the end that following this infallible rule, by the help of your forcible arms, you might have an open and free passage to a blissful and most quiet repose, and that you might (being all united together) bring into your country (by the defeature & flight of the Turks) memorable triumphs, and not by the means of your prejudicial hatreds, increase their puissance. In performing of which, you may assure yourselves, I will not be to you as a Captain and General: but, as an affectionate father and dear companion, as well to comfort myself with your good and fortunate success, as also patiently to take part with any evil (which God defend) that shall betide you.  
By virtue of these and such like speeches, all the people which before were so disordered, did now unite themselves lovingly into one, having more respect to the person which did thus speak, then regard of their own particulars, and were content to be ordered and mustered with the other.  
This done, Castalde and Friar George with this army and Artillery, began to march with great journeys, desirous in time to relieve Lozonse and Aldene, who were besieged at Themesuar. In the continuance of their marching, the Friar would always lead the Vanguard, having all his people with him. But when he approached the enemy, Castalde took the conduct with the best and approved soldiers which he had, leaving the battle to the other. And marching in this manner, he himself appointed the quarters for the army to lodge, always choosing the places of most strength and commodity, whereby his people should not receive any detriment, continually causing his Camp to march in good order, although it was with some difficulty, for that the army was great, and the way where they should pass very narrow and tedious, and specially in some places which they found between the mountain and the river, they being sometime 12. or 13000. in length, where they were so straightly crowded together, that very hardly a Coach could pass. In respect whereof the journeys were little, which did much trouble Castalde, seeing that thereby the succours which he determined should enter into Themesuar were slackened, which he knew to be violently battered by the Belerbey.  
Now whilst the Camp marched, the Commanders of the army discoursed 
A consultation held among the Commanders of Ferdinand's army.  among themselves, whether they should go to Lippa or Themesuar: and after many and sundry opinions, it was thought fittest that they should direct their course to besiege Lippa, and others were of opinion to proceed on and succour Themesuar, and that afterward they would return and assail the other. Against which opinions, Friar George firmly opposed himself, saying, that it was much better directly to go to Lippa; alleging for his reasons, that the Belerbey to relieve Oliman, would raise his Camp from before Themesuar, and that he would assuredly come to them; and by this mean they should avoid a tedious and cumbersome journey; and that afterward they might commodiously send such succours as they would to the besieged at Themesuar.  
Castalde took these opinions not to be good, and proving his speeches by divers reasons, in the end persuaded every one to determine upon this resolution, to leave a Camp before Lippa, which should be sufficient to maintain a siege there, and so to hinder Oliman that he should not by sallies be greatly offensive to them, neither escape himself: and with the rest of his people (since he had sufficient) he would march on towards Themesuar, and that he would take the way which lead towards Caransebesse, which is a Castle situated in the confines of the Transalpinians, not far from Themesuar, from whence he might within few hours send succours to Lozonse and Aldene, and that if he did otherwise, it would redound to small profit; and this enterprise could be subject to nothing else, but to inconstant fortune, void of all reason.  
After (I say) such advices discoursed and determined of, the Friar at the same instant called to him Battor, that he might be present at that which he would speak; and said to Castalde, that he had altered his mind, and that he thought it not good to go with this army to relieve Themesuar, being assured that this army composed rather of people mustered together, who were but badly armed and unexperienced, then of good and trained soldiers, (whereof the Turks no doubt would be advertised) it would be suddenly encountered by the enemy, and that these two armies rudely shocking together, our Camp without doubt would be broken and overthrown, by the good order, practice, and long experience of the enemy. And thus publishing to them many other frivolous reasons, he concluded in the end (appartly showing) that he was mutability itself, and that his disposition was not to be long firmly stayed upon one resolute purpose.  
Castalde answered him, that he had reason to be as he was, especially in important affairs, in which it was behoveful to take good counsel, and use a considerative foresight, it being commendable for him sometimes to change his opinion from good to better; but only he now meant to persuade him to go to Lippa, where (according to the event of things) they would agree amongst themselves either to assail Lippa, or relieve Themesuar. The Friar replied, saying, that he well knew Themesuar to be a place not very strong, and that by a Polacque, (whom he had of purpose sent thither; and after that he had diligently considered all that which was done there, as well within as without, he was again returned to him) by whom he had also notice that the Turks expected more Artillery to be sent them, and that the besieged, although they were courageous (and had good desire to fight) yet were they not able any longer to endure the siege, in respect of the intolerable and laborious toils, which day and night they endured, in digging and fortifying with straw. Castalde hearing these things, with other more colourable reasons, strengthening still his own, told him he should remember that which usually he was wont to say; that except Lippa were recovered, Transiluania would be lost, and that it might please him not to deceive Christendom of that special hope, which it had conceived of him, and of that glory which it should get, by the recovery of this town, and by the retreat of the enemy, being very well content that in this matter he himself should absolutely command, and that he would obey him as a private Captain. By these reasons he endeavoured to persuade the Friar to march to Lippa, and specially because the time approached that he should relieve Lozonse and Aldene, as they had demanded, having protested, that if during the limited time of twenty days, they were not relieved, they could no longer hold out, but be forced to yield to the Belerbey. The Friar, whether it were that he feared to give battle to the Belerbey; or that it was for some consideration of the practices which he had with him, that by his means he might reconcile himself again to Solyman; or else that he thought not his Camp to be sufficiently furnished of such men, upon whose valour he might adventure the hazard of a combat, I know not, but for these reasons he would not upon had I wist, neither adventure his person nor the kingdom, nor march any further, and less relieve Themesuar. But in the end he manifested with an evil will to go towards Lippa, and thinking to escape from thence (since otherwise he could not do it) he held on his pace with slow speed, not without suspicion, as it seemed, to give leisure that Oliman might retire himself, for that he thought he would never adventure nor attend him within so weak and unfortified place. Thus the Friars idle excuses was not without some considerations best known to himself. And whilst some were disputing to proceed on, and others to make no haste, news was brought how the Belerbey, after he had battered Themesuar eight whole days together, was now retired; notwithstanding there was brought 
The Turk retireth from Themesuar.  him more Artillery and munition, esteeming it to be his best safety not to attend there any longer, understanding that Friar George and Castalde approached near with a great army. And thus upon the day that our men thought to receive the assault, at the dawning of the day, they perceived the Turks had forsaken and quitted their Trenches, and left them disfurnished of their accustomed guards, and that they had drawn their Artillery into those Castles which they had won before, and were in the night dislodged with so great a noise and tumult, that our men thought they yet planted other Artillery to endamage them the more. Lozonse and Aldene being advertised of this departure, would not that any should yet go out, fearing the enemy was not wholly retired; but caused certain Aiduchs to go forth to survey the Trenches, and discover the occasion of so sudden a removing. These being abroad, saw that the Turks were assuredly retired, and that in such great haste and disorder, that in token thereof they had left in their Trenches more than 200. iron bullets for Artillery, which presently were taken into the town by our men. The Friar taking courage by this dislodging, made show to be very joyful thereof, and causing the day following an assembly of the Council, it was concluded then among them, more expedient to assail Lippa, (and not leave it behind) then to follow the enemy. The army proceeding on in this course towards Lippa, they had notice how Oliman determined resolutely to defend it, and as they marched (being already within four miles of Lippa) there arrived the 20. of October in the night, a Currier, who brought news, that Pope july the third, at the request 
George made Cardinal.  and instance of Ferdinand, had created Friar George a Cardinal, and brought him the red Hat, with many Cardinal's letters, who not knowing him, but being only induced thereunto by the good and commendable reports which were spoken of him, sent to him this news, with great and magnificent salutations, advertising him with what good affection of all their College, the Hat was bestowed upon him, assuring him also, that not only this dignity was due to his worthy merits, but also an honour far more renowned, for a man of that sincere Christianity, and religious protector of the Roman faith, defending this kingdom with so great travail and industry against the Turks, whereof they generally received a singular contentment.  
As these and Ferdinand had written to him these particulars, and that according to the great information which was reported of his virtue, greatness, and courage, he seeing such commendations to be greatly to his renown, could not so much contain himself within the bounds of temperance, but that he apparently declared to all men great tokens of joy in his countenance, considering that every where men made so special an account of him, yea, and even at Rome itself, whither all the world resorted. But on the other side he was much disquieted, fearing that the Turk, upon advertisement of these honourable favours which he daily received of Ferdinand, should in respect thereof, and in time to come greatly suspect him, and upon these reasons might have just occasion not to repose the like trust in him, as he before, even until that time, had done. By reason of these two contrarieties which he had in his mind, there were contrary shows in him: for unto them which did little know and understand his practices, he made show as though he little regarded the Hat: but to others who were of a deeper reach, he to vail their judgements, endeavoured himself by many inventions to make it apparent to them, what singular pleasure he conceived of it. The same night, in token of rejoicing, Castalde commanded that a Salve should be made with all the Artillery, to the end that the Friar being thoroughly provoked with such signs of honour and joy, he might resolve himself wholly to follow Ferdinand's part, and that with such sincerity as he ought, and that he would wholly give over himself to his service, and not have so many Irons in the fire. But all this was done to small purpose. For with his deceits and shifts, he still continued to mask his falsehood, little regarding any person of what quality soever; which was a thing that greatly displeased as well Castalde, as all the other Commanders who were adhering to the King's part. This, and the ambitious desire of power and great 
The cause of the hate that Castalde had against George.  places, were first the cause of the hate which was engendered against him, and in the end procured his death, because that all the Commanders seeing he did not any thing esteem nor favour them, but on the contrary held them in disdain and contempt, began to apprehend a suspicion of being betrayed, and in some place or other, when occasion served, to be massacred.  
Now while Friar George by his malice, in concealing his purposes, dissembled one thing, Castalde with as great policy and wisdom feigned another, always shadowing his intention with such discretion, that none had any perseverance of the dislike which he conceived in his heart against him; and having before noted the friars deceitful proceedings, as it was said, he reposed no trust in him at all, but continually had a vigilant and suspicious eye over his actions. As these affairs proceeded on in this sort, two days after 
Advertisement from Ferdinand to Castalde, to kill George.  there arrived with Castalde a gentleman of Ferdinand's retinue, named julius Salazar, who was come post from Vienna, with letters of credence, which imported, that if Castalde was not then departed out of Transiluania, he should not now stir from thence, but resolve to keep and maintain himself there so strongly, that the Friar should find no devices to expel him out: and that he should invent the best means he could presently to have him slain, for that he perceived not only by his own letters, but also he understood for certain, by special advertisements from those who were come from the Turks Court, and from the King of Polonia, and some of his Secretaries, that he intended to enter league with the Turk, and to seek the destruction of him and of all his army, and thereby to make himself absolute Lord of Transiluania: and that before he should put in practise his determination, he advertised him to have a special and vigilant eye of his proceedings, and that he should in such sort do it, as though there were no such intended practice to entrap him; and that he referred to his wisdom the means which he should use to effect it, skilfully endeavouring to deliver himself from the danger in which he might behold his person and people at that time. Castalde then understanding Ferdinand's pleasure, he thought it no new or strange thing, because that he already very well perceived that the Friar used but little sincerity and true dealing in those affairs which concerned the King's service, which possessed him in a confirmation of the distrust, which he not without cause conceived of him. Now to frustrate his jealous brain from suspecting any intended practice against him, he by some new devices, for his better satisfaction, dissembled the King's message: and his temporizing with him was so discreet and wise, that he never gave him the least occasion to suspect him, imparting to him what desire Ferdinand had to see a good end of this war, and what special hope he had of his valour and integrity, to obtain by his means some renowned victory, attributing all the glory which should be gotten thereby, to his virtue and prowess. With such colourable fictions he continually entertained him, until that time which then should present unto him the means to execute his enterprise, even as he well hoped it would come to effect, without any danger or loss, and after such manner, that by the execution of it he should neither hazard that kingdom nor his army: which he knew so well to conduct and manage, and that with such subtlety and secrecy, and to bring it so to end, that the Friar should never have any suspicion or conjecture of it, which might have given him any trouble in his mind.  
In the mean while the Camp approached very near to Lippa, and then the Friar for that day would needs lead the Vanguard, which Castalde by no means would deny, but gratified him in any thing he demanded. The Friar being arrived at a place where he lodged that night, found the passage 
George and Castalde disagreeth for the conduct of the army.  to be exceeding bad for the Artillery, the way being very narrow, by reason of the mountain and river which fronted each other: but yet not so rough that it should be any occasion to hinder or slack that which he desired to do; yet did the Friar find it to be a sufficient subject, to execute his wavering intention. Thus he now seeing it was time to accomplish that which he had imprinted in his brain, having surveyed the passage, declared to Castalde that he thought it would be impossible for the great Artillery to pass that place, and that he was of mind that it was good to leave it there, notwithstanding with such a guard of horse and foot as might defend it, and that himself alone with the field pieces would proceed on the journey. Castalde not liking of that which the Friar advised him of, went himself to view the said passage, and saw it was not so bad, as that it should stay or hinder the Artillery from passing: and thinking the Friar was not so simple, but that he knew this passage might easily be fitted, judged in himself that he set before them these difficulties to no other end, but to slacken the designs of Ferdinand. Upon which consideration, Castalde caused good store of pioneers to be set on work, and made them bring many pickaxes, who within a short time so repaired and enlarged the way, that two horses might go in front with a waggon, and so by little and little they cut so much of the Rock, and made the passage so large, that the Artillery might well pass without any inconvenience. Castalde with the other Captains to bring the work to an end, began themselves to set to their hands, and there they laboured so long, till it was far in the night, in respect whereof he was forced there to lodge his Battle and Rearward, and commanded certain Spanish Captains who were then with him, that although it was not yet day, they should march with the Artillery the rest of the night, notwithstanding it was then time rather to repose and rest themselves, in respect of the former days weariness; and himself, not being perceived of any, with his own guard departed secretly out of the Camp, and went from thence privately to the place, where two miles from Lippa the Friar was lodged, and being entered into his Tent, accompanied with sundry Spanish and Italian gentlemen (among whom was one julian de Carleval) he said to him, that he should not be astonished, although they came to him at that time of the night, and in that manner (as he saw) to speak with him, for it was for no other purpose, but to know the cause that moved him without any occasion, to wish him to leave the great Artillery, being so nigh the enemy, against whom notwithstanding courageously marching, they should be sure to get uncredible honour, and making themselves masters of Lippa, to obtain so great and honourable reputation, as they might well hope for, from all this war: and so much the rather, for that the enemy had raised his Camp from before Themesuar, upon the bare bruit of their coming to relieve the besieged, which undoubtedly had already purchased to them inestimable honour, and great astonishment to the enemy. The Friar answered him; that the occasion which moved him to come unto that place with the army, was, for that he thought the Belerbey would entirely retire himself: but, sith he understood that he had not yet passed Tibiscus, it gave him to suspect some further matter, seeing that Oliman bouged not from Lippa, but resolved to withstand all the inconveniences and hazards of a siege, not believing that such a resolution did proceed from any other thing, but only of the confidence which the said Oliman reposed in the near assistance of the Belerbey, and that if it were so, he could see no assurance to proceed any further, for that heretofore he never encountered with so great an army, composed of so many warlike soldiers, as that of the Turks was, and that for this occasion, and also for the regard and care which they should have of those soldiers which were under his command, he was very confident that he was not able to resist them, nor to reconquer the half of that which the Turks had invaded and gotten, and that therefore he would not so inconsiderately adventure his person and the kingdom together, and that he thought it more expedient to make some truce with the enemy, without removing from the place where they were, considering it was to their more advantage, and that it could not choose but be greatly to the honour and reputation of them all.  
Castalde told him, that specially they were to consider the foul offence which would be greatly imputed to them, if they retired without some just cause, it being reported through the world, that they two were in the field with so puissant an army, as that was which they had conducted to this place, with a resolution to expulse the Turks out of that kingdom, and that in retiring and leaving Lippa in the enemy's possession, it might be justly said to be done, not without some secret practice and conspiracy which we should have with them: and specially the same being a town of great esteem, and known to be the most important key of all Hungary and Transiluania, and consequently of all Christendom, which being in the Turks command, he might continually make incursions from thence, with return of great spoils and robbings, and by many inconveniences endamage all the whole countries and subjects of Ferdinand. Therefore to avoid that stain of dishonour, he most instantly prayed him, that at the least he would go to Lippa, and (by God's assistance) he would promise him to deliver it into his hands within six days. In the end he pursued his persuasions so effectually, that he was content to go as far as Lippa, although he often alleged the great inconvenience which might befall them for want of Artillery, which by good fortune, and by the diligence of the Spanish Captains, arrived that day at the Camp, to the great admiration of the Friar, who assuredly thought they could not be there in eight days. This animated Castalde presently to troop on with 3000. Hungarish horse, and 400. men of arms to view Lippa, which of one side is square, and of the other 
Lippa.  keepeth the circuit of an oval form, so that it is more long then broad. The length thereof is 720. paces, and the breadth 380. being of one part (for that the river Marosse watereth it) very strong, and of the other it seemeth very weak, by reason of a mountain which doth greatly command and annoy the defences thereof. It is altogether mured with a wall after the ancient manner, without any defences and few turrets. There is in the lower part of the town a little square Castle, garnished in every corner with a tower, and is compassed about with a deep Ditch full of water. Presently upon Castaldes approaching, he lighted from his horse and walked on foot, and passing through certain gardens, accompanied with julian Carlevall, and two other Spanish Captains, he went to peruse the Ditch, having first sent a good troop of those which he had brought, to dare the Turks to skirmish, who by no means would adventure forth to fight, employing themselves from the wall wholly to annoy our men with the arqebus, and hinder that none should have a view of the town. Castalde having well and diligently viewed all, and after he had caused his men to retire, the same night he returned again to the Camp, where he found the Captains Roderic Vigliandrando, and Francis Henry Tescieda, who were come forth of Themesuar to be at the assault of this town. He fully learned of them the adventures which had passed in that place, and the manner of the Belerbeys retreat, having not before understood any thing for certain.  
Upon this news, the 2. of November they all marched to Lippa, where 
Lippa besieged by Castalde.  all the Camp being arrived, Castalde martialled all his battalions and Artillery before the Turks, with a marvelous cry and confused noise of all those barbarous nations, and continuing there a certain time in such appearance, they took possession of the Mountain, and the Friar encamped with his people on the otherside towards the Castle. Castalde possessing all the hill, (which commanded in manner of a Cavalier) quartered those highest who were entertained by Ferdinand, namely the Spaniards, Germans, and Hungars, and caused his Tent to be erected in the midst of them. Whilst the Camp lodged there, the Turks came forth to fire one of the Suburbs, which was well provided of victuals, and specially of wine which groweth in that quarter, as good as could be desired. Castalde understanding hereof, commanded Captain john Vilioa that presently he should take 100 Spanish Harquebuziers, and so force the enemy to retire: and that after he had quenched the fire (which already began violently to burn & to spread itself upon the houses) he should endeavour as much as he could to save the victuals, for the better relief and provision of the Camp, and that he should hinder that they might not be spoiled by those nations. But they could not so well be kept, neither take so good order, but that the friars Aiduchs came and took their pleasure and fill of the wine, in such sort, as the superfluity thereof so chafed and stirred up their courages, that 500 of them being pricked with that Bacchinall fury, they ran instantly to assail the town, without ladders or any order, thinking by their braving terms to subvert and overthrow the walls. By this sudden attempt, happened an alarm to the whole Camp, every man thinking that the Turks had made some sally forth to skirmish with our men. On the other side, the Turks also assuring themselves by this horrible bruit and noise, to be assailed both with scallado and battery, they presently stood upon their defence, covering the walls with men, and with their harquebuses they made a great slaughter of these Aiduchs, who like beasts were easily discovered; and grasping the wall, attempted to leap up, uttering to the Turks many injurious speeches (as their manner is) who being covert and attentive behind the wall, showed them by their defences that they were in double safety, so that they at pleasure slew whom they listed, until they were weary of killing them. On the otherside, certain horsemen stinged with the same mad humour, ran with their Sables drawn in their hands even to the Ditch, braving and menacing the Turks, who in the end seeing their order to be but disorder, made a great massacre of them, as well from the wall as within the Ditch, and with main strength caused them to retire back. But this retreat was presently stayed by the courage which their companions gave them, who offering themselves to the like peril, seemed not any thing to shrink from the danger. This disorder had proceeded further than was imagined at the first, if the Friar had not hindered it, who speedily thrust in amongst them, and caused them to retire. And this was the end of this drunken alarm that proceeded of wine, which in the end being appeased, the army was then quietly lodged.  
During this time, there arrived at the Camp a Hungarish Lord named 
Patocche a Hungarian Captain.  Patocche, with 400. horse and 600. foot, which he levied and brought with him at his own proper charges, to be employed in the service of Ferdinand, during this war of Lippa. He also brought with him four good pieces of Artillery, with which passing by a Castle that held for the Turks, not far from Lippa, he thought good to try his fortune, and to see if he could by any means take it by force. Thus arriving on a sudden, he assailed it with so great courage, and with so good order, that during the battery his people behaved themselves so valiantly, that winning one port, and setting fire on another, they entered it, killing and vanquishing as many Turks as they found therein, not sparing any, but only the Captain. This place being thus sacked and burnt, Patocche with his people proceeded on his journey, leading prisoner with him the Captain, by whom understanding of what quality and condition he was of, he determined to give him to Castalde. But neither the one nor the other did long enjoy him, because that upon the day following, as this Captain marched in the midst of the troops, one of the soldiers who was at his taking, understanding that he was of that quality and reputation, that he might well pay a large ransom, and that he should have nothing thereof, for that Patocche had taken him from him: whereupon being possessed with despair, he suddenly discharged his piece against him, between his shoulders, and so mortal was the wound, that he suddenly fell dead to the ground, he not minding that any other should possess that, which himself could not enjoy. This Captain, as it was afterward known, was of such quality and parentage, that if the line of the Ottomans had failed, the succession of the Empire belonged to none but to him.  
Patocche being arrived at the Camp, was honourably received by Castalde, and great mirth and joy was made for the good success and taking of this Castle; and not without cause, since voluntarily and at his own expenses, without any particular hope of profit, but only in regard and expectation of honour, he was voluntarily come to serve his Prince. The same day they had news also, that upon the Belerbeys retreat, were gone forth of Themesuar 200. horse, with 26. Harquebuziers mounted, to cut of the stragglers and those who were disbanded from the Turks Camp, and that these returning without performing any thing, they came by a Castle named Gala, possessed by the enemies: against which preparing themselves to see whether 
Gala a Castle taken by the Hungars, disguised in Turkish apparel.  they could win it, they environed it, who being discovered by the Sentinels, and perceiving that the Turks made not any shot of Cannon against them, nor no other show for their own safeties, they were determined to give an assault to it, and force the Port, and assay if by that means they could surprise it. Which did as fortunately succeed as they themselves desired: for that the Turks (in a happy time for our people) expected that day certain men, which they had sent to demand of the Belerbey, power and succour to maintain themselves against Ferdinand's army, which they knew should presently march against Lippa: and they seeing our men coming, did verily think that they had been the same which they expected, insomuch that they were not any thing moved or feared therewith, and the rather in respect of their habits, who were appareled after the Turkish manner, which they had gotten of those who were dead in the Camp: and being by this train deceived, and thinking our people had come to their aid, they did not any thing furnish their guards with more men, but gave place and commodity to our soldiers to approach near the Castle, and peaceably to enter into it by the Port: the guard of which Port, before that they were known, were discomforted, and afterwards the enemy perceiving the deceit, and taking weapons in hand valiantly to defend themselves, our people were constrained to force the rest of the Castle by main force, and carry the victory not without great pain and hazard, compelling the Turks (maugre their wills) to retire to the end of a street, where, not being able any longer to descend themselves, were in the end overcome by the Spaniards and Hungars, who were on foot, killing as many of them as they could encounter, without receiving any damage to themselves, but by the death of two Spaniards, who at the first encounter were shot with the enemy's Harquebuziers: and after this execution they set fire on all, leading all the inhabitants prisoners, and then they retired to Themesuar. The taking of this Castle, although it were of small moment, yet it gave special contentment to every one, and greatly encouraged the Captains; not in respect of the importance of the thing, as to see fortune so favourable, and incline to them in every place.  
After such joy and mirth, the night being come, it was decreed that during the same, some should be sent to survey Lippa, to approach more near, and plant the battery. Of one side thereof was sent Captain john Viglioa, Don Antony Azinetta, and Thomas Varcocche. To another part were dispatched Captain Vigliandrando, and the Alferus of Lewis Barientos. And Andrew Lopes Sergeant Mayor, julian de Carlevall, and certain other Spanish Captains, had the charge of another quarter. The diligence was great of every one to have knowledge of the town, and report thereof being made to Castalde, he caused the very same night certain pieces of Artillery to be planted upon the hill which was above the town, near to the place of justice, with which the day following he made many a shot, to hinder and annoy the enemy that he should not fortify himself, and to force him to quit the streets and passages about the walls, which from that hill might easily be discovered. The second night being come, Castalde commanded to begin the battery on that side which Vigliandrando had viewed, as it was generally thought to be the weakest and least defensible of any part thereof. That being done, after the vapouring away of the fog (which towards the morning doth usually rise upon the river) they began upon the 4. of November to batter the town with four double Cannons, & two small culverins, with which it was battered all the day long, both in the night following and the morrow after. Castalde seeing that the Artillery had sufficiently effected his purpose, was determined the same day to give the assault, and not suffer the Turks to have so much leisure to fortify themselves any better, and not minding to impart it to all, he told it notwithstanding to some few, in whose friendship he greatly affied for all that which he purposed to do. But upon this determination they discovered the Fort which the Turks had erected within, insomuch as they were forced to alter their opinions, and commanded the canoneers to increase their battery and ruinate it, saying, that he would not lose his people at the fury of an assault, but would preserve them for a battle. The battery being reinforced with two Cannons, they began to batter so terribly against these Rampires, that in every man's judgement they thought it to be quite overthrown.  
Whilst they continued their battery, and that Castalde was gone to Friar George, to give order for that which should be fitting for an assault, fifty Spaniards (who then were out of their quarters, within the Trenches for the guard of them, and to see what was done by the battery) began to discourse and confer among themselves of it: the breach seeming good & commodious to give the assault: these men taking resolution, because they only would have the glory to go thither first, were of this mind, that first they must view it, and that finding it to be so as they verily believed, they presently would have marched to the breach, without any other company to assist them, if it had so pleased Castalde that they should have gone alone to the assault. As they discoursed of this enterprise among themselves, a private soldier greedy of glory, offered himself to go and view it: but he so badly viewed it, that he was afterwards the cause of great disorder (as we shall presently declare) for he reported that it was very reasonable, not any thing perceiving the Trench which the Turks had made within, half a pike in height, and a whole in breadth, raised up with two ranks of baricadoes one upon the other full of earth, and well furnished with necessary defences: upon the which they had planted two small pieces of Artillery, hoping thereby to warrant themselves from the assault which they hourly expected. At the report of this soldier, the fifty Spaniards being greatly encouraged, were attentive to the signal which should be given, for that they would be the first which should show themselves upon the breach.  
While Castalde was with the Friar, accompanied with all the Colonels, Captains, principal Lords, and many other soldiers of the army, it was concluded to go to the assault, and generally encouraging every one, and promising to them liberal rewards, he spoke unto them after this manner.  
If it be true (as the truth is so) that God's goodness never faileth those, 
Castalde his oration to encourage them to the assault of Lippa.  who for the maintenance of infallible faith, for justice, and for the good of many, employ their uttermost endeavours: I make no doubt (my soldiers) but that this day, fight for the defence of our Religion, the just cause of the King our master and Lord, for the delivery of Lippa, and for the recovering and preservation of this kingdom, that we shall not only receive of God this present victory, which voluntarily prepareth itself fortunate to us, but also after our death an everlasting felicity in the world to come. And this will be the day (although it seemeth somewhat perilous) if we fight courageously, which will crown us with infinite honour, and infuse such a fear and terror into our quailing enemies, that increasing our reputation, it will cause the other to tremble, as well at our very names, as at our present warlike exploits. Therefore let every one of you dispose and prepare himself courageously for the assault, and conceive neither fear or horror thereof. For it is necessary to all those who are desirous of glory, to oppose and thrust themselves into difficile and dangerous attempts, and not to be daunted by any base repulse. O soldiers, what a shame would it be to you, having in time of peace accustomed yourselves to martial exercises, and in time of war to subdue and conquer, to be now vanquished and overcome by the force and prowess of the Turks, whom you now see already full of fear, through the battery and ruin of their walls? Therefore I promise to those who shall be the first that this day mount upon the wall, or that shall perform a sufficient proof of their valour, to prize and reward them, as their commendable acts do proclaim them worthy. Thus you being confirmed in a resolute courage, fear not to go to it, for that you see God is on our side, and opposite to our enemies, who already begin to feel his anger, which is manifestly seen to come upon them by their broken and defaced walls; by the fearful siege which they painfully, and with great horror endure, in respect of the famine which they piningly suffer; by our warlike squadrons which we cause to march against them; and by the death which they within few hours shall receive, to their perpetual damnation: whereas we dying with valour, shall live eternally. And whilst we see the occasion favourable to us, every one should assay to overcome, all of us animating one another: it being always a commendable thing, that good and valiant soldiers in haughty enterprises and difficult attempts, should exhort and encourage one another valiantly to perform his devoir, to the end, that through negligence, missing of the victory, it be not imputed to their dishonour: and by this means, every one should be in danger of blame, if at the lest once, he made not trial of his virtue and prowess against the enemy. And you Hungarian soldiers, whom this siege doth more import than any other, valiantly endeavour yourselves this day to show your uttermost virtue and courage; because that in this day you may in the blood of the Turks (our common enemies) revenge the death of your parents, slain and most horribly murdered by them, and take revenge for the ravishment of your daughters, the taking away of your sons, the ruinating of your Temples, and the profaning of your Monasteries. I doubt not but bearing yourselves valiantly, you will carry away the victory, and that by the slaughter of your enemies, you will secure the lives of your countrymen, and reconquer the lost honour of your towns. Now then, you being all united and linked together with one like friendly league of amity, refuse not these honourable perils, which may make you thrice happy, and of subjects make you free; since (I assure myself) you have courages so much estranged from fear: and know this, that only to have a courageous and willing heart in great perils, giveth great hope unto them to save themselves; who despising death, count it all their glory and renown to die in an honourable battle.  
Presently after he had ended these speeches (and having heard the report of this Spaniard who had viewed the breach (as we have aforesaid) who had also certified that with little labour they might easily mount to assail it) and that every one had offered himself, either to win it, or else there honourably to end his life; he appointed the Ensigns should march to the Trenches, which he commanded to be made in every place, that the Turks by no means should either save themselves, or yet receive any succours of any side. They being all come thither, he caused to be proclaimed, as well of his own behalf, as also of Friar George's, that whosoever should first enter into Lippa, if he were a gentleman, he should have given him in recompense 
The means to encourage soldiers to an assault.  200. Ducats of yearly revenue, and 200. slaves: and if he were meanly dissended, that the King would make him noble, and give him 100 Crowns of yearly revenue, with 100 captives. Upon this proclamation, those who were in the Trenches, seeing the Ensigns to march towards them for the assault, desirous to win glory, and to be the first, began directly to march to the breach. The others who came after with the Colours, seeing those Spaniards to issue out of their Trenches, thinking that those by a certain dexterie would carry that honour away from them, did presently double their pace to join with them: and thus both the one and the other confusedly in haste and without any order ran to the assault, the Captains not being able to remedy it, nor stay those who were the first that went out of their Trenches, and who arrived there somewhat before the other. The Vanguard being now come thither, Don Antony de Enzinellia, and Captain Vigliandrando, without further respect of the quality of the place, approached to the battery, and thrust themselves in, and having with them 30. approved soldiers, they perceived how the Turks were retrenched within, and how strong their new fortification was, which hindered them from further proceeding; and duly considering their Rampires, they knew that the Turks had forsaken their Artillery, and shot many arrows with volleys of Harquebuziers against those who first attempted to enter. And of all this they would willingly have given notice to Castalde, to renew and strengthen the battery with more Artillery, and make the breach more large and saultable, at what time Captain Aldene arrived there with his Ensigns, with whom (not giving respite to those to execute that, which they not without cause had advised upon) suddenly he began to renew the assault, and with certain Hungarish gentlemen (who to be known from others in fight, had fastened to their casks certain marks) resolutely entered with the Colours into the breach, courageously forcing themselves upon their enemies, it being bruited that these were the first who mounted upon the wall: but among the Spaniards and Germans, the honour thereof was given to julian de Carlevall to be the first that vaunted himself upon the top of the ruins, and even unto him Castalde gave the due honour and promised reward. But the Friar would have attributed the praise thereof to the Hungars. At this assault there began a horrible and bloody fight, with great loss of our people, and advantage to the Turks, who were 3000. only to defend that little breach, and who also fought so courageously, that they often durst sally out of their Fort or Baricadoes, to fight pell-mell amongst our men, and that even hand to hand. They first slew Captain Aldene, and Don Antony de Enzinellia, and many other valiant and expert soldiers. Captain Vigliandrando was wounded in the foot with a shot, which forced him to fall down among the dead, and he presently was stricken with a greater bullet, which took away the crest of his murrion, and if a soldier had not by force drawn him from thence, he had in like sort ended there his life among others. They also slew a Sergeant of Captain Peter de Auila, named Ferrant Botto, who in the absence of the right Alferus, that day bore the Colours, which already he had fixed on the top of the Turks Fort, and a Turk causing him to fall with a arqebus shot, and minding to pull it out of his hands, he never could do it, until assisted by others, he cut off his head, lifting up by that means his Ensign all tainted with his blood, sprinkled upon the Colours which were azure and sables. They also within a while after slew the Alferus of Captain Aldene, and wounded those of Captain Diego Velez, and Mendoze, out of whose hands they violently plucked away their Ensigns. The which those seeing who were had out of the throng, the wounded were forced to retire themselves, and after their retreat, the Turks sallied forth and cut off the heads of Aldene and Antony, and of certain others whom they thought to be of the principallest, either for that they saw them valiantly to fight, or else, in that they were better set forth in arms and habiliments than the other. And seeing they had won 4. of our Ensigns, they became by this victory so peremptory and proud, that they adventured to come forth of the breach to fight with our people, and so shamefully to chase them from their walls and Ditches, with such a slaughter, that it was incredible, and still they carefully kept their ranks. Whilst Ferdinand's people were thus miserably beaten, and the Turks so courageously resisted their assaults, Castalde advised and resolved that this night Lippa should be taken, how dear soever it cost him, in respect to avoid the peril which might afterward ensue, upon the coming of the Belerbey, who was said to be on his way to relieve Oliman. Upon which advertisement, calling all the Captains into his presence and the Friars, reproving their cowardice, and encouraging them to renew the assault; with such words thus delivered, he put courage again into them.  
If ever the memory of high exploits and glorious acts of any whosoever, hath had the force to move the hearts and courages of men, and to prick 
Castalde his oration to encourage the soldiers to the assault at Lippa.  them forward to a like commendable desire; it is even this day, and that by a more vehementer reason (my soldiers) by the vile & infamous retreat, that against all expectation, you have untimely shown, which ought now to have power and command over your. For which I see you, with an unlooked for loss, so much discouraged, that hardly (containing my heart from breaking) can I with patience endure to behold you. And although that we cannot always have in our power our own desires and fortune united together, yet ought we not for all that to suffer, that that courage which in us should be invincible, should remain suppressed by this fortune, for any adversity whatsoever. Truly whosoever now should see these shameful things in you (who always heretofore have been victorious, as if to vanquish were to you peculiar) I know not what they should censure, but that, considering your former victories, they might imagine that you have rather won them by ominous fortune, then by your own proper virtue; since that by so great dishonour you have suffered yourselves to be shamefully overcome, and in the midst and fury of the fight, like women and children to be beaten away by the Turks. You may well thereby think that the glory of your precedent feats of arms, which (until now) appeared to the world by your great triumphs, is now darkened and obscured by this ignominious repulse, with which encouraging these enemies, whom so often you have overthrown and subdued, you are the only cause that in time to come they will not any more fear you, seeing your courage, your force, and agility is decayed. It seemeth to me a wonder and a great infamy, that the victorious dreadeth the vanquished. And believe me (soldiers) there is not in the world a greater ruin and confusion, then when an army debasing itself, by giving courage to his enemy, leaveth itself overcome by pusalinimitie. For then, in what disadvantage soever, it must dissolve and disperse itself, for that it often happeneth in wars, the valour and resolution of the mind, profiteth more than that of the body. If this day, and during these assaults, you duly consider of the honour and end of this war, you will manifestly see it a sufficient motive to incite you to recover your first lost prowess, and conceive that subtlety and wisdom nothing availeth, where is an apparent defect of courage and valour. Therefore present necessity doth urge and constrain you this day, to show yourselves valiant and virtuous soldiers, for that you shall not now fight for a toy of nothing, but for life itself, for the country's good wherein you were nourished and brought up, for your wives and children, for your sisters and kindred, and finally for all divine and human things, and for your goods: which if you remain victorious, they remain yours as they have been before; and on the contrary, they must be a spoil for the enemy if you will lose yourselves. You already know how the Belerbey of Greece, and Bassa Achmeth are on the way with an huge number of horse and foot to relieve Lippa; If they should arrive, and we not have taken the town, what might then become of us? Therefore if you desire (as it is most requisite you should do) to avoid these imminent dangers with an honourable victory, to increase your reputation, and not to inter or obscure it; valiantly endeavour yourselves to overcome, and fight with an assured and manly courage, still bearding and facing the enemy: for those who are desirous of victory, do never turn their backs. And do you think, that seeking the safety of your lives, to find it by flying? No, no, you have already seen by experience the contrary, that more have been slain by flight, than fight. Assure yourselves then, that if you do not with your best abilities, endeavour yourselves to overcome, you will neither find place, mountain, nor forest which can preserve you in safety, but all things shall be contrary and adverse to you, and in the end you shall leave as a pray to your enemies, those things which you most dearly esteem of: which nevertheless by means of victory, winning this town, you may preserve; and there is no doubt but the enemies will be faint-hearted and begin to humble themselves, and in their retiring they will give you special means to recover that, which hath been lost and possessed by evil hap; and to purchase with a glorious name (frustrating them from all hope ever to be masters of you again) this liberty, this quiet repose, and this happy peace which you so much desire and long for, unchaining yourselves from the perpetual servitude, in which for present example, you may to your griefs behold your neighbours. For there is not any thing that doth more astonish and terrify an enemy, than a sudden onset and gallant charge; nor nothing which doth more animate a friend, then to recover a despairing victory, as this day may happen to you, if you will. Return then (my soldiers) to the assault, with a prefixed desire to carry the victory from thence, and not to fly at any hand, and rather adventure to die honourably for it, then in losing, to survive with shame; considering that to die is common to all, but to die with reputation is bequeathed but to few. And I assure myself, that if you more respect that which I have said unto you, than the liberal offers which I have made you, you shall within few hours remain victorious to your great glory, and to the excessive loss of our enemies, and you shall in the end see that no corporal force can ever surmount the virtue, which this day will make both you and me to be eternal.  
This said, having first reinforced the battery with more Artillery, he presently caused an alarm in the whole Campe. At the bruit whereof, they all in good order went to the wall with ladders and other engines to mount upon it, and to obtain the breach, which now was somewhat enlarged, environing the town with more than 40000. men. There was within it only for the defence of the breach 3000. Turks, and 100 janissaries, and in all with the people of Oliman, there was some 5000. men appointed in places convenient. Thus they began cruelly to fight as well within as without, and very fiercely with so great cries of those barbarous nations, and such a thunder of our Artillery, sounding of Drums and Trumpets, that it seemed the world would presently have ended. And the great disorder which was committed in many places of the assault, being reported to Castalde, he presently caused all the men of arms and Cavalarie to march with him, appointing both the one and the other where they should attend with their squadrons, considering that there was less peril and danger in such disorder, then to cause his men to retire, upon whose retreat he judged greater inconvenience would ensue. And approaching nigh the breach, he saw that Oliman had appointed 600. horse in a place by, and very near to them, well foreseeing the end which would betide him, who had appointed them there not only to succour the breach, but with a resolute purpose also to save himself with them, seeing already he could not any longer resist, nor withstand our men from entering by force into the town, perceiving that he was forsaken of the succours which he expected from Buda: and with those horse, for the same respect, he had mixed certain bands of janissaries. Castalde perceiving this, and the more to expel Oliman from all hope of safety & succours, he sent john Turkey with 4000 horse, and Charles Scheretin with his 400. men of arms to possess the other side of the river Marosse, by which passage might come the aid which he expected from the Bassa of Buda and the Belerbey, and by which place also he might have some hope to save himself. And thus jointly with the Friar (who that day performed the acts of an expert and valiant Captain) he provided for all things which 
George a valiant Captain.  were necessary, now riding on this side, then on the other, as one that perfectly understood the proceedings of martial affairs, who failed not to consider of all accidents which might befall him in any respect whatsoever, thinking on fit means to remedy the same. On the other side Oliman lost no time, but animating his people, he effected that the besieged fight courageously, endured a very sore assault, which was for four hours very bloody on both sides, in which the Turks did not any thing yield to our people. Certain Captains of those who were the first that mounted up the breach with julian de Carleval, seeing the Turks so bravely defended themselves, and that it was now growing late, and not minding to see so many as they had already lost, to be cast away, advertised Castalde that their advice was to sound a retreat, seeing the fight had so long time endured, and that therein the Turks had made a great slaughter of our people. Castalde returned them present answer, that they should firmly maintain the fight, and that they should remember, that the assault which in former time they had given to Dure, had in like sort continued four hours; and that by any means howsoever, they should not fail but that the town might be taken that night: and if they entered not that night, (besides the loss of their reputation, which is a thing of special importance in feats of war) they should put themselves in danger, to leave there that glory with loss of their lives; which (in resisting) would assuredly shroud them from such sinister accidents: and that further he plainly saw, how the retreat would be far more dangerous, than the entering.  
At this time Friar George (covered then with a green cassock, by which he hid his habit, for fear of being known by the enemies) and Count Thomas Nadasdy came together to the assault, and to the quarter where the Germans and Spaniards were mingled with other nations, who animating them, said, that they should courageously force themselves to enter into the town, to revenge the blood of their friends, who yet fresh before their eyes had been cruelly slain and wounded, and in many places pitifully overthrown by the Turks. Whilst these two on the one side animated the soldiers, Castalde on the other side perceived that the Cavalarie, which Oliman had ordered in a squadron by the breach, began to recoil and retire back, which was a likelihood they could not any longer resist, and that they should be either forced to fly, or presently to yield. He taking hold of this opportunity, commanded presently that the 200. men of arms of Ourestolf should dismount from their horses, and that one part of them taking the Target and Cutlace, and the other the Pike, should force the breach. He had also before appointed, that all the stragglers of the Camp, only armed with the Hatchet, a la Hungresque, should go to that hill which commanded the town, in form of a Cavalier, and that there with some braving show, they should make a view and front of soldiers, whereby the Turks seeing them, they would judge them to be soldiers indeed, who came to assail that part of the wall which was opposite to them: these people made a show of an infinite number of men. Castalde then presently sent to the Captain that commanded them, that instantly when he should see the assault renewed, that then he should descend from the hill with all his people, and with the cries and shriek, usual to that nation, he should directly march to the wall of the town, to give (although not effectual) yet at the least, in show, a fear of a cruel assault. That done, he went where he had caused those men of arms to dismount themselves, who were ready to go to the breach, and said to them, enter, enter my companions, the hour is now come which will make us, together with this victory, very glorious. These speeches so kindled the heart and courage of every man, that the Turks, when they expected our men would have retired, seeing them come with greater courage to the breach then before, and also perceiving the others, who at the same instant with great cries descended from the hill directly towards them, they began so faintly to abate their courage, that presently losing all heart and valour, they suffered our people to enter into the town, some at the breach, and others in other places, with a great throng and press of our Vanguard, which then was conducted by the marquess Sforce Palauicin, who at the 
Sforce Palauicin.  same time also behaved himself valiantly in the fight, as in all other his former actions he had done, discharging the Artillery so effectually against the town, that it was an incredible thing. Captain john Viglioa was the first that mounted upon the wall, and presently he was seconded by Francis de Salcede who bore his Colours, and who was only remaining, all the rest being taken away at the first assault by the Turks. Carleval was also one of the first upon the breach, and in like sort entered many of the Hungars, and other 
Lippa taken by assault of Castalde.  soldiers who were the first that advanced themselves at the breach, upon which was seen more than 1200. dead Turks. All the janissaries, who were the last that shrunk or retired, and the other who remained alive with Oliman, began with such fear and so tumultuously to fly to the Castle, that it was a marvelous thing to see those men so vilely forsake and disperse themselves, that had before so gallantly defended their lives, by the space of more than five hours. Ferdinand's people being entered into the town, they found not any Turk who durst lift up his sword against them, but suffered themselves to be beaten down like beasts: and the noise was so great both within and without, that nothing else was heard but grievous sigh and groans of those who gave up the ghost, and such a confused medley of others, who not finding any to encounter withal, & crying victoria, victoria, kill, kill, did run up and down through all Lippa like mad men, and afterwards sacked the town. The Turks who were on horseback thinking to save themselves, forsook the town, and they fell into the ambuscado of those horses, which (as we have aforesaid) were for that purpose sent by Castalde to guard the river, and there by these horsemen they were miserably disordered, and the greatest part of them slain. The remainder willing to avoid this bloody peril, fell into another the like or more great, and for one death received two; because, that venturing into the river to save themselves by swimming to the otherside, the Hungarians, Germans, and Bohemians setting themselves against them, pierced both them and their horses with their Lances on every side, insomuch that he who died not by dint of the sword, was forced pitifully to end his life in the water and to drown himself, a long time staining the water with their blood. The other seeing their companions thus badly entreated, and returning upon the spur to the town, with hope to save themselves in the Castle, were by our men in all parts so cut off and slain, that not a man could save himself. Oliman (who also had forsaken the town with a good troop of horse, with intent to save himself) seeing what was done to others, took for the last refuge, which fortune that day allotted to him to save his life, (wherein most of his people lost their lives) a resolution to save himself in the Castle. Flying thither a pace, he found there a great throng of his people, that as yet remained safe from this furious and bloody tempest, who for the great press to save themselves from slaughter, endeavoured to enter in, many falling from the rails of the bridge into the Ditch sorely bruised and crushed in pieces, and by this time there was more than fifty horse and men overthrown therein, who with their masters there perished. Oliman being also arrived at that time, mixed himself with this throng, although he often saw himself almost trodden down by this multitude, and entered into the Castle upon the bridge, whereon there was also some of our people mingled among them: and if then they had been well advised to have thoroughly charged them on that side, they might easily that day (which was the 6. of November) have taken the Castle, and Oliman had never been saved. But the desire and covetousness of gain (which too usually happeneth in such cases) so blinded every one, as it was omitted, and not any thing thought of. Now all the town being sacked, (wherein was gotten great spoil) and the night come, Castalde caused all the Castle to be environed, and placed about it good and strong 
The Castle of Lippa besieged.  guards, for fear lest the enemy, by the obscurity and favour of the night, occasion to be incensed against this country, only contenting themselves with this that they had already done against him, in taking this town by force, and having killed therein so many valiant soldiers of his, and forcing the Belerbey to retire with shame: and on the contrary, it was now more expedient to sweeten and temper his cruelty by mild courses; to effect which, he thought it good to let all those freely and in safety pass, who were retired into that little Castle. Castalde replying, said unto him, that by no means he would suffer such a stern enemy as Oliman was to scape, seeing they now had him in their hands, and that none but God should free him thence: and that using such rigour and severity in his proceedings, he should begin to abate the pride and boldness of the Turk, and by no means he would suffer such favourable occasions to slip away, which of a long time they found not so happy and fortunate to them as now; and that they should not have (it might be) in time to come so prosperous success, as this which was now offered by this good occasion. The Friar nevertheless still contradicting him, and maintaining that it was needful to save Oliman, and the end at which he aimed being manifest to all the Camp, as that also which the Slavonian had confessed (who a little before was taken) he was in the end forced to discover his wicked intent, and plainly to tell Castalde, that for no man's pleasure he would not become enemy to the Turk, but that he meant to set Oliman at liberty, and permit him freely to depart with his arms, horse, and all his people who were with him, and that if this could not be done, he must be forced to defend him against any who would withstand it. Castalde answered him, that since he had determined to do so, this was his advice, that before he would conclude any other thing, he would cause all the principal Lords and Captains of Ferdinand's army, and them of Transiluania, to be called together in a public assembly, to the end that every one might speak his opinion thereof, and that by this means they should have no occasion to complain, that they were deprived of that honour and profit, which they had dearly purchased with their own blood and with extreme pain, without giving them to understand some good matter therefore, and that they should not have any occasion to complain of them two. The Friar liked very well of this motion, assuring himself that none neither would nor durst contradict his will. And thus being in his Tent, accompanied with Castalde, Andrew Battor, Thomas Nadasdy (who not long before was made Palatine of Hungary) Perein Peter, john Turkey, the marquess of Balasse, and other Lords and Captains, as well Hungarians and Bohemians, as Spaniards and Germans, and with them all the Deputies of towns and provinces of the kingdom, Friar George in the presence of them all began thus to speak in Latin:  
My loving Lords and friends, I persuade myself you are not ignorant, 
Friar George his oration.  how much the force and terror of the Grand Signior is to be redoubted and Feared, in respect of his imperial rule and command, which I know hath been by experience too soon proved by you, to your unspeakable detriment, by the ruinating of your towns, and death of your dear friends and kindred: and in like manner you know of the enormous cruelties, which at his pleasure and in his fury he knoweth justly or injustly to use against men and women, sparing neither children nor virgins, using fire and sword not only against you, but also against your Temples, houses, and lastly the very trees, plants, and beasts themselves, are not any thing warranted from the fury of his barbarous ire. For this cause I esteem it to be more than necessary, that we wilfully draw not more hateful indignation upon ourselves, then that which already his people naturally are possessed withal against our Religion, and former injuries: but on the contrary, that we endeavour ourselves by all means and manners to appease him, and to make him mild and merciful, that in time to come, he contenting himself with the accustomed tribute, he may suffer us to live in peace, & quietly possess our goods, without any dread of war. To accomplish which, I am of this mind to employ therein this Oliman Bech, now straightened by you in this Castle of Lippa, to whom and to his people giving liberty safely to depart, shall recite to the Grand Signior our good and friendly intention, who, in respect of so friendly a deliverance, will rake up in oblivion the revenge, which otherwise he would violently use against us, for the wrongs which he hath received by us in this war, and no doubt he will let us possess this tranquiltie and peace, which is so vehemently desired of every one. Therefore I earnestly desire you, that well considering of my words, you would follow my counsel, and embrace this my good intention, which is sincerely spoken for the public good, and that you would not through any ambition seek to put Oliman and his people to death, or retain them prisoners: because that when you have put them all to the sword, yet can you not clear yourselves neither of hate nor further travail, considering that the Grand Signior hath no want of other men and forces, having fifteen miles from hence more than 40000. men, ready to revenge their deaths; and as I am certainly informed by a friend, (which even at this time is come to me from their Camp) that the Belerbey and Bassa of Buda, will within a short time come to assail us: which if it proveth to be so, what then shall become of us? what hope of kindness can we expect, having not used any courtesy towards their people? Therefore we judge it better for us not to be found besieging of them, knowing this, that besides all kind of horrible and cruel death, they will revenge upon our heads, and dear friends, their men's blood which we have shed. We may avoid and suppress these cruelties, by our clemency and mild proceedings, and may thereby make him of an enemy, to become gentle, tractable, and gracious, there being not in this world any glory more extolled and recommended then that, which is gotten in having compassion of an enemy, who feeleth himself reduced to the extremity of his honour and life; neither is there any magnanimity more illustrious, then to pardon those, whose lives are in the victor's power to dispose of.  
At these speeches of the Friar, Gastalde (as the chief and principal man among them) made this effectual reply: It was not needful that you (most 
Castalde his reply,  reverend Sir) should have sent (not few months since) to the Emperor Charles the 5. to promise him upon your faith, that you would always be as well favourable to the Christians, as on the other side a cruel and mortal enemy to the Turks: neither was it in like sort necessary, that you should desire Ferdinand King of the Romans to send you succours, and deliver this kingdom of Transiluania, from the tyrannical oppression of the common enemy, if you would have used these courses, which now with a dishonourable reputation I see you practise. And although that Ferdinand did not any thing doubt of your inconstancy, having before too truly had experience thereof: yet nevertheless not taking regard to this your sudden alteration, he was willing to assemble this army together, and against the opinion & counsel of many to send it to your aid. And this force hath been such, that not only it hath holpen this kingdom, and you yourselves from the tyranny of Infidels; but also it hath recovered a great part of the country, which by force and treachery was usurped by them. Now what occasion moveth you, being victorious, and having put your enemies to flight, wittingly to bring yourselves into thraldom, and with shame procure that we, and all you the rest, should be subject to those which we now detain prisoners, and are constrained to yield themselves to our discretion, and to entreat us, that we should recommend ourselves to him who is the capital enemy, not only of our liberty, but also of our holy and inviolable faith: and to manifest so great cowardliness by fearful words to those, who to our great glory (manifesting our courageous hearts) we have overcome and tamed; and especially at this time, who as it were quite cast away, betake themselves to such infamous compositions, that they show themselves unworthy of life, as assuredly they would esteem of you, if you had been vanquished by them, manifesting thereby, that they are not worthy to be heard of so noble and honourable personages as these Lords here present, and all these nations which are about us, who not long since for their country, honour, life, liberty, and freedom from so horrible captivity, have shed so much blood, that Marosse ran coloured of another hue? What should avail this famous reputation, which with so many travails, so many hazards, and with the death of so many valiant persons hath been achieved, if now by a cowardly composition you would let it be lost? Do you not see that in yielding to those who are you prisoners, you will wholly lose your boldness hereafter to dare the enemy to the fight, neither shall you be able at any time to make war upon them, for that they will always presume to hold you in so great subjection and little esteem, that ten of them will not fear to assail an hundred of you, in which you will the rather assure them, in respect of your fearfulness; and so the conclusion will be, that of vanquishers, you are like to become vanquished. I would gladly know what doth incite and encourage soldiers, if it be not glory and reputation, and to gain therewith by their travail and industry, honour, renown, and recompense? And now, that with great admiration you have achieved it, and brought to happy end this war, would you with your great shame and loss, leave to the enemy this triumphant victory and reputed fame, which in every place will raise you up to the heap of all honour and praise? What will the Christians mutter among themselves, if not, but that you have been fearful to see the Turks in your power, and that you rather have fled away, then had the courage to detain them prisoners? Do you not think, you Hungarians, Saxons, and Sicilians, that the palm of victory shall be given to the Spaniards, Germans, and Bohemians, and that in stead hereof you shall be noted of infamy, suffering so shamefully the enemy to depart, and to have accepted of so cowardly a composition which they demand of you, clearly thereby manifesting to every one, the fear which you conceive of him? Alas (my Lords) remember your fathers, children, brothers, and kindred, who have been miserably slain, or fastened in chains by these Turks, and think upon your wives, which not without your great dishonour, have been violently carried away and ravished by those, whom you now hold in your servitude: and if for the premised causes you will not use to them the rigour of justice, either in killing, or detaining them prisoners, as at this present they hold your children, brothers, and friends; yet at the least make them acknowledge that their lives, liberties, their arms, horses, and Ensigns are at your mercy and dispose, which if you will needs grant them these things, yet let them acknowledge by special grace and favour to have received them of you, and not by a forced constraint, or by some certain fear. And never respect any false or feigned advertisements, nor threats which are bruited of the bashas and Belerbeys coming, for that he flying, hath already passed Danubius with all his army: and though he should return again, you shall manifestly see that our soldiers, tasting of the happy former success, will be more disposed to fight with him, than we expect for; insomuch that both in the one and in the other, we may frankly promise ourselves certain victory; and that so much the rather, because that courage is wanting in him (in regard of the discomfortures which he hath received) and will be increased in us, by reason of the victories which we happily and valiantly have performed and achieved against them.  
Upon this declaration, all those of the Council began to look upon Friar George, and to change their opinions, seeing it was an infamous and foul fault, to let Oliman escape unpunished for his wickednesses and cruelties, as the Friar earnestly importuned. And the conclusion was, that by no means he should have any liberty, but that they would so dispose of him, as he would do of them, if they were in the like terms. Friar George seeing that neither in private nor public he could perform that which he greatly desired, and that his reasons were not allowed of, presently said in great choler to Castalde; that although he would not grant it, yet notwithstanding, in consideration of the public good and tranquillity of Transiluania, he meant to save Oliman. Castalde would make him no answer, but increased in himself the hatred which he bore against him, and the great desire he had to hasten on his death, he manifestly knowing how much he favoured the Turks affairs, and held those of Ferdinand's in disgrace. Presently when the Council was risen, the Friar dispatched a messenger to Oliman, to inform him that he should presently send two of his principal Captains, to treat with him of the composition which he demanded, he having determined and concluded to save him. They being come, the Friar observing the accord which already he had secretly made with them, gave them safe conduct to come forth and depart with their arms, horses, Ensigns, and baggage, accommodating them of wagons to carry the wounded. And that they might march with more safety, he demanded that Castalde would give them some other safe conduct, whereby that Oliman should not in any sort be disturbed by these nations which he commanded. To which Castalde would by no means yield; and thereof excusing himself said unto him, that he would upon no condition give him words for payment, nor satisfy that his demand, in respect of the cruel enmity which he knew to be naturally between the Turks and his people, who thought it not good to let Oliman so securely depart, and that he disinherited it would be impossible to withstand them from following him. In the end the Friar pressed him so far, that he was forced to promise for all those who were in Ferdinand's pay, after which he gave a good convoy to Oliman, to conduct him to the place of safety. He at last came out of the Castle with 1000 Turks, 
Oliman departeth in safety from Lippa, by the means of George. Vercherez.  which remained of 1300. who were slain by the Artillery, and causing all the baggage and wounded to be martialled in the Vanguard, they began to march towards the Castle of Vercherez (where that night the Belerbey was) and being lodged twelve miles from Lippa, he privately came from thence in the night to see the Friar, who had sent before him a 1000 horse to conduct him with more safety, and being in conference four long hours together in the friars Tent, he in the end took leave, and retired himself where his people attended him, and remaining there the rest of the night, at break of day (in the best manner he could) he ranged his Turks in battle, and so departed thence, proceeding on his journey towards the Belerbey.  
At the same instant that Oliman departed forth of Lippa, the marquess of Balasse secretly went out of the Camp with his 200. horse, not acquainting any person therewith. With him also joined 2000 horse more, who stole forth of the army, for the desire which they had to massacre these Turks, because that they did not a little complain for the agreement which the Friar had made, in suffering them so safely to depart, and warranting them from the fury of these nations, who had received by them cruel burnings, irrecoverable losses, and infinite inconveniences. For the same exploit also went out of Themesuar 200. other horse, with whom was Alphonse Perez de Saianedra, who joined himself with the marquess. They being all in this manner assembled, and swiftly riding on, overtook Oliman in a plain field, where was neither tree nor bush which hindered them from being discovered. When he perceived our men, he began to march more closely together, the most part of his people being on foot, having in the midst of his squadron four or five wagons, about which with the wounded he placed 35. Harquebuziers, that of the rest remained alive unto him. The marquess (the better to set upon him) presently ordered his people, and when he perceived himself to draw near Olimans' squardron, he by good speech provoked his own people, placing himself in the fore rank, thinking at this first shock to force the Turks, who not to spend their shot in vain, made no great haste to discharge their Harquebusses, but so effectually they shot, that at the first volley the marquess was wounded, and his horse slain, so that he fell to the ground. His followers seeing him fall, fearing the horses would run over him, opened and divided themselves in that manner, that of one strong squadron, they made two weak ones, and running with more fury than discretion against Oliman, not being able to reunite themselves again, the one bare in upon the Vanguard of the Turks, and the other upon the Rearward, leaving the battle of Oliman secure, and not any thing broken. The Turks taking courage of this their unlooked for advantage, and seeing Oliman fought so gallantly, carefully endeavoured themselves still to march close together, and all the way they fought so bravely, that our men never durst return to assail them, but quietly suffered them to depart to the place where the Belerbey expected them.  
After that Oliman was thus departed from Lippa, they began from the 
The means that Castalde used to entrap George.  next day after to permit those who were sent from the kingdom, to return again, and Castalde also demanded of the Friar, that those who were of Ferdinand's pay should be lodged in Transiluania. But the Friar would not that any of these nations should enter into those countries, but that rather they should be lodged in the County of Varadin, excusing himself by the charges which already that kingdom had been at, and that in biliting his soldiers within that country, (it being now peaceable and quiet) would be a beginning to ruinate and spoil it, he thinking it far better that they should be in garrison in places of his Bishopric, where (in his judgement) they should live more commodiously and profitably, it being a plentiful country, and neighbouring upon the frontiers of the enemy, rather than to place them in Transiluania, where Ferdinand had not so much to do, as in the foresaid places. Castalde seeing this speech did greatly discover him, and being needful for him to manage these affairs with more policy, then before he had done, said to the Friar, that he thought it good and convenient that they should send back the Artillery into the kingdom, from whence it was brought, and that with so good a guard, as belonged to a matter of such moment. The Friar was well content therewith, but with this condition, that there should be no more than one hundred Germans to conduct it: which Castalde agreed unto, and presently sent word to his Captains, that they should cause the Artillery to march, before the Friar knew thereof, and that therewith should go five Ensigns of Germans, having charge to put one part within Albe-iula, and the other in neighbouring places by. And in the mean time, he with his best skill declared to Friar George, that it was very necessary to lead the soldiers into the kingdom, not so much for the assurance thereof, as to recreate them, in recompense of their travails which they had endured, and for their exceeding valour which they had manifested at the assaults of Lippa, as he himself had seen: and also to the end that they should show them some sign that they had good regard of them, and were also mindful of them. The Friar at these speeches was content to yield thereto, persuading himself, that they being so small a number, they should not be able to disturb that which he had secretly plotted in his mind.  
Whilst the Artillery was thus on the way, the Friar and Castalde began to give directions for the affairs of Lippa, causing the dead bodies of the Turks to be conveyed away, which were thickly spread in the town streets, within the Ditches, and at the breaches, and specially at the Castle, commanding that the walls should be repaired the best they could. And because in this town were many persons, who willingly, or by compulsion of the Turks, had taken arms for their defence against Ferdinand's Camp, the Friar deprived them all of their goods, and bestowed them in recompense upon many his Captains and soldiers. Among which was in like sort bestowed the goods of a certain Merchant, who was slain at the taking of Lippa, a man of good sufficient wealth, and one who had a wife, who besides her beauty and youth, was also virtuous and of good reputation, as any was 
A virtuous wife.  in that country. This woman seeing she had lost, by the sack and spoil of the town, her whole substance, and that nothing was left her, but her apparel which she then did wear, and that also they had taken all her possessions from her, and that the Friar had distributed them between two of his Hungarian Captains, who unkindly had expulsed her out of her own house; seeing herself very poor and beggarly, and not knowing what course to take, was counseled to make her complaint to Castalde. Upon this she went, and being come to his Tent, and pressing to go in and speak with him, was stayed and inquired by the Guard what her business was. She answered, that she would no other thing, but speak with the Lieutenant general. The Guard seeing her very fair and seemly both of face and body, thought that she came for no other thing but to make show of her beauty, and sale of her honesty, and the rather, considering the season which was somewhat late, and approaching towards night: whereupon they suffered her not to wait any longer, but let her presently go in: who approaching the presence of Castalde, she heavily explained the cause of her coming, humbly entreating that he would not suffer that she should seek her relief among charitable people: sorrowfully telling him, that although her husband was found with an ill will to be at the wall of Lippa against him, he had already paid dearly for it, even the price of his life: and that therefore she being a woman, and a Christian, she could not in any sort be found culpable thereof, neither bear the offences of another, being of herself clearly innocent of that fault: and that therefore it would please his Excellency to have respect unto her condition and honour, and that he would not permit, that for the enriching of two, who had no need of her goods, she should be utterly spoiled, and be forced to pass the remnant of her mournful days in perpetual misery, whereof he should receive but small honour. She uttered these speeches with so good a grace and seemly behaviour, well fitting the subject of her discourse, that she manifested to be no less adorned with an inward virtue, then outwardly appeared in her countenance and body. Upon which her pitiful complaint, Castalde caused presently these two Captains to be called for, to whom giving as much and more of that which belonged to Ferdinand's part, in recompense of this woman's goods, he commanded them that instantly they should restore all that which they had of hers: which they willingly did, and one of the two, who had offered her the greatest wrong, within a while after took her to his wife, in respect of her singular beauty and virtue, which he saw that naturally she was enriched with.  
In this time the camp-master Aldene, required Castalde to bestow the government of Lippa upon him, with such conditions as he had in charge to 
Lippa committed to the custody of Aldene a Spanish Captain.  bestow it upon any other: which was presently granted him, & left there, with his company to govern it, & he was commanded to fortify it, and repair the Castle, he recommending that place to him, as a thing of great importance to all the country, and especially because it was the only Bulwark and Key of that kingdom, and therefore that for this cause he was to repair it into such state, and as strong as it was before, and that he should give order, that the inhabitants who were fled from thence, should return thither again, and that he should have a special care to use all his neighbours friendly, using the like to those about the Castle of Solimos, within which he was to place his Ensign, until the Castle of Lippa was well repaired and fortified; and leaving him good provision of victuals, yea such as by it he might maintain himself for many months: Castalde on the other side to provide for Themesuar, sent thither Don jasper Castelluio, with his company of Spaniards, 
jasper Castelluio Governor of Themesuar.  raised of those who at the assault of Lippa had lost their Captains, (as above is said, whereof Ferdinand not long before had provided him) and gave him special charge to fortify this town, and to take such order that it might not want any thing, that might be necessary for any occasion.  
Having sufficiently provided for these two towns, he lodged his whole army within the precinct of Varadin: and having well accommodated them, he caused the Spanish and German companies to march on the one side of the river Marosse, and on the other side (not to give the Friar any suspicion) he went himself alone with him, only but with 25. Harquebuziers on horseback for his guard, causing to march on the other side 2000 horse, and 500 Harquebuziers, and in this manner they began to dislodge, they both (for the more assurance and less distrust) like good friends riding in one Coach.  
Now the time approached wherein he thought to kill Friar George, and so 
Ferdinand importuneth the death of Friar George.  much the rather, for that he was earnestly solicited thereto by Ferdinand: who also at that time had sent another messenger from Vienna, that he should use expedition in this attempt, and bereave him of life, and specially because he understood by castald's letters what he had done to and with Oliman. And to the end that the Friar should not distrust any thing upon the coming of this new messenger, he told him that Ferdinand was very joyful for the taking of Lippa, and that he gave him infinite thanks for the service he had there done him, whereof he would never be ungrateful to requite his loyalty, hoping by effect to satisfy and recompense him so, that during his life he should think himself well satisfied.  
Whilst by such disguised masks he covered these his stratagems, Castalde 
Binse where George was slain.  in the end arrived with the Friar at Binse, a Castle which was built by him in respect of the pleasant situation of the place. There Castalde observed, that the occasion he waited for and so greatly desired, was now come, in a manner assuring himself that it was already performed. And although that many times he had an intent openly to massacre him in the plain field as he travailed through the kingdom, yet nevertheless he thought it not convenient, and that he might not put himself nor his people inconsiderately under Fortune's pleasure, he did defer this execution until the Friar was come to this Castle, which he esteemed the most fit and commodious place of any other to practise his death with the least danger. After than that they were both lodged in this said Castle, Castalde seeing the Spanish infantry arrived not so soon as he desired, (without which he could effect nothing to the purpose) and specially seeing the short time the Friar would there abide, who thought to depart from thence within two days: writ with great expedition, by a trusty messenger, to the marquess Sforce Palauicin, and to all the other Spanish Captains, that in what place soever they were, they should presently dislodge with their soldiers, and without staying in any place, repair to Binse. If the diligence of the messenger was great, that of the Captains was nothing inferior, marching as far in one day, as they could hardly have done in two. This day Castalde behaved himself very pleasantly, finely entertaining the Friar with soothing and familiar discourses, who dreamt not of any thing but of his departure to go to a Diet, which he caused to be assembled at Wasrael, in which he was determined to treat and confer with those of the country, concerning the means which should be used to expulse Castalde and all his army (which were in Ferdinand's pay) out of the kingdom, and even to the end (as might be vehemently suspected) to defeat and cut them in pieces, imagining that thereby he should be able to make himself absolute Lord of all those countries. The Friar was lodged in his Castle, as he was usually accustomed, as often as he came thither, and in like sort Castalde. And in the town by the Castle was lodged the friars guard. And as they were there accommodated, the Spaniards arrived the same night, whom the Friar commanded should be lodged in the other town, situated on the other side of the river, which runneth between these two towns, being not very broad nor deep, but yet as clear as Crystal, it is called Sebesse, and a little beneath it casteth his streams into Marosse. 
The river Sebesse.  This river hath a bridge of wood, for the commodity of the Castle, passing from one of the towns to the other. These soldiers being thus lodged, Castalde required the Friar that he would appoint the place where the Germans should winter, which by no means he would resolve upon, not willing that any great company of them should lodge in one place, but divided into houses and villages, to wit, twenty in one place, forty in another, and so consequently according to the proportion and receipt of the place: to the end, that (as Castaldes Courtiers said, and as afterward was understood by them) every town taking his arms, might easily at the prefixed time kill all the soldiers they found therein; which was not concealed from Castalde by some who were about the Friar. But with great discretion he bore all patiently, dissembling in his countenance that which he had inwardly purposed, he employed all his care (as being greatly desirous thereof) to effect that execution, which many a month before he had resolved upon, for the general good of them all, might come to good end; knowing that if this exploit did well succeed, all his people might be well and commodiously lodged secure from any secret treasons. Having then upon this point resolutely determined in his heart, he caused to come to him the marquess Sforce Palauicin, with whom he had express command from Ferdinand, to confer about this deed, which he until then concealed from him, and reciting to him that which he was to do, and showing him the means that must be observed therein, he told him in his majesties name, that it was necessary that he himself should be an actor in a fact of so great importance, and specially the time being now come, in which they were not to go back, neither was it to be omitted; and fortune also had offered the occasion, which of a long time he expected, the Friar being in the Castle (forth whereof he would by no means that he should come a live) and he told him, that although he saw this enterprise exceeding difficult, (the end whereof could not well be judged of) yet nevertheless ought he not for the service of Ferdinand to refuse it, it being more than necessary, that the night following without delay it should be effected. The marquess readily offered his own person, and all his power, yea and with such a desire as could be expected in such a person, not contradicting any thing which was said to him; and answered Castalde, that he would appoint what he should do, and as for that which concerned his own action, he would not in any thing fail of performing his uttermost: whereupon taking special care of this, he presently departed, and went to provide for that which was necessary therefore. And then Castalde, under colour of advising touching the placing of his soldiers in some garrisons, went to see the Friar, whom he found ready to hear Mass, and suffering him to go quietly to his devotions, stayed himself in another room by, to confer with certain there. There some of them that were present came & told him, that the Priest being at the consecration of the blessed Sacrament, forgetting to take the Host, he took the Chalice and elevated it, 
Presages of George his death.  which was a presage of the friars death, and of the blood which he should shed on the ground. This oversight was well perceived by every one, but not by the Friar himself, and none did divine any thing thereby, but did rather attribute it to the negligence of the Priest, then as to a sign sent from God. The Mass being ended, they withdrew themselves to confer together, and in the end not agreeing of places for garrisons, every one withdrew himself to his own lodging: whereupon Castalde presently sent for Captain Andrew Lopez, to whom he imparted, that this night of necessity the Friar must be slain, and that it was the King's pleasure it should be instantly performed; and that for the good regard that he had of his person, he made special choice of him, with Captain Monin, Chevalier Campegge, 
The actors of George his death.  and the marquess Sforce, that with all expedition this exploit, sans fault, should be put in practice, for that in omitting it, besides that the King should wholly lose both that kingdom and his reputation; all they themselves also should be in danger to be slain: and on the contrary in executing it, there could not possible betide of it, but singular good: and although that there might be danger by means thereof, to see some alteration among the Transylvanians, yet he hoped to provide therefore a prompt and fit remedy: assuring him further, that Ferdinand would gratefully accept thereof; and instructing him how he should carry himself therein, he commanded him that out of all the Spanish companies, he should only make choice of 24. Harquebuziers, the most resolute amongst them, and less known of the friars men, and that at the opening of the Castle gate, he should find the means, as wisely as he could, to bring them in, and that being once entered, they should seize on four towers, dividing six to every one, and that there they should keep themselves quiet, until they were commanded to perform that which they should do. On the other side, he called for Captain Peter d' Auila, and commanded him that four hours before the baggage was ready to march, he should go to the Port of Sassebesse, to gather without sound of Drum or any noise, the soldiers who were within, and that afterwards upon day break, they should present themselves before the Castle gate of Binse, with their Colours displayed and ranged in battle, and that there they should attend the charge which should be given them: which was presently done.  
Now the night being come, which was very cloudy and dark, during which the element would demonstrate some sign of the friars death. For in that night the winds were so horrible, and the tempest and rain so strange, that in man's memory the like was never seen. Nothing was heard but unaccustomed sounds in the air, clapping of doors and windows through all the Castle, and that so terrifying, as though the world would presently have ended. In sum, as well in the air, as in the valleys, this supernatural tempest made such rude havoc, as though all the Furies in hell had been there unchained. The tempest being ceased, and day light appearing, which in respect of the distempered night past, seemed not very clear, and that the Friar was then upon his departure; that day the Aiduchs, who were of the guard of the Castle, opened the gate somewhat before the accustomed time, to let his wagons go forth. At the very instant Captain Andrew Lopez performed to the full of all that which was commanded him, causing very slily those 24. Harquebuziers to enter in, so that as well for the coming forth of the wagons, as also for the desire to dislodge, not any took regard to them who entered in, they being all appareled in Turkish habits in long and large gowns, which they had gotten at the taking of Lippa, and with these robes they covered their arms and harquebuses. They being thus entered, Lopez disposed of them in places convenient where they should keep; and presently after, he went from thence to the place where Castalde expected him, with the marquess Sforce, who was the chief actor in the enterprise, and certainly knew the determined order which he should observe therein, having with him four Italian gentlemen: one of them was named Captain Monin, the second Chevalier Campeggio, the third Scaramuccia, and the fourth was called Piacentino, men of an approved resolution, and of as great confidence: & to be short, such were these men, as in a whole world could not be found their like to effect such an attempt. Besides these, there were yet four other Spanish soldiers, which Lopez amongst many had culled out to be the most valiant. With these, the marquess Sforce about day break went towards the friars chamber upon the 18. of December, and the friars Secretary who perceiving the drift of this rumour, went to give him notice thereof, but he was turned again by these conspirators. Before them all went Castaldes Secretary, named Marc Antony Ferraro of Alexandria, with certain letters and feigned patents in his hand, with intent to show them to the Friar, and to request him to peruse the one, and seal the other, telling him that it was for the marquess Sforce, who that day should depart to go to Vienna, and who would not go without knowing his pleasure, whither he would command him any thing to Ferdinand's Court. This Secretary was accustomed early and late to have free access to the Friar upon any affairs, yea, and even at untimely hours, and the Friar bore him good affection, and always used him familiarly, affording him great favour and many rich gifts, and reposed a special trust in him. For these respects he was sent with them, that the more colourably and with less suspicion, the grooms of the friars chamber might open his door, they knowing the good affection that their master bore him, and that the said Secretary not four days before, about the same hour was come to him to negotiate some important business. Castalde had expressly sent him at such an hour before, to the end, that when time should come to execute this enterprise, no suspicion should grow by his coming, and that he might be the man who should kill him.  
They being all thus arrived near the friars chamber, they presently locked in the guard of the Aiduchs into a hall thereby, who little suspected any such matter, for that they were all clustering about the chimney to warm them, and to refresh themselves, by reason of that troublesome night which they had endured. And after the Secretary knocked at the door, and being reported to the Friar who it was, he caused him presently to come in; the marquess Sforce following him, whom the groom would not let enter in, but told him that he should attend him at the door. The other thrusting his foot and knee between both, hindered that the groom could not shut it. The marquess keeping himself firmly there, the Secretary in the mean time approached Friar George, who was in his shirt and nightgown, he using no other circumstances to apparel him, but only came presently out of his bed, and leaning then on the table, upon which he had a little Clock, a breviary, and a book of his notes, with an Inkhorn by. The Secretary told him, that the marquess Sforce was to go to the Court of Ferdinand, and before his departure he was come to kiss his hands, and would know his pleasure if he would command him any service: that being said, he put into his hands the letters and patents (aforesaid) to seal them. After that the Friar had perused them, and taking pen and ink to subscribe his name, the Secretary not omitting any time, with a poniard (which secretly he had) he gave him a stab between the throat and the breast, but not so deep that it was mortal. The Friar being greatly amazed herewith, and coming to himself again, and saying Virgo Maria, he pulled the dagger out of his breast, and for that he was a man of great strength, and of a bold resolution, he made the Secretary retire to the end of the table. The marquess being very attentive, hearing this bruit, entered presently into the chamber, and laying hand upon his sword, gave him so great a blow upon the head, that he cleaved it. Whereupon all the rest entering with Captain Lopez, discharged their Harquebusses upon him, which the Friar seeing, said no other thing but these words in Latin: What meaneth this my friends? 
The last words of George.  and saying, jesus Maria, he fell dead to the ground.  
Behold now the end of the proudest and insolentest man in the world, and the greatest and closest Tyrant that ever lived, God permitting that he should in that very place end his days, which he had caused to be built upon the foundations of an ancient Church and Monastery of religious persons, which for that occasion he caused to be defaced and pulled down, & for the 
The death of George was foretold him.  ruin whereof, his death was foretold unto him by the Abbot of that place. And neither could his authority, wisdom, nor great wealth protect him from the action of so miserable an end, whereinto (his days being almost come to a period) he suddenly fell. The bruit ran, that this death inflicted on him, was rather by the envy and malice of those who hated him, then by any act which he was culpable in: for that the defence which he undertook for Olimans' protection and safety, tended to no other end (as was afterward perceived, and as we shall hereafter more at large treat of) but that by such courtesy used to Oliman and his people, he might pacify the Turks fury, and cause them to abstain from further oppression of Transiluania, and suffer every one to live peaceably. This we are sure on, that all those which were actors of his death, in time fell into great misfortunes. The marquess Sforce within a while after was overthrown and taken prisoner by the Turks, who inflicted great torments upon him. Captain Monin was 
Revenge from God against the murtheres of George.  beheaded at S. Germans in Piedmont. Marc Anthony Ferraro in anno 1557. was also beheaded in Alexandria, by the Cardinal of Trent his command. Another was quartered by the Frenchmen in Provence. Chevalier Campeggio in anno 1562. was in the presence of the Emperor Ferdinand mortally wounded with a Boar in Bohemia. And the conclusion was, that in the end Transiluania remained not long under the obeisance of his Majesty, but returned under the government of young King john: so that the death of Friar George was more offensive and prejudicial to the Christians, then profitable, as we will hereafter in his due place mention.  
Returning then to the pursuit of our history: whilst these were busied about their execution, Castalde was walking upon the Castle wall to give colour to their proceedings, and there to expect the issue of this bloody enterprise. Being now assured that the Friar was dead, he presently came down and went to the Castle gate, where suddenly with his soldiers which were entered into it, and other gentlemen which he had with him, he caused all the Aiduchs (who then were appointed for the guard of it) to go forth, who hearing the bruit which was within, and seeing the Spaniards in battle without, and that the Friar their Lord was dead, they so suddenly were amazed, that without betaking themselves to arms, they most willingly fled; and departing in this manner, advertised the friars guards, who were at the bridge on the other side of the Castle, of what had happened. This exploit being now finished, Castalde doubting that many of the friars friends would depart: whereupon he presently went forth to find Francis Chendy 
Francis Chendy.  Ference, who was already in his Coach to be gone, and taking him by the hand, he desired him to stay. And surely if he had not then at that instant stayed him, he would have fallen into a great danger, for that he was one of the greatest friends Friar George had, and he was of that might within the Realm, as he could stir them up against the soldiers of Ferdinand, to be revenged of the friars death. He having thus stayed him, brought him to the place where the Spaniards and Germans were, among whom he placed him to see what would become of this tumult, that the gentlemen and servants of the Friars would make, and specially his guard, who mounted all on horseback, and gathered together in the field, having for their Captain Paul Bancchy, who at the siege of Lippa was the friars Lieutenant. 
Paul Bancchy.  They being thus all ranged in battle in a plain, began among themselves to deliberate what was best to be done, and being acertained of the friars death, made no other semblance against Castalde, doubting they could not make their party good, in respect he had an infinite company of men with him, and that this murder was not done without great intelligence: for which cause, esteeming they could not greatly prevail, but rather receive more loss and damage, they resolved for the present to obscure this revenge in silence, and reserve the chastisement thereof, until a more convenienter time. And so this assembly was discomfited, every man taking his nearest and safest way, leaving their masters dead body to be a prey and spoil, and unburied. It remained there many days above ground all naked and 
The burial of George.  without light, there being not any who respected to cover or bury him, being so stiff with cold, that he seemed as a man made out of Marble, having in the head, breast, and arms many wounds, upon which was yet remaining the blood all frozen: which to say truly, was an object worthy of compassion; and on the other side, it was very execrable and enormous, to see so great a parsonage so vilely left without burial, by those who (God knoweth for what cause) had practised his death. In the end, by some of his friends he was conveyed to the Church of Albe-iula, where Castalde, at the charges of Ferdinand, caused him to be buried in a Tomb of stone, in the midst of the new great Church, by King john Huniades Coruin. These Aiduchs and other of the friars people being thus retired, Castalde seeing that in these alterations of fortune, there would not befall unto him any great disturbance nor tumult for the death of the Friar, came on foot before the Spanish squadrons, having Francis Chendy by the hand, and began with him to set forward to Sassebesse. He was not yet far on his way, but a messenger came and told him that the Castle of Binse was rifled by those who were left in custody thereof, and that the friars Secretary was taken by john Alphonse 
The movables of George scazed.  Castalde, and warranted from death, and how that in the friars chamber there was found a little Cabenet, within which was 12000. Hungarish Ducats, which Captain Andrew Lopez, with four other soldiers, had taken and broken up, and parted shares according to their qualities, reserving the greatest quantity for himself. He understanding this news, presently sent Captain Diego Velez to pacify this disorder, and take the money again from them who had thus stolen it, and to cause them to restoreal the movables of the Friar, and establish them in the former estate, waiting till he should send a commissary, who should receive all the friars treasure to the use of Ferdinand. By this means he caused the pillage to cease, and recovered again much money, and other things to the value of 80000. Ducats, which was all committed to the charge of his majesties Treasurers. And marching thus along, very discontented with those who had rifled the friars chamber, within short time after he arrived at Sassebesse, from whence he presently sent to the Captains and Governors of such Castles and Forts, as were at the friars devotion, that they should yield to Ferdinand, threatening them, that if they would not obey his command, he would presently send his army and Artillery to subdue them. Among which places there was one called Wyvar, where the Friar had his treasure, and there he also 
Wyvar.  privately kept an Ambassador of the Turks, which Castalde, presently after the Friar had yielded up the ghost, sent Captain Diego Velez to apprehend and bring the said Ambassador to him wheresoever he should be, to see if any matter of moment could be learned out of him touching the Friars proceedings, and whether there had been any intelligence and practice between them against Ferdinand, as was vehemently suspected, and specially in respect of the Diet of Wasrael, where they looked for the Sicilians, and in which (as the common bruit and speech amongst our people was) they should have discoursed of the means which should be used to expulse Castalde out of Transiluania, with all the Spaniards, Germans, Bohemians, and Hungars, who should be at that time found in it, and were paid by Ferdinand. This Ambassador being under castald's command, and diligently examined, they could neither know nor find in him any matter as they desired, but only certain letters of credit written in the Turkish language, directed to Solyman, Rostan Bassa, the Belerbey, and to certain other of special credit in the Turks Court, and sealed with the seal, which the Friar was wont to use in all the affairs concerning the kingdom, which letters he had dispatched, without imparting any thing thereof to Castalde. He remained at Sassebesse one whole day, that by the means of julian de Carleval, he might advertise Ferdinand of all that which happened, and writ to all the towns to acquaint them with the enterprises and death of the Friar, and to pray them to remain in a loyal devotion to the King. The day following, fearing the Sicilians (being special friends to the Friar) would rise against him, and that it was not in his power to avoid the tumult, which he already saw stirred up, determined to go to Sibinio, for that it was a town of 
Sibinio.  good strength and most faithful to Ferdinand, and less affected to the Friar, among all those which were in that quarter, in which he thought to temporize, while he might, together with his security, see what end these matters would have: whereupon he left good garrisons of Germans in Albe-iula, and at Sassebesse, and he left also at Binse Captain Diego Velez with his Spanish company, and went himself to Sibinio, where being arrived, he lodged the rest of his army without the town: but so near at hand, that upon any necessity and first sign given, within four hours he could bring them into the town, only retaining with him 50. Harquebuziers for his guard. There he was very friendly received of the citizens, who greatly rejoiced with him, for that he had delivered them from the subjection and fear of this stern and proud Friar, promising not to fail him in all prosperous and adverse accidents whatsoever, and offering him all that which should be any way necessary for him. Castalde gave them many kind thanks, and was exceedingly pleased, for that he found the Sibinians in so good an humour, and such assured friends: and minding afterwards to depart from thence and go to Seghesuar, that so he might be more near to Wasrael (where the Sicilians 
The Diet at Wasrael.  were assembled, expecting the friars arrival) and also the better to understand and know of them what their purpose might be: and whether after they understood of the friars death, they would continue in the friendship and devotion of Ferdinand. The inhabitants of Sibinio would by no means permit him that he should go out of their town without a good guard, telling him, that to go to such a Diet, it was very necessary he should lead with him more men than he had, and that by no means he should repose any trust in the Sicilians, until he saw how they would take the friars death, urgently persuading him not to go to that Diet with less than 15000. men. Upon these considerations, Castalde sent to seek the men of arms of Charles Scerettin, and certain Spaniards and Germans to the number of 1800. and went from thence with this troop to Seghesuar, still having in 
Seghesuar.  his company Francis Chendy, whom he now had won, and by offers and kind usage (although it might be thought it was more by compulsion then love) had drawn to the service of Ferdinand. They being arrived in this town, they reposed themselves there the first day: and the day following Castalde sent Chendy to Wasrael, where already were met the principal men 
The Sicilians mutiny for the death of George, and are appeased by Chendy.  of Seculia, devising together of the means which should be used to revenge the death of the Friar. Chendy being now present, before them all, in castald's name, said unto them, that they should lovingly and faithfully embrace Ferdinand, of whom they should receive more pay, rewards, and courtesies in one hour, than they had received of the Friar in 20. years, whose death fell upon him in regard of his bad demeanour, having absolutely determined to bring the Turks into these countries, and to make himself sole Lord of Transiluania: which would have been not only their particular ruin, but also an irreparable damage to all Christendom. With these friendly speeches, and other plausible reasons which he alleged to them, he won that ability over them, that he converted them from their former malice, to swear all obeisance to his Majesty, and to offer him to be faithful and ready hereafter in all his affairs, performing whatsoever Castalde should command them. The principals among them within a while after came together to visit Castalde at Seghesuar, to manifest unto him in his presence the assurance of that true fidelity, which in words they had by Chendy promised unto him. Castalde received them with infinite joys and demonstrations of kindness, promising large pensions to those who were at the Friars pay, and giving honourable titles and livings to others: and beside, at Ferdinand's charges, he bestowed as well upon the poor as rich many presents; to some, horses, robes of silk, apparel of cloth; to others, money, entertaining every man with good love and courteous words: and assuring them with great and ample hopes of a future and present acknowledgement of their subjection, he made them in a manner so favourable unto him, that he verily thought he might well trust them, and assist himself with them, in any enterprise whatsoever. Observing herein the custom of the ancient Romans, who by means of courtesy and liberality, made all sorts of men, how proud or insolent soever they were, to be tractable and loving friends, and by force of arms and fear, to become subject and obedient.  
The Sicilians being exceeding well satisfied by these speeches, showed themselves so well contented with this new friendship, that it was an incredible thing & hardly to be believed, considering how within so short a time this barbarous and rude nation was won, and who (in all judgement) was to be greatly mistrusted. By such managings men may easily see how forcibly the industry and government of men are; and how greatly the prudence of Francis Chendy served to reduce those, who for our destruction were purposely united together, and who also had sworn to destroy all Ferdinand's people, and to drive Castalde out of those regions: and also how great and excellent his foresight was, in so wisely tempering that people, that from that time forward they always showed themselves to be Ferdinand's special friends. After than that these nations were thus appeased, Castalde began to divide all the companies into commodious places of the kingdom, to the end that his soldiers, by the benefit of their safeguards, might in part begin to restore themselves from their travails, which they had endured: and that after they were refreshed, they might prepare and find themselves better disposed to the future war, which already was discerned to come from the Turks. And although that all tumults seemed then to be pacified and extinct, yet nevertheless there wanted not some, who secretly kindled the fire in many places, and practising with inward hatred many things, (according as time fitteth we shall write of) brought great detriment to Ferdinand's affairs, and great pains and hatred as well to his people, as to the particular quarters of that kingdom.  
The end of the fourth Book.   

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE FIFTH BOOK.  
THE Turk prepareth to make war upon Ferdinand. Castalde soliciteth for succours, and fortifieth the frontier towns of Transiluania. The great store of treasure of Friar George. Demands of Izabella to Ferdinand, for performance of covenants. Zegedin surprised from the Turks, and the overthrow of our people there. The Pope excommunicateth the authors of George his death, and the information thereof. Mahomet Bassa cometh into Hungary. Castalde calleth a Diet at Torde, and the custom there concerning adultery. Duke Maurice of Saxony raiseth forces against the Emperor Charles the 5. and forceth him to forsake his abode, and in the end they are accorded. Izabella complaineth of Ferdinand, and Castalde soliciteth him for succours. Themesuar besieged by Mahomet, in the end yielded, and the Governor thereof with all his people treacherously overthrown and slain by the Turks. Caransebesse yielded to the Turks. The cowardliness of Aldene Governor of Lippa, the forsaking thereof, and the burning of it by him, which was afterwards possessed by the Turks. Drigall besieged by the Palauicine, he is defeated there by Achmeth, Bassa of Buda, and in the end he is taken, and ransomed. Zaluoch besieged by Mahomet, the cowardliness of the German soldiers there, and brave resolution of the Castellan. Mahomet determineth to go and besiege Agria.  
IN the beginning of this year 1552. Ferdinand and his Lieutenants thought by the death of Friar George, to have procured to Hungary and Transiluania a long repose and perpetual peace, seeing that some of those who were vehemently suspected, did not any thing oppose themselves, nor made any show of insurrections: insomuch that they imagined that Fortune by that means had brought to every one a happy life, and sweet tranquillity: every man applauding the present time, and extremely blaming the time past, not any manner of way considering that which might happen. Thus continuing in this their hope of a better life, it was not long, but that Fortune (according to her natural inclination) gathered together so much poison, and spread abroad so many perturbations, that she gave universal notice, of how many mischiefs she had been the cause. Then, after the discontent of the Sicilians was appeased, and that every one was departed from the Diet of Wasrael, Castalde returned to Sibinio, when all the Castles and Fortresses (which in the friars name for a time held out) they sent to him in the name of Ferdinand, and offered unto him all obeisance, 
All the places of George acknowledge Ferdinand.  and yielded up all the treasure which was found therein, that in any sort appertained to Friar George. In the end having accepted their offers, and re-established the same Captains in the said places, he presently certified Ferdinand thereof, to the end that with all expedition, he should dispatch certain commissaries, to receive by account, all that which was found in those places to have been the Friars, and afterward to dispose of them as it pleased him.  
Whilst he expected these commissaries, and that he was at Sibinio, certain news came daily by Merchants of Tergonista, (a principal town of 
Tergonista.  the Transalpinians) concerning that which was done at Constantinople, and touching the great preparation that the Turk made, (being exceeding 
The Turk prepareth to make war upon Ferdinand.  angry and enraged for the death of the Friar) and caused to be levied two great armies to send them against the Transylvanians, with which he determined at one instant to assail this Province on two sides, on the one side by the Moldavian, and on the other by the low Marshes.  
Upon this news, Castalde both by letters and messengers urgently pressed Ferdinand for present relief, and that he would in time provide himself 
Castalde soliciteth for succours.  of sufficient men, and other fit necessaries, which should be needful for the war, and that he should draw from the Emperor Charles as many Spaniards as he could. He also sent to his Majesty the marquess Sforce, to the end he should acquaint him with all the particulars, and that it would please his Majesty to give him means to levy some force of Italians, and that with such expedition, as he might be able, before need should require, to return into Transiluania: and specially to tell him, that he should send good store of great Artillery; for the conduct of which, there should not be used such detracting of time, as was in sending the other, to the end that by such succour and preparations, they might be able to resist so puissant an enemy, who assuredly would make no show of any sloth or negligence, to prepare for the ruin of this country and poor miserable people.  
The marquess being now arrived at Vienna, he presently acquainted Ferdinand with all the occurrants of Transiluania, as also of that which was committed to his charge. His Majesty being attentive thereunto, and duly considering of these unwelcomed novelties, presently dispatched him into Italy, to levy 4000 Italians, and to bring with him as many Spaniards as he could: and afterward writ to Castalde, that he would not fail to send him such aid as he demanded against that time he required, hoping to send him no less than 50000. men: namely, 5000. men of arms of Bohemia, 20000. Hungarish horse, 20000. Launsquenets, and more than 5000. Spaniards and Italians, which should make up the said number and more, of which he should also compose a good strong army upon Tibiscus, for the defence of the passages, and of all those places, and that all these people should be paid for four months: the which if Ferdinand had done, Hungary for that time might have been in good estate. But this good intended preparation could not sort to effect, in respect of the adverse accidents that happened, and particularly that Duke Mauris brought to Germany, by occasion whereof he was constrained to be careful over the affairs of his brother Charles the 5. which were in some hard terms, and to lend his advice to appease that discord, happened for the not delivering of the Landgrave, and the Duke of Saxony, being greatly busied on all sides by such unlooked for broils, which brought so great discommodity to him, that he could neither send money, nor men sufficient for such an enterprise: which default was partly the cause of the unfortunate success which happened this year in Transiluania, far different from the former.  
In the mean while, Castalde with the greatest expedition he could, caused the fortifications of Themesuar, Lippa, Colosuar, Sibinio, and many other places to be reered, and he omitted no time, but still carefully employed his best endeavour to that which concerned him. During which employments 
The treasure of George committed into the custody of the commissaries.  about such munitions, the commissaries arrived, which Ferdinand at his instance had dispatched to receive the friars treasure, which after his death was committed to safe keeping for his majesties use; Castalde not willing to defile his hands therewith (although the bruit was that he had the tenth part of the goods) knowing that such affairs were dangerous, and apt to give occasion to slanderous tongues to accuse and detract every man, yea although he should carry himself therein a thousand times more sincerely than jacob himself, and specially when any colourable occasion doth provoke them to it: in regard whereof, and to avoid all suspicion, he altogether abstained, and by no means would have them in his own custody.  
His commissaries being come, he caused them to receive it by Inventory, opening with his own hands certain places which were yet fastened, as the Friar had left them, which until then were not opened, and which for the greater surety he caused to be nailed up and securely preserved. There was found amongst them in wedges and ingots so much gold, as amounted to 1744. marks, and of silver 4793. marks; 1000 ancient Medals of Lysimachus, every Meddall valued at three or four Ducats; twenty stones or pieces of gold which were found in the rivers of Transiluania, which were valued to be more worth, then if they had been altogether gold, and weighed 34. marks; 934. marks of silver wedges of the mine; six very great vessels of silver and guilt; certain chains of gold which in all weighed six marks and a half; 32. cups of silver guilt over after the Hungarish fashion, wrought with fair and curious works; 60. gold rings, set with many precious stones; a fair collar of gold made in manner of a Cross, enriched with fair Rubies and Diamonds; 36. great silver cups double guilt, so that one of them made two; twelve guilt Basins and Eures, great, and of a large receipt; an infinite company of silver drinking cups, great and small dishes, bowls, spoons, trencher-plates parcel guilt, and some not guilt; 1534. of Hungarish Ducats; many bundles of Martin sable skins, there being in every bundle 80. or 100 skins: many other bundles of divers skins of great value; certain sapphires and other jewels inchased in gold; divers ornaments of cloth of gold and silk, and other goodly movables for household, as clothes, tapestry, and Arras of incredible estimation. He also had a race of 300. Horses and Mares, and in his stables were found good store of Turkish Horses and others, and of Mules, which afterward were all given by Ferdinand to his son Maximilian King of Bohemia, and in his name delivered into the custody of Andrew Battor: and besides all these, there was found great store of victuals and munition, so that all things together (not counting that which was purloined at Binse, at Varadin, at Wyvar, at Deva, and at other places by the Captains, which was esteemed to be worth more than 50000. crowns) was valued at 250000. crowns.  
Whilst these things were thus delivered by Inventory, Queen Izabella writ to Ferdinand, that it would please him to command Castalde, that he 
Izabella demanded of Ferdinand the movables of George, and also requested the accomplishment of that which he had promised her.  should restore to her all the gold and silver which was King john's her husbands, that was found amongst the friars treasure, which he had purloined and usurped by force, and in like sort a portion of the Mares, and that he would cause them presently to be delivered her. And further, that he would observe and perform all that which was promised to her, upon the yielding up the kingdom of Transiluania. Ferdinand answered her, that for his part there should be no fault: whereupon he commanded Castalde, that he should restore whatsoever might be found to belong to her, which was presently performed, and there was given to her of the breed and other things the half. Ferdinand also commanded the commissaries that they 
Castalde and the murderers of George, recompensed with George's movables.  should give to Castalde 200. marks (to the end he should have part of the spoil of Friar George) in such vessels of the guilt plate, the best wrought that he would choose, and eight guilded cups of the Hungarish fashion, and certain great dishes of those which were found at Varadin, four bundles of Martin's skins, and other movables: and beside, 400. golden Medals of Lysimachus, whereof he was already possessed, besides the 1000 which were in the hands of the commissaries. He also caused to be given to the murderers of the Friar, so good a portion of his movables and silver, that with it and the revenue which he gave them during their lives, they held themselves well contented and satisfied. The bruit went that the Friar had infinite treasure, but in the end it proved not so much as was reported, yea and it never amounted to the third part of that which was esteemed, and the issue proved, that the report exceeded the substance, and the fame thereof was much more than the effect itself. The commissaries being dispatched, returned well contented, having in their custody all these riches, and a good part of the money which was found at Binse in the friars chamber, which were recovered by good diligence that some used therein, there being (by occasion thereof) apprehended Captain Andrew Lopez, Guydo Gozio, Master of Castaldes house, and certain other soldiers, who afterward were constrained to restore all that which they had taken, and to submit themselves under Ferdinand's mercy, who meant not, according to the severity of justice, to chastise them, but with sweet and mild clemency did pardon them. Now for that the soldiers were to be paid a twelve months pay for their content, they caused to be coined all that gold and silver which was found in wedges, and by that means they were paid the greatest part of their due, and they retained their affections under the oath of all fidelity, which for want of payment were daily ready to mutiny and depart. As this payment was made, news was brought that our forces had taken Zegedin, 
Zegedin surprised from the Turks.  which is a town of Hungary, not far from Lippa, containing about it 1000 households, and is furnished with a strong Castle built upon the shore of Tibiscus, near the place where it entereth into Danubius. This town is rich and of great traffic, and much frequented by occasion of these two rivers: the manner in taking of it, was thus.  
At the time that Castalde was encamped before Lippa, there came then to speak with him, in the presence of Andrew Battor, a Hungarian, named Ottomiall, (who at that time was Burgomaster of Debrecen, a town in Hungary, 
Ottomiall.  having been also Burgomaster of Zegedin, before the Turks were masters thereof) and he told him, that if he would vouchsafe him his consent and aid, he would find the means to surprise Zegedin, the Christian inhabitants being at his dispose, who also had conference with him about it: and beside had at his devotion the neighbouring places, who desiring nothing but to unwind themselves from the Turks slavery, would at no hand fail him in his enterprise: he having already received letters from them, by which they gave him to understand, that if he had the courage to put in practise this exploit, he should not doubt, but that approaching to them with a good troop of men, they would put the town and Castle under his command. Castalde well considering hereof, and knowing of what great strength this place was, supposed this motion to be but a mockery: nevertheless, not minding to repel him, but with good and friendly speeches, seeming to embrace his advice and council, gave him many hearty and entire thanks for his good affection in the attempting of so weighty an enterprise, and entreated him to continue the attempt of this practice, well hoping after the issue of Lippa, to furnish and provide him of all whatsoever he demanded, and that then he should not want of what succours he would himself: and with this answer they departed.  
After that Lippa was taken, Ottomiall returned again to Castalde, to demand of him that which tofore he had put him in mind of. Castalde seeing he persevered in this resolute opinion, and with so sincere affection, in offering his dutiful service to Ferdinand, as before he had made sufficient proof thereof, and that he ceased not both by words and deeds, to show himself very forward in all things, (although that at the first sight, he was not so entertained as he persuaded himself he should have been) he told him, that he should have as many men with him, as should be necessary to perform this exploit, advising him, that if in case he got the town, and that notwithstanding he could not get the Castle, that by no means he should lose any time for the battery thereof, but having sacked the town, he should set fire thereon, and afterward retire with the booty, to the place where he should be, for fear of being charged by the Turks, and that together with his life, and the lives of his soldiers, he should not lose that which painfully he had gotten, esteeming the surprise, and the worthy managing of this enterprise of no small importance. Ottomiall obtaining this suit, and having taken his leave, assembled the soldiers which was appointed him at Lippa, to the number of 2000 foot, and 500 horse, and concealing from them the cause which led him thereto, offered to every footman four crowns the month, and to every horseman six: and having thus paid them, he caused their rend vous in a place commodious not far from Lippa.  
The camp-master Aldene, who (as is aforesaid) was remaining for the defence and government of Lippa, understanding of this assembly, and not knowing the cause, gave present advertisement thereof to Castalde, who returned him answer, that he should not disturb him, nor inquire any further of the occasion, since what he did, was for the service of Ferdinand. Upon the receipt of this answer, Aldene went presently to Ottomiall, of whom understanding the particularity of the enterprise, persuaded so much with him, that if it should fortunately succeed, he would give him present notice thereof, to the end that he himself might come in person to relieve him. Ottomiall having set them all forward, and the one half of Zegedin being at his dispose, gave secret notice to the inhabitants of the said town, that he had well commenced and proceeded in this attempt, and that they should at any convenient time send him word, when they would have him to come unto them. The townsmen presently prescribed a determined day to effect this practice. The time approaching, one day before he caused his people to march the whole night, and the day following he held them ambushed within a wood, and within two nights he arrived so secretly, that his coming was never discerned: and coming before Zegedin at the prefixed hour, about day break, he of one side disposed the greatest part of his people in ambuscado in the next by woods, and by another way he sent certain soldiers to give an alarm to the town. Which being understood by the Turks, presently many of them sallied forth of the Castle and town to view the occasion of this alarm: and seeing so small a number of these soldiers, and being ignorant of the ambuscado, they boldly went forth against them; which when the other seeing, feigning fearfully to retire, yet still fight, until by little and little they trained them within the compass of their ambuscado, where presently they were so environed, and on every side beaten down, that they had no means to defend themselves; and desirous to make a retreat to the town, every one made haste who should be there first. But the inhabitants well understanding this stratagem, having already taken arms, they shut the ports against them, and joining with Ottomials men, they made such a slaughter amongst them, that of all those who were gone forth, there remained not one alive. The Turks who were remaining for the guard and defence of the Castle, seeing this slaughter, retired themselves and stood upon their guard, and drew up the bridge, assuring themselves within it, giving diligent order the best they could to present necessity. Our people being entered into the town, and not being able to take the Castle in this manner, determined to sack all the Turks houses, and specially of the Merchants, who were very rich, there being come thither many Constantinopolitans to dwell there. Thus seizing upon all their movables, wives, and children, and committing them into a great house, that afterwards they might share them amongst the soldiers, Ottomiall made himself master of Zegedin, who afterwards being desirous to assail the Castle, found that the Turks within would bravely defend themselves. For the place of itself was naturally very strong, and beside, well furnished with Artillery, and it was in such sort defensible, that it caused Ottomiall to come short of his conquering purpose. Therefore seeing he could by no means win it without other forces, he writ presently to the Camp-master Aldene of all that he had done. He receiving this news, without expecting other 
Aldene relieveth Ottomiall.  command from Castalde, calling to mind the promise which he made to Ottomiall to relieve him, determined with at speed to go to him, and taking two hundred Spaniards out of Lippa and Themesuar, and four field pieces, he began with all expedition to march towards Zegedin, persuading himself that with this supply of men and Artillery which he brought with him, he might upon reasonable terms get the possession of this Castle.  
Whilst he journeyed on, he acertained Castalde of this good news, and how he marched thither, and desired him that he would not fail to send after him with all speed men and Artillery, for that Ottomiall might not be left destitute, and to the hazard of fortune, seeing he was now master of the town, and assured him, by the means of succours which he demanded, easily to get the Castle. Before this advertisement from Aldene, Castalde had already received news thereof, by those which he sent with Ottomiall, that they should presently advertise him of all the occurrants that should happen, having in the mean time prepared a good number of men, and of all other necessaries which should be fitting, if in case the Castle were taken, that then he would presently send aid. But understanding that it was yet in the Turks command, and that but only the town was taken, which he thought unpossible to keep without the Fortress; sent to Ottomiall that he should fire the town, contenting himself with that which he had already done, and sparing those who were friends, he should presently retire with the booty which he had gotten, reputing it a great vanity to lose his time in an opiniative judgement for the conquest of impossibilities (and specially not being able to surprise it suddenly) which would require a greater army then that which he had, not being able to furnish, together with foot and horse, more than 4000 men, neither he having any pieces of battery to send him: and in the end he commanded him that he should defer no longer time in that place, for that if he did not speedily dislodge, he had some doubt that the Turks (by the succours which they prepared) would come in the mean while to charge them, they not thinking thereon, and so by that means to lose at one time both that which they gotten with their honour and lives.  
As he had dispatched this command, came Aldenes Courier, by whom he understood that he was departed from Lippa, with such a number of men and Artillery, as we have said, to relieve Ottomiall. By this Courier he instantly entreated that he would send him more men and Artillery, assuring him that the taking of this Castle was very easy. But Castalde by no means could be induced to credit it, having been sufficiently informed of the quality and situation of this said Fortress, and that within there were yet 500 Turk's remaining of those who were slain at the surprise of the town; that it was well furnished with good store of Artillery, and that the walls were very large and thick, and rampired behind with as much earth as they were high, insomuch that he saw no possible means that the pursuit thereof could rest victorious to our people. And although he apparently knew that to send men thither was much time lost, esteeming it unpossible to take the Castle in this manner, yet he determined at all adventures to send them aid and Artillery, as Aldene requested. Which he was the rather content to perform (although he-esteemed it a frivolous thing) for that the fault should not be imputed to him if they did not take it, and that they should not say that this favourable occasion was lost, for not sending them in time such aid as they demanded. And thus in the greatest speed that could be (although it was still contrary to his liking) he writ to Thomas Varcocce, that he should presently take two Cannons out of Varadin where he was, and two out of Albe-iula, with certain field pieces, and with all speed send them with their munitions and other necessaries to Aldene, who was at Zegedin: which presently was commodiously sent, by means of the river Marosse. And afterwards commanded Ourestolph (who then was in garrison in the County of Varadin) that he should presently march with the men of arms to succour Ottomiall and Aldene. In like sort he sent to Peter Vicchy (who was Colonel of the infantry, and who also at that time had his garrison at Varadin and Albe-iula) that he should march with Ourestolph. At this command, the one having with him 2000 foot and horse, and the other 200. men of arms, they proceeded on towards Zegedin, without permitting their troops to repose themselves any time.  
After that Castalde had given directions, according as aforesaid, he also 
An offence to disfurnish a garrison.  writ to Aldene, reproving him for the fault which he had committed by leaving Lippa and Themesuar, because he had withdrawn from thence the garrisons, greatly marveling at his folly, how he should be drawn to settle himself upon so vain an enterprise, which by all likelihoods could not fortunately succeed; and to think that with so few men he could take that Castle, which in respect of the situation and strength thereof, would require six times as great a power: that he had sent them those succours that he demanded, which he would not have done, but only to the end that none should accuse him, that because he had not sent them, this Fortress could not be won, further assuring himself that time would witness his judgement true, and make the detriment to appear, which was very probable would happen thereupon: and this he was so much the rather persuaded of, for that then he saw himself to be in want both of men and money, so that in losing those which he had now sent him, he should find himself out of hope, upon any occasion to reunite so many again. This done, he departed from Sibinio, and went and seated himself in Albe-iula, that so he might be more near unto Zegedin, and in the midst of the kingdom, to the end that he might the better provide for all places; and if happily the affairs succeeded well, that he might presently transport himself thither, and give both by his presence and by the aid of the rest of his soldiers (which he had lodged about Albe-iula) vigour and courage to the enterprise. But hereof there was not any need at all: for within a few days after news was brought, that all those who were at the expedition of Zegedin, were quite overthrown by the Bassa of Buda, without knowing the particular truth how things had passed. Castalde although the displeasure which he conceived of this defeat was exceeding great, yet did he not entertain this report as any novelty, for that from the beginning even to the end he well foresaw what would happen, and the rather being induced thereunto, in respect of the absurdity which was committed from the first, which was not likely to effect any other end then such as it had. Now after that, beside he had more assured news, that for certain all his people were defeated and lost: for fear lest the loss of Lippa and Themesuar might not follow, (which Aldene had left both disfurnished of soldiers and of a Commander) he sent in post to Captain Roderic Vigliandrando, commanding him that he should go to Lippa, and that he would send him so many men as was needful for the defence thereof. He also commanded Diego Velez de Mendoza, that he should go to Themesuar with his company, leading with him besides 300. Germans, and 300. Hungarish horse, and of that troop he should send a good part thereof to Lippa, and that he should be very vigilant upon all that quarter.  
These now marching on with tedious journeys, met many people of divers nations, who fled from about the towns of the low marches, for the fear which they had of the cruelty, which (as they understood) the Bassa of Buda had used in massacring an infinite company of people: upon which bruit they retired in great confusion and tumult towards the mountains. But they seeing there were succours sent to the quarters from whence they were fled, stayed their fearful course, and by little and little regained their courages again; and being persuaded by these Captains to expel all fear, and to return again to their houses, they ceased their slight, and taking heart returned with them, and others went to Lippa and Themesuar: where being 
The defeat of Ferdinand's people at Zegedin by the Turks.  all arrived, they understood how Aldene saved himself, with all the Spaniards and Ourestolphs' men of arms, with a true relation of all the disaster which happened in this sort:  
It was now already eight days that Aldene had been about the Castle of Zegedin, and had environed it with a large trench, (expecting the arrival of the Artillery, which approached with all speed) when a day before, Peter Vicchy arrived with those 2000 soldiers (as is aforesaid) and when also arrived from Canoth 100 German Harquebuziers, 30. Spaniards, and 100 horse. The tenth day Aldene early in the morning caused all his people to be mustered in a field, and he found his number to be 3000. horse, 230. Spaniards, 100 Germans, and 2000 Hungarian footmen, besides the 200. men of arms of Ourestolphs, who at the same time arrived. Whilst that Aldene was busied to dispose and lodge them, and before they were seated, the Turks appeared in a plain by Zegedin, at the sight of whom the alarm was presently given in every place, and our men sarried close up together. They sent forth some to take a view and notice of them, who discovered a squadron of 1500. horse, and many Coaches, within which they might also discern men, and it was the Bassa of Buda, who purposely came with succours to attempt the entrance into the Castle, and not to fight with our people, being not sufficiently accompanied for such a purpose: but he thinking he was already discovered, made a stand in that place where our people might well perceive them, and of his whole troop he made two squadrons, the one greater than the other, causing all the janissaries to mount up into the Coaches, with which upon the left hand he made a defence, among whom and with the greatest squadron he placed himself, and the lesser he set on the right hand, causing those Coaches and Wagons to cover and defend both the one and the other in manner of a Rampire: and being come but only to relieve and succour his people, and not to fight with our men, he stayed there to see what we would do. Our men seeing the Turks thus ranged in battle, made a squadron of their Hungarian light horse, and Ourestolph made another with his men of arms, right opposite to that of the Bassa. Ottomiall and Aldene made another strong body of all the infantry, which they placed by the town, without giving them charge to fight, or any other directions what to do. As these squadrons of Cavalarie were before the enemies, and a good distance between them, Peter Vicchy said to Aldene: What shall we now do? Aldene answered him, that in respect he knew not the manner of the Hungars fight, he would commit all to him, to do what he thought fitting. Afterwards Peter Vicchy said; Since you know not our manner of fight, let me alone. Ourestolph seeing that Aldene (General of the army) doubted not a little of that which he had to do, being desirous of honour, and covetous not to be the second that should charge the Turks, without further consideration of the matter, spurred on amain with his men of arms against the basha's great squadron: but because those who were in the front took more upon their left hand then on their right, they did not so fully encounter the said squadron in the midst, but made as it were a touch alongst the side of the squadron, but yet so forcibly, that they overthrew all those that they encountered withal. The Hungars did second them, and charged but in the same place where the men of arms before them had attempted, without disordering any. This oversight was the beginning of their disorder, indiscreetly pressing and encumbering one another, and seeing many Turks dead on the ground, who not by them (the Hungars) but by the people of Ourestolph were so overthrown, and many horses coursing about the plain, thinking that they had already won the victory, and not respecting the other squadron which was yet whole with the Coaches, they seemed careless any more to fight or expect the issue of the battle, so that many among them dismounting from their horses, began to rifle the Turks which were remaining on the place either hurt or slain. The Bassa perceiving this which was done at the first encounter, began to despair, and thought the victory inclined to the Christians: whereupon he began to retire his squadrons and wagons to save himself: but afterward seeing that none followed him, and that the Hungars did not orderly manage in the field, but with confusion thwarting one another without any discipline, being more attentive to the spoil, then to the pursuit of victory, and considering that a good part of his squadron was yet entire and whole, determined to make head and return to the charge, commanding first to advance 300. Turks, with certain janissaries and other soldiers which should enter into the Castle, (which they easily performed without any hindrance) and after they kept close with their other squadrons in a strong battalion, and began with great courage and nimbleness to give in among the Hungars, who already were disbanded and dispersed every where, to whom they gave the greatest mate that could be imagined, putting all to the sword without any pity, so that there were more horse seen straying up and down, than men running away, the plain being so harried, that they could not find any place to hide and save themselves. The men of arms in the mean time reunited themselves into a strong squadron, and desirous again to charge and thwart the Turks, perceived how the Hungars by their beastliness and covetousness of spoil were all overthrown and slain, and the rest that were remaining were put to slight. In respect whereof, not willing to endanger themselves to the event of fortune, so slightly to adventure a second charge, thought it more expedient to go and join with the Spaniards, who not once removed from the place by the town, but were still ranged in battle all united together, and who now began with good speed to retire themselves to other places of more strength and security. The Bassa of Buda seeing now the victory to be his, & greatly marveling that that which he never thought of, was happened to him, could not easily be induced to believe it; but without pausing he boldly ranged over the field as victorious, not sparing the life of any which he encountered, commanding the like to be done in the town by the Turks who were in the Castle, and by those which he had sent for their aid, who therein employed themselves so bloodily, that amongst those whom they knew their professed enemies, they so tyrannously dominered, that they neither spared men, women, nor children, causing all pitifully to end their lives by the edge of the sword. The Bassa afterwards gathering all his people together again, and making of them a great squadron, ranged the plain all the rest of that day, and pursued the remainder of those soldiers that Ottomiall had brought with him, of whom he defeated & left upon the ground there, more than 1500. dead and wounded, insomuch as for that day, as well without as within the town, there was more than 5000. persons that perished: and afterwards resting himself, as one tired in shedding so much blood, and to see whether any thing else would offer itself unto him, he descried a far off to come towards the town 300. Aiduchs (who are footmen) who two days before that our men had received this overthrow, went to seek their fortunes in the Turks country for spoil: which they well performed with great slaughter of the enemies, and returned from thence well laden, thinking to find all things as they left them, not any thing dreaming that in so short a time and so miserably, Fortune had brought them to so universal a ruin. Thus joyfully continuing on their journey, and hastening themselves to Zegedin, as though they had been to go to their own homes, they discovered the basha's squadron, whereat they were greatly astonished, doubting whether they were enemies or no: nevertheless persuading themselves they were of our people, who were there placed for some good purpose, they rested assured, and began again to proceed on their way: they marched not much further, but they were perceived by the Bassa, who knowing them to be of our Aiduchs, and a small number, and that they had no woods to save themselves, but only a little Church, which was not far from them, they began to prepare towards them, who seeing themselves so suddenly assailed and environed, contrary to their expectation, were not any thing amazed thereat: but every man taking the courage of a lion, began so fiercely to fight, continually retiring towards the Church, that although there did not any one of them escape, yet nevertheless they sold their lives so dear, that there was not any one of them slain, but first he killed a Turk or two, and many three or four, and these did twice as much endamage the Bashes people, as all those which Ottomiall had brought against them, besides his 3000. horse.  
These being thus defeated, the Bassa remained entire Lord both of the field and town: where being entered, he gave in token of victory to all his people, as well in money as in apparel, what he himself thought good. And after having thanked Fortune for such happy success, he addressed himself to the repairing of the town, and to mend up that which our people had spoiled. Whilst the Bassa was employed in the defeat of these Aiduchs, Aldene retired himself with his Spaniards and men of arms with so great haste and speed, as if the Bassa had been at their backs, or all the Turkish Cavalarie had pursued them, himself being the only cause of this overthrow, in respect of his negligence and small judgement, because he had not caused these Aiduchs to stay and fight. Thus retiring and flying from Zegedin, he travailed in one day and a night 16. miles, which maketh 32. French miles, and retired himself to a Castle named Cornoch, not far from 
Cornoch.  Lippa.  
During this said battle, there happened a strange accident to a soldier, which I would not let pass in silence, esteeming it worthy of memory: and this it was. When Aldene passed Tibiscus to go to Zegedin, he left a Corporal 
The cowardliness of a Spanish soldier, who in the end killed himself.  of a squadron, named Higueras, with certain soldiers, who was esteemed a man of good sufficiency, and very valiant, and he was left there to keep the boats in which he had passed the river, to the end he should continually have them in readiness, & as it were for any necessity which might happen. Now this soldier being in person at the guard of the passage, upon the day that the defeat aforesaid happened, seeing a multitude of men to come towards him flying, and demanding of them what was happened, and for what cause they ran so hastily. They answered him: that all our people were quite defeated and cut in pieces by the Bassa of Buda, and that to warrant themselves from his victorious hand, they fled in the greatest haste they could to save themselves. This soldier hearing this, without any other inquiry or information of the surplusage, assuredly believing that the Spaniards were also defeated, unloosed all the barks for fear of being pursued, & presently passed to the other side of the water. These other soldiers who were with him did the like, and entering a wood together, they took the way towards Themesuar, the Corporal of the squadron having a boy with him who came somewhat behind: and travailing along with others a good while, he presently recalled his spirits to him, thinking of that which cowardly he had done; and set before his eyes the little esteem which every man would have of him, in so vilely forsaking those boats which Aldene had given him in charge, without making further inquiry how all things were passed at Zegedin: and further considering, that if happily the Spaniards were saved, he could never have the courage to look then in the face: & on the other side, if they were lost, that those that should see him come so sound & safe, might demand of him the occasion and manner how his companions were so overthrown, to which he could neither satisfy nor answer them; he began now to turmoil his brain upon these considerations, and being plunged into the depth of shame for this his vile flight, so far was he grown into horror thereof, that he resolved to kill himself: and drawing out his sword for that purpose, he was in good time prevented by his boy, who fearing that his master would continue in his wicked purpose; to assure his life, he took away his sword and poniard from him, which the other willingly suffered him to do, dissembling that which gladly he would have executed. The boy not thinking of any other thing, and assuring himself of his master's life, by reason of his weapons which he had taken away, took no further care nor respect to him. But this soldier perceiving the little account that his servant made of him, feigning to repose himself a little out of the way, commanded that he should there attend. Whilst the boy had no other regard of him, it was not long but, that he fell on sleep, being drowsy and weary of his journey. And when his master saw himself alone, he presently charged his arqebus, and set the mouth of the piece against his stomach, and discharged it with his foot, which shot him quite through, so that within a short time after he gave up the ghost; and so long as his life lasted, he did no other thing but instantly desire his boy (who at the noise came running thither) that he would finish the kill of him, it being not fitting (said he) that a man should live, who so dishonourably was fled, and especially being merely ignorant for what cause, and upon what occasion he had so done: and with these words the soul departed out of his body. Behold here the tragedy of this unfortunate journey, (which we have before described) which was the beginning and an untimely forewarning of all the future and miserable accidents which happened in this year 1552.  
About this time the news of Friar George his death was brought to Rome, by occasion whereof Pope julius the third, and all the Cardinals, made great complaints against Ferdinand, and those who had slain him, excommunicating 
The Pope excommunicateth the authors of George his death.  them in the highest degree that could be. And although his majesties Ambassadors directly informed the Pope of the cause, for which he was put to death, his Holiness notwithstanding for all that would not be appeased, demanding whether Friar George was of that bad disposition as they deciphered him, and wherefore did their master write in his behalf, for him to be a Cardinal, and being one, why did he tolerate him to be slain: and furthermore, for that he assured all the College of Cardinals of his goodness, fidelity, and endeavour which he had manifested against the Turks, to the profit and commodity of Christendom: for which good and commendable reports, he could by no means be induced to believe that he was now fallen into that crime, whereof he was accused: but rather that he was slain by envy, and to rob him of his treasure and movables, which were more worth than 300000. crowns: which in respect he was a Cardinal, 
The movables of a Cardinal dying intestate, belong to the Pope.  and dying intestate, they did of right belong to the Apostolic Sea. Moreover, the Pope and Cardinals could not be silent concerning this, that with such ignominy had laid hands upon the blood of a Cardinal, which by no means they could support or digest, in respect of the reverend degree and honour due to that calling, and to give example to others not to attempt the like enormity. Thus they grievously being incensed against Ferdinand, the Pope by no means would suspend the excommunication: yet in the end, at the earnest instance of his Ambassadors, he was contented and agreed, that three Cardinals with the Dean (who was the Cardinal of Trany) should inquire and take notice of this fact, and should see whether the death of Friar George had been unjustly proceeded in or no, and that they should send appointed men to Vienna, and into those countries, to inform him of the offence; and that in the mean time the friars movables should be seized in the name, and to the use of the Apostolic Chamber. Against this last demand of the Pope, the Ambassadors objected, that Ferdinand had already disposed of the said movables, as well to pay his soldiers, as for other necessary occasions concerning the war which daily he had against the Turks, and that they were not of that great value, nor so goodly and rich as was said, but far inclining to a meaner proportion. This accord being thus concluded, there were presently some dispatched to journey to Vienna, to inform and inquire out the cause, and to proceed therein. To these Commissioners, his majesties agents failed not to manifest the infidelity of the Friar, and how he would have accorded with the Turk, and purloin 
Information of George his death.  Transiluania from Christendom, and make himself absolute Lord thereof, in paying tribute to the Infidels, and (as happily it was discovered by many of his letters writ to divers Lords of the Turks Court) to massacre all those who in his majesties name were under the conduct of Castalde. And to aggravate the matter the more, they produced many horrible facts, and the death of certain persons.  
Against such accusations, the Pope in defence of the Friar objected many things, and among others produced certain letters of the Grand Vicar of Albe-iula, and of certain other persons, who assured him that he was slain by the envy and wickedness of Ferdinand's Captains, who doubting that he meant to re-establish in the kingdom King john's son; and not being able to tolerate that he was so plausible and popular; and that they were in so little esteem with him; and that he disposed of all things as absolute Lord of the country, without conferring with them of the particularities; to thrust him out from among them, and to usurp his possessions, that absolutely they might have the command, they accused him to Ferdinand of treason, who too lightly reposing credit in them, consented that he should be thus cruelly slain, it being afterward very apparent, that this treason was not invented, but only to spoil him of his treasure and movables, there never yet falling out any matter, which could in any thing blemish or obscure his honour.  
Whilst upon these particularities many assemblies were in the Deans house, and that the commissaries went to Vienna to inquire the manner of this said fact, Andrew Battor was created vaivode of Transiluania, and Stephen 
Andrew Battor, vaivode of Transiluania.  Losonze Count of Themesuar, who would not have taken the charge of that town, except Ferdinand would grant him a sufficient company of Spanish soldiers to remain there with him: which was presently granted. 
Losonze, Count of Themesuar.  And for that they were not in the kingdom, but in the confines and frontiers of the enemy, they were presently sent for: and they being arrived, Losonze went from thence with them to Themesuar, to repair the fortification of that town; and the vaivode took regard to the affairs of the kingdom.  
Now it was already divulged in all parts, that Solyman had made Mahomet Bassa (his Lieutenant general) to come and besiege the towns of Themesuar 
Mahomet Bassa cometh against Transiluania.  and Lippa, and that he was onward on his way at Belgrade, where he amassed together a great army to invade that country. It was also every where certainly bruited, that the vaivode of Moldavia prepared the like to enter into the kingdom about Brassovia. About the same time arrived in Transiluania the Count of Helfestaine with 4000 old German soldiers, bringing with him ten pieces of Artillery. By him Ferdinand writ to Castalde, that very shortly he would send him 1500. men of arms, and 7. companies more of Germans, and that the marquess Sforce Palauicin should also within a short time be with him with 3000. Italians and 2000 Hungarian soldiers, and with as many Cavalarie as possible he could send him. Whilst these preparations were directing on the one party, Castalde and the vaivode on the other made a decree, by which it was commanded that all the gentlemen of the country should assemble at the town of Torde, and 
A Diet at Torde.  there to advise and determine for the defence of the country, understanding that Mahomet determined to enter at the same time in divers places with two armies: to wit, with his own army by the low Marches; and with the Moldavian army by Brassovia. All the Nobility being (according to this commandment) assembled, order was given for necessaries, for the preservation of the public weal; and it was concluded that the towns of Lippa and Themesuar should be well furnished with men and victuals, and that the fortification should with all expedition be presently reared, for that the enemy might find it well defended, and that the greatest force of the kingdom should be assembled together, as the ancient custom was in such necessity, and that they should be mingled with those who were in Ferdinand's pay, and that of all they should make but one army, with which they were to march directly against the Moldavian, to hinder him from entering into that quarter, where there was not any strong place to withstand him, but only Seghesuar, which nevertheless was not of that force that it could resist 
Seghesuar.  nor hinder him, but that at the first vollic of the Cannon he must needs also be master of Brassovia, which was a town of as great importance as any other 
Brassovia.  in Transiluania; and that likewise he should not burn the Province of Seculia, possessed by the Sicilians, and in the midst of the kingdom. This bruit and fear, although it had not brought with it any other inconvenience than a fabulous report, yet was it sufficient to infuse a dreadful amazement into the minds of the inhabitants, insomuch that every one with great loss did already begin to retire to some other aboades, and abandon their own homes and goods. And for that Torde was a place strongly situated, 
Torde.  commodious and abounding in all manner of victuals, it was concluded that there should be the Rend vous for the army, and that thither should come the vaivode to receive the soldiers according as they came thither. The gentlemen of the country being speedily departed, with charge and commission to bring as many men as every one was rated at: and being now arrived amongst their people, with great expedition (observing their commission) they performed their charge, and began to march with their people to be there at the prefixed time and place.  
Whilst they were thus assembling, there happened a memorable accident, which I would not omit to speak of. There was at Torde an ancient custom, and which yet continueth; and that is, that if the husband findeth his wife in adultery, he may cause her there to be publicly executed, in manner as I will speak of: and also on the contrary, if the wife find her husband in the same fault, she may pursue that against him, which he would do against her. It happened then at that time, that a certain Tailor who 
The custom between the husband and wife touching adulteric.  was of Varadin, named Paul, found his wife in bed with one of his companions, and pursuing the custom of the said town, he accused her of adultery: and having proved the offence, it was permitted him to have the course of law, to cut off her head with a Sable in the midst of the market place. She being brought thither by her husband, and by the course of justice, and the appointed hour being come for this execution; she with tears and sighs kneeling down before him, began pitifully to desire that he would pardon her notorious fault, faithfully promising him, that from that time Forward, she would hold his honour most dear, and that he should never hereafter have any occasion to be offended against her; and that it would please him to give her her life, in regard of the kind affection which he always bore her, during the time she lived in good reputation, and that she would ever after serve him, not as a husband, but as her Lord and master. (Good) Paul being surprised by these her woeful speeches, and moved by a (natural) kindness to pity, was content to pardon her, exhorting and persuading her to become a dutiful and loving wife: whereupon he absolutely remitting all her heinous offence, took her to him again. When within a while after it happened that this (dutiful) wife found her said husband Paul in adultery with a young wench: whereupon she accused him to the justice, who causing him to be apprehended, appointed that he should be put into his wives power, to execute him according to the foresaid manner. She having brought him with officers to the deputed place, he kneeled down, and there (good kind Paul) pitifully entreated her that she would pardon him his offence; thinking that she would never be so unkind or cruel to him, but that she would use the like counterchange of mercy, as he before in his own behalf had done to her. But by no means she would once vouchsafe to hearken to his complaints, but like an ungrateful monster, 
Save one from the gallows, and he will seek to hang thee.  forgetting all love, and the favours which she had received of him, not moved with any love or pity, but followed the extremity of the law of the place, lifting up her arm on high, having a Sable in her hand, wherewith she gave him a blow upon the neck, and like an enraged Bitch she killed (kind) Paul. For this his death all the town was greatly incensed against her monstruous ingratitude, censuring her to be very cruel, for so requiting the former good deed which she had received of her husband: and if she had not presently fled from thence, she had received some sinister and condign inconvenience. And this seemed to many so vile an act, that the inhabitants endeavoured to abolish this foul and infamous custom. But by no means it could be done, for that it was of long continuance in that place.  
In the mean time, Castalde sent Count john Baptistad ' Archo, in place of 
john Baptista of Archo commandeth within Brassovia.  of Count Felixd' Archo, with a company of Launsquenets to Brassovia, to take the government of that town, in which under his charge he also commanded Charles Scerettin to go with 200. men of arms, and another company of Germans, commanding them that they should not budge from thence, until he arrived there with his Camp, expressly charging the said Count, that with another company of Germans he should seize upon that Fortress, which he had commanded to be made upon the top of a little hill that mastered the town, and which not far from it, within which he should afterwards place the great and small Artillery, with as many people as he should think to be necessary to be able to defend it against the Moldavian, and to annoy him that he should not encamp about it; because that if he performed it, it would be the preservation of the town, and the manifest ruin of the Moldavian, who (because by that means there should be taken from him the commodity to lodge in that plain) should be forced to march through the mountains, among which he should endure great incommodities, and travail much to pass through the same, and yet possibly he might be forced to retire.  
While these things were in doing, Sibinio (the capital town of the Saxons) offered to Castalde all the succours and victuals which he should need of against the Belerbey, yea, both of soldiers and money: for which their kindness he gave them many hearty thanks, and entertaining their offers, he willed them to be in a readiness, upon any necessity which should be offered.  
Thus as Fortune at her pleasure overthrew the decrees and enterprises of Ferdinand's Lieutenants and Captains, with extreme danger: so did she in like manner play her part worse in Germany, where then was the Emperor Charles the 5. and Ferdinand King of the Romans in the town of Ispurch. Duke Mauris of Saxony (an Elector of the Empire) incensed against 
Duke Mauris of Saxony confederate with the King of France, raiseth forces against the Emperor Charles.  the said Emperor, for that he would not deliver the Landgrave his father in law, who with Duke Frederick of Saxony were detained prisoners, thinking that they had not performed their words, and finding himself to be greatly injuried, he was determined, in some sort whatsoever, to set them at liberty, being the rather incited thereunto, for that his said father in law was come to the Court, under the safeguard of his word, crediting the emperors fidelity, in promising to set him at liberty within a while after: who seeing it was not performed in a year, nor many months after, and finding himself to be thus mocked and abused: before he came to that, which afterwards he was constrained to accomplish, he went to seek Ferdinand at Lintz, to entreat him that it would please his Majesty to negotiate with the Emperor so much, that he would not derogate from his faithful promise, but set his father in law at liberty. Ferdinand was for the same occasion come to Ispurch, and conferring with the Emperor his brother about the request of Duke Mauris, he could by no means draw any other thing from him, but only a good hope of a speedy delivery. But Mauris esteeming of this as of a vain hope, presently practised with William, the son of the said Landgrave, and with the Duke of Mechelburge, and other Princes and kinsmen, as well of his father in laws, as of the said Duke of Saxony: with whom making a firm and resolute confederacy, seeing by love and fair entreaties they could not set these prisoners at liberty, but to deliver them by force of arms, he made (by the aid & assistance of his confederates, and other secret enemies of the Emperor) a good strong army, having first negotiated and compacted with Henry King of France, that the said King should enter into Germany, to uphold and maintain his affairs. According to this agreement, the King of France desirous to assist the Duke, and greatly aspiring to the Empire, failed not to be present at the promised time with great forces. And on the other side, Mauris covertly brought his Camp to a little town, which was but a mile from Spire, from whence with all diligence he departed towards Chiouze, and towards the Castle of Ambergh, which belonged to Ferdinand, and by the mountains and other difficult passages, rude and unknown in the night time, in great silence he marched so far, that then he thought he had the means and opportunity to come in upon the backs of the emperors people, and to clear the way that might hinder and withstand his safety. Thus being arrived on the sudden at Chiouze, he seized on the gate thereof, which is between two mountains in a deep valley, from whence having beaten the guard, he meant also to possess the Castle. But being bravely defended by those within, he could not make himself master thereof: whereupon leaving certain people before it, he went with incredible diligence to Ispurch, where was the Emperor and Ferdinand, who being advertised of this sudden novelty, and greatly astonished, not knowing what to do in such an unlooked for accident of fortune, seeing themselves disarmed of forces, determined for his better security to retire towards Carinthia. And thus the Emperor departing in the night in a Litter, somewhat sickly, with Ferdinand, by Torchlight, he took the way of Villach, a town situated upon the river of Draws: where being arrived, they sojourned there certain days, to see what course Duke Mauris took: who being now arrived in Ispurch, and not finding the Emperor there (who the night before was fled from that place) would not that any should offer violence there, nor to no other place belonging to the King of the Romans. Being a little from Ispurch, there came to him a gentleman of Ferdinand's retinue, to know the occasion that incited him to take arms against the Emperor, and what his meaning was, and for what occasion he possessed certain places of his, and entered into them as a public enemy, and not as a friend. To these demands Mauris answered him, that he was not come to offend the Emperor, nor to withhold any of his towns or Lordships from him, neither had he taken arms against him, but only against his enemies and adversaries; among whom were the Bishop of Arras, the Duke of Albe, and certain other Councillors of the Emperor, who were said to be in that quarter, and whom he would pursue and take, if it were possible: and that concerning his sacred Majesty, he had no other meaning but a good and sincere affection: and if he could not meet the said enemies by the 25. of May next ensuing, he would retire his army, without offending him in the least thing whatsoever, and that he would have respect to his subjects, as to his own, and that afterwards he would be at the Diet, which his Majesty had published, hoping (that being there, with many Princes and States) there might be made some good peace and reconciliation between the Emperor and him.  
Whilst this accord was treated of between Ferdinand and Mauris, the King of France still advanced himself to further the proceedings of Mauris, 
The King of France compelled to forsake Germany.  when news was brought him that Martin Rostan was entered with a great army into Piccardie and Champagne, where he made great spoil & waste, and had fired three towns, and burned almost twenty Castles, putting all to fire and sword, and that with great journeys he marched towards Paris. By occasion of this news, the King was constrained (maugre his liking, and for all Fortune seemed to smile on him) to return back and defend his own. Thus he who thought to make himself master of another's, was in danger to lose his own: and having left and retired from Germany, he forced Rostan to return and leave his country at liberty, which was already greatly astonished, yea and even Paris itself, which (for fear) was in great disorder. Mauris having gotten little of his desired intendment, departed from Ispurch, and from the County of tyrol, with his men: and leaving Chiouze went to the Diet, where Ferdinand himself was incontinently after. In this Diet were treated many important things, but especially the peace of Mauris with the Emperor, which at the entreaty of Ferdinand, and many other Lords, it was concluded in this manner: that the Emperor 
An agreement between the Emperor and Duke Mauris.  willingly and freely should deliver the Landgrave to Mauris, and the Duke of Saxony to his children, and that Mauris should be bound to go and serve Ferdinand against the Turk with 12000. Lansquenets, and 3000. horse all the whole summer. This conclusion ended, with many other articles, Mauris dismissed his soldiers, and the landgrave's children went from thence with their people against a Captain named Henstain, who in the emperors name was entered into the land of Hesse, and who had defeated and overthrown in battle the Count of Odemburg, who was in the field with 16. German Ensigns. But in regard of that overthrow, the landgrave's children were forced to retire to their places of more security; and Duke Mauris sent the rest of his army to raise the siege from before Magdebourg in Saxony, which was besieged by the marquess of Brandeburg and the Duke of Brunswick. Upon the approaching of Mauris his people, the siege was presently raised, the town remaining at liberty under certain conditions, and then the Duke of Brunswick, and the marquess Albert took the emperors part, with Count Mansfield, and came to serve his Majesty against France with 15. Ensigns of Lansquenets, 500 men of arms, and other light horsemen.  
Behold the end of these tumults, which greatly blemished the renown and glory of so great an Emperor, insomuch that it may seem almost impossible for him (who would but consider his puissance, and the victories which he before had gotten) to believe that he should be forced to fly to Villach. But men shall not need much to marvel at it, if they will duly consider the effects of mutable Fortune, which effects oftentimes cause such strange adventures, and very often bring to pass that men fall into such labyrinths, for that they esteem not of any other man's force: and such a man is accounted most happy, who can well govern and temper himself therein.  
All these discords being thus appeased in Germany, there began others to spring up in Transiluania, no less troublesome and dangerous than the former. For Queen Izabella complaining herself against Ferdinand, because that the promises and conditions to her granted in the agreement which 
Izabella complaineth of Ferdinand.  was made upon her rendering the kingdom of Transiluania, were not in any respect kept nor performed, did greatly solicit the King of Polonia, and the Queen Bonna her mother, to require the performance of them, and incited the principallest of the Province to this, that her son might be invested into his kingdom: exclaiming of him that he had not given her free possession of the Duchy of Oppolia, of Monsterberg, and Ratibor, with 20000. crowns of yearly revenue, as was promised her: and the better to make up this sum, they meant to reckon to her certain revenues which consisted in woods, fowls, and the fishing of certain Pools and Lakes, which she esteemed uncertain, and subject to the hazard of times: she further complaining of them, that he had not paid her 150000. crowns for her dowry and debts, for which Cassouia was engaged to her: and upon these said complaints she sent Mathias Lobosky to Ferdinand, to solicit the last expedition. By him Ferdinand gave her to understand, that his meaning was always to satisfy her, according to that which he had promised, and to give her and her son more than was concluded upon in their agreements: and if she had not the Duchy of Rhatibor, and the rest given her in full possession, the fault was not in him, but rather proceeded from the marquess john of Brandeburg, who was under the wardship of the Electors of Saxony, and of Brandeburg, of marquess Albert, and of the Duke of Prussia, without whose consent there could be nothing done, and the rather in respect of the far distance of their aboades; and also because that the troubles which lately happened by Duke Mauris, had slackened this business, in regard whereof it were necessary that she should a while expect; and that if she would not have this patience, he would then allot her other Dukedoms and Demaines to her liking, with such revenues as was determined upon in their agreement: greatly marveling at this, that she was not contented with the revenue of the Duchy of Oppolia, and that with that she made no account of the fowl and fish, which he esteemed one of the greatest revenues in the whole country, for that they were wont to be yearly farmed at ten or twelve thousand collars, the said sum amounting to ten thousand crowns, or there about. As for her dowry, he assured her it should be satisfied, in giving him some respite, and that in the mean time he would allow her sufficient consideration for it, as upright men should think meet: and that beside, he would esteem her as his sister, and would account of her son, as of his own begotten, persuading her with good and friendly speeches to live contentedly. With this answer Lobosky returned, more enriched by a future hope, than a present effect. In the mean time, the King and Queen of Polonia ceased not to endeavour themselves for her satisfaction, and secretly in her behalf practised, that she should remain a Lady and Queen as before.  
It was then that the bruit greatly increased of the Turks huge preparation: 
Castalde soliciteth Ferdinand for succours.  for fear of which, Castalde considering the small force which was in the country to resist this common and tyrannical enemy, gave notice to Ferdinand of the present necessity he was in, desiring him he would not fail to send him the 50000. men which he promised, and to cause Palauicin to hasten himself, that he should with all speed come unto him, with the people and Artillery which he could gather. Ferdinand returned him answer, that for that time he could not send him the succours which he had promised, in respect of divers lets which of late he had in Germany: but that he would solicit Palauicin, that he would bring his people into Transivania, and would also send others, as the commodity and necessity of the time would permit him, and that he hoped that Duke Mauris would very shortly come himself in person to this war with 12000. Launsquenets, and 3000. horse, according to the tenor of his Obligation: and in the mean time he exhorted him to do his best endeavour to redress the difficulties of that Province, which he wholly recommended to him, and that relying upon his care and wisdom, he assured himself that he would give order when and where need should require, and that he would provide for all necessaries, as was fitting for a provident and expert Captain, such an one as he esteemed him to be, commanding him that he should assist himself with the revenues of the Churches of that kingdom which were vacant and without Pastors: and for the notice whereof, he had deputed the Bishop of Vesprimia, and George Veruery, who should make a role of their values, and send the same to his Majesty to make an equal division thereof: and further, commanding him to render to all the officers and servants of Friar George their movables, and specially those which were found at Zaluoch, and that of the other he should cause to be made an Inventory: and further, that he should pay the 400. Vssarons (who are light horsemen, mounted and armed a la Hungresque) who were in the friars service while he lived, for fear they should go and serve the enemy, and that they should be under the command of Operstolph, who was the principal Captain of 
Operstolph.  the Cavalarie in Transiluania, and who not long since was entertained on his majesties part: all which was presently performed.  
Losonze being at Themesuar with 600. horse, and having with him Don Gasper, & the company of Diego Velez, which was 300. men, (over whom the 
Losonze commandeth Themesuar, & furnisheth it with men.  Ensign commanded) and 300. Bohemians, and two companies of Germans, they in all making 1600. men, besides the inhabitants, who were apt and able to bear arms, who might amount unto nine hundred men. Castalde sent him one months pay for all the soldiers, and two hundred other German Harquebuziers, sending him word by a Spaniard, that he should not fail to get into the town the greatest store of victuals he could, to maintain a longer time all the sieges, which upon a sudden might happen to him: and beside, he sent him so much Artillery and munition, as was sufficient for him to withstand all the assaults the Turks should offer him. In like sort he did advertise him by Don Gasper, that he could not then succour him any more, in respect of the few men himself had, with whom he could not go into the field against so puissant an army as Mahomet's was, for that he was disappointed of the aid he expected from Ferdinand, by reason of the late troubles happened in Germany, and that he had no other Infantric upon whom he might trust, but a few Spaniards who remained unto him, with 4000 Germans which lately were come to him, and 1000 men of arms: therefore he willed him that he should rampire and fortify himself the best he could, and prepare himself for the defence of that town, which in the end would be the only fountain and cause of all his glory and reputation: and that he should not expect to be relieved by those of the country (who should presently be assembled) for that they were not esteemed such that any trust was to be reposed in them: and therefore he sent him word, that it was requisite that in any case he should make of necessity a virtue, and that so much the rather, because he saw himself constrained to march with those few men which he had, against the vaivode of Moldavia, who would enter into Transiluania by Brassovia, where he had not any Fortress to stay him; those of the country supposing that the damage which they should receive on that side would be greater, then that which Mahomet could bring unto him about Themesuar, by reason of the strong places which were in that quarter, and for the commodity which was there to resist him: for which considerations he was forced to march against the Moldavian, to withstand him from entering into the country, and from the possession of that town, and to go into the field with as great force as he could, and that beside he was constrained to do this, except he would see the kingdom utterly lost, and because of the little content which he perceived in the hearts of every one, whom he saw more inclined to a revolt then a defence: and also because he knew that this quarter was more commodious and fit for advantages to keep the field with a few men, by reason of woods, mountains, and other hard passages, than was that about Lippa or Themesuar: for which difficulties and advantages, he not any thing feared the Moldavian, much less his Cavalarie, which he doubted not but with his infantry to defeat and force them recoil. And whereas he could not come to relieve him, without a like army to that of Mahomet's, that he and Don Gasper should do their uttermost devoir to defend themselves, and valiantly to resist the enemy in that quarter, whilst he of his part should make resistance against the Moldavian, assuring him, that if his enterprise did fortunately succeed, (as he trusted in God it would) he would presently come to succour him with as great an army as he could: and although he might not come near unto Themesuar, for that the enemy was very strong, yet he would lodge near to Lippa, where, causing a trench to be digged, going from thence to Solimos, he would not (by reason of that Fortress) fear the Turkish army, thinking assuredly to seat his Camp in such a sure place, that the situation thereof should be able to defend him against the violence of the enemy, having on the left hand the river Marosse, and on the right the high mountains; from whence he well hoped to be so offensive to the enemy, that he would either constrain him to retire, or else somewhat neglect the siege, insomuch that he should be able to relieve and preserve it: earnestly importuning them both to be of good courage, and in like sort to persuade all the Spaniards whom he entreated, to remember what they were, and to think upon that which they were wont bravely to perform when they were in such wars as these, which through all the world had gained to them the name of valour, which they ought now to maintain without spot or blemish, esteeming this success no less glorious to them, than the former on his own part; assuring himself that they would no less virtuously perform that now, then that which they had always performed in such honourable exploits. Besides, he sent them certain advertisements very profitable and necessary, how they should behave and govern themselves in fights and assaults which should be offered them: and for that they were young and of little experience, he entreated them continually and only to think upon this, that he who fighteth courageously to the end, doth maintain his life in defending himself.  
Whilst these directions were given on the one side, Aldene on the other informed Castalde that he was in mean estate, and that he could not any 
Aldene fainthearted.  longer remain at Lippa to take charge thereof, and that he should send another in his place to take that charge. Castalde conceived of this with great sorrow, for that the time was so short that hardly he could make provision therefore, considering that this was to encourage the enemy, and quail his own people, seeing before their eyes such a Chieftain to forsake that Fortress, and that another should come thereinto for defence, considering that such a worthy man for his own honour was come to keep and defend it. Nevertheless he returned him answer, that if he thought not himself sure within Lippa, for fear of the Bassa (although it was now somewhat late) he should give him notice thereof, for that he would send such an one thither, who should defend it. Aldene remembering himself of the fault which he had committed, and changing his opinion sent him word, that seeing he was now resident in the town, he doubted not but to defend it. These things thus concluded on, Castalde presently departed from Torde and went to Colosuar, there to assemble the soldiers that were in Ferdinand's pay, and which were sent him, in like sort giving advertisement to the Count of Helfestaine, that he should speedily repair to him with his Regiment of 4000 Germans, sending him two pays of four which they should receive. He also sent to Zena (General of all the soldiers in that country) that he should presently and with all speed he could come to him, because he waited for no more but him, that so he might march into the field.  
As these preparations (which we have spoken of) were in hand in Transiluania, Mahomet in the mean time (leaving Belgrade behind him) was 
The army of Mahomet Bassa.  now between the two rivers, and had already erected a bridge upon Tibiscus. He had in his Camp 100000. men, and 60. pieces of Artillery, among which were thirtle double Cannons. With him also came the Belerbey of Greece, who the year before was Lieutenant general in that country for the Grand Signior, and he brought with him under his conduct 20000. horse. He had also another great Captain with him named Cassombassa, who likewise conducted 15000. horse, and 2000 Tartars, who anciently were called Scythians, which are a warlike people, cruel, and greatly redoubted 
Tartars.  by these nations, and they fight on horseback with Bow and arrows, Sable and Mace.  
The enemies being in this place, the soldiers of the kingdom were in a manner assembled altogether, when Count of Helfestaine arrived with his Germans, being half in a mutiny, and they were that night lodged in one of the Suburbs of the town, which were very great. The day following, Castalde minding to depart, these by no means would dislodge; but mutining, they seized on the Artillery, (as their custom is, not willing to take one pay for two, which was due to them, which alone should then have been paid them) and after they imbattailed themselves to possess and sack the town. And upon this resolution they began to batter on the top of the 
Colosuar battered by the German mutineers.  walls. Which Castalde seeing, and that this was not done counterfeitly, he sent to the inhabitants that they should defend themselves. Whereupon they betaking themselves to arms, and coming to the walls, they began to discharge their Artillery and good Harquebusses among the Germans, making a great slaughter of them: who seeing themselves put into disorder, they determined to take Castalde: whereof being advertised, he speedily retired to Torde; sending them word, that if they would not be appeased, 
Castalde constrained to retire to Torde, to avoid the danger of the German mutineers.  he would presently send his army (which was already at Torde) against them, to hew them in pieces, and after commanded that the Cavalarie should draw into the field, and made a show to march towards Colosuar to suppress the Germans: who understanding of this news, and knowing they were in a place where they could neither help nor defend themselves, 
The mutiny appeased.  and that this sedition was not any thing profitable to them, but to the contrary very pernicious, and full of certain dangers, they presently appeased and quieted themselves, without any further motion or soliciting them, and leading the Artillery along, with their Ensigns displayed, came to Torde, where (for all their mutiny) they got no other thing, but only that the Count did cashier fifty of them: so that besides the death of many who were slain at Colosuar, they received this condign chastisement, which they worthily deserved for their rebellious temerity.  
Behold how in this year began the discord amongst us, as though the coming of two such puissant armies against us, was not sufficient to countercheck our turbulent spirits, but we of ourselves by another war, worse than the first, must overthrow and make havoc of one another.  
Castalde being busied at Torde, in assembling his men to march against the Moldavian, who had already passed the mountains with 40000. men, 
The army of the Moldavian.  and entered into the country of Brassovia, news was brought him how Mahomet having passed Tibiscus, not without great difficulty, was already encamped with all his army before Themesuar, and that from S. john's day 
Themesuar besieged by Mahomet.  until that present, he did batter it in three places with 70. pieces of Artillery, and that those within did bravely defend themselves with great resolution, and that it was already twelve days since the battery neither ceased day nor night, and that it still continued. This news was brought to him by a Spaniard, consorted with a Rhatian soldier, being both appareled after one manner, and were in the night departed from Themesuar, being commanded to come to Castalde, to demand a new supply of men, for that the Artillery had slain many of them. Castalde upon this report presently dispatched a messenger for Ottomiall, who then was at jula, (a very 
Ottomiall. jula, or Giula.  strong town environed with rivers) and desired him that with 400. Aiduchs he would endeavour to enter into Themesuar, promising him that if he could find the means to relieve it with these succours, he should so well be rewarded, that during his life he would think himself well contented. This done, himself set forward against the Moldavian, having no more in 
castald's army.  his Camp then 12000. men, as well horse as foot. The Moldavian was already encamped in a passage two miles from Brassovia, where Count john Baptisted ' Archo entertained him with brave and fierce skirmishes, and bearded him so, that he suffered not any soldier to disband himself from 
john baptist d' Archo stayeth the Moldavian.  his battalion, but presently he bought it with the price of his life: and so much did he annoy him, that he neither could nor durst for his life march any further, nor join himself with the Bassa; which was a thing of no small importance, in respect of the misery and trouble of the time. The Count had so well ordered his people, and those which were left him of Count Felixd' Archo (who in januarie last was gone to Vienna) that as often as the enemies ranged in that place, they suffered not any of them to return alive, and he continuing still victorious, and valiantly fight, gave them so many routs and overthrows, that they scarcely any more durst so suddenly assail our men, as they were wont. And among other overthrows which the enemies received, there was one which partly happened through the Countess' prows, for that the Moldavian retired himself behind: and it fortuned in this sort. Count john baptist was advertised that a troop of Moldavians (among which were 300. Turks, and as many Tartars) would go and discover Brassovia, and that they should go by certain passages, which of the one side had many marshes, and of the other certain hills very rough and tedious: among which he appointed an ambuscado of German Harquebuziers, and certain Cavalarie, who after that the Turks were passed, they should make in upon them at their return, when they understood that those of the town were sallied forth to skirmish with them. This multitude then of Barbarians presenting themselves upon these passages, and having passed them, they managed and ranged about the town, and were presently assailed by a strong troop of horse and foot, who sallied forth to skirmish with them, and were so hotly charged, that they were forced to retire more than ordinary: and coming to those places, of which I have spoken, they were in such sort assailed behind, without thinking thereupon by those who were in ambuscado, that being enclosed between them, they were so thoroughly beaten, that there remained neither Moldavian, Tartar, nor Turk alive, nor any who could carry news to the Moldavian of their overthrow, they being all either slain or taken prisoners in the straits: and in token of this victory, those of Brassovia sent three wagons laden with those heads (who were slain) to Castalde, who was near approached to the Moldavian, and so boldly, that the enemy thought he had more men than was reported unto him, not being able to persuade himself, that a man of that quality (as was Castalde) durst appear in the field, except his army were of more strength, or at the least equal to his. Upon this opinion he was not so hardy to attend him, but speedily and with so great disorder retired, that he lost many men in his retreat, and had lost more in making 
The retreat of the Moldavian.  passage for his Artillery through the mountains, if happily Count john baptist had had more men to have followed him, seeing 500 horse which only pursued him, had been sufficient to have put him in disorder and into such hazard, that little would have wanted but he would have abandoned all his Artillery to the chance and hazard of fortune. And if the Sicilians had then done their devoir, and showed themselves such as they should have done, most certain that day was come wherein the Moldavian had lost his army, his kingdom, together with his life, and Transiluania had been no more molested on that side: and this defeature might have been a happy precedent for others never to attempt the like invasion. Upon the news of this retreat, it was reported that Castalde would dislodge from Seghesuar, where he remained, understanding that the enemy had not dissolved his Camp, but that he with his people were encamped on the other side of the mountains, by reason whereof he was constrained to sojourn certain days in that town, and there to expect what the Moldavian would do: for that if he should then depart from thence, the other would presently return again into Transiluania, (as for certain he understood) and in respect of that fear and suspicion, he durst not yet depart, so that he could not march to the relief of Themesuar.  
Being thus stayed, continually there came advertisements to him by the way of Caransebesse and Lippa, that the affairs of Themesuar were in bad 
Themesuar in bad terms.  terms, in respect of those who were within, who had parleyed with the Turks, who told them that the succours of the 400. Aiduchs, which Castalde had sent them, under the conduct of Ottomiall, were defeated and cut in 
Ottomiall defeated by the Turks.  pieces by them. Upon this news Francis Henriquez was presently dispatched to Lippa, that upon his return he might make recital of the verity of the fact, and in what state Themesuar stood, and how every thing was there, and whether it could defend itself any longer: and also to inform him of the state, and condition of Lippa, to the end he might provide therefore, in such sort that it might remain entire and safe from being attained of Mahomet's fury. At the same instant news was brought that the Turks had slain Captain Don Gasper, whose company was given to Roderic Vigliandrando, with command to endeavour himself to enter into Themesuar, considering they were in danger to perish, and for no other cause then that there was not any to govern them. They sent thither also with him Captain Andrew Lopez with his company, and 200. German Harquebuziers, to whom Castalde said, that he well knew this enterprise was difficult, specially considering the enemies being very vigilant to hinder that no succours could enter into Themesuar: and that they were very glad that those Aiduchs, which Ottomiall brought under his conduct to the relief of that town, passed by the edge of the sword: and that nevertheless whatsoever he should do in this behalf, was to no other purpose but that he might faithfully discharge his duty, & not give any occasion to detracting tongues to censure hardly of him: and that to that end to relieve this town (either by one means or other) he sent them, greatly relying himself in the good esteem which he conceived of their manhoods; assuring himself that they would to the uttermost endeavour themselves to enter therein, and that either of them would now use this commendable wisdom, which even until this present was worthily noted in them, promising them, that within short time with as great force as he could levy, he would come and lodge by the Castle of Lippa, to the end, that if the affairs of Themesuar did badly succeed, those of Lippa should at the least be preserved, and that town (which so much imported the good and commodity of every one) should be maintained and kept. These Captains thus dispatched, departed with their people. But the diligence and care of Castalde served to small purpose at that time: for upon the same day in which they took leave of Castalde, Francis Henriquez (who a little before was sent to see how Lippa was victualled, munitioned, and fortified) arrived with news of the taking of Themesuar. 
Themesuar taken by Mahomer.  The loss whereof made every one very grievous and heavy, as well for the love and regard they bore to those valiant and excellent soldiers who were within, as also for that it untimely happened by the negligent government of the Captains. Upon this grief of mind, Castalde did indifferently comfort himself, understanding that Aldene showed himself to have good courage valiantly to defend Lippa, and that the soldiers desired nothing more, then that the Bassa would come and salute them, that they might make him understand what their valour and courage was, and the desire they had to win honour and renown against him, and that they were all resolved to die within it, rather than to see themselves brought to such an end, as was happened to those of Themesuar: the loss whereof I will here set down.  
Losonze being Commander within this town, with such a number of 
The description of the siege of Themesuar.  men, as before is said, and employing himself the best he could for the fortifying thereof: which for the contrarieties and hatreds, proceeding from the concurrence of qualities, and from some other precedent cause, could not be so well munitioned as it was necessary; for that Aldene (for the foresaid occasion) had converted all the money to the affairs of Lippa, leaving this other Fortress under the mercy and protection of Fortune. As one day at the rising of the Sun he walked about the town to visit it, Mahomet (the 24. of july, which was dedicated to the feast of S. john Baptist) then presented himself with his Vanguard, which was 15000. horse, conducted by Cassombassa. He presently caused to take notice of the situation of the town, wherein was built five Bulwarks of earth, some whereof were already mounted to the height of the wall, but that which was lower was raised no higher than the length of an Halberd and a half: and of all these there were two very defensible, and the other were but in a mean. There was with Mahomet the Belerbey of Greece, who was greatly practised and perfect in that country. As they were thus arrived within the sight of Themesuar, he said to Mahomet; behold a part of the town, the Spaniards who are within will show you the rest: and marching about it, Alphonse Perez de Saianedra presently sallied forth with 400. horse, and 100 Spanish Haquebuziers, and began to skirmish with the Turks, entertaining them until they themselves were forced to retire. Upon the 27. day following, all the Camp arrived with so great cries, neighing of horses, clattering of armour, sounding of Drums and Trumpets, that it seemed the world would have turned topsy-turvy, and presented themselves before our people in strong and fearful squadrons, with great store of Artillery: whereof those within seemed to make little account of, but receiving them with a bloody sally, they gave them sufficient notice of the little esteem they conceived of their proud and contemptuous puissance: but for all this their gallant resolution, Mahomet desisted not to encamp, lodging his people round about the town, and so straightly environing it, that not a man could enter in, to their relief, but only by certain marshes, where it could not so well be besieged, but that our people might enter in thereby. Upon their approaching our people opposed themselves with a gallant resolution, and for the space of six days they made continual sallies upon the enemy, not without great effusion of blood, during which time they assured the Suburbs. But in the end Mahomet urged them hard, and caused thirty great pieces of Artillery, and many other lesser, to batter the defences, and made three batteries, one against the Castle, another against the towne-gate, which was not walled, and the third against the Bulwark: which for that it was of least strength, was defended by the Spaniards. They in this sort battered the town eight whole days, and not any of the besieged making sign of faintness, and so long until they apertly saw the great ruin which the Artillery had made, and that the town in many parts was as it were all open, and that they had lost many a brave soldier in two assaults which the Turks had given them, of whom were remaining within the Ditch more than two thousand, and many wounded. Lonsonze knowing then they could not long hold out, and that all the town was sorely bruised and battered by the Cannon, and that a good part of the Bulwarks, which maintained and defended the wall, were beaten to the ground, called to him all the Captains, imparting to them the danger wherein they were, and how within a short time they were likely to fall under the edge of the sword, or mercy of the enemies. And he told them, that before Mahomet had passed Danubius, the vaivode of the Transalpinians on his part wrote to him, that the Camp had not come into those quarters, if Ferdinand had meant to have paid Solyman the tribute, which Peter Vicchy was wont yearly to pay him for the County of Themesuar; to whom he would give no answer, nor advertise Castalde thereof, he believing they were devices and bravadoes of the Bassa, as he was accustomed to do, thinking with himself that he would not come thither with so great force, to content himself with that which another declared unto him. But seeing himself deceived in his opinion, and considering under what a miserable condition they were like to fall into, if the battery continued, he said to them: that he was of opinion, they should send to the Bassa to obtain truce of him for four days, during which time they might advertise Castalde of all the accidents, and solicit him to consent to pay the yearly tribute to the Turk, upon condition he would raise his Camp and retire: and so by that means happily they should give remedy to their distressed fortunes. This advice was approved by some, and refuted by many others, as usually it happeneth in counsels, where is daily seen some contrarieties among opinions, in respect of the reasons and arguments which are alleged either of the one part or other: in regard whereof, they could determine nothing that day.  
The 3. of july the Bassa on the Castle side and towards the towne-gate, caused to be given an hot and fierce assault, which endured four long hours, with the death of more than 1500. of the assailants, and about some 150. of those within. In this assault Losonze with the other Spanish and German Captains valiantly defended themselves, and forced the enemies to retire to their Tents. After this retreat, and that all our people were dressed of their wounds, and somewhat refreshed, all the Captains were again assembled in council to determine upon the foresaid business, and then there were more than before of Losonzes' opinion. Thus he perceiving many to be of his mind, without expecting any more, sent by a trusty messenger to acquaint the Bassa with his intention: to whom he returned answer, that the Transalpinian had truly managed and conferred of this business by his command: but he should have conceived, that this accord should have been accepted of, before he had assembled his army, and passed Danubius and Tibiscus, and not at this present, he being now in the field and encamped before the town: in consideration whereof, he would not that this expedition should have any more respite, nor otherwise consent to raise the siege, nor depart from thence before he were master of the town and Castle.  
Losonze understanding this answer, and perceiving no means of agreement, not willing to submit himself to the discretion and mercy of the Bassa, set up his rest to fight it out to the last man. Whereupon the Turks began to renew the battery more fiercely than before, without any intermission of daily assaults, and to do the worst they could: and thinking that the great quantity of Artillery which they had was not sufficient to satisfy their miserable cruelty, one night they put into the Ditch more than 2000 Pioneers, who began to mine the Bulwark which the Spaniards kept, which was in such sort endamaged and impaired, that one might easily mount to the top of it by the ruins: for that all the defences and flanks which might annoy and withstand them, were all broken and thrown to the ground. The Spaniards seeing this imminent danger, & to give redress thereunto, with all speed they made within the said Bulwark a Cave sufficiently large and deep, in which they erected certain defences, where in every one of them eight Harquebuziers might be commodiously placed, without being impeached or endangered by the enemy. These (whilst that the Pioneers were most busy in their labour, and even as they were ready to give fire) began so effectually to discharge their shot amongst these delvers, that it was a marvelous thing to behold, they falling one upon another in such heaps, that the dead bodies hindered the rest of the living, in regard whereof they were forced to give over the work and be packing, without daring once to return thither again. Insomuch that the Turks seeing this device of the Christians, and that by this means they could not come to the conclusion of their intended purpose, gave that over, and pursued another; daily sounding them by promises, assurances, and persuasions, that it were best to yield to them. But seeing in the end they could not bring them to yield, neither by letters, nor by gifts, nor by any other great offers, and that all their labours were to small purpose, they made upon the Castle side two great Cavalliars of Carpenter's work, in bigness ten fathom, as any man would judge, and brought and set them right over against the Bulwark where the Spaniards were caved: upon which they mounted certain pieces of Artillery, by reason whereof not any could be in safety upon the said Bulwark, nor remain upon the defences, insomuch that the Spaniards were constrained to retire from one place to another, secretly to make Trenches and certain Rampires to cover themselves withal, when they should defend the town, which 
Don Gasper Casteluio slain.  then was very open. Don Gasper at this instant was slain with a small shot, which struck him in the forehead and pierced him quite through, and so hotly did they shoot and nearly marked our men, that there were few Spaniards, Germans, and Hungars left: yet nevertheless those which remained lost not any courage, but resolutely defended themselves, as though they had been a great number. But the Turks for all their bravery slacked not their endeavours to enter into the town, and our men did no less than gallantly oppose themselves for the defence thereof. Thus both the one and the other took greater heed to themselves, continually endamaging one the other with divers conflicts. But Mahomet distrusting himself, that he was not able to conquer this town by force of arms, determined one day to have some speech with Losonze, and to seek him out to parley with him, that so he might persuade him to some composition, which Losonze meant not to refuse: but the others not willing to consent thereto, were the cause that of the said conference proceeded no effect at that time. The Turks nevertheless ceased not from daily assaults, which they always renewed with greater force than before, having no want of able men more fresh and lusty than our people were, of whom they had few sound amongst them, & many cruelly wounded; and specially by means of those two mischievous engines which they had made, who also caused more to be made like unto them, in place where our Bulwarks and walls were, by the violence of their Artillery ruinated: and the rather they were encouraged, because that victuals and munition greatly abounded in their Camp, whereas our men daily wanted all: as it often happeneth after a long and tedious siege.  
The Bassa weary (as I well believe) to see so great a slaughter of his people, and that he must fight so continually, earnestly desiring that our people would yield themselves to him, practised this device following. The day before, Ottomiall was defeated with his 400. Aiduchs, which he brought with him to put into Themesuar (as is aforesaid) and they were by a strong squadron of Turkish Cavalarie also cut in pieces, that not any one man of them escaped, the fight being perceived by the Sentinels of the town. The day following this overthrow, the Bassa for the foresaid reasons, the more to amaze and terrify our people, caused 100 of these Aiduchs heads to be most vilely deformed, and to be set about the walls, with inscriptions that signified, those were the succours which came to them, and that they should not hope of any other, for that they would use the like to all those who would attempt to come. Presently upon this savage device, certain of the town came forth, and beholding this horrible spectacle, and seeing that their present affairs were in desperate terms, had an apprehension of fear to fall into the like miserable end, as these poor Aiduchs were. The night following two Spaniards came forth, one whereof had his wife and children at 
The treason of two Spaniards.  Constantinople, where he was married, after that he was taken at Castelnouo and had denied his faith: and the other was a Moresque borne in Granado. These halfpenny fellows having but faint hearts (by reason of the fear which doth ordinarily reign in such base persons) loving rather to preserve their lives with a shameful and miserable servitude, then to lose it under an honest liberty, with a glorious death (as it is the guise of valiant and magnanimous minds, to finish their days with the loss of their dearest blood) they went to the Bassa, and acquainted him with the whole estate of Themesuar, assuring him there were few men within it, and that their courages were cooled; and although they fought valiantly, yet were they greatly astonished, and that the town was in divers places so open, that it was impossible they could longer maintain it, if they continued the siege and their assaults, but that they must of force yield. This advertisement gave some courage and hope to the Bassa to win this place, although he had commandment from the Grand Signior to withdraw his Camp from thence to Belgrade, seeing it was so long in taking, and that he had lost so many men before it: whereupon it was said, that Solyman was somewhat incensed against Mahomet: which if those within had had but some inkling thereof, and had been able to maintain it six days longer at the most, they had never tasted of this adverse fortune, which within few days after happened to them with so great effusion of blood, and the Bassa had retired with his army, as it was afterward certainly known. But Losonze seeing that Mahomet obstinately persevered to molest him day and night, conferred with all the soldiers to yield; considering how they were all greatly wearied and timorous, by reason of the last assault which they received since the departure of the two Spaniards (who were fled from thence): during which, towards the Castle side they saw themselves in very great danger, the Turks being entered in, who had possessed and made themselves masters of that place, if certain Spaniards and Germans had not presently been sent to succour that breach, who upon their arrival forced them to retire, and pursued them even to the entry of their Trenches, making a great slaughter amongst them. Which being understood by all the nations there, every man favoured Losonzes opinion to yield, his life, arms, and baggage saved, except the Spaniards, who said; that according to their judgement, they ought not to seek for any accord, but to be well advised how they might escape in the night by the marshes adjoinant to the Castle, which if they could pass, they should presently find woods which would procure them safe passage unto Lippa, and that there was not any who could hinder or annoy them from going forth, and from arriving at that place: and this should be so much the more easily performed, because that towards that side there was not any person lodged, by reason of the great marshes which were in that place, which was a thing they might easily compass, and which was far better for them, then to repose any trust in the Turks faithless promises, every one knowing by too many precedents, that very seldom or never they observe or keep them, which assuredly they will now much less perform, for that they will remember that our people halted in their promises to Oliman when he departed out of Lippa, this act being not any thing concealed from the Bassa, nor yet slipped from his memory, whereof they thought good to advertise them, whereby they should be the less deceived and overthrown. Losonze answered them, that they should not any thing doubt, but that they should give him leave to proceed therein; and that he would so order the matter, that his composition should be so clear and evident, that every one should securely depart with his honour: which was liked of many, saying, that 27. whole days they had courageously fought, and were continually annoyed by the Artillery, and received so many assaults, and slain so many Turks, that they might well with their great honour and commendation yield. Upon this resolution, Losonze made sign again unto the Turks that he would parley with them, and told them that 
Losonze capitulateth.  he was content to yield the town, and that he would send a soldier and an Hungarian to treat with them of an agreement. Mahomet was very glad to hear of this, for that he greatly disinherited his own power, and was already resolved not any more to thrust his men to the imminent danger of slaughter, but rather to truss up his baggage and depart: and by them he returned answer to Losonze, that he would sincerely from point to point observe whatsoever he would demand of him, and he sent them back again appareled in certain long silk robes after the Turkish manner, which was by these soldiers taken for a good sign, with which they were sent back, so deceiving themselves, as it is incident unto men to abuse and flatter themselves in their proper and particular affairs, oftentimes thinking that in their businesses all things should wishedly succeed: yea, and so much do they blind themselves, that they cannot discern the evil which often doth befall them, for want of due consideration. These soldiers being returned into the town, they openly recited the large promises and fair offers that the Bassa had made them. Losonze too lightly giving credence thereunto, writ in a paper all the conditions which he esteemed to be either necessary or meet for him to demand; which were these.  
1 That it should be permitted him to carry away all the Artillery which was within Themesuar, and safely to conduct it, without any impeachment, 
The Articles of agreement.  to the place he thought good.  
2 That all the soldiers should go forth with their arms, and Ensigns displayed, with all their baggage, and that the Bassa should give them safe conduct to some secure place.  
3 That the town should be held in some regard, and that there should not any of the inhabitants be molested: and to conclude, as well in coming forth, as in going on their journey, there should not any be annoyed or endangered by his army.  
All these articles were very willingly accepted of by the Bassa, and accorded by oath to be sincerely performed, and returned them to them again signed and sealed, without contradicting any of the demands of Losonze, esteeming (as he that was determined to observe neither faith nor promise) these covenants of small validity, and to promise and deceive of one consequence. Now these negotiations being dispatched, and agreements concluded, the 24. of july, being the vigil of S. james, two days after, about eight 
Losonze leaveth Themesuar to the Turks.  of the clock in the morning, they began to set forward their baggage and Artillery, and Losonze followed after with all the Cavalarie, among which marched the remnant of the infantry which was left, marching all in battle with their arms and Ensigns displayed. In their coming forth, they perceived two great squadrons of horse & foot, amounting to some 50000. keeping and stopping the way where they should pass, which was a little hill on both sides. The Spaniards who marched last, perceiving so many men in their way, and conceiving hardly thereof, presaged what was like presently to befall them: whereupon they sent to tell Losonze that they would not forsake the town, except the Bassa would cause those squadrons to retire out of their way: whereof the Bassa being advertised, answered them, that upon pain of his head they might securely come forth, without receiving any prejudice, and that he sent these troops into that place to no other end, but only that his soldiers seeing them go forth of the town, they might by them take example upon the like and future occasion, to carry themselves valiantly, considering that so few men had so wonderful well defended themselves against such an infinite multitude; and seeing they all professed arms, & were men that lived by war, it was necessary they should be instructed therein, according as occasion served. Under the protection of this assurance they all came forth, and began to march through the midst of these squadrons, being distant from the town some 300. paces, which they had no sooner performed, but the treacherous signal was given with an arqebus shot, as Mahomet had appointed. At the report whereof one 
Losonze and all his people overthrown.  part of these squadrons presently environed the Artillery and those who marched before, and the other part environed the rest, and so compassing thus our people in the midst of them, they began to execute their barbarous tyranny in massacring them, and specially those who offered to defend themselves, and who loved rather a famous liberty, honourably to die fight, then to remain slaves during their lives, under so wicked a nation. Of this number were the most part Spaniards, and some Hungars, and Germans, and those who would not defend themselves were presently forced away and lead prisoners, and among others Losonze was taken and conducted to the Bassa. In this massacre there happened an accident which I will 

Losonze taken.  
A strange accident.   recite, although it seemeth fabulous, and worthier to be registered in the books of Romancers, then in a true history, being so incredible that a sole man could make passage and escape through so many thousands of men: and yet nevertheless it was a true thing.  
As the Turks attempted to hew our men in pieces, and to perform that, they began their accustomed high clamours. Captain Alphonse Perez de Saianedra a strong and able man, being mounted upon a good horse, took presently his sword in his hand, and at the first bruit and clamour of the enemies he thrust in among them, and with main force he made himself place and way through the midst of the throng: and as some were busied in the slaughter of the other, he saved himself without touch of wound, running towards Lippa, being well armed and mounted upon a horse, which ran exceedingly swift. The Turks seeing that one man alone had thus stoutly made himself passage and was saved, passing in despite through so many horses, being incensed with shame and anger, there pursued him more than 500 and although their horses were no less swifter to run, than his, yet never could they once come near him. But in an ill hour as this Captain was in his speedy course (almost out of danger) having little Castalde having speedy news of this loss, presently departed with great journeys, to be more near, and to provide that the rest might be better defended and kept. He perceived by the way that all the Hungarian Knights and nobility, who then followed him, were very pensive and dismayed, insomuch that leaving all at random, to the pleasure of Fortune, they seemed careless of any thing: whereupon turning himself towards them, he modestly reproved them with such mild speeches as he thought good, and gave them some heart and hope that this loss should shortly be recovered by Ferdinand's power (which daily was expected) & by their own force and virtue, exhorting them to defend the rest: he so effectually persuaded them, that he expelled from them all fear & despair, and caused to increase in them courage and boldness, and to think more upon the revenging of Losonzes' death, and the death of his Captains and soldiers, than ever they had done. But Fortune (which is not always permanent, but at her pleasure cutteth off the designs of men in the most flourishing time of their April, and doth raise and abate human actons as seemeth good to her) would that Aldene should not persever long in this his brave resolution, in which until then he was resolute in the defence of Lippa, against any strong and puissant army whatsoever, the same being unto Ferdinand of as great importance as the loss of an army or kingdom, as we shall hereafter further speak of.  
During the time that Mahomet besieged Themesuar, and that he was upon 
The carelessness of Aldene.  the point to capitulate with Losonze, Aldene perhaps thinking that this town would never be taken, was nothing provident to use that diligence which was requisite for the due of his charge, neither yet did he employ any spies to advertise him: and now four of five days were already past, 
Spies necessary.  that he knew nothing of the enemies proceedings, neither had he any other news then by the Rhatians or others, who by chance brought him a certain Turk prisoner, who imparted to him as much as he desired: and when a Captain of the Vssarons, named Demetre Vzarenky, exhorted him to use greater diligence, and told him that he would accommodate him with such persons that should faithfully serve him in such affairs: he made slight regard thereof, neither did he endeavour himself to retain them with gifts or rewards, nor yet so much as with any good words, so that the affairs of Lippa daily proceeded from evil to worse. In the end news being come that Themesuar was reduced under the Turks command, and of all other occurrences which passed there; Aldene thought that Mahomet's camp 
The cowardliness of Aldene.  would presently visit him, and thinking that the Castle was not so strong, as gladly he would have had it, to resist his victorious enemy, and seeing the occasion conformable to his conceit; and persuading himself that the little hope which he had to defend himself (both by reason of the weakness of the town, and also of the Castle) would be a sufficient excuse to discharge him of so vile and infamous a thing as this which he pretended to do, he resolved in himself to leave it. And to the end the Turks should not aid themselves by the Castle, he determined to fire it with all the Artillery and munition, without acquainting any therewith, but only at the instant when he would execute his enterprise, (as he did) although he saw not the basha's camp approaching, and notwithstanding that some told him that Mahomet should stay, that since Themesuar was so tedious to him, (although it was a place of no great strength) he would not now march towards Lippa, assuring himself that he should do no good there, knowing the exceeding diligence and care which had been used to fortify it, and the resolute soldiers of all nations which was within it, and the quantity of Artillery and munition that Castalde had caused it to be furnished withal, and the great care which he had for the defence thereof: for all which reasons duly considered, he was in despair that he should never be able to take it. This report nevertheless could not any thing divert Aldene from his wicked resolution, although he well perceived that john Turkey and Bartholomew Coruatte made not any semblance to budge from that place where they were, which was an Abbey of Monks, situated three miles from the enemy, where (during the siege of Themesuar) they daily with 1000 horse annoyed and endamaged the enemy as much as was possible for them. Which to him who had no eyes, it must needs serve for a sufficient argument to make him discern, that the Bassa was not determined to come against him: for that also some of our people, who were lodged four or six miles off, never once offered to remove or retire, hourly expecting what the Bassa determined to do. Notwithstanding all that, Aldene still persevered in his infamous and shameful fantasy. And as puissance and rule cannot long continue where fear and cowardice prevaileth, six hours before he meant to depart, he declared his conceit to certain old Spaniards, who greatly blamed this advice, telling him that in no case he should not remove or disjoin himself from thence, before they saw whether the Bassa would come or no, and that he should duly consider in what esteem he should be, if he forsook this place (at the least before he saw the enemy) which was recommended to him, in regard of special trust reposed in his worthiness; and that if in this he would not have respect to his own reputation and honour, yet at the least he should have regard to the credit of his nation; and that sith never any Spaniard, until now, had committed so cowardly an act, that he would not be the first, into whose heart should fall an infamy so shameful and villainous, which assuredly would equally redound upon all, and specially in such a place, where honour should more prevail, than any fearful desire which was in him, in respect from being noted of pusillanimity and cowardice among these barbarous nations, with a perpetual and infamous blot. But these admonitions were not sufficient to withdraw him from his base determination: but continuing therein, other soldiers had notice thereof; and among others, Captain Paul of Zaraz, a German Colonel, who went to see Aldene, desiring leave that he might enter into the Castle with his soldiers, and other Spaniards, who were more desirous of glory then of life, and that he might cause all necessaries to be put therein before the bridges, which were made for the bringing in of provision needful for the Rampires, should be broken. Aldene answered him, that he should enter therein when time should require. The soldiers seeing this disorder, began to murmur, and say, that before they entered they would know what quantity of victuals there was within. The next day in the morning, they entreated him to go unto the soldiers (and as their Chief) to appease them, and to take an oath of every one of them to live and die in the service of God and Ferdinand, as by duty they were all bound thereunto; and never to depart from Lippa, before the Turks were gone from thence. Which being done, and the oath taken, certain soldiers entered into the Castle to survey the munition and victual, whereof was found good store: by reason of which they were encouraged, and they again redoubled the said oath, and after that, every man retired to his lodging, where they were not long, but that they understood the command that Aldene (the Camp-master) caused to be published: which was, that every one should be ready with his arms, and prepare himself to march. Whereupon all the nations who were in the town began to set forward, not without some little mutiny, and Captain Paul of Zaraz went again to Aldene, to dissuade him from the performance of such a dishonourable fact, telling him, that neither he, nor none of his did ever think to commit such a mischievous treason against Ferdinand, and that if he would needs go, he might, but as for himself he would with his people defend the Castle against Mahomet, or else he would there end his days. All the Hungars assured him also that they would do the like. To whom he answered, that they understood him not, and that he well knew what he meant to do, and that the King should receive more service by that which he had determined to do, then by all that which they had propounded. Upon this the Spanish soldiers began to be of divers factions and opinions among themselves, the greatest part esteeming it a foul fault to dislodge themselves from thence, as Aldene had commanded; and the fewer sort were of opinion to do that which he determined, persuading the other to take part and go with them, and not remain to cast away themselves: which the Germans and Hungars by no means thought convenient, and gave notice thereof to Aldene, who said to them, that he knew not what to do therein, but he would think thereon, and provide for it. Now, there was about Lippa some 10000 Hungarish and Rhatian wagons, within which they carried their wives, children, and their best movables, these being fled after this manner from their towns and houses, than when the Bassa passed Tibiscus, and were come thither to save themselves in Transiluania, and by the favour of this strong place, beneath which they were lodged in a champion under their Tents and Pavilions in manner of an army, expecting the issue of Themesuar. The principal of them understanding that Aldene would forsake this town, and remove with his people from thence, went presently to him, to desire him not to depart, and importuned him, that if he were resolved to forsake the Castle, yet that he would not raze it, but rather deliver it into their custody, and that they would with their best endeavour defend it, or else resolutely to die within it. But all these entreaties, admonitions, and protestations had not any force to remove him from his dishonest thought, but commanded that all should be in a readiness to march at the first sound. The Germans and Hungars perceiving the wicked and base intent of Aldene continued, said to him, that although there were many inclined to obey him, yet they would not for all that cease from giving him to understand, that they determined to remain and defend it, that so they might shun and avoid the shame, which without all doubt they should condignly receive in dislodging so vilely: whereupon Paul of Zaraz reenforcing the guards, took charge of the town, through which walking in the night season, he saw many soldiers (who by Aldenes oppointment were with their horses saddled) ready to troop on with their arms and baggage, to whom giving encouragement, and persuading them not to budge, he went from thence to Aldenes lodging, whom he found upon his bed, and conferring with him, he desired to know why he had commanded that the Spaniards should be in such readiness. For that, (said he) he had received news that the enemies were already approached within two miles of Lippa, with fifteen pieces of Artillery, and that upon this occasion he was resolved, that he would not at any hand attend them, because the place was not strong enough, he having before hand concluded presently to depart. To which, Paul replied, that he would stay, but until he had sent to know the certainty thereof. And he did so much, that three hours before day he presently dispatched two horsemen towards Themesuar, to discover whether the Vanguard of Mahomet approached or not. These soldiers posting with good speed, arrived at the place where were lodged john Turkey and Bartholomew Coruatte, and seeing them to be at quiet, and not fearing any trouble of the enemies, they returned back again with great speed, to declare unto Aldene that there was not any bruit or news that the basha's Camp was risen from about Themesuar.  
During the time that these two horsemen made this discovery, Aldene caused all the canoneers to come to him, commanding them to charge the Cannons even to the mouth, with intent to break them, and that they should put the rest of the powder into the vaults and sellers of the towers and Bulwarks, to blow them up when need should require: and being afterwards to expect the return of these two soldiers, who should bring certain news of all, a Sentinel (which was in the top of one of the towers at Sun rising) discovered two horsemen who came spurring on amain. These were the two soldiers, which we have before spoken of, who road in great post, thinking that if they deferred any time, Aldene would set fire on the Castle before they returned again: and on the contrary, the certain news which they should bring, would expel this wicked determination out of his cowardly mind, and this was the cause of their speed. Another Sentinel at the same instant, being not far from the other, discovered a far off a great dust in the air, which was raised by a number of Cows, which ran wildly together in the fields without any keeper, and these two soldiers were near the town, crying with a loud voice (although they could not perfectly be understood) and said, that they should make stay, and not fire the munition nor Castle. The other soldiers crying (by the advertisement of the Sentinel) that this dust was raised by some great battalion 
Base minds suspicious of fear.  of the enemies, and that these two soldiers came posting before to give notice thereof: they went presently to advertise Aldene, who was the 
Lippa forsaken and burned by Aldene.  first that mounted upon a good horse, and sent to Captain Paul of Zaraz, that he should open the towne-gate, and let the wagons forth that were full of his movables, and of certain Merchants. It being opened, the Spaniards began softly to march, every man ranging himself under his Colours, and presently upon it he commanded the canoneers to give fire to the Castle, and to all the Artillery: wherein they used such haste, that giving fire to the vaults of the towers, two among them (blinded with fear and smoke) remained under it burnt and consumed. By the violence of this fire, two great towers (which were at the entrance of the Castle) were blown up into the air, and there were five or six pieces of Artillery which were discharged against the walls, being laden even to the mouth, and the Castle began to burn on all parts, and in like sort the town, which caused a mournful pity among all those nations, who not without just cause complained for such a loss, worthily blaming so vile an act, inveighing with great bitterness against the Spaniards and Germans, deeply cursing Castalde that had placed them there, not knowing now where to dispose or turn themselves, or what might betide them by this lamentable inconvenience, they being with great cries and laments disunited and severed from thence, and with the greatest confusion and discontent that could be, they began to load their wagons with their wives and children, and of those commodities which they had then with them, and to proceed on their journey whither Fortune would guide them; and endeavouring to save themselves, some went to one place, and others to another, and Aldene leaving Lippa behind him (which miserably burned like a second Troy) took his way with his soldiers towards Transiluania, marching with so great speed, that not any tarried to expect his companion; every one speedily labouring for his own safety, and amongst them he was esteemed to be most valiant and sure, who better than the other could nimbly use his legs, and their journey was no less disordered, than their departure was inconsiderative, and in such sort it was performed, that the peasants, who inhabited among the mountains, for the despite which they had of so foul and execrable a fault, took courage to assail and kill many of them, and to rob many Merchants of Lippa: so that they were in a manner all lost and perished, some remaining dead, others wounded and sore hurt: and this happened to them in revenge of the ruin and loss of Lippa.  
Bortholmew Gornatte (who as we have said) was four miles from Lippa, seeing the great fire which (as he thought) proceeded from this town, was greatly astonished at the sight thereof, not being able to imagine what it could be, rather suspecting some other casualty, then that which happened to be true: and presently mounting on horseback, spurred on to the place from whence this flame came; and arriving near to Lippa, he could not conceive what the occasion should be of the burning thereof; and not able to think who should be he that had caused so great a loss, nor by what perverse accident it should happen, he vehemently mistrusted some treason, by means whereof he thought Aldene with all his soldiers might have been consumed in that fire. And demanding of some that went wandering about the town, who had committed so vile an act, they presently made relation to him of the whole matter as it was done, which he understanding, and not minding (as a wise and provident Captain) to neglect any thing which should concern the service of his Prince, and the nobleness of his own mind, without being constrained by any command, but moved only by a true compassion for such an unspeakable calamity and sudden ruin, began in the best sort he could to give order to cause to be retired that Artillery which remained whole from the violence of the fire, seeing he could not remedy any other thing, for that all was fallen to a marvelous ruin. He remained within Lippa three days, and until he had seen all the Artillery (which was dispersed in the town that remained whole, to the number of fifteen pieces) conducted in safety, of which there were some sound, and many broken and cracked, and with those and all his people he retired to jula, first causing fire to be set in every place of the town that remained unburnt, to the end that the enemy might not in any sort relive himself therewith. Which being done, he presently gave advertisement thereof to Castalde, who already understood of this miserable ruin, which was exceeding displeasant to the army, and to all Transiluania, and specially to the Spaniards, whose reputation it touched more than any other, considering that he was a Spaniard which committed so infamous and dishonourable a thing; in regard whereof, they were always held in contempt, and derided by all the nations of that Province, they being not able to allege any colourable reason for their excuse, which procured great discontent and irksomenes to Castalde, for that he reposed all his hope upon this Fortress; thinking, that in well defending it, all the basha's force would not have been sufficient to have won thereof one thumbs breadth of ground. And although he esteemed the kingdom, together with his army and reputation to be in a manner lost, yet was he not troubled, nor made any semblance of fear in his heart of so great a loss: and although the cowardice of another had thus everted his designs, and that sudden and rash attempts commonly bring more trouble and amaze, than those which are foreseen by an advised consideration; yet nevertheless he did not omit to advertise Ferdinand of all these accidents, and present danger wherein he was, for that the Port of the country being by the carelessness of another opened to the enemy, to enter into that country, he being not able to withstand him, without another army answerable to that of Mahomet's, or at the least half as strong. In like sort he gave advertisement to Roderic Vigliandrando, and to Andrew Lopez, that they should march no further, because (as is above said) they were sent, who by some means or other they might enter into Themesuar; and he commanded Captain Lopez to enter with his company into the Castle of Deva, which next unto Lippa was the strongest Fortress in that quarter, and of the most importance for the entrance into the kingdom; 
Deva.  commanding in like manner Aldene, that he should remain in that town with the companies which he brought from Lippa, and that until he knew further of his pleasure. The town of Deva is very fair and rich, and situated in a place which participateth of a plain and hill, having a Castle of good defence, near unto which, a few years past, was found (by such means as we shall speak of) great store of treasure by the peasants of the country, under an old ancient Castle or Palace all ruinated and decayed. The rain continuing a long time, and the water running in great abundance with a forcible currant, by violence thereof there was discovered an infinite company of golden Medals, upon one side of which was coined the image of Lysimachus, and on the other side a victory, every one weighing 
Money of Lysimachus.  two or three crowns. The storm and rage of the water being past, and the Sun shining upon these, they made a marvelous glistering: which being perceived by certain peasants of the country, and they running to see what it might be, they remained ravished with joy, considering so great a quantity of the golden Medals, and offering to take them up, they also 
Treasure found.  found a golden Serpent, which afterward Castalde sent to Ferdinand, having had it at the death of Friar George, with a part of these ancient Medals: this being an ancient custom amongst those who buried their treasure, to place Serpents there, in token of a faithful keeper. And after that these peasants 
A custom of the Ancients.  had taken no man knew what, others took from thence more than twenty thousand Ducats, and the report was, that they might have taken more than 100000. for that this place had sometimes been Lysimachus abode: whereof Ferdinand had (as we have said) 1000 and Castalde about 300. which coin remained in this place from Lysimachus his time. Among other notable antiquities that was found, there were two Medals of gold, the one was of Ninus, and the other of Queen Semiramis: which two were 
Medals of Ninus and Semiramis.  sent to the Emperor Charles the 5. And there was not any man in all that Province, of what authority or reputation soever, which had not some of these Medals: so infinite was found this sum to be.  
Now, Castalde having taken order for the most important affairs of the kingdom, he went from thence with the vaivode of Transiluania to Seghesuar, from whence afterwards he went to Sassebessa. And being there arrived, he lodged in the best manner he could within the town, it being seated in the midst of the country, where he hastened the fortifications of those towns which were already begun to be fortified, and into which places he determined to place garrisons, to defend them against the Bassa, knowing he had not the force to encounter him in the field, and writ again to all the towns that they should send him more soldiers, certifying them of the bad fortune which was lately happened to the low countries: and although they ceased not to send unto him, yet could they never levy but 16000 men.  
In this time arrived 1500. men of arms, which Ferdinand had promised to Castalde, 1000 whereof were under the conduct of Fabian Schinach, and the other 500 remained with the marquess Sforce Palauicin, who brought with him 3000. Germans, and as many Italians, with certain troops of Hungarish horsemen, and some Artillery, to succour Castalde, and marched with great journeys, having already passed Papau, which is a Fortress upon 
Papau.  the confines of Hungary, near to Vesprimia, and he marched very speedily. There is found upon the way (which is nearest out of Hungary into Transiluania) a Castle named Drigal, situated just in the way, which then 
Drigal.  was kept by the Turks, so that they could not conveniently pass that way, which was far better, and the surest to conduct an army into the country. Whereupon to find some means to win this Fort, Ferdinand commanded the marquess Sforce, that arriving near unto the said Castle, he should with all his power make some stay there, and endeavour himself by all means possible to get it. Which Castalde understanding, and knowing by many reports the strength of that place, by reason of the few men the marquess had with him, he writ presently unto him, that he should not at that time stay about that enterprise, until they were united together, because that they two joining in one, happily they might attempt some fortunate success: which on the contrary they could not possibly obtain, if they were separated: for that one was not sufficient to make that conquest, but their union was likely to be the cause of some good event, and the time should not be lost in vain (as it might happen) if he himself would only be opinionated to stay there, with danger to lose it. Besides, advertising him, that if in case he would persist in this enterprise, and that he saw the Bassa of Buda attempted to succour that Castle, yet by no means he should fight, for fear of losing the battle: but that he should endeavour himself to retire the best he could, it being now no time to hazard his men, seeing he very well knew the great and present necessity which himself had thereof. He also writ to Ferdinand concerning the same, desiring him that he would cause Palauicin to depart from Drigal, and that he would command him presently to march and join with him, it being more necessary than the taking of this Castle. This reason although in itself it was sound and true, yet was it not so apprehended by Ferdinand, nor received by such due obedience of the marquess: so that, for not inclining to this counsel, he fell into such calamity, as we shall hereafter speak of.  
Mahomet (who had not the heart to go to besiege Lippa) knowing it was very strong, and that the garrison was of Spaniards, Germans, and Hungars, all chosen and approved soldiers, having at this instant had news, that the master of the Camp (Aldene) had forsaken it, and set fire on the Castle; and not believing that a Spaniard would commit such an indignity, and so unfit for him, sent (the same day that Bartholomew Coruatte had drawn out the Artillery) to know the certainty. The Turks who went thither, approached so near unto it, that they perceived that the town and 
The Turks seized on Lippa.  Castle had not received very great damage, and they began as well as they could to quench the fire, and presently advertised the Bassa that this fire had procured no great detriment to that which was newly fortified, and that although the Castle was broken and rift in many places, the Bulwarks and Curtains nevertheless were sound and whole, and very defensible: only that there was two old towers fallen down, but not any thing of that ruinated which was fortified within, and that the Castle itself might easily be reduced into his former strength, and made sufficient to defend itself. The Bassa upon this advertisement was so well content, as if he had conquered the moiety of Transiluania, and presently dispatched Cassombassa with 5000. horse to go and enter into Lippa and defend it. Presently upon this captains arrival there, he commanded certain Turks to go and view Solimos, thinking for certain that he should spend more time in taking of it, 
Solimos left to the Turks.  than he did, and that it might prove so ill an neighbour to him, that he should scarcely hold Lippa in peace, because that although that Castle was very little, yet it was inexpugnable: for that it could neither be battered by the Cannon, nor yet assaulted: and there was within the said Castle a Corporal of Aldenes squadron with 25. Spaniards, and about some 100 Hungars, which number was sufficient to defend it against all the world, they having victuals for two years, and of Artillery and munition as much as should suffice them. But fear had already possessed every man's heart, insomuch that news being come that Cassombassa was within Lippa, the Corporal fearing the enemy would come directly to the Castle, did resolve to leave it to the hazard of fortune, thinking that the former fault of others would excuse him from the reproach of any dishonourable act: upon which resolution, he persuaded all the soldiers who were within to depart, who already were so discouraged for the passed accidents, and for the faintheart which they perceived in him who commanded them, that they were presently induced (without any urgent persuasions) to credit his sayings: and began to go forth at the instant, when Cassombassa had sent 200. horse to summon them to yield: who being arrived before the Castle, and finding it open (although 
The cowardliness of the Spanish soldiers.  they suspected some deceit) yet they boldly entered in, and without any resistance made themselves masters thereof: and considering that the garrison could not be far off, understanding that the night before they were within, presently they set themselves forward to follow them: and they had not gone far, but that they overtook, and so entrapped them with such an assault, as wolves commonly give to amazed sheep being in flight, and put them all to the sword, except the Corporal, whom they led prisoner to Cassombassa: and thus was the desert of their shameful cowardice duly rewarded, yea even at the time when seeking their own safety, they then found death: which then had not ended their days, if they had remained within the Castle, and valiantly employed themselves for the defence thereof, which men expect for at the hands of resolute soldiers: for thus in keeping Solimos, they might thereby with good security have defended Lippa.  
Castalde at that time always remained about Sassebessa, with that small force which we have spoken of, daily expecting the arrival of the marquess Sforce, and assuredly believing that the Bassa would not omit to attempt the entrance into the kingdom (and that so much the more boldly, because he saw himself Lord, without any impeachment of the place, which he esteemed of most importance) he was attentive to see what he would determine of, because that until than he could never understand the drift of his intention, but only then when he was at Themesuar, he heard that he durst not enter into Transiluania, because it was reported that Castalde was therein with a good number of men, and that daily he expected more, and that if he should then enter there, he could not so easily retire himself as he would. This opinion of the Bassa was grounded upon certain policies and stratagems, which Castalde, Andrew Battor, and Thomas Nadasily had until that time used, deceiving thereby his Spies, causing his people daily to be newly mustered, and stretching their squadrons at length, to the end that they might seem double as great as they were, adding thereto very great 
The policy of war.  Salves of the Artillery and Harquebuziers, having caused their Camp to be largely lodged, to the end that it should seem greater than it was; further reporting that daily they expected aid, and that Duke Mauris would shortly arrive with 20000. men, and Ferdinand in person with a great army. By such and other like inventions, Castalde greatly helped himself in the necessity wherein he then was, supplying therein by his own industry, that which he knew was wanting, by reason of the smallness of his army; and not being able therewith to resist the power of the Bassa, he endeavoured to oppose himself against him, and to delude them by the subtly of his feigned shows; which Mahomet supposing to be true, was in doubt what to do. But at the last Castalde having understood, that one day he would upon a sudden enter into Transiluania, and send the Belerbey of Greece before with 25000. horse, to give remedy to that, leaving the vaivode Battor, with all his soldiers of the kingdom in the same place, to the end he should maintain the reputation of a Camp; and to the end also that that might always appear to be true which the Spies reported to Mahomet, who until then (in regard of the report, as we have declared before) had put him into some fear and doubt, he departed with his infantry and men of arms, with this resolute determination, to meet the Belerbey, and to fight with him: and although it seemed an express rashness, yet leaving the issue thereof in the hand of God, he was not any whit amazed or discouraged, but determined resolutely, either to overthrow the Belerbey, (and by that means to give just occasion to Mahomet; not to attempt any more the entrance into the kingdom) or else gloriously there to end his happy days. For that if it happened that unfortunately he should lose this battle, yet for all that he would not censure himself to be utterly subverted, but as fierce as at the first, because he should leave behind him another army, answerable unto that which he met the Turks withal.  
As these things were thus a brewing, he went to take view of a lodging between Deva and Sassebessa, which he found very convenient for his purpose, and commodious to fortify with great advantage for the safety of his infantry, which he might well accommodate and lodge upon certain little pleasant hills, which would be as a Cavalliar against the Belerbeys horse, and afterwards appointed a garrison at Deva, wherein he placed Count Helfestin, and two Spanish companies, with Vayvode Battors Cavalarie, to the end that as occasion served, they should make in upon the Rearward and flanks, he being with his men of arms so well accommodated, that he might well offend and annoy the enemy, without any detriment to himself. But all these inventions and troublesome conceits, which daily hammered in castald's brain, proceeding rather by necessity then of free will, took no effect, for that the Bassa altering his determination, resolved of some other course, and went towards Hungary, he being advised, that if he took the strong places thereof, Transiluania would then be won with less pain and danger, and without hazarding his army, as than he should hazard them, if he entered into that Province. And truly it was a work of God, that the Bassa remained so blinded, and that he could not discern so easy a way to conquer that country, because that Castalde not being of sufficient force to maintain the field, it was necessary for him to retire his forces into strong holds, considering that all the gathering together of the powers which they could make out of all the countries of the kingdom, was not such as they might affront this barbarous tyrant: and yet though it had been sufficient to encounter him withal, yet for all that they knew not how, neither at the entrance, nor at the retreat of the enemy's Camp, to avoid in that country very great desolation and ruin, which as well by reason of the one as of the other should have happened, and specially if such an army had made long abode therein, it being composed of more than 90000. men, besides adventurers, and other stragglers, who to rob and steal do usually follow a Campe.  
Whilst that Mahomet was determined to enter into Hungary, and that 
Drigal besieged by the Palauicin.  the Castle of Drigal was now besieged, and sorely battered by the marquess Sforce, and Erasmus Teifel, contrary to the liking of Castalde (as is aforesaid) and being not yet taken, Achineth (Bassa of Buda) understanding of this violent battering, and that this siege was maintained against the advice and liking of Castalde, he determined to relieve the assieged, and commanding that all the Cavalarie (which were upon the frontiers) should make their Rendezvous in a place by him appointed, who in the end were 15000. horse, with whom he marched towards our people, and at the dawning of the day he arrived near to the marquess his Camp, sending before 500 horse to give the alarm, and he with the rest of his troop passed towards another side of the Castle, not being perceived of any, to give in upon the Rearward of our men, if they would offer to come out of their Trenches to fight with those who should give the alarm. At the sight of these 500 horse, our men began to make some sallies and charges upon them, and by little and little the alarm waxed so warm, that the greatest part of our people, either by necessity or desire to fight, went out of their Trenches, and ranging themselves in battle, they so fiercely charged the Turks, that they slew most of them, and put the rest to a speedy flight, overthrowing many in the pursuit. And as it often happeneth, our soldiers thinking by the defeat of these few men they had the victory assured in their own hands, not foreseeing what might happen, they began to disband themselves and pursue the Turks, one getting a horse, another spoiling the dead; when to this medley the Bassa 
The Palauicin defeated by Achmeth, the Bassa of Buda.  (after that he saw the occasion to be such as he desired) came with such great fury and rage, that our people could not really themselves, nor resist so violent a charge, as well for that they were in disorder, as also because they saw themselves out and far from their Trenches, which might have warranted them from this cruelty. The Germans of Erasmus Teifel, who made the battalion, and were about 3000. were so at an instant overthrown, as if lions had entered into a park of sheep. The marquess Sforce, who was armed before the battalion of the Italians, seeing that our Cavalarie and men of arms were all fled, and that also all the Germans were defeated, and that on that side all was lost and overthrown; like a provident Captain would not endanger the rest of his men, but would have conducted them into some secure place, and caused them to take a wood which was there by, hoping by that means to save them, his enterprise was by the Bassa overthrown, who cut off his way, and forced him in spite of his teeth to fight. Who seeing he could not remedy it, he in the best manner he could ordered his people in battle, and encouraging the Captains, and the Captains the soldiers, as a valiant and resolute Leader he placed himself in the most dangerous place, and began the fight, which scarcely was begun, but his men (by reason of the multitude of the enemy's horse) were so disordered, that by no means they could not any more reunite themselves to fight, but took so desperate a flight, as though their only safety had consisted therein, notwithstanding the menaces and entreaties of the marquess did no good, and many Captains (forgetting all shame) leaving their companies fight on foot under their Ensigns, mounted upon the first horses which by chance they found before them, (as there were many in the field disfurnished of their masters) and therewith leaving their soldiers as a pray, they did in such sort fly, that there were some of them that never looked back nor stayed, before they arrived at Vienna. The marquess Sforce seeing himself thus alone and forsaken of his people, although he had as good means to save himself as others had, yet having a generous and a noble mind, did rather choose to die there with honour and glory, then in flying to save himself with shame and infamy. Wherefore seeing he could not escape this certain danger, he determined to sell his life to the Turks as dear as he could, and valiantly fight he would never yield, although in many places he was very sore wounded, killing and hurting many of those who environed him: and as he was in reaching at the neck of one, another hurt him in the right hand, so that he was forced to let his sword fall, and so consequently his courage decreased, that he was forced rather to yield his body, than his mind. He being thus taken prisoner, he was presently led to the 
The Palauicin taken.  Bassa, not without the great admiration of all those who had seen him fight so bravely, being much astonished at his valour and prowess, which most resolutely they had seen him perform, not being until then ever known to be General, but only for a man of some good respect and authority, and for such an one he was held by the Bassa. As soon as Erasmus was taken, and known to be a man of no small quality, he was presently sent to Constantinople, where at his arrival he had his head cut off. There died in this overthrow many persons of mark, and among others the Bishop of Vaccia, who was commissary general, and many other German Captains. The prisoners were Hippolytus Palauicin, Captain Albert de Castello, a Boulonian, Captain Bambino de Carpi, Captain Maria de Tivoli, Captain Vincent Antivory, a Florentine: and of the rest which fled I will not make any mention of, in regard they deserve not commendations.  
After this rout, the Bassa at pleasure relieved those of Drigal, and having effected this unfortunate journey, which happened the 8. day of August, anno 1552. he sent to Buda all the pray and spoil which he had gotten, and returned 
Anno 1552.  another way to join with Mahomet, who had willed him to come, that he might discourse with him upon that which he desired to do against Hungary, for that Achmeth had the more knowledge in the discovery & passages of that country. Castalde in the mean time hourly received news, touching some bad chance (because he was not believed) of the succours which he expected in this great necessity wherein he was: & during certain days, he assuredly believed that the marquess Sforce was slain in battle, but afterwards he knew that he was living, and under the Bassa of Buda his command, 
The Palauicin ransomed for 15000. Ducats.  from whom certain months after he was ransomed for 15000. Ducats.  
Now Achmeth being come to Mahomet, (who was determining to march into Hungary, but yet with a cold resolution, considering with himself that this year he had performed sufficiently in conquering of Lippa and Themesuar) he exhorted and persuaded him earnestly to follow on his first determination, with a resolution of conquest, promising him within few days to render the Castle of Zaluoch and the town of Agria to him, possessing him that the greatest part of the towns of that Province would assuredly yield to him, in respect of the fear which was bruited in them, by the taking of the foresaid towns, and by the overthrow of Palauicin, and that by this means he should get infinite renown and glory, and such as he could not hope for, and that to that purpose he should be now incited, for that he saw Ferdinand busied in the German affairs, and oppressed by many revolutions and garboils, and by the loss of men and horses, which he apparently saw was happened to him, and which he could not presently renew, being in extreme necessity and want of money: so that by these incommodities which he knew to be most true, he had now all the means that might be to make himself Lord of many towns, without any impeachment or danger to him, and to lead away infinite prisoners, and get inestimable booty. Mahomet greatly encouraged by such hopes, presently took the way to Zaluoch with all his army, marching with tedious journeys. This Castle is very strong, and about some three years past it was reared 
Zaluoch besieged by Mahomet.  and built by Ferdinand from the ground, in respect of the commodity of the place, which by cause of the natural situation, and by the shores and banks of Tibiscus, seemed as though it had been erected by hand. Ferdinand the rather was incited hereunto, because he knew that Solyman meant to possess himself of that place for the same purpose, and for the fertility and pleasure of the country. And thus he preventing the determination of his enemy, first possessed himself on this seat, and esteeming it worthy of a Fortress, procured with great diligence to build that Castle, which certainly was esteemed invincible, and one of the fairest works that was in that kingdom, having about it five great Cavalliars very high, watered on the one side by Tibiscus, and on another side environed with another river named Zagiva, and in two other places there was a ditch very deep which was filled with water from those two rivers; and there was within it a large place to range or embattle forty thousand men: to be short, this place was reputed one of the strongest Forts that was in all Hungary, and such a one Ferdinand did esteem it, and always maintained therein a strong garrison of men, Artillery, victuals, and all sorts of munition for ten years. To answer which with like correspondence, if it had then been as well furnished of resolute soldiers, as it was well munitioned of other things, it should not have come to such an unfortunate end as it received, by the cowardice of those who were in garrison there. Besides these aforesaid preparations, Ferdinand had caused there to be kept 50. long narrow boats, with which they might upon those rivers fish and fight if occasion served; and within he had caused to be placed at that time for an ordinary garrison 300. Germans beside their Captain who was absent, 100 Bohemians, 200. Aiduchs, and 50. Spaniards, besides 200. Hungarish horse, who in all amounted to 850. men.  
Castalde understanding that Mahomet marched towards Hungary, certainly persuaded himself (as afterward was seen) that if then he retired from Themesuar, he should not have the like occasion and commodity to enter into Transiluaniaas he had: and although he was glad to see him out of this Province, yet was he greatly perplexed in his mind, fearing that he would march directly towards Agria, because that that was a town of little strength, but yet of great importance: notwithstanding he had a special hope of this, that Mahomet would first (before he came to Agria) make some stay before Zaluoch, for that he would not leave it behind him; and he thought that this Castle would defend itself from his cruelty, because it was so well munitioned, & impregnable: so that he assured himself that Mahamet should consume the greatest part of his forces during the siege there, & that if those within it would show their uttermost devoir, he should be forced rather to retire with shame and loss, then remain there with profit and honour.  
Before that Mahomet approached Zaluoch, he sent 2000 horse to scour and discover the plain, and gather what victuals they could for his army, which stood in some distress, for that they had passed ruinated and dispeopled Countries, from whence to avoid his tyranny, all the people were fled into divers places of safety. Some of his Vaun-currers presenting themselves before Zaluoch, and being known to be such as they were, our people sallied forth to skirmish with them, and took some of them who were scattered from their company, by whom they understood that Mahomet would presently come and besiege them with all his army. It happened the same day, that the Turks Vanguard arrived, a certain German bruising in his lodging a little powder, fire took hold thereof and burnt the house, and almost all the Castle, because that the flame being carried with the wind (which then was very great) dispersed itself into all parts, and suddenly flamed, for the greatest part thereof being built of wood, and filled with such other things which drew fire to it from a far, and if they had not with great expedition slaked it, surely all had been consumed into ashes: and even as the Vanguard wherein Achmeth Bassa was arrived, the fire was quenched, and then all those within put themselves in battle and good order about the walls, and with the force of Artillery & Harquebuziers, they began to salute the enemy with such violence, that they broke that squadron, insomuch that he was forced to retire from approaching any nearer: and forthwith sallying out, they made a great murder amongst the Turks. The day following arrived Mahomet himself with all the rest of his camp, lodging a good distance off, and in a place where the Artillery could not offend him, and presently with a strong troop of horse he went to view the Castle on the two sides that were not environed with water, but only with dry Ditches, and the day following he caused all his army to approach before that place, quartering them on these two sides, and they were so many in number, that all the ground within that compass was covered with them: and afterward he sent by some of his people to certify him who commanded within, that he should for certain understand, that that place where the Castle was built, appertained to the Grand Signior, and that Ferdinand erected it in a place which was none of his: and for that cause he commanded them to yield it unto him, offering upon that condition some reasonable rewards, and that he would permit him, with all his soldiers, safely to depart with their arms and baggage; further admonishing him not to be obstinate, lest he should plant the Artillery: for if he expected that, he had sworn and protested not to make any accord with him at all, but the contrary, putting all to fire and sword, he would without mercy murder all those who fell into his hands. The Castellan made him this answer, that being borne Ferdinand's subject, and by him placed in this Castle, and having sworn to him fidelity, and given him assurance to keep and defend it (which also he purposed to do) he could not yield it to him: but if he would be master thereof he should win it by force, and that he should not solicit him any more with the like frivolous messages, for that he had no dread nor fear of his words, and as little esteemed he of his deeds, but that he should do his uttermost, and he for his part would also do what he could to defend and maintain it, desiring rather to die Ferdinand's servant, than live Soliman's friend.  
The Bassa understanding of this resolute answer, the day following he caused the Trenches to be made hard by the Ditches, on those two sides of which we have spoken, and that not without great labour, for that the Pioneers were forced to carry the earth very far, because the place was dry and stony, and very unfit for such a purpose. And after they had finished their work, one morning before daybreak, he caused his Artillery to be brought into them, and planted it against the Castle, and began very violently to batter: but the Cannon did no great harm, for that the Castle was well rampired and environed with earth and faggots, which presently did qualify the force of the bullet. About three days after that the Turks had continued their battery, the Germans assembled together, & spoke unto the Captain 
The cowardliness of the German soldiers.  of the Spaniards, and to certain other soldiers, telling them, that the most part of the Hungars were already on horseback, and that when they thought least of it, they would in the night depart and forsake them, and that if they did so, every one might clearly discern, that they were not of sufficient strength to maintain and keep it against so great an army, as was that of the Turks: and that for that cause this was their counsel, that all should dislodge and endeavour to save themselves, persuading this Captain to speak of this matter unto him who commanded the place, and was the Castellan, who for that he was his friend would not refuse to hearken to him, and it might be would yield to his opinion. The Spaniards replied, that as yet they saw no occasion that should move them to depart from thence so vilely, and they told them that they should not use any more so dishonest and infamous speeches, but rather they should have the courage to die honourably, then commit so cowardly an act; and that for their parts they would do that which should seem good to them, not being willing at any time to lend their ears to such unfitting discourses. The Germans then seeing that the Spaniards respected not their motion, went to the Bohemians to acquaint them with their determination, and there they caused it to find such good entertainment, that they easily drew them to their opinions: whereupon they altogether went to the Castellan, to tell him in few words that they would depart, for that they saw the Hungars had trussed up their baggage in their wagons, and their horses were ready saddled, of which they knew not the meaning, except it were to begun, and leave the rest as a pray to the Turks: for that if they departed, who were the greatest and strongest part, it was not in their power to warrant & withstand the assaults of Mahomet, and to defend themselves against so puissant a force; in respect where of they thought it better to depart and retire in safety, then to remain in danger of so apparent a loss, which every man might see ready to befall them with a cruel death. The Castellan willing to appease them, told them that the Hungars had not loaded their baggage, neither were their horses saddled to any other end, but only for fear of the fire, which in that extremity they might more conveniently transport them from place to place, and that if they thought otherwise, they deceived themselves, and if they were of this opinion, he himself would be the first that should burn their baggage, and maim all their horses, and would cause that the Hungars should every one execute the like in his own 
The brave resolution of the Castellan of Zaluoch even to the end.  behalf, promising to recompense them in the end according to their deserts: and this he did to the end that they should be the more willing to put fire thereto, assuring them, that before he would depart from this Castle, he was resolved rather to die within it. The Germans seeing that by this means they could not compass their drift, they presently replied, that they would not remain, except they might have their pay which was due to them. The Castellan made liberal promise to them thereof, and sounding the bottom of his friends purses, he got so much money as was needful to satisfy them all that was their due.  
In the mean time the Bassa ceased not from continual battering: but it was to no great purpose, for that the Cannon did little good; in regard whereof our people in stead of taking courage, they hourly seemed fainthearted and more discouraged: and this battery having dured 8. whole days, they determined one night secretly to depart, and by the means of boats to save themselves on the other side of the river. Which the Spaniards perceiving, they presently advertised the Castellan thereof, who told them, that he had caused the boats to be sunk, for that they should not have that means to fly, they being not able to go forth at any other place, because the enemy had wholly environed them, who would hinder their passage; which they found not true, and the Spaniards in the night time walking the round, about the Castle, and visiting the Sentinels, saw the Germans in arms with their baggage ready to depart, and coming to the Port, they met the Hungars (who were all on horseback) and the Castellan that urgently entreated them that they would not depart, and leave this Fortress with so great shame and infamy to their nation, and with so great a loss to K. Ferdinand: by which speeches they in like manner saw that they prevailed not much with them, in their behalf, for that they opening the Port by force, they all thrust themselves forth. The Turks who were for the watch within their Trenches, hearing first the bruit which was within the Castle, and presently after hearing no more thereof, and not perceiving any sign or token of any watch (as they usually perceived it every night before) went presently to break open the 
Zaluoch cowardly left to the Turks.  Port, which was opposite to that part which the Hungars & Germans went forth at: and entering in, and not finding any person, they greatly marveled thereat, and looking about them, they found the Castellan alone by the Port, who begun to shut it after his people, not meaning at any hand to depart with them, but rather to remain and die therein, or else to be made a slave, before he would commit so shameful and disloyal a fact to his Prince. The Turks presently took him prisoner, and having bound him, they led him to Achmeth, Bassa of Buda: who after he had understood how all things had passed, he showed him great honour, and entreated him courteously, esteeming it to be a thing no less virtuous to use clemency towards his enemies, than kindness to his friends; yea although a man hath power to suppress or raise them up, and specially when it is in the behalf of those who have not committed any dishonourable or unworthy act, but on the contrary have performed that which was agreeable to their honour and reputation.  
So soon as the Germans were out, they went towards the boats, which because they were half on land and half in the water, they found very far engaged, and before they had drawn them out of their Docks into the water, they so filled them with their implements and their own persons, that they could by no means wag them: and thus losing the time (whilst on another side the Hungars saved themselves in passing the river with their horses at a ford) the Turks set upon them as they were thus busied, and put them all to the sword, so that not a man escaped alive. Whilst that the Turks inflicted this punishment upon these miserable men (which they justly deserved) the Spaniards were almost all saved, some by water, & others by land  
Mahomet having in this sort won this Castle with less pain and travail than he expected (not conquering it by force, but by the cowardice & treachery of the Germans and Hungars who were there in garrison, and who rather desired to fly and forsake their King, then remain fight & get hohonour and glory, being well able to make resistance without their loss or danger) reposed himself with his army certain days in this place, and afterward leaving in it a strong garrison, he took his way towards Agria, with intention to besiege it, thinking that those who were within, would do as those of Zaluoch and Lippa had done. But God as an enemy to those who trust more in their forces, then in his assistance, would that all whatsoever we esteem impregnable, should be lost: and again, that all that which we think upon very good reason to be feeble and weak, forsaken of all help, and not anything fortified by any human industry, should gallantly maintain and preserve itself: as appeared by this town which the Turks found so strong, that they had just cause to bewail that they were so evilly entreated there, as if they had received some bloody overthrow in open field; this being an incredible thing how this town could preserve itself, and so exceedingly endamage the enemy.  
The loss then of Zaluoch engendered in Ferdinand's camp a great admiration, and generally no less astonishment to all, because this was a place (as we have said) invincible and impregnable, except by such a manner wherewith it was lost: and Castalde bare inwardly in his heart, in finite grief and sorrow for it, although outwardly he enforced himself to show very exceeding valour; and knowing that amongst human actions there cometh not one mischief alone, but that it is accompanied with another even hard at the heels, this being the quality of Fortune, never to begin her sports for a little while, he disinherited that this disgrace would be accompanied with another, and that so much the rather, because he saw so puissant an enemy, ready not only to the ruin and subversion of Transiluania and Hungary, but also of all Christendom; and he supposed that he had done no small matter, if he could maintain himself in such estate as then he took himself to be in, having but weak force & a very small army, which also then he could not pay, and daily seeing the Fortresses to be abandoned, & most cowardly left in the Turks power; and on the other side, continually perceiving war to approach upon him, and that even by them from whom he hoped to find most favour and aid to maintain Ferdinand's part, and to assure these countries under his obeisance, who on the contrary wrought a dangerous revolt, and secretly practised to deprive King Maximilian of all this province, to render it to King john's son, & to reinvest the Queen his mother into her first & royal dignity, they being not able any longer to support the wars, & other inconveniences which daily afflicted than, labouring with all their skill to effect their purposes.  
In respect of these vehement suspicions, Castalde was in great vexation and heaviness, fearing that that would shortly happen to him which he had always before suspected, specially because he knew the nature of the Transylvanians to be much inclined to novelties and alterations, and that more than any neighbour Province whatsoever; and that already oftentimes the principal persons among them, under the colour of divers urgent occasions, retired into such places, where they gave more suspicion of revolting, than assurance of true amity; all this notwithstanding he omitted not to consult and deliberate with the vaivode and others, touching all that which was necessary, and to provide for it accordingly, not minding that any fault should be attributed to him by his negligence or indiscretion, nor to be reproved for that he had not as a skilful Captain foreseen every inconvenience; as he very wisely managed matters, which thing hereafter we shall more amply treat of in his proper place.  
The end of the fifth Book.   

THE six BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE six BOOK.  
Queen Izabella complaineth of Ferdinand, and she seeketh the Turks aid. The enterprise to kill the vaivode of Moldavia. The Transylvanians revolt from Ferdinand. Aldenes trial upon life and death. Duke Maurice of Saxony bringeth with him 15000. men into Hungary for Ferdinand's aid. Mahomet besiegeth Agria, the resolution of the Citizens, and courage of the women there: in the end he is forced to raise his siege, and retire from thence with shame and loss. The Hungars seek peace with the Turk, and pay him tribute. The Pope's absolution in favour of Ferdinand for the murder of George. Soliman's insolent answer to the Hungars upon their request of peace, and the astonishment of the Transylvanians thereat. castald's present arrival at Wasrael, and his oration there to the Hungars, by which they are reanimated against the Turks. The pursuit against Aldene. Queen Izabella practiseth her return into Transiluania, and is assisted by divers of the nobility, who in respect of the many wrongs and injuries offered them by Ferdinand's people, incline to her.  
Whilst Castalde was busied to redress these casualties of fortune which already passed through the kingdom, and that Mahomet marched with his victorious army towards Agria: Queen Izabella seeing that nothing 
Queen Izabella complaineth of Ferdinand.  was performed of that which was promised her in the behalf of Ferdinand, and that she could draw nothing from them but words, being greatly offended thereat, complained of Ferdinand to the King of Polonia her brother, and to Queen Bonna her mother, of the wrong which she received, and how by too credulent a belief she was cunningly lifted out of her estate, and in this sort deceived and deprived of all human help; and also that they denied for wife to her son, the Infanta joan, and the estates which was offered to her, and the payment and disbursing of her jointer and dowry. For which respects she would not that the agreement and resignation compacted about Transiluania, should be any further proceeded in; saying, that she was not bound to observe any condition with him, who performed not any of his promises to her, and that it was reasonable for her to break with him, that had so often failed with her. With this choler and grief she practised the means to set footing again into this Province, and to draw the principallest States thereof to favour the cause of her son, minding to assist herself with the offers which Mirce (vaivode of the 
Mirce, vaivode of the Transalpinians.  Transalpinians) had made her, promising to aid her both with men and money, and beside to perform, what possibly he could, to reinvest King john into his former dignities. And before she discovered any the least inkling of her determination, she had caused Solyman secretly to be entreated, 
Izabella again seeketh the Turks aid.  that it would please him to favour her cause, insinuating to him how great and unfeigned had been the amity and affection which King john her deceased husband bore him, and the great confidence that after his death she always had in him, and that he would vouchsafe not now to deny her his aid in so great necessity, which for the present she was in, and especially seeing she was spoiled of all her goods, because she reposed too great trust in another: and that if for her sake he would not do any thing, yet that at the least he would have a princely regard of pity to her son john, who was a child and orphan, and expulsed from his own inheritance, whom she committed into his arms, knowing that from the bounty of his princely disposition, she could not but hope of a remedy worthy of his excellent magnanimity, there being not any thing more commendable among Princes and monarch, then to defend the just causes of afflicted widows and poor orphans, as she and her son were, in whose defence he should greatly enrich his renown with perpetual glory, and add to those his royal dignities, the surname of a pitiful and just protector of those, who unjustly are oppressed by the wickedness and intrusion of others: it being more expedient and behoveful for his affairs, to have them for his neighbours and confederates, than Ferdinand, from whom he could expect nothing else but continual war and perpetual trouble.  
By these speeches and other like reasons which she caused to be alleged to him, she (by the means and favour of Achmeth Bassa) crept so into the favour of Soliman's liking, that presently he writ to the vaivode of Moldavia, 
Stephen, Vayvoyde of Moldavia.  named Stephen, that at all times, and as often as he should be requested by the Queen of Transiluania to aid her, he should not fail with the greatest force he could make, to do her all possible favour: and the like he also commanded to the Bassa of Buda.  
Castalde (during these practices) had already intelligence how Chendy Ference 
Vicchy and Chendy for Izabella.  (one of the principal Peers of the country) went often to visit Peter Vicchy, who made his abode in one of his Castles, situated in the confines of Polonia, and that they were accorded and united together, and that already they had levied forces, with intention to enter into the kingdom, and to reduce it under the Queen's command, alleging for their reasons, that Ferdinand had observed nothing of that which was promised. Which truly they published, not so much for the interest & favour of the Queen, as to revenge the death of Friar George, the which (and the authors thereof) Peter Vicchy thought much of, and meant to revenge it under the favour and power of Chendy, who after the death of the said Friar, was grown puissant in that country. And being thus united together, and strengthened with many gentlemen, who secretly retired to them, they purposed greatly to trouble the affairs of the kingdom, by reason of the succours which they assuredly hoped from the Moldavian, who as yet had not dismissed his army, and who always (by Mahomet's command) entertained it in the field, concluding with him, that they would at one instant enter into this Province: further also that they had agreed with the vaivode, that causing all the country to revolt against Castalde, he should with all the other soldiers which were then with him, assail those of Ferdinand's part, and cut them in pieces in the same field where Castalde should be encamped. But Castaldes diligent care and vigilancy, vanished these devices into smoke, so that this conspiracy could take no effect; and specially because of the death of the vaivode, which happened in the wishedest time that could be desired, the same being practised many days before: and which was as here followeth.  
Castalde being at Seghesuar then, when he went against the Moldavian, there came to him at that time a Moldavian gentleman, a man of good 
The enterprise to kill the vaivode of Moldavia.  countenance, well graced, and full of discretion. This man withdrew himself from Stephen the vaivode, misdoubting to be slain, in respect he greatly favoured him who was the rightful inheritor of this Province, which was by the said Vayuode tyrannically usurped. This gentleman brought with him about some twenty horse, with which he offered his service to Ferdinand, whereupon he was received into pay: and these which serve in this manner, and with such a number of men, are called in Moldavia, Bugerons. Within a while after this Bugeron found the means to have 
Bugerons.  long discourse with Castalde, concerning his affairs, to whom making an ample recital of his estate and quality, said; that the vaivode had not yet wholly dissolved his Camp, and that he yet entertained the greatest part thereof, upon opinion once again to enter into this kingdom, upon any occasion when he should see it most encumbered and oppressed by the necessity of war; and that if he would promise him his favour and assistance, he would adventure to kill him; with this condition nevertheless, that if in case he performed it, that then he should be a Captain of 200. horse in Ferdinand's pay. Upon this offer Castalde made him liberal promise thereof, and more than he demanded, assuring him that besides his promise, he would bestow in reward of him 1000 crowns, if he returned having performed this enterprise. The Bugeron nourishing himself with this hope, returned into Moldavia, where he attempted many times to execute his enterprise: but yet could he not at that time attain to the effect and issue thereof, for being discovered, he was constrained to fly into Polonia, from whence he writ to Castalde of all what had passed, and that if he would that this conspiracy should proceed, that then he should write to two of the Vayvodes household servants, who were very familiar with him, without whose means this enterprise could hardly take any effect: and that the contents of the letters which they should write unto them, should be to request them to hasten and perform that which they promised to him, and of which they talked together, and that if it succeeded well, he promised to give them all which he had offered, and a larger recompense than they expected, and that they should assure themselves he would not any thing dissemble or fail, in that whereof they should have need.  
This Bugeron meant that this letter should be sent jointly to them both, he practising by this policy to bring them in suspicion, (although indeed they were innocent thereof, neither were they embrewed with any spot of this treason) and by this device to make them enemies to the vaivode, and to incense them against him. This counsel was presently practised, and that in such sort, that the vaivode was as soon advertised thereof, as Castalde had written to these two familiar friends of his, who could not keep close this letter, because it was delivered to them in the presence of many. It also happened that when this letter was brought them, they were (as fortune would) both together, and presently opening and reading it together, and remaining (by reason of the contence and novelties thereof) wonderfully astonished; and so much the more, because they understood not what the letter meant, as men that had not any correspondence with him who wrote unto them: and afterwards thinking with themselves what this might mean, and holding this letter still in their hands, by chance there was by them a young youth allied to the vaivode, who for that he was young, they had not any suspicion of him. This youth having nevertheless well understood the sum of their conference, went presently to the vaivode, and in order recited to him what he had heard and seen. Whereupon these two were presently sent for, and the vaivode commanding them to show the letter that Castalde had writ to them, he interpreted it according to his own mind; and so took them as traitors, and caused them presently to be deprived of all their honours and dignities which they had in his country, with resolution to behead them, and wholly to extirpate their houses and goods; that by the horrible example of these, it might be a just precedent for others hereafter to be better advised from attempting so mischievous and vile an act.  
As the vaivode was inquisitive about these practices, the Bugeron came from Polonia; and having understood that this letter of Castaldes had produced such effect as he desired; and that those to whom it was written were greatly incensed against Stephen the vaivode, because that by him (beyond all limits of reason) they were very cruelly abused and falsely accused of treason; and that they could not tolerate this indignity; and that they secretly conspired a cruel revenge thereof: and so knowing that the things would succeed according to his desire, he meant not to omit this occasion, which Fortune so favourably offered to him, but willingly embracing it, he speedily writ to these two, that if they would join with him to revenge the wrongs which were done them by the vaivode, he would gladly consort with them, and especially knowing between them how the other had most injuriously wronged them, and with what cruelty he had much persecuted them even to death: discovering to them, that it was far more convenient to make him away by some device, then to look for this that he should take away their lives. These two greatly joyed at this unexpected offer, and determined to perform that upon him, which unjustly he had imposed upon them, and to revenge themselves of the honours which were taken from them, and of the shame and obloquy, which undeservedly they had received against all right and reason. Many of their friends and kinsmen (who thought not well of that which was done against them) conspired with them, as also many others who were kinsmen to him, who lawfully should have been Vayuode. These altogether complotted with the Bugeron, concerning the means that should be used to put their conspiracy in execution: which was, that they should suddenly assail their enemy and kill him; as within short time they performed it, entering furiously one day into the vaivode's Tent, who was laid upon his bed to repose himself, imagining that never any durst have the face to offend or disturb him; they gave him so many 
The Moldavian murdered.  stabs with a poniard, that they caused him presently to give up the ghost, and afterwards by the means of them that followed them, they set upon 2000 Turks and Tartars, which he continually had for his guard, cutting and hewing them all in pieces, electing him for vaivode, who indeed should be he: which being performed, they converted their fury against the Tyrant's kindred, killing his mother, children, and friends (as the manner is in that country) not leaving alive any of the contrary faction, from whom afterwards they might have any occasion of mistrust.  
This death seemed to all very profitable, and specially to the Transylvanians, who by means thereof saw themselves delivered from very great dread and fear of being at any other time assailed by him: and on the contrary, they saw this new vaivode to make some show to embrace the amity and friendship of Ferdinand, which possessed them with a special hope of a long and quiet repose. But all these vain hopes in the end proved contrary, as we shall more commodiously in another place speak of: for that this new vaivode of Moldavia did not long continue in this league, which he broke within a short time after, that he might be in the Turks grace and favour. Also this death was the special cause which hindered the conspiracy that was wrought in Transiluania against Castalde; and also because that at that time it came to be discovered, insomuch that every one knew all them that were actors therein, and who had promised him to enter thereinto: which made Peter Vicchy and Chendy to be greatly doubted, as all those likewise who were compacted in this conspiracy; of which number Castalde would not punish any therefore, knowing it was then no time, being on the one side withheld in regard of the fear and suspicion of the future war: and on the other side seeing himself more troubled then ever he was, by the vexations and discontents which his own people hourly gave him, which far exceeded those that he received by the enemy. For the Germans in respect they were not paid, committed the greatest outrages that 
The Germans muitnie.  were possible, ranging and spoiling all the plain country, killing the inhabitants of villages, and doing incredible things without any regard, committing unworthy excesses, and such as are unfit for a Christian, who is bound rather to yield a rule and form of an exemplary and modest life, then of wicked or infamous livers, seeing that by the one they might gain much, and by the other lose infinitely. From these so execrable extortions, proceeded the special cause that afterward incensed all the inhabitants of the kingdom 
The Transylvanians begin to revolt from Ferdinand.  to revolt, and specially the Nobility, who seeing that their first enterprise taken in hand, under pretext of doing good, yet came to no effect, propounded one day before Castalde, that it was expedient (seeing they were all then in the field) to go with all their people to besiege Lippa, and use some stratagem or force to take it, it being reported that Cassombassa had few men within it, having sent from thence the greatest part of the garrison to Mahomet to the siege of Agria: importuning him that he would not omit this occasion and commodity, whilst it showed itself favourable, fearing that never after the time would be so convenient for such an enterprise: all of them very willingly offering themselves to this war. They spoke this with a dissembling heart, to devise some means to work Ferdinand's army out of the kingdom, with an intent (they being once out) not to suffer them to re-enter again. But Castalde (who well understood these devices, which they shadowed with a pretence of good, and which in effect had an outward appearance of truth) would by no means consent to their persuasions: but dissembling and possessing them with hope to grant their requests, deferred as much as he could their demands; and that so much the rather, for that he knew how greatly it imported him to remain in that place where he was then resident, from whence he might with good advantages provide for all distressed parts, and specially for the necessities which daily might happen, as also to consider the end to which Mahomet's affairs against Agria might tend.  
In this time there arrived at Vienna the Pope's Nuntio and commissaries, 
Information upon the death of George.  with articles drawn and propounded by Cardinals deputed thereto, touching the information of Friar George his death, upon which they were to examine witnesses, and to be informed by them, if it were true, that he practised treason against Ferdinand, in favour of the Turks: and namely, to cause him to lose and be deprived of the Realm, and so accordingly to censure, if the death of Friar George was just or no. Hereupon Ferdinand and King Maximilian writ to Castalde, that he should send them the examination of the witnesses, which he had caused to be heard and examined, as well in Transiluania as elsewhere, to the end that thereby they might censure of the offence, as the quality and condition of the fact required. Castalde receiving this message, caused to be examined one Emeric the friars Secretary, and an other that was his Chancellor named Adam, who deposed certain things which might give some shadow and colour of suspicion: but in their examinations they were quite different the one from the other, and the said Emeric upon some displeasure which he conceived against the Friar, was not accounted an unblamable witness. Castalde was greatly troubled to find any who could verify that which was imputed against the Friar: yet within certain months after there were sent to Vienna certain proceedings which they had passed touching that point, and afterwards they were presented to the commissaries, who with speed carried them to Rome. As these persons departed from thence, Ferdinand being thoroughly informed of the vile and infamous loss of Lippa, and how it happened by Aldenes cowardliness: to the end therefore that this ignominious fact should not remain unpunished, he commanded Castalde that Aldene should be committed to prison, and that by the consent and advice of the vaivode, his process should be 
Aldenes trial upon life and death.  made against him; by means whereof he meant to make him understand that he would punish him rigorously, to the end that others by his example, should learn more valiantly to maintain their own reputation, than he had done. According to this command Aldene was examined, and demanded upon what occasion he fired the munition and victuals, and why (without seeing any enemy) he so cowardly left this Fortress, and caused it to be burnt. In answer of which demands, he alleged for his excuse, that he was forced thereunto, by reason the most part of the soldiers were fled from thence, and that because he had not time commodious to carry out the victuals, Artillery, and munition, he commanded them to be burnt after that manner, choosing rather to consume them so, then suffer them to be a spoil to the enemy, and that for the same consideration he had performed the like to the Castle and town, thinking that the Turks seeing such an apparent ruin, they would never afterwards make account of it, nor regard to fortify it; he for his part purposing, that after they were departed thence, he would return thither again, and establish it in the former estate, and fortify it stronger than before: and that for these reasons he was incited and constrained to do that which he did. But more fully to know the truth of all these matters, and to the end he should not any thing complain of injury that might be done him, certain judges were deputed to know and understand his cause, and to examine the soldiers who had been with him in Lippa.  
During all these proceedings which were managed at Vienna, concerning Friar George his death, and in Transiluania upon Aldenes fact, Mahomet seeing how all things did even until them prosperously succeed with him, and how much Fortune did favour him in his conquests, which he achieved with small labour; and how beside she had won him that honour and glory, which he never expected to have, perceiving himself by such events to be greatly redoubted and feared, did not one mite esteem the town of Agria, persuading himself to have won it easier, than he had done the other towns: and in the end (although he was greatly urged thereunto) he marched thither, dismissing a good part of his army, assuring himself he should little need so many men, nor such a power of Cavalarie, as until then he had, knowing this place to be of no strength, nor such that it could long resist his forces: whereupon he sent the Bassa of Buda before with certain troops of horse to view the country, and to assure the frontiers thereof, having had advertisement that Duke Mauris was arrived at 
Duke Mauris of Saxony arrived in Hungary with 15000. men for Ferdinand.  javarin, where he was lodged with 10000 Lansquenets, and 5000. horse, according to the promise which he made to Ferdinand, to whom he had assured that he would perform in Hungary some profitable matter for the general good, as it was also accorded at Ispurch between the Emperor and him. This Duke had already caused a bridge to be built over Danubius, bruiting it abroad that he would march to besiege Strigonium. But although that at the beginning the Turks had some fear and doubt thereof, yet this siege in the end was found to be nothing else but a particular ruin of this province, and it was the cause of a thousand inconveniences and griefs to Ferdinand, and made him to consume and spend all that treasure which he had levied to pay the army which he entertained in Transiluania: and that was the cause also that neither on the one side nor on the other, could any good be done. In the end the Bassa of Buda presented himself before Mauris, not with intent to fight (for his force was then but weak) but only to discern his countenance, and whither he would march, that he might speedily relieve that place, and in the mean time somewhat to bridle his proceedings.  
Whilst these two expected each others attempts, in such sort as you have 
Mahomet besiegeth the town of Agria.  heard, Mahomet encamped himself about Agria with 60000. men, and 50. pieces of Artillery. This town was in a manner all open, with a Castle after the ancient fortification, without any defences or Bulwarks, but only certain towers, and it is commanded by a hill, the descent of which cometh within a stones cast of the wall. This default of Rampires and other weak means, was supplied by the invincible courages of those that were within, who were Hungars, to the number of 2000 of whom there were 500 gentlemen well dissended, and no less esteemed in the country for their virtue and prowess, who were retired thither with their wives, children, and movables, having no other place of strength in the country but that, where they could find any safety for their goods and lives. These, with the inhabitants of the town and other soldiers, swore and protested 
The resolution of the Agrians.  among themselves, that not any one upon their lives should adventure to speak of any agreement, nor yield upon no composition, nor yet to make reply to the enemy's speeches, but only with arqebus and Cannon: and in case that by the length and tediousness of the siege, they should be brought to extremity of victuals, they should first eat one another, rather than cowardly to yield. And that daily (after intercession to God, and hearing Mass) both men and women, without intermission, should labour the strengthening of the Rampires and fortifications: and to avoid all treason, they did expressly prohibit that none should assemble above three or four in a company. Besides, they ordained that all the provision, as well for the munition as for the particular houses, should equally be distributed by weight, and so much for a day: and that the Doves, Hens, Capons, Pullet's, and other like victuals, should safely be kept and reserved for the sick and wounded: and that all the spoils which should be gotten upon the enemy, should be put into a place apart, to make equal division thereof among those who had best defended their country (comprehending therein the women also) who daily were marked and observed by a certain Preacher, who during that siege showed himself valiant and resolute in fight, and was the special cause (by his exhortations) of this great effect, that those of Agria bravely endured thirteen most cruel and bloody assaults, and that they showed themselves so gallant as they did, as presently we shall speak of. Being all of this resolution, rather to die, then yield themselves under the faithless mercy of the Bassa, they kept themselves in continual readiness, to answer him with like arms to those wherewith he saluted them.  
Mahomet (before he enterprised any thing against the town) sent to those of the Castle, that if they would yield to him, he would then use them courteously, and with fair wars suffer them to depart in all security with their baggage, and he would yield them such recompense, that they should have good occasion to think well of him: and if they stood out and performed the contrary, he assured them he would put them all to death, and pitch them upon stakes, if they fell into his hands. But those within would give no ear to this summons, neither would they make any answer, but only by sign, causing a bear or coffin, covered with black, to be fastened upon two Lances, and in this sort to be showed over the wall to the Trumpeter who spoke to them, they not speaking any one word to him, thereby giving him to understand, that that Castle should be their sepulchre, rather than they would yield it to them; it being then a custom to use such a ceremony, when they would not accept of any conditions of yielding, but rather die in liberty, then live under the command of their enemies.  
Mahomet understanding of this their determination, and seeing in vain he sought composition with them, sent that night to view the Castle, and afterward appointed two batteries, the one towards the Church, and the other towards the hill, and in each battery he planted 25. pieces, which continually played the space of 40. days. All the top and height of the Castle was wholly ruinated and so open, that the assieged could not any longer be in safety, in respect the Artillery did greatly endamage them, and specially that which was upon the hill; which to warrant themselves from the violence thereof, they within made a large and deep Trench along the walls, where they rampired themselves, and in the night kept good watch without being far from it, neither to eat nor sleep until the others were come thither to relieve them, which every six hours they carefully performed.  
Presently after, Bassa Achmeth and Mahomet caused in one day to be given three assaults in divers places, in which they lost 8000. Turks, who were climbed up to the top of the walls, and mounted upon the breach, with many of their principal Commanders, for whose deaths the Turks were more enraged and incensed then before, and yet they ceased not without intermission, to try the assieged with new assaults and reenforcing of Cannons: and one day they gave in four places one of the horriblest assaults that ever was heard of, to which ran all the men and women of the town, who with no less courage than the men themselves desperately fought like Lionesses with 
The courage of the women of Agria.  weapon, stones, and scalding water, making so great a massacre of the enemies, that it was a dreadful and most horrible thing, and worthy of commiseration to behold. During these assaults they performed many notable acts, and worthy to be registered in all volumes, of which the first was, that the mother, the daughter, and son in law fight upon the wall, the husband of the said daughter was killed, and the mother with compassion saying to her daughter, that she should go and bury him: she replied, that it was now no time to use obsequies, nor to attend upon funerals, but rather to perform some cruel revenge: whereupon taking her husband's sword and his target upon her arm, she thrust herself into the place of the dead, where she showed incredible valour, and by no means she would depart from thence, before she had revenged the death of her husband by the defeat of three Turks: which being done, she withdrew herself, and took the body of her dead husband in her arms, and carried it to the Church, causing him to be buried according to his degree.  
It happened also in another place, that a woman carrying a great stone upon her head, with intent to throw it down from the wall upon the Turks, a Cannon bullet struck off her head, and falling dead at her daughter's feet, who taking that stone upon her head all bloody as it was, without omitting any time to bewail the death of her mother, saying, that her death ought not to be unrevenged, and that it was not fitting for her (being her daughter) to live, without revenging her death upon another: and thus being inflamed, and as it were enraged, she ran thence with great fury where the greatest throng and press of Turks were, and killed two of them, and wounded many other, imitating a true Amazon, or woman of Lacedemonia, and bestirring herself from one place to another, she exhorted every one to perform their uttermost valour, putting them in mind of the oath which they had taken, and the glorious reputation which before God and the world they should obtain: and by this means she prevailed so far, that the enemies were shamefully repulsed and forced, maugre their bravery, to retire & forsake their Artillery, in such sort, that there was two of their greatest pieces lipped. The courages now of the assieged was marvelous great, and specially of the women, who with their husbands, fathers, children, and brothers, fought so courageously, that they feared not any danger how great so ever it was. And as one day the Turks gave an assault to the town (they being, as commonly they were wont to be, upon the wall, armed with dead men's armour) it happened that a shot of Artillery brought three or four of those to the ground, who were the foremost and most ready to throw stones upon the enemy; and although the blood and pieces of those did much hinder the travails of them that were their companions, yet notwithstanding they made not any semblance or token of fear, but rather in stead of hiding themselves, they more enraged then before, presented themselves to the fight to revenge their companions, and taking the same stones, all besprinkled with their blood, they mounted upon the top of the wall, performing incredible valour.  
By these heroical acts, we may easily conceive how great is the love of our native country, and what command it hath over us, since it encourageth for the defence thereof, a thing so feeble and weak as is a woman, apertly manifesting to every one, that there is not any thing in the world more dear or precious, than our native country: for the good and preservation of which, we are bound with our goods, honours, and lives to defend and preserve.  
Those of Agria remained in this sort so constant in their defence, (not willing at any time to speak or lend their ear to any Turk, notwithstanding they were greatly importuned thereto) that in the end they put Mahomet and the Bassa of Buda in despair for ever getting them under their puissance. And thus these two Commanders of the Turkish army, seeing the assieged would by no means yield, and that by strength they could not subdue them nor force the town, by reason of the loss which they had made of their people at the former assaults, and that the time now was against them, for that the cold weather being now well forward, and the ground often covered with snow, and their Camp sorely infected with great mortality of men and horses, they determined to dislodge and speedily to retire. According to this resolution, Mahomet one night (being the 
Mahomet raiseth his siege from before Agria.  18. of October 1552.) raised his whole Camp, and permitting Achmeth Bassa to march towards Buda, he himself took the way of Belgrade, discharging by this means the enterprise of Agria, not without great shame and dishonour. The assieged not satisfied to see themselves at liberty by such a departure, the same day that the Bassa dislodged, they caused to sally out of the Castle 1000 men, that charged those in the Rearward, that kept not close together, and killed many of them, and afterwards they returned laden with Turkish apparel, bringing with them many Camels and other beasts laden with spoil, and many prisoners, which was as a Trophy of their country, which they had well defended, and a glory which worthily they achieved, meriting a glorious renown, and an eternal memory of a most excellent precedent to others, who may by so virtuous and honourable an act imitate them, causing to themselves at the end of their honourable endeavours, a like triumph, as happened to those of Agria, and a general praise amongst all living people.  
Whilst Agria was thus battered by the Turks, Castalde advised Ferdinand, to command Duke Mauris that he should with his army of the one side march against Mahomet, whilst he with his people would assail him on the other, assuredly thinking by this means to pursue and chase him, considering the poor and weak estate wherein he then was, by reason of the great loss of men which he had received at the assaults of Agria, and of the sorrow and grief which was among those that remained, by reason of the famine that was in his Camp, it being brought into such state, that the scarcity increased more and more; insomuch that for these considerations it would be very easy for Castalde and Mauris joined together, with the assistance of the besieged, to obtain the famousest victory in the world, and in such sort to have weakened the Turk, that for many years after they should live securely from receiving any damage by him. But this counsel was not so followed as it should have been, whereby they lost one of the fittest opportunities that ever valiant Captain could desire. For Castalde was not only ready to assail the enemy, but then had he the means to give him battle in the field, for that Ferdinand had sent him a good troop of light horse: for want of which it hindered Mauris and Castalde to give battle, not willing rashly to be subject to the hazard of fortune.  
In stead of this counsel, it was commanded to harry the country of Alberegalis and Vesprimia, with intent to divert the siege from Agria, which could not be executed for the contrariety of the times.  
During the time that Mahomet was encamped before Agria, the gentlemen of the country and all the towns, with the consent of Castalde, had sent 
The Hungars seek peace with the Turk.  to Ferdinand, that by his permission they might (by means of Aly Chiauss) treat of a peace and agreement with the Grand Signior. This Chiauss was then with Mirce, vaivode of the Transalpinians, and was come thither in Soliman's name, to pacify the people who were revolted against their Lord. Ferdinand was well content at this request, and willingly consented to them; always provided it should be with the accustomed conditions and articles, and with the same tribute that he had before times made peace with K. john, & also with charge that they should restore the towns, Castles, & places of Vesprimia, Drigal, Lippa, Themesuar, Zaluoch, & others which were taken by the Turks. He demanded this, to the end that the truce or peace which was treated of, should bring more honour than infamy to his reputation. This command being come, Castalde permitted them to negotiate whatsoever should seem behoveful for them, forbidding them nevertheless, to name Ferdinand or himself after any manner in this treaty, esteeming it not convenient to the reputation of his Majesty, nor himself being of that quality, as than he was. The Deputies of the kingdom being thus dispatched, they went to seek the Chiauss, to whom they manifested the effect of their coming. Aly having understood the sum of their demand, answered them, that willingly he would negotiate this affair with the Grand Signior, and that at the furthest they should have answer the 25. of October, and full resolution of the whole: and that for that occasion they should all then assemble at Wasrael, and not depart from thence until he made return, or until such time as he sent to them.  
At the same time Cassombassa levied as many men about Lippa as he could, assembling all the frontier garrisons, with intention to make incursion into Transiluania to spoil the country, and to erect a Fort upon the way between Lippa and Deva, that hereafter it might make his proceedings more easy to him, by means of a strong garrison which he would maintain therein. Castalde to withstand such an enterprise, thought of many plots: and willing to reinforce the garrison of Deva, he commanded there should go thither three Ensigns of Germans of Andrew Brandis Regiment. But for want of three pays which was owing them, they did mutiny: whereupon assembling altogether, they seized on the Artillery, and 
The Germans mutiny.  the most part of them came and sacked the Spaniards lodgings, and namely that of Castaldes, giving them to understand that they would keep him prisoner and detain him, until all the Germans were fully satisfied their due. Castalde being advertised of this tumult, mounted upon a good horse and went into the field, sending after to them Count john Baptisted Arco to appease them. He being now come to them, sharply reproved them for that they meant to commit so infamous an act, specially for this that all were equally fallen by means thereof into the like suspicion; and severely blaming the authors of that sedition, he so far prevailed that he appeased them, and procured their former obedience; nevertheless assuring them that they should receive money, which presently was paid them. Yet for all that they would not march on, so that they were constrained to send thither three other companies of Count Helfestaines Regiment, who were better disciplined in obeying their Commanders. With these were sent 400. Pistoliers, and they altogether marched to Deva, where john Turkey and Paul Banchy attended them with 500 horse of their own, and other companies which Castalde had already sent thither: and having made one body of all these soldiers, they marched towards Lippa, with a full resolution to encounter Cassombassa, and they proceeded on even to Perias', which is a strong Castle kept by the Turks, situated eight miles from Lippa, harrying all the country, ruinating this new Fort which the Turks had undertaken to erect between Lippa and Deva, killing all those they found within; and proceeding yet further, they perceived not any enemy whatsoever: for that Cassombassa having understood that Castalde was not any thing sleepy or careless for the safety of this Province, durst not enter any further, fearing to be cut off at the retreat, distrusting himself that the boldness of those who were so forward upon his borders, was nothing else but some train to delude and entice him to proceed on, that afterward they might cirumvent and entrap his designs. For these respects he proceeded no further, and our men returned again from thence without any other profit, but only endamaging their friends possessions, consuming their victuals, & spoiling them of those little goods which they had, leaving to these poor villages (by this disorder) a perpetual memory of the evil effects of war.  
They being now all returned, the Captain general of the army of the country would stay no longer in that kingdom: whereupon he went to demand leave of Castalde, who by no means would permit him to depart, saying, it should be ill done of him to forsake him in such a manner, being now alone in the field with so few men, specially then because it was certain that the Bassa was not yet wholly retired; desiring him to have patience and expect a while, until the said Bassa was at the least further removed from that quarter, from whence he was assured that he must shortly be forced to depart, by reason of the Persian war which Solyman had determined to make against the Sophy, to recover the countries which were taken from him; and to warrant himself from his eldest son Mustapha (of whom he had great mistrust) fearing that he would make himself Lord and master of his Empire. But all these persuasions and entreaties were of no force to keep him there: for that those reasons which Castalde used, thinking thereby to hinder him from going, did also serve him to hasten his departure, as he did at the end of eight days, all his Cavalarie following him, not any thing respecting all the protestations which Castalde could use, to dissuade him therefrom. Notwithstanding all this, Castaldes determination was not to remove out of the field, neither to depart, before he had heard certain news that Mahomet was passed Tibiscus and Danubius, because that since the raising of his siege from before Agria, he had advertisement that he used long and tedious journeys to pass them. And expecting this issue, Castalde endured great discommodities, and extreme colds, for the high and deep snows which daily fell in great abundance, which made the soldiers passionate, and specially for that they were not paid. Being then largely certified that Mahomet was entirely out of that part of Hungary, he presently licenced all the soldiers of the kingdom to depart, and lodged the Germans and Spaniards by Sibinio, and reinforced the garrison of Deva, sending thither a certain number of Aiduchs to be mingled amongst the Germans, and with the Cavalarie that was therein, to the end that the one for the love of the other should be more vigilant and careful for the defence thereof, and he gave the command of all the horse to john Turkey, and the government of the town and foot to Paul Banchy. He also sent certain horse to Branchich, and commanded that Deva should be wholly environed with a wall made of earth and wood mingled together by equal distances, to the end that the Cavalarie should not so easily approach thereunto, and that the infantry should not offend them.  
Now he seeing that all the people of Transiluania began greatly to murmur for the taxes which they daily paid to maintain the burden and charges of the war (and both that he might give time to his people to fortify themselves, and to resist such tumults, and also that he might certainly know whether the Turk would enterprise the war of Persia) caused (the better to temper and mollify the hearts of every one) to be published, that all the principal Peers of the country should assemble at Wasrael, to attend there the answer of Solyman, and to know if he would be content to accept (with the foresaid conditions) the yearly tribute of 20000. Ducats, and so to 
Tribute which was paid to the Turk by the Hungars.  make truce with them, which he did think would be more expedient and behoveful for Ferdinand's affairs, then for the benefit of that people, matters being full of stirs and doubtfulness, and specially for that he saw himself disfurnished of men and money, and out of hope to have any succours; further considering, that though the same would not serve to any other end, but to bring with it a great commodity of gaining time, that in the mean while he might cause to be advanced and finished the fortifications begun about the towns; yet nevertheless it would be a special cause of great profit to Ferdinand, as well to accommodate and negotiate his matters in Germany, as also to demand aid both of men and money, and likewise to remedy the great necessities which then were dispersed through all the parts of that Province, which now tended rather to revolt, then maintain obedience and former faith given to Ferdinand. According to these considerations, he by the means of sundry persons solicited, that this business might take effect, yet he would not be openly seen therein himself, for fear lest the Turk should conceive in him some relenting, and should see the necessities which environed him on all sides. But on the contrary he made an outward semblance, as though he no whit at all feared his enemy, using this course, to the end that the Turk fearing they would spoil the country, whilst he should be busied in the Persian war, which was far from this country, he would the more willingly be inclined unto peace. After this publication he went and lodged at Albe-iula, from whence he might more commodiously provide for all places, having for his guard 500 Spanish Harquebuziers, and one company of 200. Aiduchs, to put into garrison in that town.  
At this very same time there was brought to Rome the proceedings taken 
The Pope's absolution in favour of Ferdinand for the murder of George.  touching Friar George his death, and upon the continual soliciting of Ferdinand's Ambassadors, the Cardinals (appointed for that purpose) assembled to give a final sentence of this fact, this cause being already very grievous in the Court of Rome: and notwithstanding that they found many things and allegations worthy of good oppositions, yet nevertheless not to engender more grievous inconvenience, and for many other reasons beside, which I will not write of, they ceased not (considering it was a deed which could be no otherwise then done) to absolve Ferdinand, with all the conspirators, adding notwithstanding this clause in their sentence; that if the defences and allegations propounded by Ferdinand were true. Which the solicitors of his Majesty liked not of, who so much importuned the Pope, that in the end they had it absolute without limit of any condition. And although the Pope refused to absolve the complices of this death, yet in the end at the earnest entreaties of the said Ambassadors, this matter was ended, and the absolution for them all was sent to Vienna. Which was not performed but with Ferdinand's great content, who until then was prohibited to hear Mass, and all other divine service, yea and he was forbidden to enter into the Church.  
During this season there happened a thing, which I will not forget to make recital of, although it doth somewhat estrange itself from the subject of this my discourse. It happened in former time that one Raoul, a gentleman of Transalpinia, was dispossessed from the Vayuodship of the Transalpinians, 
Raoul expulsed from his Vayuodship of Transalpinia by Mirce: he recovereth it, and discomfiteth Mirce.  which before his time was maintained and kept by his father, and which by right of succession the office belonged to him. This man seeing himself expulsed by force and treachery from that kingdom, by the cruelty and wickedness of Marc (which in their language is called Mirce) an arrogant and proud tyrant, who had made himself Vayuode, and who had constrained Raoul shamefully to fly away, and to seek elsewhere how he might maintain his life, leaving his house and possessions under the command of his mortalest enemies: and thinking in himself many thoughts concerning this his miserable fortune, and apprehending a thousand deliberations in his mind, that he might be able to re-enter again into his possessions, and imagining that there was not any of sufficient strength to aid him thereto; in the end he resolved to prevail (if he could) by the means and favour of Castalde, to whom he was already retired, and had served him during the passed wars, with five or six servants only, and some few horses: and although he was held in good regard, and entertained as well as might be, yet was it nothing in comparison of his passed greatness, being respected and hohoured as a King; so that he esteemed of this small entertainment, no otherwise then of a certain misery: which caused a great commiseration among all the nations, seeing a man that had governed and managed a kingdom, even as his own, to be brought (by the cruelty of wicked Fortune) into such extreme poverty, as to have so few servants, to whom oftentimes he could do no more but provide them food. And every man seeing this his misery to continue so long, they esteemed him a man of small resolution, and such an one as could not have in himself any aspiring thoughts. But in the end, feeling himself spurred on with such a shame, and he being informed of the good success happened to Stephen, vaivode of Moldavia, took courage by this precedent, and began to think how he could make away his enemy: and entreating Castalde for a certain number of footmen and horse, and that he would further him with his means in the enterprise which he would execute touching the death of Mirce, not being able any longer to tolerate this poverty, which by hard fortune he was fallen into: and coming one day unto him, he began in this sort to speak.  
Sir, it is some years since that I have been out of my hereditary estate, expulsed from thence by the fraud and treason of that cruel and tyrannical Mirce, who now by the support and favour of the Turks possesseth it, daily using therein monstruous cruelties, far unfitting all human proceedings, and which indeed far exceed all barbarous custom, having a while since (for fear I should be aided to recover that which I have lost) put to death by divers torments, more than 3000. men, besides an infinite company of women, with most horrible cruelty, not minding ever to eat before he had satisfied his cruelty in cutting off the head of some great Lord. And with such tyrannous behaviour he dominereth over that my poor and miserable people, who for fear of losing their lives, are constrained either to abandon their natural homes, continually roaming here and there, or else contrary to their like to do that which he commandeth them. Now considering these wicked and detestable actions, I not being able to contain myself any longer within the bounds of patience, I am determined to assail my fortune, which I trust will yield me mine own estate, or else I will deprive my body of this mortal life, which is not able any longer to tolerate this his insolency. And in regard thereof, I earnestly entreat you by the faith of jesus Christ (according to which we live, and in which my enemy believeth not, but rather utterly despiseth) that you would not forsake me in this necessity, but assist me with what succours you can, to the end that by the means thereof I may be able to recover my kingdom, and revenge the blood shed of so many noble gentlemen, as for my sake have been most vilely and against all equity cruelly massacred. And if the victory happily inclineth to my part, it shall be for the general good of all Christians, and specially for Ferdinand's service. And if it succeed otherwise (which God defend) I had rather die fight within mine own country, then to live in this exile, expulsed by the treachery of this cruel monster Mirce.  
Castalde comforting and exhorting him to pursue this enterprise, answered him, that considering the just causes which he alleged, and of which he was sufficiently informed, he need not to doubt to have good issue thereof, by reason of the succours which he promised him, and specially by the assistance of jesus Christ, which was the most sure and certain help, because he was worshipped by him, and not by his enemy: and secondly, that support which he might get by the force and virtue of his own arm, and by the valiantness of his combatants: and for the last, he offered him a good number of soldiers, and sums of money, exhorting him to hasten this expedition, whilst the Turk was busied in the Persian affairs, and that he should not lose this occasion which so favourably presented itself: for that before the Turk could come to give any relief to Mirce, he should be more than a year settled and possessed of the Signiory, and should have the means so firmly to assure and re-establish his forces there, that he would be well content to have him for his friend. He gladly condescended to all that which he demanded, and rather by reason of the compassion which he had of him, then that he thought he could become victorious in such an enterprise. Whereupon he gave him 700. horse, and 1500. Aiduchs, the best soldiers that he had, and who had very well witnessed their valour during these wars, they being continually employed about Themesuar, keeping Mahomet's Camp still in larums, and many times put them to shameful foils. The Captain of which company was named Nicholas, a most gallant and resolute man in fight, although very often he would be drunk, according to the custom of those nations. Raoul having obtained his desire, took leave of Castalde, and with his soldiers, and others his confederates that were adhering to him, he resolved either to conquer, or die.  
As these marched on, Mirce had notice of the forces that Raoul levied in all parts, and how he came to seek him, and with what intention. Which being duly considered of, he presently caused (by the means and assistance of his friends) to levy as many men as he could, making an army of 24000. men, with whom, and with 36. pieces of Artillery, he went into the field, lodging about Tergovista, with resolution there to attend his enemy, for that the place was most commodious to dispose and range his people in battle. Raoul on the other side, notwithstanding all his attempts and diligence, could levy no more (even with castald's people) then 12000. men, although he had many friends, and was generally the best liked of among all the Transalpinians. For none durst show him any favour, seeing he was of so weak a force, and his enemy so brave and gallant; every one fearing that the issue of this enterprise would not succeed to his honour: and to fall into the danger of Mirces' displeasure, whose horrible and execrable cruelty every one greatly feared. With these few men nevertheless he desisted not from marching to encounter his enemy, who had for his Vanguard 600. Turk's on horseback: and being resolved to give him battle, and not to be amazed at any hand with the great preparation of his enemy, he being one morning by dawning of the day arrived upon certain hills, was discovered by the Sentinels of Mirce, who then suddenly caused his people to be ranged 
The battle between Raoul and Mirce.  and ordered, seeing he could by no means refuse the battle, and knowing that his enemies were resolutely determined to fight: and although it was so that he might have avoided it, yet would he not retire, although he had some doubt and suspicion to fight, being advertised that Raoul brought with him both Spaniards and Germans which Castalde had given him, assuring himself that those few soldiers which were with him were most valiant and expert, and not easy to be overcome; yea and he did also distrust of some other succours. While such thoughts were in hammering, Raoul in the end made two squadrons of his army, each squadron being of 5000. foot and 1000 horse, the most part of which were Harquebuziers; and causing them to march within arqebus shot, they made a stand upon a hill, causing them in such sort to be stretched out, that they made show of 14. or 15000. men. Which being perceived by Mirce, and esteeming that number to be greater than they showed themselves before, he began to distrust himself of some deceit, and that he had not at the first certain intelligence; commanding his people to stand more close then ordinary, when the Harquebuziers of Raoul, more confusedly then disciplinarily, without expecting any other command or signal to fight, were resolved (as before they promised) either to overcome, or die, and gave so furious a charge upon one of Mirces' squadrons, as wolves usually do amongst a thousand flock of sheep, and breaking the first ranks, and quashing many a Turk (who as the most resolute men were in the fore ranks, and upon whom Mirce reposed his greatest confidence) the others began presently to recoil, and in flying they committed such disorder, that there was none amongst them who thought not flying to be his best safety. Raoul on the other side at the same instant with his infantry and Cavalarie, most fiercely entered into another squadron of his enemy's horse, with no less courage than the said Harquebuziers did, and breaking the first ranks, he forced the other to turn their backs, being on all sides gaulled and pierced with the thick hail of the Harquebuziers, who made not any shot in vain. This flight was of so great efficacy for Raouls good, that Mirces' squadron seeing these two thus quite defeated, being possessed with fear, without further expectance of the enemy, bequeathed themselves so to flight & confusion, that happy was he that could best 
Mirce overthrown.  fly, and he esteemed himself most fortunate, who supposed that he should be saved rather than others: this overthrow thus happening, because that the greatest part of this army was composed of men sent by the towns and Lords of the country, who are rather fit to make a number and shadow, then to win a victory.  
Thus we often see that multitudes of such who are thus rawly sent, are for the most part overcome and subdued by a lesser number of soldiers, well disciplined and practised in war, who to obtain honour, refuse neither peril of sword, fire, nor yet death itself: and by this we may judge how dangerous and pestilent, fear and cowardice is in an army; and how much on the contrary, virtue and valour, and the prowess of a noble and generous courage, joined with the force and dexterity of the body, are extolled: by which commendable qualities, we may avoid the detraction and infamy of this world, and purchase this true glory, which beautifieth and adorneth every one, and which raised Raoul to the type of honour, winning so easily thereby this victory, that it seemed it was a true miracle of jesus Christ, who to punish this tyrant (an enemy of his faith) justly permitted this ruin to befall him.  
The soldiers of Raoul seeing then that Mirces' army was quite overthrown, and that there were not now any who opposed themselves against them, forbearing the execution and slaughter of their enemies, they began to search and ransack those who fell into their hands, and they performed so much for their own profit, that every one of them became very rich thereby. All those of Mirces' faction who were alive, presently ranged themselves under the Victor's Ensign: as it is always the custom of the vulgar sort to follow new fortunes, and daily desire new Lords. And making together a great army, they determined to pursue Mirce, who saved himself with the rest of the 500 Turks, which before is spoken of, and had now passed Danubius. There died in this battle about 7. or 8000. men of Mirces' part, and Raoul lost about some 700. Raoul thus achieving this notable victory, he presently got possession of all the movables of his enemy, which were said to be more worth than 200000. Ducats, with which he bettered his former necessity, and recovered all his kingdom: the principal Peers thereof, with all his kindred and friends, came to receive and acknowledge him for their true and liege Lord, and after that they conducted him with pomp to Tergovista, where friendly and willingly they all swore fidelity to him, and 
Tergovista the capital town of the Transalpinians.  did him all the honours as was fitting for them.  
Behold here the mutations and changes of fortune, with which she exalteth and abaseth whom it pleaseth her, and giveth example to Potentates of the world, after what sort they are to dispose of their actions, and how little they ought to trust in her; because that throwing them to the ground, they cannot esteem any thing firm and stable. A Bugeron followed Mirce, and encountering with another Bugeron, who was well appareled and richly armed, he killed him, verily believing it had been Mirce himself; and reporting this news, it caused generally every one to rejoice. But presently after it was known not to be true, and that he was saved in manner as we have said.  
Certain days after, Raoul having pacified all the troubles in his kingdom, dispatched his Ambassadors to Castalde, to give him hearty thanks for all his former favours he had showed him, and for the aid that he gave him, with which he won this victory, which had yielded him his kingdom, and preserved his life: whereupon he entirely offered himself unto him, assuring him to be always ready upon any occasion whatsoever to accompany him: and beside, swearing to him all fidelity, and that for his own part and his countries, he would continually observe good peace and amity with him.  
Whilst he was in this dispatch, there arrived at Wasrael the Chiauss, who should negotiate this peace between Ferdinand, Solyman, and the Transylvanians, as a little before is recited. He being returned from Constantinople, and come to this place, he found there assembled (according to the former order) most of all the principal States of that country, who attended him with great desire and hope of peace. This negotiator was very honourably entertained by them, and after he had reposed himself one day, he was conducted into the assembly, where in stead of peace and truce, he 
The answer of Solyman to the request that the Hungars made for peace.  brought such fear and astonishment into the minds of every one, that it was an incredible thing: for that in stead of accepting the tribute, he spoke to them all in the name of Solyman, that his pleasure was they should receive King john's son and Queen Izabella his mother as their true and lawful Lords, and should expulse Castalde out of Transiluania, and cut all the soldiers in pieces which were paid by Ferdinand, and that then he would receive the ordinary tribute, and would esteem them worthy of his grace and favour: and if they otherwise did, that he would then cause them to know what his indignation would be, and that his ability and Majesty had the power to revenge himself against them all, putting all to fire and sword, trampling and pacing his horses over their bodies, reducing their country into a miserable destruction. And having thus said unto them, he gave them a letter written in Latin, directed to vaivode Battor, and to all the other Lords and Peers of the kingdom, which verbatim I have truly written, without altering or corrupting any thing therein contained. It was written in parchment, shining like glass, in letters of gold after the Turkish manner, in legible Latin. The superscription whereof was thus.  

Letters of Solyman to Battor, vaivode of Transiluania.  MANDATUM INVICTISSIMI IMPERATORIS Turcharum ad Dominum Battorem Andream Capitaneum in Transiluania, ac ad alios illius Regni dominos, etc.  
FIdelis in fide Christi, & inter Christianos in regno Transiluaniae prudens, & generose domine Battor Andreas, & caeteri alij Domini nobis dilectissimi, etc. Exmandato celsitudinis nostrae intelligitis quod vobis multoties notificavimus; quod postquam frater Georgius Thesaurarius noster crudeliter, ac per insidias mortuus fuit, antequam Germanos, quos propter discordias vestras introduxeratis, expellere posset, vos, & alij domini Transiluaniae communi consilio, & auxilio ipsos Germanos ex patria vestra secundum fidelitatem, quam excelsae Portae nostrae debetis, eijcere debeatis. Verum cum hoc hactenus factum non sit, vos nunc ad id exequendum adhortari placuit, quoniam vobis omne peccatum remittendo, & delictum huc usque commissum, omnem libertatem, quam antea in regno Transiluaniae habuistis, iterum concedere, & conseruare pollicemur, & vos subditi, & Domini apud nos semper in honore, & sub nostra protectione eritis. Regnum autem Transiluaniae quemadmodum ante sub Rege joanne, & filio suo, subditis, & fidelibus nostris, in libertate, & quiet fuit, sic, & nunc esse disponemus, & ipsum Regis joannis filium inter vos regnare pro certo promittemus. Cum enim ipse Rex joannes subditus, & servitor noster nobis sincerè, & fideliter seruiret, non solum à nullo molestari passi non sumus, sed post eius mortem filio suo paruulo adhuc, paternam patriam, & Regnum ex gratia, & clementia nostra concessimus, & Transiluania sic temporibus illis pacifica fuit. Sed post modum introductis Germanis maxima discordia inter vos orta est, ob quam, & ad introducendum Regis joannis filium, & matrem ipsius, ac ad liberandam Transiluaniam ab inimicis suis naturalibus Dei gratia maximum, & potentissimum exercitum ordinari, & congregari mandavimus. Necesse est ergo pro fidelitate vestra diligentem vos curam habere ut Germanos regno vestro gladio propulsetis, & donec filius Regis joannis introducatur in locum ipsius, inter vos dignum, & honoratum hominem in generalem illius regni Capitaneum eligatis eique omnes obediatis ut inimicum vestrum naturalem apud vos esse non permittatis, sed illos, qui tantae discordiae in ipso regno sunt causa, communi consilio expellite, & regnum filii Regis Domini vestri diligenter gubernare curabitis. Quod si signum istud fidelitatis, & obedientiae à vobis acceperimus, non solum in regno Transiluaniae libertatem vestram antiquam, sed maximam gratiam, & honorem ab Imperiali Celsitudine nostra obtinebitis. Nos interim exercitum nostrum innumerabilem pro regno, & filio Regis conseruabimus, & iam nunc pro libertate ipsius à manibus inimicorum moveri ordinavimus, quia nullo modo assentire voluimus ut inimici in ea Provincia regnent. Et cum joannem Regem subditum, & fidelem servum suum nostrum, ac filium etiam idem esse noverimus, decrevimus omnino ut in Regnum revertatur, ac in ipsum per nos restitutus regnet, & Deo concedente inimicum suum auxilio nostro semper debellet, & vincat. Idcirco nunc iam gratia Omnipotentis Dei magnificum, & maxim potentem, & obedientem subditum, fidelemque seruitorem Celsitudinis nostrae Illustrissimum Achmeten. Bassam secundum Consiliarium Maiestatis nostrae, tum multos nostros, tum proprios aulicos, jannisserosque Imperialis potentissimae, ac invictissimae Portae Celsitudinis nostrae, & cum maximo exercitu de Grecia, & Buda, simul cum Capitaneis generalibus, & cum omnibus Sangiacchis movere fecimus, adeo quod cum dicto Consiliario nostro, antequam contra hostem persona nostra moveatur, exercitum ducentorum millium hominum bene instructorum habebimus. Preterea mandavimus serenissimo Principi de Tartary, Vaivodisque Valacchiae, & Moldaviae cum omnibus Sangiacchis, qui sunt in illis partibus ultra, & citra Danubium, ut cum omni eorum peditatu, & equitatu se cum dicto Veserio nostro coniungant, & vos etiam necesse est secundum fidelitatem vestram dicto Bassae seruiatis, & nuncios tam ad excelsam Portam nostram, quam ad eum decernatis. Quod si mandato nostro huic in obedientes, & cum inimicis nostris concordes eritis, crudelitatem, & stragem, quam Transiluaniae regnum videbit, ex demeritis vestris processisse credatis. Nam gratia Creatoris omnipotentis Dei speramus Christianis, & regno Transiluaniae iram, & potentiam nostram ostendere. Etsi ipsi Transiluani ad pristinam obedientiam, & fidelitatem nobis adiwantibus reverti recusabunt, nusquam tuti erunt, & per totum mundum debitas luent poenas. juravimus enim Omnipotenti Deo quod in Transiluania lapis super lapidem non relinquetur, homines omnes in ore gladij dari, pueros, & faeminas in captivitatem, omniaque loca solo aequari faciemus. Propter quod uti invictissimum, & potentissimum Imperatorem decet ne tantarum animarum exitum super nostram animam fiat, vos omnes prius monendos esse sensuimus. jam multoties vobis mandata talia misimus, quae neglexistis, sed si mandato huic ultimo obedientes non eritis, acerbitatem, & ruinam, quam videbitis non nobis, sed vobis ipsis attribuite. Omnia igitur cum tempore bene consulite, nam caetera prudentiae vestrae examinanda relinquimus.  
Datum Constantinopoli septima Lunae Octobris.  
The english of which is this that followeth.  
THE MANDATE OF THE INVINCIBLE Emperor of the Turks, to Lord Andrew Battor, Captain in Transiluania, and to all the other Lords and Peers of that country.  
BY the authority and express command of our greatness and highness, you shall understand (you faithful in the faith of Christ Andrew Battor, wise and knightly Lord amongst all the Christians inhabiting in Transiluania, and all you the residue of our loving Lords) how that many times we have made known to you (since that Friar George our Treasurer was cruelly and by treason murdered, before he could chase out the Germans, which you by your dissensions untimely have brought into the kingdom) that you yourselves, and all the rest of the Lords of Transiluania, should by common consent and mutual aid, expulse the said Germans out of your country, according to the fidelity which you owe to our Port and stateliness. Which not being as yet performed by you, we were very careful now to incite you to do it, pardoning you of all the former offences and faults, which until now you have committed against us, and promising to give it you again, and to preserve all the liberty which heretofore you have had in that kingdom of Transiluania: and you our Lords and subjects shall always be under our protection and safeguard, and we will hold you in such regard, as shall be fitting for you. And concerning the kingdom of Transiluania, as under the government of King john, and of his son our faithful subjects, it was in peace and freedom: even so we will ordain that at this present it shall so continue: and we assuredly promise you, that the said son of King john shall reign and govern amongst you. For so long as King 
Solyman for Queen Izabella.  john (our Vassal and subject) served us faithfully and sincerely, we never suffered that any should molest or trouble you: but further after his death, we of our singular grace and clemency, gave to his son (being yet in minority) his father's country and that kingdom, and then Transiluania was always quiet. But after that you had called in the Germans amongst you, great dissensions were stirred up between you: in respect whereof, and to re-establish King john's son and his mother, and to deliver Transiluania from her natural enemies; we by the grace of God, have commanded to levy a very great and puissant army. It behoveth you therefore, in consideration of your loyalty, that your care and diligence be, with force of arms to expulse out of your kingdom the Germans, and whilst that King john's son be re-established in his place and dignity, that you elect a general Captain in that kingdom, to whom you may all obey, and not suffer any longer your natural enemies to be amongst you, but by a common consent to banish from thence, those, who are the cause of so many garboils amongst you, and that every one of you endeavour himself (according to his ability) well and diligently to govern the kingdom of King john's son your Lord. And if we receive from you this mark and token of fidelity and obedience, you shall not only obtain of us your ancient liberty in this your kingdom of Transiluania, but also receive further from our imperial Majesty, special honour and favour. In the mean time we will entertain our mighty army for the affairs of that kingdom, and for the aid and assistance of King john's son; and we have already commanded that it should presently march for the delivery thereof, from out of his enemy's hands. For we will by no means tolerate, that his enemies shall reign and govern in this Province. And being sufficiently ascertained how much King john our Vassal hath been to us a faithful servant, and also his son, we have determined to reinstall him into his kingdom, and to cause him to reign in it by our means, and afford him such aid, that (by God's permission) he shall be able to overcome and surmount his enemy. To this intent (by God's assistance) we have caused to march the magnifical and puissant, our obedient subject and faithful servant to our Highness, the most illustrious Achmeth Bassa, second Councillor to our excellent Majesty, and many other our subjects and Courtiers, with a great number of janissaries of the most mighty and invincible Port of our greatness and highness, having also commanded all our general Captains and Sangiaches to cause to come from Greece and Buda a great army, insomuch, that with our said Councillor, we shall have an army of 200000. men well appointed, before we march in person against our enemy. And further, we have commanded the most excellent Prince of Tartary, the Vayvodes of Vallachia and Moldavia, with all the Sangiaches which are in those countries on this side and beyond Danubius, that with all their infantry and Cavalarie they shall join with our said Vizir. And it is also necessary that you obey (according to your fidelity) the said Bassa, and that you send your Ambassadors as well towards our royal Port, as also to him. But if you persever disobedient to our mandate, and that you accord and adherre to our enemies, then assuredly think, that the ruin, loss, and cruelty which the kingdom of Transiluania shall endure, shall not ensue but by your demerits. For by the grace of God the almighty Creator, we hope to give sufficient testimony to Christians, and to the kingdom of Transiluania, what our indignation and puissance is. And if the Transylvanians (we affording them our aid) will not return to their ancient obedience and loyalty, they shall never be on any side sure or safe, but shall endure through the world the just punishments which they have merited. For we have sworn to God almighty, that there shall not remain in Transiluania one stone upon another, that all the men shall be put to the sword, the women and children shall be led captive, and we will that all be thrown down and levied with the ground: whereof we thought it fitting, first to advertise you, as it belongeth to a most invincible and victorious Emperor, to the end that the loss of so many souls should not be imputed to us. We have before times sent you the like Edicts, which you have neglected. But if to this last Mandate you are not tractable and obedient, attribute to yourselves, and not to us, the cruelty and ruin which in short time shall be inflicted upon you. Advisedly then consider in time on all things, for we leave the rest to be duly examined by your wisdoms.  
Given at Constantinople, the 7. day of the Moon of October.  
This Letter did so much daunt the minds of every one, that it little wanted 
The Transylvanians astonished at the letters of Solyman.  there followed not a general revolt, as well for that vaivode Battor was not there in person (he being absent in respect of sickness) as also by reason that there was a speech of the return of King john's son and of his mother. Castalde, who was yet at Albe-iula, (where he was lodged, the better to pass a good part of the winter) having received letters, by which he was certified of all this matter, and advised to come with all speed to take order therefore: further intimating unto him, that the Transylvanians did no longer affect him, and that the most part of them would adherre to the Turk, and recall john to be their King: he presently departed from Albe-iula the 2. of December, not respecting the rage and violence of the winter (which then was extreme) and with great journeys came to Wasrael, arriving the same morning that the Diet should have been concluded, and that every man should have delivered his opinion. His arrival greatly troubled the minds of the principallest among them, and stayed them a little for that time, hindering that the conclusion was not so presently performed (which nevertheless was already wholly resolved among them) and counseled them to think further thereon. The day following, the better to expel from them this fear, and to reassure and confirm them in the devotion and amity of Ferdinand, he reproved the pride and vanity of this said letter, causing them all to be called to the Diet: and he spoke to them in this sort.  
I know not (O you Lords and Peers of Hungary, Saxony, and Sicilia) 
The oration of Castalde to those of the Diet of Wasrael.  upon what occasion you are so suddenly astonished, and so much amazed, that I cannot but extremely marvel thereat, seeing that if for such vain boasting words, you are so discouraged, and in a manner half dead; what I should think of you if it happened to come to deeds: for dread of which you can do no worse: and for fear of the mischief which the Turk denounceth to you, you should with such cowardliness, yield your necks subject under the yoke of his tyrannical Empire, minding upon so light an occasion to defraud yourselves of this glory, which partly hath been seen to be achieved by you until this present, and which in many armies hath shined every where: not considering that some will boldly say, that your fear hath been in part the cause, that such injurious writings and horrible menacies, should have the force with you to kill you, and cause you to die, as men without seeing any sword. But if it be your mind that men should not so think of you, and that indeed you would not give any occasion thereof; why like women or children do you suffer yourselves to be so amazed? Are you not men like unto them? Have you not the like equal courage, force, and vigour which they have? Or what (I pray) have they more than you? What maketh you thus so suddenly to fear, you whom in times past have so many times beaten and overthrown them? Do you not manage and bear the same arms? and ride you not on the same horses, with which you have often forced them to many labours and toils: so that they have more occasion to fear you, than you thus to lose your courage in respect of them? What blame and disgrace will this be to you, I say, who so many times have been victorious, and often have defeated and chased the Turk out of this kingdom, to agree now to him, by reason of the bravado of a simple vain letter, which by force of arms you would never heretofore have condescended unto, and thus sillily like simple lambs to throw yourselves into the wolves mouth? Shall not this (trow you) be a perpetual dishonour to you all? It behoveth you therefore to have this constant opinion, that before you fall into this great indignity and calamity, that you expose your own lives for your religion, country, children, brothers, wives, sisters, and kinsfolks, rather than remaining alive, you should become a laughing stock to all the world. For those shall always be esteemed glorious, and worthy of all praise, who fight for the liberty of their country, and common good, shall not refuse an honourable death, to avoid a miserable and dishonest life. It is apparent to you that the Turk hath already sounded all violent means, and not being able to overcome you by force, he now goeth about by these his other subtleties to subdue and bring you under, to the end that you might prove by this his horrible cruelty, that which his own natural children are fallen into. And believe me, he that is cruel against his own flesh and blood, cannot be mild and merciful to others, as assuredly he will not be towards you at any hand: but he will carry himself so (seeing the dissensions of you all not very well accorded amongst yourselves) as he and his predecessors behaved themselves then, when they saw the dissensions between the Christian Princes, which have thus increased this Empire unto them, as with grief too apparently is seen at this day. And assure yourselves he will do with you, as he hath done in Greece, which for her last refuge took a like resolution to this of yours, the end of which, aught to be more manifest and evident then ever heretofore, by reason of the experience you have had of former misery. And on the contrary, if you will consort in a good and friendly union, these lofty and furious speeches cannot any way hurt you. For a general union and settled concord, doth always fear and terrify the enemy; and on the contrary, discord and dissension giveth him hope to overcome: whereas by the means of a mutual understanding and amity among yourselves, you may be assured he shall not have the power to flesh himself in your blood, nor glut himself amongst you with all kind of incontinency, as his predecessors have done in the principal houses of Greece. Now, seeing it is naturally given to all, to be more inclined to choose of the worst, rather than the best, I have thought it fitting to advertise you, with the best and pleasing persuasions that possibly I can, that you have no need thus to neglect your former force and virtue, for bravadoes which are but forged and full of wind. Considering in what repose and quiet you now are, enjoying your full liberty, and the same peaceably, and that under the wing and protection of your King, who is so mild and just, that not any whosoever may be compared to him: and imagining on the contrary, that you shall never find rest or safety under the government of this cruel and barbarous Lord; holding it for most certain, that it is a vain conceit for strangers (such as you are esteemed of him) once to think that they are able to find any clemency and pity in him, who towards his own natural children hath manifested himself most cruel. Therefore you ought to animate, defend, and support yourselves with a firm and stout assurance, worthy of your former prowesses, against these accidents of Fortune, that so you may gain a glorious life: for things that have been done by like tyrants, aught to be tolerated as mischiefs, which suddenly proceed from nature. And stay yourselves upon the King my Lord and master, who will never fail to send you what possible aid he can, with which he is already become master of Albe-iula, Ahnas, Engedin, and Lippa, & hath forced the Turk to recoil & raise his Camp from before Themesuar, constraining him in great haste to avoid this kingdom (which undoubtedly he meant then to have reduced to a miserable and perpetual bondage) and preserving you in this liberty, in which through his grace and favour you live, and for which both yourselves and children should be for ever bound to him. And considering the advertisement that shall be given to our King of all these affairs, expel and banish from your idle fancies these fears and momentary conceits, and do not any whit dread these thieves and robbers, which with so great fury they menace to send unto you. Believe me their armies have no wings to fly, neither can they so readily assemble themselves as they have writ of. And as once (to our great glory) we have chased them out of this Realm, with so great loss of his people, as cannot well be recounted: so I assuredly hope, that for the time to come we shall again perform the like, and that with our far greater praise and renown; and then he in good earnest tasting of your resolution, and stoutness of courage, and invincible virtue, he leaving you there in peace, will change his intention like fortune, plainly knowing that he hath not to manage war with effeminate or cowardly people, but with men experienced as well in war as in peace, and who through the world shall yield a dear account to him of their persons, while they do as resolute minds are wont to do, who being unjustly injuried, and feeling the outrage that they have received, do for peace willingly embrace war.  
All the Lords present being reanimated by these speeches, sent to tell the 
The Transylvanians reanimated against the Turks.  great Turk, Achmeth Bassa, the Moldavian, and the Belerbey of Greece, that they should come no further, because that they were resolutely determined to resist them as much as they could, having determined together to die in battle, rather than to live under their laws. They also answered the Chiauss, that they were content to pay him the ordinary tribute, if so it pleased the Grand Signior to accept of such as was offered him: which if he would not accept, that then he should presently depart.  
The Chiauss receiving this answer, and seeing he could then accomplish no other thing, accepted of the ordinary tribute, which was yearly 20000. crowns, and so retired to Belgrade, and from thence to Constantinople, leaving the kingdom free of a great fear and suspicion.  
Castalde having thus (though not altogether) gained the hearts of the Transylvanians, and confirmed them in the league and devotion of Ferdinand, retired again to his accustomed abode at Albe-iula: where he had not been long, but that he had news how Achmeth (Bassa of Buda) writ a familiar letter full of a thousand kind and liberal offers to Patocchy, containing certain hidden and secret words, as if there had been some great intelligence and correspondence between them two. Which the Bassa purposely practised, to the end that Ferdinand and Castalde should upon that occasion, justly conceive some mistrust against him. But his former proceedings being sufficiently justified, he was always held and reputed by them very loyal and faithful, and they committed unto him the Castle of jula, with the government of the town, that he might keep it (as in former time he had done) faithfully, and therein to remain his wife and children.  
The Castles of jula, Panchotto, Varadin, and others began to be in some distress for want of victuals, and it was most necessary to make provision for them: which was not done without great discommodity, for that they were constrained to employ thereupon the money which was appointed for the musters, and payment of the soldiers: so that the time to muster being come, and this said money spent in these affairs, it was not possible to recover or get any more: and that was the cause (as hereafter we shall speak) of great tumults, and specially because Vayvode Battor by his indisposition, or for that it so pleased him, would no longer execute the office of Vayuodship, and requested that they would provide themselves of another therefore, although Castalde instantly desired him to continue in this office, which greatly troubled him.  
During these troubles, letters came from Ferdinand, by which he commanded them to begin a trial and proceed therein against Aldene the Camp-master, 
The pursuice against Aldene.  who was still prisoner, and that afterwards he should be sent to him, with all the proceedings against him. Aldene reproving (as suspected) certain of the judges, required his Majesty that his trial might be referred to others: which being granted him, they began to examine many witnesses, and concluded his trial, by which in the end he was condemned to die, and even by the deposition of many who did prove against him the great treachery and cowardliness which he used in abandoning Lippa, he being well able to defend it, who also set open and declared the great loss and damage which he had committed against Ferdinand, in causing the Castle and Artillery and all the munition to be consumed with fire, which were the material causes that he was condemned to death for. His trial being thus fully concluded, he was sent to Vienna with the sentence of the judges: which being allowed by his Majesty, declared that he should be sent under a sure guard, who presently after, according to that command, was surely conducted in chains to Vienna, where he remained prisoner so long, that the continuance thereof in the end was the cause (as hereafter we shall speak) of his liberty. 
Queen Izabella practiseth her return into Transiluania. Peter Vicchy and Chendy for Izabella.   
In the mean while, Queen Izabella was not any thing idle, but practised all the means she could to re-enter again with her son, greatly assisting herself by the means and favour of Peter Vicchy, and Chendy Ference, and other principal men, who secretly affected her cause. And although Ferdinand writ to her, that he was ready at all times to perform that which he promised her, and beside to give her the Duchy of Monsterberg, yet she would by no means accept any whit thereof, saying, that since within the presixed time the premised bargains and agreements were not of his part performed, she for her part meant no less to observe and keep them, and that she was determined again to have her own. Upon which, there was news that the Sicilians intended some treacheries with the Turks in her favour, and that they had sent some privately to her, to restore john into his kingdom. By occasion of these tumults there was a Diet assigned at Possovia, wherein the people of the kingdom of Transiluania greatly complained 
Evil entreaty caused the rebellion of the Transylvanians against Ferdinand.  of the griefs and wrongs which they daily endured, as well by the war and fortifications, as also for the insolencies which they received by Ferdinand's soldiers, importuning to have redress thereof, and not to task them with such impositions; promising if he did so, not to fail his Majesty, but willingly to take arms against the Turks, and valiantly to defend themselves against them, and sincerely to maintain the duty and homage which they had sworn to his Majesty. Upon these complaints and demands, Ferdinand caused them to be answered, that he would not fail as much as he could, to ease them of that burden, and that he would cause it to appear unto them, that his pleasure was no other but always to aid and defend them against the violence of the common enemy; against whom they should not for all that fail to take arms, as he for his part would not be wanting to send them forces, and to come in his own person (if necessity did so require it) for their delivery, or else to send them the King of Bohemia his son; that presently he would give order to all those inconveniences of which they complained, and that in the mean time they should not omit to persist in the faith and devotion wherein they had until than continued, and that there should be no fault in him, but that he would use them as most loyal and faithful subjects. Whereupon every one held himself well contented with these promises. Yet for all that, these humours slided not out of their brains, but increased more and more, specially because it was manifest that Bartholomew Coruatte (who had the guard of jula with two German companies) badly behaved himself in this town, spoiling, murdering, and killing the poor inhabitants thereof, preaching to them the Lutheran religion, with which opinion he was infected. To remedy which, Castalde was constrained to depute Paul Banchy in that quarter for Vice Vayvode, and command Coruatte to depart out of jula, and sent him far off, leaving the charge of this town to Francis Patocchy, who bore himself so familiarly amongst the inhabitants, that they found themselves greatly rejoiced and comforted therewith.  
If on this side Ferdinand's soldiers did minister exceeding grief and disquiet to Castalde, they yet on the other side gave him daily more and more for want of pay, he being greatly tormented by Duke Mauris for the payment of his soldiers that was due to them, from the time that the siege was raised from before Agria, he never having received any service from them, but rather great damage and infinite ruin through the whole Realm. For the redress and dispatch of which (although the winter was come) he 
Duke Mauris dismissed.  meant indeed fully to content him, and to dissolve his army, which was dismissed from javerin, and there was put therein another garrison. This was the cause, that he being desirous to keep his word with this Duke, he could not then satisfy with pay his own Camp which he had in Transiluania, of which, for that it was composed of the vassals and subjects of his king and that country, he had more assurance in their patience, then in the other which were strangers and not subject to him, who at their departure, although they were well paid, yet for all that they desisted not from committing great enormities. And although Castalde did what possibly he could to keep his soldiers in peace, providing them of good lodgings, and causing to be distributed through the country ordinary victual, more than was sufficient, yet could he not so far prevail with them, as to cause them to desist from, or give over their mutinies, conspiracies, or other horrible mischiefs, which did not only hurt in particular, but also in general: because that the inhabitants of the country receiving such injuries, hated and abhorred them greatly, and they spoke of nothing else, but that occasion would offer itself for them to take arms, and give them cause to understand their fault, by the massacring which in time they hoped to execute upon them, all of them earnestly desiring (that they might the better wade out of such calamities) the returning of john into his kingdom. By reason of such mischiefs, many Captains and principals of the country, who in former time had been Ferdinand's friends, became secretly his deadly enemies, and ranged themselves on Queen izabella's party, not a little increasing her forces and faction, which procured to Castalde infinite discontent.  
Now, as Fortune in this quarter managed the actions of mortal men, she (in better manner than men could think for) disposed of them about Deva, because that those who were in garrison in this town, having intelligence 
The garrison of Deva put in rout some Turkish companies.  that by the command of Cassombech, two companies of Turkish horse were departed out of Lippa, to enter, harrie, and spoil in Transiluania, they put themselves in order for an ambuscado, and to fight with them as they should pass through difficult places. And having thus disposed of their people, the Cavalarie of Cassombech presented themselves with a greedy desire to pill and burn some neighbour places: and being now arrived at the passage, where they were expected, it was suddenly charged on all sides, and they all fight a certain time, not knowing who should have the best, in the end the Turks finding themselves in the midst of the other soldiers (who until then kept themselves close) began to retire themselves, and to leave the victory to those of Deva, who omitted not to pursue them even within sight of Lippa, and slew of them 300. and took many prisoners. Our people being encouraged at this good fortune, and not satisfying themselves with that which they so happily achieved, passed further with incurtions into the enemy's country, sacking some villages, & pilling all which came to their hands, performing such warlike exploits, that besides the conquest of the prisoners, and booty which was not small, they put all that quarter in such a dread, that the Turks a long time after durst not come to do injury to the Transylvanians: for that they still disinherited themselves of some intended stratagems. By this defeat (which was all the good that happened this year 1552.) the arrogancy and rashness of the enemy was bridled: but not that of Ferdinand's soldiers, which daily increased, having no respect neither to General, Colonels, Captains, nor any divine or human thing, minding by their disloyalty to make themselves masters of their fantasies, and to go every where, without expecting the appointment and command of his Majesty, or the leave of Castalde, as more amply we shall treat of in the successes which happened in the year 1553.  
The end of the sixth Book.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE SEVENTH BOOK.  
THe Transylvanians solicit Queen Izabella to return into Transiluania, and Castalde (for the remedy thereof) appointeth a Diet at Colosuar. The Spaniards mutiny, and seek to depart Transiluania. Aldene is brought to Vienna, whither Castalde (by Ferdinand's appointment) also cometh: upon whose departure out of Transiluania, the Transiluantans rise in arms in the behalf of the Queen. Aldene condemned, but is saved by favour. Castalde leaveth the service of Ferdinand, and returneth again to the Emperor Charles. The history of the death of Mustapha, eldest son of Solyman. Albe-iula and all Transiluania yield to the Queen. Charles the 5. renounceth the Empire to his brother Ferdinand; and his letter to the Cardinal of Mentz; his arrival in Spain; and the place where he retired himself to end his days. Ferdinand crowned Emperor. The Turk commandeth Izabella to expel all new sects out of her kingdom. The death of the Emperor Charles, for whose death Philip his son King of Spain made sumptuous funerals at Brussels.  
THe winter was now already in a manner at the extremest, & towards the end of February in the year 1553. when the Peers and Lords of Transiluania not minding 
Anno 1553.  any longer to suffer the Germans and Spaniards amongst them, nor having now no more means to victual them, as usually they had done; they began secretly to send Ambassadors to Queen Izabella, to negotiate with her concerning her return into this Province: 
The Transylvanians solicit Queen Izabella to return into Transiluania.  whereunto Peter Vicchy, Chendy, and others were greatly assisting. Castalde having notice of all this, and being thereof well assured, gave present advertisement thereof to Ferdinand, who also presently did not forget on his part to use all diligence to withstand and prevent these practices, sending Alphonse (nephew to Castalde) to the King of Polonia, and to Queen Bonna her mother, and to Queen joan, to entreat them to use speedy means to divert these clouds which were thundering in the air. Ferdinand also sent letters from Vienna to Queen Izabella, by which he offered her to perform all that which was accorded between them, and specially certain other articles or demands made by her, to which his Majesty before would not accord. And the better to effect this business, he writ again to Francis Chendy, and to Thomas Varcocchy, desiring them to importune the Queen so much, that she would content herself with that which was agreed upon, since that whatsoever was done, was not but to the profit of her and her son john, and to the increasing of both their commodities. These two Lords made semblance as though they allowed it, and feigning to show their uttermost ability for Ferdinand, did altogether to the contrary. And the Queen on the one side gave good words, and on the other she hastened her affairs as well as she could; the Turk having already commanded the vaivode of Moldavia that he should prepare himself with all his best means to enter into Transiluania, and to Cassombech to do the like, leaving as many men as he could in the low countries, and to favour and assist the Queen's affairs, and to use their uttermost ability to reinstall King john into his kingdom, adding to his command, that if he could not compass the effect of this enterprise, yet at the least he should use the means to increase in this Province his Sangiacship, promising him succours from Buda.  
Castalde being advertised of all these devices, that he might the better remedy them, and not suffer them to take further footing, appointed that the principal Lords of the kingdom, should upon the 15. of March next, be at the Diet of Colosuar, to acquaint them with that which Ferdinand had commanded them. Before the meeting of this Diet, Andrew Battor (who again was confirmed in the estate of vaivode, and withal was made Count of Zalmar and Zalboc) having assembled a good troop of men among the neighbour towns and Castles, and having understood that certain companies of Turkish Cavalarie made some incurtions, pilling and burning all the villages, and minding to expulse them, he caused his people to go into the field, and to march towards the enemy. But in the end coming to handy strokes, not far from Agria, he was so hotly charged, that some of his people quitted the place, and others remained there either slain or taken prisoners: and amongst others, some of his household servants and familiar favourites were taken; to redeem whom, Castalde was forced to give to the Bassa of Buda a Chiauss, & a Mahometaine Priest, who were taken at the death of Friar George, and detained prisoners in the Castle of Wivar, and to exchange them (by Ferdinand's command) with the said favourites, who by this means recovered their liberty.  
By reason of this disorder, the vaivode entreated Ferdinand that he would give him the means and enable him to entertain 1000 light horse, of the number of those which he paid in Transiluania: which was wholly granted to him, and besides 1000 foot, that so he might be the better able to affront the Turks forces in those quarters. Ferdinand also gave him charge to conclude an end of a discord among the people called Cumans, who having been under the jurisdiction of Zaluoch, would not (seeing that this Fortress was reduced under the Turks puissance) be under that of Agria, but rather under that of Varadin. In the end, by the diligence of Castalde and the vaivode, they were content to be obedient to Agria.  
Now whilst that the Turk was greatly busied by the Sophy, and that he converted his forces for the defence of Amasia, into which the Persians were entered, they began again (by the means and interposing of Haly 
The renewing of the procuring of peace.  Chlauss) to negotiate the truce between Ferdinand and Solyman, there being safe conduct granted both from the one and other, to send Ambassadors to either party. There being for this purpose some appointed on both sides, it was in the end perceived, that nothing else was done, but to entertain the Transylvanians in some hope, whilst that the Turks should dispatch their other entangled affairs, that afterwards they might assail them, according to their accustomed manner. For they had advertisement how Cassombech (at the instance of the Queen) had assembled about him many Sangiacches, and that with the troops which daily came to him, he meant to march directly to Deva, to revenge himself of the losses which he had received of our people, and withal to make himself master of that place, to the end that so he might not have any impeachment that might cross his proceedings. Hereupon Castalde caused the Diet to be solicited, and earnestly to persuade all those that should be present thereat, to give order that every one should take arms, and aid this town and others, and specially to march to the frontiers which divide Polonia from Transiluania, where it was said, that there were 12000. Pollacques well armed, whose enterprise was known to be no other, but only that they were there for the aid of Queen Izabella.  
The appointed day then for the Diet being come, Castalde was present at 
A Diet at Colosuar.  Colosuar, where he found all those who were called thither, except the vaivode, who in respect of his sickness was excused, and there (by the express command of Ferdinand) he demanded of the Transylvanians aid of men, to suppress all these tumults, which covertly were dispersed in every place, and to defend Deva and other places: he also demanded money and victuals, to make at the least a reasonable army, and such, that with his people which then he had, he might be able in many places to resist his enemies. Besides, he demanded of them pioneers, to finish the fortifications of Sibinio, Albe-iula, and Sassebesse, admonishing them to attempt it, whilst the means were on foot, to obtain some truce of the Turk.  
Upon which demands, he was thus answered: that because the kingdom was by a long war sorely afflicted and distressed, and every man reduced to extreme misery, they could not succour him with money, nor victuals, because that in the last winter they were all spent and consumed by the soldiers: and as for the aid of men, they would assist him therewith as far as they could; notwithstanding it being necessary that Ferdinand should send some other succours from Germany or Hungary to resist the Turk: for that this Province was not of itself sufficient to withstand so great an assault, which on every side would be given, and specially towards Lippa, Brassovia, and Hungary, where in every place it was very requisite to have a great army, infinite heaps of money, and great store of victuals to entertain them: which by no means could not be found in this country, by reason of the extreme poverty thereof, and specially of labourers, which in regard of the continual wars were either dead or fled. And as concerning that which they were able to do, he well knew that all was in his power to command; they besides not judging it unfit to give some repose to this discontented people, to embrace truce with the Turks, whereto they willingly offered themselves, and they promised on their parts to choose Ambassadors to treat thereof with the Grand Signior, by the means of the vaivode of Transalpinia, who for the same effect had many times offered himself to them. And as for the fortifications of those places already begun, they would speak thereof to the Burgomasters of those towns, that they would do so much, that they should send so many pioneers as was needful for the finishing of them.  
With this resolution this Diet ended, when the Spaniards for two pays which they should have received, were more moved and mutinous then before, 
The Spaniards mutiny.  and that in so strange a manner as the like was never heard of. For refusing the payment, and not minding to stay that they might be satisfied in that kingdom for all that which was due to them, they took by force the Ensigns from those who bore them, and with them took their way towards Vienna, passing through Hungary, where they performed infinite evils, committing the greatest riot in the world. And although that Castalde (that he might have brought this war to an end) was daily upon his departure out of Transiluania, yet he never could, neither by entreaties, nor by offers, or perswsions so far prevail with them, as that they would attend him but twenty days, to the end that he might not leave the kingdom unprovided, and that for the time to come he might give order to those places which had need of garrisons, and generally to do before his departure, all whatsoever appertained to the preservation of that country.  
But without respect to their General they dislodged, and passed by Colosuar, threatening to sack this town, who were greatly afeard thereof, although that Castalde was within it. And being arrived at the river of Marque, Ferdinand was exceedingly offended thereat, and meant to send the marquess Sforce Palauicin (who was already redeemed from the Turks for 15000. Ducats) with all his people to have cut them in pieces, and severely to chastise the authors of this so great a sedition. But he being appeased by by some, sent to tell these Spaniards, that they should repair to Papau, where they should be satisfied of all their pay, as within a while after they were.  
A little before that Aldene was conducted to Vienna, and was imprisoned 
Aldene brought to Vienna.  in a tower, Ferdinand minding that his condemnation should not be executed until Castaldes coming, to whom he had given licence to depart out of this Province, and to come from thence to Vienna, or to Sopronio. Whereto 
Castalde retired out of Transiluania, and returned to Ferdinand.  he was very willing, leaving this kingdom in the month of April, and arrived at Vienna in the end of May, where he was joyfully received by Ferdinand and K. Maximilian, to whom afterward he made a large recital of all what was passed, to their great content. And because virtue and glory have always envy attending on them, some persons bruited amongst the greatest of Ferdinand's Court, that Castalde had heaped together a great quantity of 
Castalde wrongfully accused.  gold and silver, and that he was not a little enriched by Friar George's treasure, and by the presents which the Transylvanians had bestowed on him, and that he had sent great store thereof from him. This bruit did greatly grieve him, for that it was come to Ferdinand's ears; and yet further for this, that some said that he had detained and kept back pensions and wages which his Majesty had granted to certain that were his trusty servants, and who had faithfully served him during this war. Upon this bad and false suggestion, there was added many other vile and infamous things. By writing and speeches he endeavoured to expel these false suggestions from Ferdinand's conceit, and from all the principal of his Court, who in respect of such an object, deferred the recompense which was justly duly to him, for the pain and labour which he had taken in discharge of his office: yet so it was that in the end he was rewarded with 3000. Florins of gold of yearly revenue to him and his heirs, with certain conditions to call them back upon some reasonable sums.  
Presently after the departure of Castalde out of Transiluania, they had news, that one Clement Athanase had (with a good troop of men assotiated with him) by night taken the Castle of Tocchay (which by the situation 
Tocchay.  thereof and art is very strong) and that he durst attempt with ladders to surprise 
The Transylvanians rise in the behalf of Queen Izabella.  the town of Agria, from whence he was repulsed by the inhabitants, in such manner that he could not enterprise any thing upon it: this being attempted by the command of Queen Izabella, and her son john. They had also news how Peter Vicchy was accorded with the Turks, and how he being accompanied with all his adherents, he took the way towards Lippa, with intention (in the Queen's name) to surprise the town of Deva and jula, and do his uttermost endeavour in this, that it might return to her, and that she might re-enter into the kingdom. This man had great means, and under his colour many great matters were practised, which gave sufficient occasion to Ferdinand to think deeply thereof, who was sufficiently informed how all the Realm inclined to the Queen's part. The Saxons to have some shadow to remove their household, caused to be demanded of his Majesty the Castle of Aluins, which, they said, did (according to their privileges) belong to them, and they requested that it might be confirmed to them by him. That he might not discontent them in this their demand, but rather to hold them assured to him in some sound fidelity, and that he might not give them occasion to mutiny, he yielded to their demand; and presently they of jula, Agria, and other places were commanded, that they should be vigilant and careful, and not sleepy or slothful, for fear of being suddenly surprised by the Queen's party, who ceased not to perform her uttermost endeavour, that every one should take arms against the Officers, Governors, and Lieutenants of Ferdinand.  
During these proceedings, it was ordained that the process of Aldene 
Aldene condemned to death, & saved by favour.  should be renewed, and that the sentence should have his full and entire effect, if the accusations were found true. This reviving being at a certain day ended, the first sentence, was by this second confirmed, and by consequence Aldene condemned to have his head cut off. The prescribed day being come to end his life, he was in the sight of all Vienna led chained between two Friars (who did comfort him) to the place of justice, having the executioner by, and was there upon a scaffold to be beheaded. Mary Queen of Bohemia, and daughter of the Emperor Charles the 5. because he was a Spaniard and subject to her father, prevailed so much with the King her husband, that he requested pardon of Ferdinand for him, with this condition nevertheless, that he should always remain prisoner. This favour being thus granted, Aldene had his life saved, and within a while after by the same means was wholly set at liberty, against castald's liking, who (to the end he might give example to others, and to cause them learn by the negligence and cowardliness of Aldene, how they should be hardy, resolute, and courageous, imitating Torquatus) solicited that he should be publicly punished.  
Now whilst Castalde recreated himself with Ferdinand, sometimes being with him in hunting, sometimes pursuing the Hearts along Danubius, (which to save themselves from the dogs, took soil therein) letters came to him from the Emperor Charles, by which he commanded him, that seeing the Transylvanian wars were ended, he should presently depart from Vienna, and journey into Flanders (where he was greatly troubled by the people of King Henry of France) that so he might use him in this war. The Emperor also writ to Ferdinand, how he had taken Hedin from the French 
Hedin taken by the Emperor Charles from the French.  King, which is a place situate upon the confines of Artois in the Low Countries, against which he had brought a puissant army, and had environed it with his Camp, and battered it on all sides, and that in the end he had taken it, notwithstanding the marvelous defence of the assieged, making a great mine, wherein was buried Horatius Farnese Duke of Castres', and that he had caused it to be ruinated and defaced, even to the foundations, there being prisoners with him the Duke of Bovillon Martial of France Lieutenant in the same for the King, the Lord of Riou Governor, the Count of Villars, the Lord of Prye, the Baron of Culan, and many others; there being beside slain, the Lord of Magny, the Viscount of Martigues, the Lord of Moninuille, the Lord of Cizieux, the Lord of Dampierre, the Seneshal of Castres', and many others. For this news, and the taking of Terovanne, which a little before was besieged, were great fires of solemnity made at Vienna, and many suchlike exhilerations: at the end whereof, Castalde (to obey the Emperor) took leave of Ferdinand, and after being greatly honoured by 
Castalde returned to the Emperor in Flanders.  him with many privileges, and enriched with many gifts, for the great valour which he had shown in Transiluania against the Turks, he travailed towards Germany, at the time that the war of Sienna began to cease, by means of Pope julius the 3.  
In the Eastern parts Solyman was no less inflamed to the war, than was Charles the 5. against France. He (as we have said) in the year 1552. 
The history of the death of Mustapha, Soliman's eldest son.  caused every where to be published (to get Mustapha his eldest son into his hands) that the Persians were entered into Amasia and Syria, and had sacked many towns, and spoiled a great circuit of the plain country, leading with them prisoners the poor inhabitants, and ruinating all which they encountered. Upon these news he caused to be divulged that he should be forced to go in person into Amasia, and to send Rostan Bassa with a strong army into Syria, to force them to retire. But this device was to no other end, but speedily to have the said Mustapha into his command, and to assure himself of his Empire and life, by putting him to death. But before we come to this narration, it is necessary that I recite some things of time past, that I may the more orderly descent to that which cometh now to be treated of, and to cause men better to understand the cause that moved Solyman so cruelly to hate so virtuous and magnanimous a son.  
Solyman then having had this Mustapha his eldest son, by a slave of Circassia, 
Mustapha the eldest son of Solyman.  he gave him the government of the Province of Amasia, the better to maintain himself and his mother. This young Prince daily increasing with corporal ability, and with virtues of the mind, gave of himself great expectation to all those who saw him, assuring themselves that one day he would prove a most valiant Captain and courageous Lord. This infant being departed from Constantinople, and arrived in this Province, the Grand Signior began to be enamoured of another of his Slaves, named Rossa, so 
Rossa beloved of Solyman.  hotly, that with the daily conversation he had with her, he saw by her four children, the one named Mahomet, who had the Province of Carmania; the other Bajazet, to whom was given Mechoresia; the third Selim, who after the 
Mahomet, Bajazet, Selim, Zeangir, children of Solyman by Rossa.  death of Mahomet had Carmania; and the fourth Zeangir, otherwise called crookbacke, by reason of two knobs he had upon his shoulders and breast, and he was of an excellent spirit. He had also a daughter named Chameria, who was given in marriage to Rostan Bassa, who after the death of Abraham 
Chameria daughter of Solyman married Rostan Bassa.  Bassa was principal Visir. This man made himself very odious to all the world in this office, because had cut off the pay of the janissaries, the wages of the officers of the Grand Seigniours house, the charges of armies, and the estate of Sangiaches; all these charges being very burdensome and excessive. But in stead thereof he was very well liked of Solyman, and much in his favour, for using such frugality, and not in the favour of Mustapha, of whom he did greatly distrust himself for the train which he had, and for the love which the soldiers bore him. This distrust and fear were the cause that he enterprised a conspiracy with Rossa his mother in law against the life of Mustapha, by the deceit and treachery which we shall now speak of. This Rossa seeing how dearly she was beloved of the great Turk, to advance her children by a policy, and under a feigned colour and zeal of religion, sent to Muplety (properly called by the Turks Muphty, who among the mahometans 
Muplety an arch Presbyter of the mahometans.  is, as the Pope is among the Christians) to signify to him, how she had a marvelous desire to cause a Temple to be built, and an Hospital also for the poor pilgrims, to the honour of God and of their Prophet: but by no means she would undertake this work, unless that first she were assured 
God's reward for charitable works done by Slaves, appertain to their masters.  from him, that such works should be beneficial for her soul's health and agreeable to God. Muplety answered her, that this enterprise would be well pleasing to God, but not for her salvation, for that she was a Slave of the Grand Seighiour, who was master and Lord of all that she had, and in regard of which his power, all whatsoever she should do in this, should succeed to the good of him, and not of her. Upon this answer she seemed very pensive, and to carry in her heart extreme grief, insomuch, that (she manifesting in her mind to be greatly afflicted) the Turk had notice thereof, who moved with the love he bore her, and with the displeasure of her grief, sent her word that she should be of good cheer, assuring her that within shortime he would give her occasion to comfort herself: whereupon causing a letter to be written for her liberty, he sent it to her. This subtle and crafty woman 
Rossa made free.  receiving this gift, well knowing to take fit time and occasion, gave him many kind thanks, and presently employed workmen about her buildings, abstaining herself from carnal copulation with him. While she thus spent the time, the Grand Signior had a great desire to lie with her, commanding that the night following she should prepare herself to lie with him. Whereupon she caused word to be sent to him, that though he were the only Lord of her life, of her goods, and of her body, he should yet look well to this (seeing he had made her free) that he did not contradict the law, nor 
To use a free woman is sin.  commit a sin; it not being lawful for him to use a free woman, as more at large he might know of Muplety. This answer was greatly offensive to the Grand Signior. For loving her extremely, the more strict the prohibition was, the more his desire increased to be with her, and gnawing his heart with a thousand imaginations, sent to seek Muplety, of whom he demanded whither he might carnally use a Slave that was made free. The other made answer, that he might not, except he would take her for his spouse: for that doing otherwise he should commit a great sin, by reason of the law, which willed it should be so. This difficulty yet further increased a desire in the Turk to enjoy his Rossa. And by that means, not being able any long to tolerate the passion which tormented him, he determined to satisfy, not his reason, but his appetites, and resolved to take her for his spouse, as publicly 
Rossa made the spouse of Solyman.  he did, giving her by the contract of marriage 5000. Ducats of yearly revenue for her dowry, to the great marvel of all, who knew that to be against the custom of the Ottomans, who because they would never have any companion 
The Turkish Emperors never marry.  in the Empire, do never marry, but in place of a spouse, they use women Slaves who are very fair, which from all parts of the world were brought to them, and they are shut up within the Seraile (according to the custom of the Turkish Lords) where they were bountifully used and instructed in divers virtuous things: and by these the Grand Seigniours have their children, and those by whom they once have had children, are more honoured and better served then the other, and afterwards are married to Grand Seigniours of their own sect and religion, as are the bashas, Sangiaches, Belerbeys, and such like. Now this Rossa from a Slave (by the favour of heaven and the benefit of Fortune) being become the wife of so great a King, she determined of no other thing, then to invent the means that one of her sons, after the death of Solyman, should remain inheritor and successor of the Empire.  
The greatness and valour of Mustapha was much opposite to her designs, and to abate this inconvenience, she thought that it was needful to assist her self by the help of Rostan Bassa her son in law, as of one that would rather 
Rossa practiseth the death of Mustapha.  desire that his brother in law might be Lord, than Mustapha, who bore him an evil grudge, for that he had cut off the revenue which he was wont to have out of his Province: by reason whereof he could not but doubt, that when the Turk died, and this man succeeding in his place, he would not only deprive him from the dignity of a Visir, but also of his goods and life.  
Having then drawn him to her devotion, and being accorded together, she effected so much with the Grand Signior, that her son in law had 
Rostan Bassa conspireth with Rossa, the death of Mustapha.  the managing of all the affairs and expeditions of that Province where Mustapha commanded, impressing afterward in the mind of Solyman, with a fit and subtle invention, a great distrust to lose both his state and life, especially by reason of Mustapha's greatness, & the good will which every one did bear him. For confirmation of which, Rostan commanded all those who were chosen to go into the Provinces, and specially those who went into jonia, a neighbour Province to Amasia, that for the contentment of the Grand Signior, they should write and make known particularly the proceedings of Mustapha, and his honours, to the end that he might take pleasure therein, and that they should highly commend him in certifying all the good they could of him. Which they did (not knowing the deceit) very willingly and often also: so that by their letters they clearly discerned the desire which the soldiers had, that one day he might for his liberality become their Emperor. Rostan after he had received such letters, gave them to Rossa, to the end, that according to the opportunity and occasion of the time, she might show them to the Turk. She in showing them these letters (as a subtle and malicious woman) made great show to be exceedingly contented at the generosity and valiantness of Mustapha, and to be very respective of his life and health: and then on the other side, as being careful of the preservation and puissance of her Lord and spouse, by wily and subtle means she propounded to him the example of Selim, who by the like craft and industry, deprived his father both of his Empire and life, desiring him to find the means to discover the designs of Mustapha. But for this time her devices took no great effect in Solyman, and she seeing that they came to nothing, thought to make him away by poison, and sending him in his father's name certain presents, gave charge to some to carry them to him. But for that the hour of his death was not yet come, he would at no hand taste thereof, until the bringer had first made an assay, who presently fell down stone dead: for which cause he made them to be cast away, and so escaped the death. This treachery falling out contrary to the desire of Rossa, yet for all that she lost no courage, but invented another, desiring her Lord that he would do her this favour, that sometimes one, and sometimes another of his children might come to the Court to see him, and after that return again into their government, thereby the rather to continue a reciprocal amity between him and his children. This device tended to this end, that Mustapha coming thither, should with better commodity be dispatched by some manner of means whatsoever, and not coming thither he should be sent for. For the eldest sons of the Turkish Emperors are not accustomed 
The eldest sons of the Turkish Emperors remain not at the Court.  to depart out of their Provinces to come to Constantinople, except they be sent for to be made Emperors with a strong and puissant army: which they are not wont to do, so long as the father liveth. Nevertheless she obtained that two of his children should come thither: and thus always was one or two with Solyman, either in the town, or in the army, or in some other place where he was. Zeangir the crookbacke, was oftener there then any of them, for that he was pleasant and merry, and one that could fit all humours well, whereat the Grand Signior took great pleasure.  
Now certain years after, Fortune (envious of Mustapha's magnanimity, and favouring the wickedness of this woman) caused a letter to be brought from the Bassa the governor of Mustapha and of Amasia; it being 
The instruction of the Turkish Emperors sons.  the custom, that when a son of the Grand Signior goeth into any government, to give him a Bassa to instruct him in Military discipline, and a Doctor to teach him the liberal Arts, and other good erudiments. It was imported by this letter, that a marriage should be treated of between the said Mustapha and the daughter of the King of Persia, whereof this Bassa did diligently advertise the Court and the Grand Signior, to the end that not any thing should be imputed to him, as if he had participated in this affair. This letter being come into the hands of Rostan, esteeming that this was a subject very fit for him to overthrow Mustapha withal, acquainted Rossa with all the matter, with whom he having conferred of that which they should do, they went both together to the Turk, showing him the ambition of Mustapha, and that he had a purpose to invest himself in the Empire, and by the affinity contained in this letter, to join the Persian armies with his, that so he might the better expulse him from Constantinople, adding at the end the little faith which was to be hoped of the janissaries, because they were corrupted by his great bounty. These so evident reasons were with words full of such great efficacy pronounced by them, that they so moved Solyman, that to assure his kingdom and life, he determined to put his son to death, and according to this resolution he caused Rostan Bassa to march before with a great army towards Syria, with command and express charge (under the colour to drive away the Persians) to seize upon the person of Mustapha by some subtle dexterity, and to conduct him to him. Rostan being come to the entrance of this Province, and Mustapha having understood of his coming, presently marched towards him with 7000. of the valiantest soldiers that he had. Rostan seeing that than his enterprise could take no good issue, bruiting it abroad that he found all things in good tranquillity, returned without any further expecting the coming of Mustapha, or without seeing the dust of his soldiers, and returned from thence to Constantinople with more than ordinary speed: where being arrived, he recited to the Grand Signior all that which was happened to him, and giving colour to that which he had already practised with Rossa, he caused him to redouble his fear, telling him, that having found the army which he led with him into Syria most ready and willing, and at the devotion of Mustapha, and they desired no other thing, but only that he were absolute Lord; he by this occasion meant not to trust them to give him any battle, nor hazard any thing, by reason of the incredible good will which all the janissaries bore him, but that he thought it more expedient to return from thence, and submit all under the advice and judgement of his Majesty, as he did. These speeches engendered in Soliman's heart a most great indignation, and were the cause to bring to end that treason thus wrought against this innocent young man.  
This then being the year 1553. he commanded that all the soldiers 
Anno 1553.  should assemble, and that Achmeth Bassa of Buda, with all the provision of Hungary, should march towards Amasia, to bring to end the Persian war, it being expressly every where bruited abroad, that the Persians were afresh entered into Syria, with many great troops, Solyman set himself onward on his journey with all his army: and being there arrived, he presently caused letters to be writ to Mustapha, that he should come to him at Aleppo; and endeavouring to conceal the hate, which through others malignity he bore to his son, yet could he not so well dissemble it, but that Achmeth Bassa, as of better judgement than the other bashas were, did perceive it, and conceiving great displeasure that the father should be thus incensed against his son, because he was too generous, secretly advertised Mustapha, that he should look well to himself and his life, and not be too secure. This did greatly astonish the poor young man, and the rather, considering the coming of his father with so puissant an army into that country, without any reasonable occasion, the Persians being then with them quiet and in peace; and he entering into great suspicion, was many days greatly tormented: in the end, although he was extremely troubled in his mind and body, assuring himself upon his innocency, that he had never offended his father neither by deed, word, or thought, he was resolved (although he knew his death very certain) with all obedience to perform the command of his father, judging his death would be more glorious and honourable, dying obedient, 
The divine resolution of Mustapha.  then ending his life in rebellion, and contrary to him. And having thus determined with himself, his Doctor being by him, after many thoughts, he demanded of him, which were best for a man to choose, either the Empire of the whole world, or a happy life. This Doctor answered him, that he who with an upright eye could contemplate the Empire of the world, should find that it would bring with it no constant fidelity, but only vain shows, and that he should continually live therein with infinite travail and distrust, and be constrained to commit divers insolencies, murders, destruction of towns and cities, and ruins of many miserable persons: for which mischiefs a man should lose a happy life. But in choosing a blessed life, a man should avoid all these disasters, and to those (who have this grace to know human frailty, and the brevity of our life, in renouncing the vanities of this world) God had prepared in heaven (as for his well beloved) a sweet and delectable place, full of all immortal joy, where they should remain perpetually with the blessed.  
This answer greatly contented this young man, and within a while after, in great diligence he arrived where his father was, who was encamped three days journey from Aleppo, in a large field. By this so sudden arrival of Mustapha, Solyman was the more perplexed, and had a greater distrust, not thinking that he would have come so soon. Rostan upon this occasion failed not again, and commanded by signs the principals of the army, and the janiaries to go before Mustapha, and to do him honour. These men being (according 
The janissaries obeying the signs of then Commanders.  to their custom) well disciplined, and obeying their Commanders, (by whose signs only they are conducted and governed) went in troops (thinking to do that which would be agreeable to the Turk) to salute Mustapha, and to do him reverence, and to perform this, all the Camp removed. Rostan seeming to be greatly astonished at this, went to Solyman, to advertise him how all the janissaries, and principals of his army, without his leave, were gone to see Mustapha, and to receive him, with great acclamations and excessive joys, and that there rested to him nothing else, but to be Lord; desiring he would have care of himself. Solyman changing his colour, and becoming all pale, went out of his Pavilion, and apartly saw that to be true, which Rostan had told him. Many say that Mustapha three days before his death, had in his sleep this vision a little before the rising of the Sun: He thought that a Prophet, appareled with habits shining as the 
The vision of Mustapha prognosticated his death.  Sun beams, took him by the hand, and conducted him into a most pleasant and delightful place, where was a rich and sumptuous Palace, with a most fair garden, and that then that Prophet said to him, that there they did remain and perpetually enjoy these delights, who were opposite to vices, had avoided injustice, and virtuously disposed of all their actions: and afterwards turning him to another side, he thought that he showed him two very great rivers, whose waters were of the colour of iron and pitch, and it seemed that they boiled, within which there were an infinite company of men which descended to the deep, and after rising again, cried pardon, and that then he further said to him, that there were those punished, who whilst they were living, had always used injustice and favoured the wicked, and that he should know that those which he had seen there, were Princes, Kings, and great Emperors. And this being said, the vision vanished away. And because that the Turks are the most superstitious men in the world, and specially the Musulmans (who never drink wine, and give more credit to dreams, than other men do) had interpreted by this vision, that some great danger should happen to Mustapha: and he having imparted it to his Doctor, he said to him, after that he well considered of the matter, that he greatly disinherited of his life, and that therefore he required him to look well to himself. This young man nevertheless assured, made him answer: Wherefore should I suffer myself to be vanquished by a vain fear, and by the illusion of a dream, and not to go to see my father, he having caused me to be called unto him with so great mildness, and having had (as it is fitting, and as my duty requireth it) always his Majesty in great reverence, and never having turned my face, but to the part where his inclined, and never having offended him in any thing, nor aspired to his Empire, but only when it shall please God to take him to himself, and that the army shall esteem me worthy thereof, and capable to enjoy his greatness with my brothers in perpetual peace and everlasting concord, contenting myself, that though by this voyage I should die, to end rather my days by innocency and martyrdom, then living many years in the Empire, to remain disobedient to the will of my father; because if I go not to him, I shall by the envious persons of his Court be condemned as a rebel, and by my enemies infinitely noted and marked.  
With this deliberation he arrived near the Pavilions and Tents of his father, with his train, and caused his people to stay there; and clothing himself in a new white habit, in token of true fidelity, and having put into his bosom certain letters and writings, and laying apart all manner of weapons from about him, that so he might take away all occasion to use them against his father, he proceeded to go and kiss his father's hands; and entering into the first hall, he was very graciously received by the eunuchs, & not seeing therein but a place only dressed and prepared, he began to be pale and moved, and being a while in suspense, demanded where the Grand Signior was, and it was answered him, that he should presently see him. At that instant he saw enter by another part the seven Muets, who continually are about 
Seven Muets executors of the Grand Seigniours pleasure.  the person of the Grand Signior, and only understanding by signs, they executed his secret commissions. Mustapha seeing such persons to come directly to him, began greatly to be afraid, and turning himself towards them, he said: Behold my apparent death. And minding to fly thence, he was as well by these Muets, as by the eunuchs, stayed without the Pavilion, and brought in again, where the Muets put a cord of a Turkish bow about his neck to strangle him: but he being very stout and strong, defended himself as well as he could, in throwing sometime one, and sometime another behind him, pitifully entreating them that they would suffer him to speak but two words to his Lord and father. Whilst that the one sort endeavoured to take his life from him, and he on the other side assayed to defend himself, the most cruel and abominable father (who was on the one side of the Pavilion, very attentive to see the end of so horrible and inhuman a tragedy) putting forth his head, spoke with choler to these executioners: Have you not yet taken away the life from this Traitor, who for certain 
The cruel words of a Tyrant.  years together hath not suffered me to sleep in quiet? At these words the Muets and eunuchs taking courage, threw him on the ground, and by force drawed and stretched the cord which strangled him, there dying in 
Mustapha strangled.  this manner the most liberal and magnificent Lord that ever was of the Ottoman house, a man truly both of mind and body very noble, and who by his virtuous qualities merited not to have given to others so horrible a spectacle of himself, as he gave by the deceit and treachery of his enemies.  
This cruel act being thus committed, the Turk caused presently to be taken the Bassa of Amasia, and a Venetian, of the house of Michely, who was taken a child in the journey of Prevesa, and who then with great credit bore the Colonel's Ensign, and presently caused their heads to be publicly cut off, call afterward to him Zeangir the crookbacke (who yet knew nothing of this enormous cruelty) to whom he commanded to go see his brother 
Zeangir killed himself, seeing his brother dead.  who was in the Pavilion, and who was but lately arrived. He having understood of his brother's arrival, ran with a pleasant countenance to go and embrace him, and entering where the poor unfortunate Mustapha lay thus evilly entreated, strangled on the ground, beholding him with great tears, Solyman sent presently to him that he should take the Treasures, Tents, and Pavilions, and the Province of Mustapha, bestowing them on him for a gift. But in stead of thanking those which brought him this message, he spoke unto them these words.  
O cursed treacherous dog, not a father, but a most cruel Tiger, enjoy thou rather the Treasures, Movables, Pavilions, and the Province of Mustapha, seeing this is fallen into thy enraged heart to put to death so virtuous a son, and of so great hope, and such a one as there was never his like, neither yet shall be in the Ottoman house, I pray God that I poor crookbacke live not, that thou mayst do the like to me. Whereupon drawing a little poniard which he had by his side, he thrust it into his own breast, & so presently he died. The King understanding of this unexpected news, fell into extreme sadness. And this was the truth of the crookbacks' deed, although the world might not be filled with so vile an act, and for the reverence of the Ottoman house, the Turks say that he thus suddenly died of a Squinancy.  
The Grand Signior having afterward commanded that the Pavilions and movables of Mustapha should be carried with his, while they whom he had commanded to do it went about to execute it, many were moved and opposed themselves against it, thinking that they meant to sack them, 
A great tumult in Soliman's army.  these valiant soldiers not yet knowing what was happened to their Lord; and seeing a great number of men to come towards them, fearing some sudden insolency, put themselves in arms, repulsing those back who were the foremost, not without great slaughter. Those of the King's Camp perceiving the rumour which hourly increased, running to succour their fellows, and the other part doing also the like, both Camps reenforcing themselves, with a terrible bruit they put themselves in arms, and gave a great assault, where remained slain upon the place more than 2000 men: and this skirmish had not thus ended, if Achmeth Bassa (a grave man, and of great authority, for his renowned virtue generally known, and greatly esteemed among the soldiers) had not caused the janissaries to retire; and if turning himself towards the soldiers of Mustapha, he had not used to them such like gentle speeches.  
What (my brethren and children) will you be of so bad a disposition, and so bold to resist the command of the Grand Signior, whose pleasure is, that his sons treasure should be taken out of his Pavilions, and carried to his? I cannot believe that you who so long have known yourselves to be the most valiant and good Musulmans (as truly you are) would now show yourselves so insolent and perfidious to our common Lord, having so long a time with such fidelity warred amongst the Ottoman armies, without being stained or defiled of any infamy for his preservation, as by your virtuous actions for his service you have declared through all the world, he being your Lord and mine? Therefore now lay down your weapons, which are but too much sharpened for so vile an occasion.  
These speeches of this courageous Bassa had such force over them, that they were appeased, and as very obedient, they suffered to be carried to the Turks Tent all whatsoever was in Mustapha's. But his death being within a little while after known amongst the janissaries, and bruited through the Camp, the occasion thereof, and the distrust of him, and because it was imposed upon him, they all took arms again, and making a great tumult, mingled with infinite tears and weep, they approached very nigh to the Grand Seigniours Pavilion. This second commotion put him into such a maze, that losing his senses, he would gladly have fled: but being stayed by his people, not without great danger to be massacred in this fury, he resolved (constrained by necessity) to do that, which in an assured place he would not have done, and standing at the entrance of his Pavilion, although he was greatly pale, yet he boldly spoke to them. Tell me (quoth he) what tumults are these here? What commotion is this? What insolencies do you thus inconsideratively offer to me? Do you not peradventure know me? Am I not your Lord, and he that ought to rule and govern you? Certain of them answered him, that they well knew him to be such a Lord, who had a long time been chosen by them, whom they had reverenced, and whose Empire they had by their virtue so greatly enlarged; to this end notwithstanding, that he should rule over them with justice, and not without occasion so inconsideratively and cruelly shed the blood of the good, and cause the innocent to be slain, and that these arms were justly by them taken, sharply to revenge the death of Mustapha, and to purge themselves from that treason which was imputed upon them; and that they would never lay them down, until the accusers should be brought to judgement, and he convicted them to be culpable; and that then with all humility (if it so fell out) they promised (as worthy of severe chastisement) to submit their lives to the most cruel and shamefullest death that could be found, and that for a final resolution they meant that that should be averred in the same field.  
These speaking so stoutly, by reason of the grief which they felt, left not for all that to bathe their cheeks with bitter tears, and their friendly affectionated mournings constrained the Grand Signior (who for the fear 
Solyman in danger of his person.  which he had received, and for the horror of the deed, was almost besides himself) to promise them with sweet and enticing speeches, that he was ready to satisfy whatsoever they would demand, and by that means appeased a great part of this tumult: nevertheless, all the army with weapons in their hands omitted not to keep careful watch, for fear he should steal out of the Camp, and that they should be deceived of his promise which he had made them of a desired judgement.  
Rostan (after he had by the command of the great Turk committed the seal into the hands of Achmeth, and that himself was deprived of the office and state of Visir) wholly possessed with fear for these tumults, fled to the Pavilion of Achmeth, desiring him as his inward friend, and with great instance, that it would please him to advise him what he thought fitting to do in so sudden a danger. Achmeth answered him, that he should take counsel of the Grand Signior, and follow his pleasure, and not of any other. This pleased Rostan, and suddenly by a sufficient message he executed the counsel of his faithful friend: and receiving answer from the Signior, who commanded that presently he should retire himself from him; he again caused to be told him, that he could not depart nor retire without his Pavilions, without commission, and without money. The Turk caused to be replied, that the necessity required neither Pavilions nor money. Upon this resolution he mounted on horseback with eight of his faithfullest friends, and in three days he journeyed so far, as if in eight he could have done by post, and retired to Constantinople, where he remained in great trouble and fear for these misadventures. The Grand Signior afterward endeavoured wisely to appease the choler of his soldiers; and not being able to achieve the same by reason of their obstinacy, and perceiving himself deprived of hope, and in doubt of his person, sought three times with a few of his people to save himself from their hands. But it was not possible for him, but on the contrary with very great instance and insolency, they demanded that their Lord should show himself in this field, and that judgement should be given, and justice not delayed, and that they would not permit to save himself either in towns or Fortresses, they not minding at any hand to endure, that without cause they should thus falsely massacre the innocent, imputing to them slanders, & unjustly charging them with treason, whereof neither Mustapha, nor they did ever so much as think: furthermore obstinately persevering in this, that they would not by any means depart from thence, except they were revenged for the innocent blood, and that they might have justice. The Grand Signior seeing that after he had publicly and secretly practised with them all kind of experiments, yet could he not for all that content them; and that there were already many days past; and knowing their minds to be more kindled to revenge then before; and seeing that by his authority he could do no more, meant yet further to make trial of the grave wisdom of Achmeth, who knew so aptly to handle them, that he so far prevailed in paying daily 1000 Aspres to every soldier 
Solyman escapeth from his mutinous soldiers.  for three days to 4000 soldiers of the Port, they were agreed to accompany their Lord to Aleppo, which was three days journey from thence; the Turk notwithstanding having given them his inviolable promise and faith to chastise the false accuser, and to revenge the innocent blood of Mustapha. With these conditions he retired to Aleppo, cleared himself from the hands of his soldiers, having before he departed from his Camp, taken order for the bodies of his children, and commanded they should be carried to Bursia, where are the ancient Tombs of the Ottomans. 
Bursia a town where is the sepulture of the Turkish Emperors.  Those who had the charge thereof, uncloathing this miserable Mustapha, found the letters (which, as we have said, he had put into his bosom, when he went from his Pavilion to go kiss his father's hands) and presenting them to the Grand Signior, he would not then open them. But after these tumults were a little appeased, he caused them to be brought unto him, and read them, and found that from point to point were discovered therein, the 
The innocency of Mustapha discovered.  designs and wicked practices of Rostan and Rossa against Mustapha: whereupon he was so strooken at the heart, that for many days he was so surprised with grief, that he would not speak to any man; and if he had not had a respect to the state and ordering of things, as than they stood, he would not then have put Rostan to death, as he deserved, but would have given him alive to be devoured of the dogs. But that which he did not then, he reserved until another time: and since the fact was remediless, he altered his mind to favour and advance Mahomet the son of Mustapha (which he had by a Lady of Bosnia) of the age of 14. years, who (during this tumult) was brought up by the mother of Mustapha in another country, fearing that the fury of the Grand Signior should also fall upon him. And he presently recalled a certain Captain, whom he had already dispatched to go and kill him, and he having found this child, caused him to be brought unto him, he gave him for his entertainment the Sangiachship of Bursia. After that he departed from thence and marched towards Jerusalem, and being but four days journey from thence, for some other accidents happened, he was constrained to return to Aleppo, that he might provide for the affairs of Syria, and even then it was that he was already freed from the marriage of Rossa.  
There was there a Chiauss who with all diligence departed from the Camp, thinking by the death of Mustapha, to bring good news to Selim, who then was in Carmania. But Selim was so sad for this death, that he meant to leave to the world a perpetual witness thereof, causing the head of this 
Selim killeth him who brought the news of his brother's death.  messenger to be cut off, in stead of the good recompense that he expected: which truly was a famous act worthy to be recorded, and not worthy of this man who is enemy of our faith, whom if it had pleased God to have converted him to his holy faith, assuredly he might have been compared with any other, as well ancient as modern.  
About this time Peter Chendy was found culpable concerning the insurrection 
Chendy excuseth himself to Ferdinand concerning the insurrection of Transiluania.  of the kingdom of Transiluania, as having put his hand thereto: and minding to discharge himself thereof, he writ to Ferdinand about it, excusing himself, and assuring him that he never meant any such matter. His excuses (according to the necessity of the time) were received. But within a while after the Queen desirous to recover that which of her own will she had left, effected her purposes so well, that causing a tumult among the people of the kingdom, within a short time she saw herself Lady thereof, and chased from thence Ferdinand's people; there increasing at the same time so horrible a plague in this Province, that it continued until the year 1555. whereof died so many men, horses, and other beasts, that it was an incredible thing.  
Upon the occasion of this loss, the Turks being encouraged, took arms against Ferdinand, and entering into that country besieged Albe-iula, against 
Albe-iula yielded to Queen Izabella, and all Transiluania.  which they built a Fort, and the assieged being at the end of their victuals, were constrained to yield to the Queen, who in saving them, she was by that means made Lady of that town, and within a while after (in her son's name) of all the rest of Transiluania, and there rested no more for her to conquer, but certain Castles, situated in the confines of the Bishopric of Varadin, and that of Tocchay which is very strong. And expecting a commodious time to go and besiege them, she did no other thing in the mean while, but assure the minds of the principals of the kingdom in the devotion of herself and her son, causing for this purpose to be published a general Diet at Sibinio for all the nations of the country, wherein she showed the wrong which she had received by the officers of the Emperor, because they had not kept with her the conditions and capitulations accorded between them, and the loss and ruin which had happened unto them, because they would take part with him: and on the contrary, the good and profit which they should receive in being retired to her, she assured in such sort her forces in this Province, that all wholly refusing the amity of Ferdinand, and embracing that of john's, as of their natural Lord, all never ceased until they had cleansed Transiluania of the remainders of the imperials, the Queen being for this purpose favoured of the King of Polonia, and of the Queen Bonna her mother, who secretly (besides the Turk, who feared that Ferdinand should set footing in this country, and that in time he might greatly annoy him in that quarter) would not fail to assist her with all counsels and succours, which they should think necessary and profitable for her, according to the condition of the time. She recompensed those who had not abandoned her part, and (as a sage and prudent woman) she reserved to another time the commodity to revenge herself of the injuries which she had received of those who so many times rebelled against her, and had been the occasion of all these inconveniences. And being confederate with the Vayvodes of Moldavia and Valachia, and by the express command of the Turk, having made a perfect alliance and friendship with the Bassa of Buda, the Sangiach of Bossina and Belgrade, she began to give order to the affairs of the kingdom, and to receive the accounts of the revenue thereof, to acquit herself, and pay those who had assisted her to enter thereinto, and also to give presents to those who for divers causes did merit recompense, making herself by this means delightful to every one.  
About this time her brother Sigismond King of Polonia, having refused for wife one of the daughters of the King of the Romans, being enamoured of a gentlewoman his subject, who was young, and endowed with singular beauty, he took her to wife and spouse, and married her against the will of the Queen his mother, and of all the principals of his kingdom: for which occasion it happened, that the mother was long time incensed against him, until the death of this new Queen, who suddenly died, not without 
Sigismond the 2. King of Polonia in disgrace with his mother and Polanders for his wife.  suspicion of being poisoned, and by her death all the dissensions of the kingdom were appeased, and the King was reconciled to Queen Bonna his mother, who having before greatly laboured to have leave to retire out of Polonia, and go and repose herself in Italy, and to finish the remainder of her days in her Duchy of Barry, situated in the kingdom of Naples, she was in the end (by means of the Emperor Charles, and of Ferdinand King 
The Queen of Polonia retireth into Italy.  of the Romans) licenced by her son: and in journeying into Italy, she passed by Venice, where (by this Commonweal) she was received within the 
* A rich Barge wherein the Venetian Signiory expatiat themselves in the Adriatic sea, near to their city.  Bucentaure with great pomp, and honoured by all the gentlewomen of the town, who gorgeously attired, and dressed with stones and jewels, presented themselves to her, and conducted her to the Palace of the Duke of Ferrara, using to her the greatest courtesies which could be imagined, she being further continually visited by every one. And after being accompanied with certain armed Galleys, which were given to her by the State of Venice to conduct her in surety, for fear of Saala Rays the Pirate, who then scoured those seas: and with a good wind she arrived at the Port of Barry, where she lived not long, not being held in any good reputation, nor gaining a good name, by reason of one Pappacoda, to whom (forgetting her son and 
Pappacoda entertained Bonna the Queen of Polonia.  daughter, so great is the fleshly desire of this world) she left all the good things that she had, remaining infinitely blamed for this act, and little commended among the living.  
This happened then, when between the Emperor Charles, and Henry 
A truce between the Emperor Charles and the King of France.  King of France, there was accorded (after many disputes and controversies between the Commissioners) a truce for five years: which was published in France, in Italy, and Flanders. And that they might the better rejoice and congratulate upon the occasion thereof with these two great Princes, the Pope sent to the one of them for Legate, the Cardinal Mottola, and to the other, the Cardinal Caraffa.  
The Emperor laying aside arms, by occasion of this truce, with hope 
Charles the Emperor renounceth the Empire, to the end that Ferdinand might have it.  that it in the end would engender a good peace, was resolved wholly to renounce all the affairs and pomps of this world, insomuch that according to this resolution, whilst he was at Gaunt, he dispatched certain Lords to the Electors of the Empire, and to Ferdinand his brother, by whom he declared to them his determination, sending by them to Ferdinand the Crown, Sceptre, and the other Imperial ornaments. By these he writ to the Cardinal of Mentz an Elector, the letter which followeth.  
My Lord Cardinal, seeing it hath pleased God to show me so much grace at the end of my days, as to grant me rest, by the truce which I have made with the King of France, the fruit whereof I hope for a good peace, between the subjects both of the one part and other, I am resolute to end the remainder of my years with a life more sweet and fuller of tranquillity; by mean of which I may apply myself to the contemplation of divine things, from which (to my great sorrow) I have been more distracted than I would have been, by the affairs which I have had upon me even from my youth in so great abundance, that if divine clemency had not assisted and comforted me, I know it had been impossible for me to unfold myself therefrom. The acknowledgement which I have thereof, besides other benefits received fronabove, hath more excited me to make this retreat, than any other consideration I could have had: to which nevertheless I had not permitted myself to go, if I had seen that my presence, and the administration committed into my hands, could yet have brought any commodity to the Commonweal. But after so many victories which God (notwithstanding I was unworthy of them) gave me, I more esteem this grace which he hath showed me, to have favoured me so much as to cause me to see a peace, or at least a general truce, not only among my subjects, and other Princes my friends and confederates: but also with those who say themselves to be my enemies, leaving now every one in quiet, and in such patience, that not any hath need of my help. Considering this great favour of God, and the imbecility which old age hath brought upon me, and judging that both the one and the other do easily exempt me any longer to govern the rudder of this Christian Commonweal, I have presently resolved with myself, utterly also to forsake all other lesser affairs and pleasures of this world: and to employ this little time, which yet I have here upon earth, in spiritual contemplations, that so I may by the means thereof, wipe away the faults which (it may be) I have committed against and beside the will of his divine Majesty, even as they who have the like charge that we have, do so much the more fully fall, as the burden which they bear upon their shoulders is great and weighty. I am not ignorant but that (as we are subject to be abused) I have given occasion to some to be discontented with me, insomuch that this is not sufficient for me that I am willing by my retreat to appease the divine anger, (which I have drawn upon myself) except on the other part I endeavour to satisfy those that might complain of me. This my affection hath pricked me forward to condescend more easily to the accord, which I have made touching the conventions set down by the truce, by which I have released to the King of France, not only more than he demanded, but also more than he hoped for: and how also my Commissioners (by my command) have done towards his Holiness, minding thereby first to content strangers, and after to have regard of my subjects; whom the better to satisfy according to my ability, I have sent the most part of the Lords (who are now here with me) to give them to understand this my good will, to the end that they not being ignorant thereof, might freely declare unto me whatsoever they esteem good for the accomplishment thereof: having also sent for my son to execute in this country of Flanders and Bourgundie, whatsoever they shall discover unto me, for the comfort of my conscience, whilst that myself, after being arrived in Spain (by God's help) I hope to do the like there, and also in my other kingdoms. I should be very glad if I were able to come into Germany, and at a Diet there myself to make this my declaration, for the honour which I owe to such a Province. But the winter which approacheth, hindereth me from going thither. And since necessity constraineth me, I desire you to appoint the Diet to be held at Franckfort, and to call thither all the other Electors and Princes of the Empire: and you being there, to declare to them all (in my name) the indisposition of the approached time, which doth not permit me to execute that good will which I had to come and meet them there, that so I might again thank them for the honour that they, or their predecessors have done to me, in electing me to be their Emperor, and withal to set out the good affection which their forefathers have always showed by effect to those of our house, even as also I would they meant to continue it in the election which afterwards they made of my brother, constituting him K. of the Romans, and which good affection I entreat them to maintain. And also I would have you to declare unto them, that my intention is (since all things are now in peace) to commit into the hands of my brother (now King of the Romans) the Crown, and all the other Imperial ornaments, to the end that he taking wholly upon him the care and charge of the Empire, my absence should not be the cause that any trouble should grow there, desiring them all that they would assist him, and that they would live peaceably with him, and as true natural brethren. And further that you would give them to understand, that this my departure from them (although it be far off) yet is it not with intent to leave or forsake them: but on the contrary, they shall always find me furnished and provided of so good an affection towards them, as ever I had. And if there be any subject of the Empire, who can complain that I have used any injustice against him, I have desired my brother to give redress thereunto, to whom for such complaints every man may repair. And for the last care which here I can have touching the good of this Empire, I desire you to persuade them that they would accept of and ratify the dismission which I make, and that to be short, they would crown for their Emperor him whom they have already chosen King of the Romans, to the end that this great Province may see itself provided of a head, who may have an eye in every place, as every one hath also an eye upon him, and that by this means you may shut the Port against entrance of new enterprises, which may arise for want of the presence of the head who may be able to resist them. Also further I desire them, that they would not fail my said brother of succours, for the conservation of his kingdom of Hungary, which is the Bulwark of all Germany against the common enemy. And in particular I desire you (most reverend Cardinal) to set your hand thereto: as also more particularly I recommend unto you (against some envious persons) the defence of all that which I have done and negotiated amongst the Electors, Princes, and Lords of the Empire, and Imperial towns, knowing that you are not ignorant with what sincerity I have behaved my self in my actions, whereof I will always yield good account both before God and men: although I will not deny, but that there hath been sometime mingled therewithal some things of human frailty, not minding to attribute to myself such perfection, that I have been exempted from natural vice. But the one being balanced with the other, I am assured that the wiser sort will not use any severe judgement against me: and commending to your wisdom the upholding of this my cause, I will not make to you any longer discourse thereof. And to conclude this present matter, I desire you to believe, that wheresoever I am, I will always be mindful and careful to employ myself, and that towards my friends, in all that which I shall know to be necessary for you, whereof I desire you not to fear to advertise and solicit me. In the mean time I recommend myself to your good favour and prayers, and humbly desire God to keep you my Lord Cardinal in long health and happy life. From Gaunt the 2. of September 1556.  
According to the contence of this letter, Philip the only son of the Emperor 
Philip came to seek his father the Emperor.  came to his father at Scuebourg in Zealand, whither from Gaunt he was come to embark himself to sea. There the father instructed him how he should govern the affairs of his States, and how he should carry himself to his subjects, and his confederates: after he had given him his blessing, and embraced him for the last time, and dismissed all the Princes, Ambassadors, Gentlemen, and Captains who were there present, his Majesty the 14. of September, a little before the sun rising, went aboard unto a vessel prepared for him, together with the two Queens, Elinor and Mary his sisters: and being accompanied with 60. sail, directed his course towards Biscay, where, with a favourable wind, he arrived within few days, having before passed the sea six other times. He disimbarked at Larede, a Port of that Province, and there he was received with great honour by the Lords and Spanish 
Charles arrived in Spain.  gentlemen. Some say, that as soon as he set foot on land, he kneeled down, thanking God for that in these last days of his life he had showed him this favour to conduct him into this country, which above all others he held always most dear, and by means whereof he was come to that high degree of the Empire, attributing to it (next to God) in a manneral his victories and honours, using these words: As naked I came out of my mother's womb, so naked do I return to thee my second mother, and in recompense of many merits which thou hast used to me, I not being able for the present to bestow any other thing on thee, I give thee this my sick body, and these my feeble and weak bones. After he had used these words, notwithout shedding some tears, he very kindly saluted all those Lords which were come thither to do him that honour which they owed to him: and after being put into his Litter, he was conducted to the town of Valladolid, 
Valladolid.  where was the Prince Charles his young son. In this town (which next to that of Toledo, is the principal town of Spain) his Majesty was resident 
The Emperor Charles instructed his little son Charles.  a while, during the which, he exhorted this young Prince to imitate the footsteps of his predecessors, and charily to observe and keep the Christian and Catholic religion. After that, he went from thence into the Province of Estremadure, to a Monastery of S. Hieromes, called the Eremite Friars, situated 
The place where the Emperor Charles retired himself to end his dates.  in a very solitary place, and commodious to lead a holy life. Having in this place given leave to the two Queens his sisters to depart, and sent them back to Valladolid, this great Emperor choosed there his last abode, and there ending the rest of his days, with few domestic officers, giving himself over to continual contemplation of divine things, and forsaking all the affairs of this world, he passed the rest of his time in prayer, alms deeds, and other charitable works.  
In the mean time, Ferdinand King of the Romans, after he had received by the hands of the Prince of Orange the patents of the Emperor (by which in his favour he renounced the dignity of the Empire) the Sceptre, and Crown, with the Imperial Mantle, he went to the Diet of Franckfort, accompanied 
Ferdinand crowned Emperor.  with the said Prince, with George Sigismond Sille Vicechancellor, and Wolfang Haller Secretary of the Empire, about the month of March. At this Diet were all the Electors, and the ceremonies accustomed in such solemn acts being accomplished, his Majesty with all his Princes went to Aix, where he was crowned Emperor, notwithstanding the refusal, which Pope Paul the 4. made to ratify this election; alleging that it was not lawful, for that the Heretic Electors (as he so called them) intermeddled therewithal. But this no otherwise proceeded not from his Holiness, but by an occasion of a certain device between him, the King of France, and others, altogether against the house of Austria: according unto which the Duke of Albe was even now come to blows with the Captains of his Holiness: and 
The truce broken between King Henry of France and Philip King of Spain.  within a while after followed the breach of the foresaid truce, upon which occasion happened to the French this great loss which they sustained upon S. Laurence his day, in the month of August, by the town of Saint Quintin's.  
About this time the Grand Signior declared to the Queen of Transiluania, that he understood that certain sects were crept into the religion 
Command from the Turk to Queen Izabella, to chase out of her kingdom the new sects.  which she held, which by no means he would she should tolerate, if she would remain in his favour, knowing that such novelties would bring nothing to her but tumult and loss of her kingdom, and to him much travail: and for this cause he commanded her utterly to extirpite them who were authors thereof, and in such manner to extinguish them, that there should not be any mention of them. This command was not without cause. For the Heretics were already nesled in this kingdom, and by their preachings had sowed their darnel, and withdrawn many from the universal Church: and if this command had not put them in great fear, all the kingdom had been replenished with them. But according to the will of the Turk, and obeying thereto, they were presently banished and chased from thence. By which we may see how much a sudden and ready foresight (which is used with wisdom, in things stirred up beside and against ancient custom) may infinitely profit in general, & at no hand prejudice in particular. If this had been observed in Germany, when the heresies there budded out, this Province had not so much been given to troubles as it was, with the loss and damage of all Christendom.  
In this same time Charles King of Spain, and not long since Emperor, 
The death of the Emperor Charles.  being fallen sick in the Monastery of the Hieronimite Friars, after he had received all the Sacraments of the Church by the hands of the Archbishop of Toledo, named Bartholomew Miranda, and not without the tears of those who were there present, the 21. of September he yielded his soul to God, putting by his death an end to his great triumphs and victories, and leaving this perpetual memory of him, that of long time before him there was not any Emperor more valiant, courageous, wise, and fortunate than himself. His body was entombed in the town of Granado, in the place where ordinarily are buried all the Kings of Spain. His son Philip (only heir of all his kingdoms and signiories) after he understood of his death, he made 
Sumptuous funerals made at Brussels by Philip King of Spain, for the Emperor his father.  a sumptuous preparation for his funerals in the Church of S. jula at Brussels. And among other magnificences, there was a great Ship which was made to go through the streets by art, which was round about filled with goodly tables showing his victories, there was upon the right side written these words: Africa ruinated, Gelder's taken, the sea cleared, Tremisan re-established, Solyman chased. Upon the left side were read these words: The new world discovered, Milan recovered, Germany and Bohemia appeased, Moron and Coron forced, Tunise taken and restored, and the captives brought back again, the Christian Faith planted in India. After this great Vessel followed two Columns placed upon two Rocks, being crowned and drawn by Tritons. In one of them was written these verses.  
Take thou well for thy devise  
The Herculean pillar of large size.  
And in the other were those which here follow:  
Taming the monster in this season of thine,  
As Hercules did in his time.  
And after were carried all the Ensigns of his kingdoms and seiguiories, which were followed by the gentlemen of his house in good order, of which I will make no large discourse, to avoid the tediousness which the reader may take, in reading again a thing which others by special writing have already heretofore exposed to the eyes of every one. Only I will say that in this ceremony marched King Philip, the Duke of Savoy, and all the other Knights of the Golden Fleece, with the Ambassadors of all the Potentates of Europe. In the said Church was seen both of one side and other, that which followeth, written in fair and great letters.  
To the Emperor Caes. Charles the 5. Religious, Happy, Aug. of the Gauls, great Lord of the Indies, of Tunise, of Africa, of Saxony, mighty, victorious, and triumphant over many nations. Although that the things by him done by sea and land, his singular humanity, his incomparable wisdom, his most fervent zeal, are sufficiently known to the world: nevertheless the Christian Commonweal, for the memory of his justice, piety, and virtue, hath dedicated this Ship unto him: Because he discovered to our world, a new world; and added to the name of Christ many strange nations, and enlarged the Empire of Spain with many kingdoms and Provinces. For that he preserved Germany against 30000. horse, and 100000. footmen, with which Solyman the Turkish Emperor meant to have invaded this Region: Because he entered with a strong Navy into Morea, and took Patras and Coron Turkish towns: For that he overcame the Tyrant Barbarossa in battle by Carthage, who was accompanied with 200000. footmen, and 60000. horse. Because he put to flight 200. Galleys, and many other vessels of Pirates, and took the Fort of Goleta, with Tunise, and Hippo the new, and Hippo the royal. For that he took the kingdom of Tunise, and by it spoiled the Empire of Libya, and restored it to the lawful King, and caused him to pay tribute to the Crown of Spain. Because he brought from thence free into their country 20000. captives. For that he yielded the kingdom of Tremisan to the right King, after he had tamed the Mauritanians: Because with a strong Navy he won afric, the most renowned port town of Barbaria, with the towns of Susa, Monastaire, & Clupea, with other sea-towns, and caused the Lords of them to pay tribute. For that he overthrew near to Mauritania, and by the I'll of Sicilia, twice two Turkish Fleets scouring our seas. For that he made the sea peaceable against the continual courses of Pirates. Because he reduced the Commonwealth of Genes to her ancient liberty. Because after he had six times chased the enemy's fleets, and thrice in battle defeated the enemies, twice reunited the Duchy of Milan to the Empire, and once restored it to the D. Because with incredible celerity he forced the town of Dura, and ruduced under his puissance the Duchy of gelders. For that he suppressed many Princes of Germany, and Provinces which stirred the country to tumult and sedition, forcing their towns and Castles, and for that after he had taken the heads of their armies he pacified Germany. For that he being Emperor passed the river of Albis, and after he had overcome in battle his enemies, and reduced their towns under his puissance, and took their Commanders captives, from thence he returned victorious. Because that of his own good will he took arms against the enemies of Christendom, and never against the Christians, but by constraint, and to warrant himself from their outrages. To the most puissant, Catholic, and excellent Prince, this Christian Commonweal most affectionate to his Majesty, hath erected these Titles and Trophies, adding to his Tomb the marks and Ensigns of his kingdoms, and the Tables of conquered nations: and to our Lord Emperor Caes. Charles the religious, happy, Aug. King of many kingdoms, triumphant over many nations, victorious over the Indies, Libya, Maur. Turkey; Deliverer of Germany, of Italy, of the Sea, of captives; Pacifier of Germany, Italy, Spain, and of the Sea; Reestablisher of many Princes, Arbitrer of many Princes, and to the most glorious Prince of Catholics, the Christian Commonweal hath dedicated this for the example of justice, of Clemency, and Valour, to his most religious son. Most gracious God, and most mighty, one and alone in Trinity, the Christian people do consecrate unto thee these Titles and Trophies, for the memory of the acts of Charles, Caes. Aug. whom thou madest Emperor of the Romans, and King of many kingdoms, whose Piety, justice, Clemency, prudency, Magnanimity, and Valour, is admired throughout the world: he by thy conduct hath augmented this Empire, and his kingdoms, leaving the one to his brother, and the other to his son, with an example of his virtues, which he dying surrendereth to thee again.  
This great Emperor did well deserve, that such and so great honours should be done him, there not being any since Charlemagne, who in force, puissance, and happiness surpassed him. Within a while after died his sister Mary, who was married to Lewis King of Hungary, slain in the battle of Mohaze.  
The end of the seventh Book.   

THE EIGHT BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE EIGHT BOOK.  
A Diet held at Ausbourg by the Emperor Ferdinand, wherein was granted to him succours for the defence of Hungary, against the Turk. Tocehay taken by King john, between whom and Ferdinand there are motions of peace, but they come to nothing. Maximilian the son of Ferdinand is chosen King of the Romans. Solyman seeketh peace of Ferdinand, in regard of the distrust he had of the Governor of Egypt. Maximilian created King of Hungary: the death of his father Ferdinand, after which Maximilian is elected Emperor, who made war upon King john, and many places of strength are by these two taken from each other. Debatement of peace beeweene Maximilian, Solyman, john, and Sigismond King of Polonia at Vienna. Erdeu besieged by the Turks, and relieved by the Christians, but in the end is yielded upon composition. Many hostilities pass between Maximilian and Solyman; and continuation of peace between them. Count Salm attempteth to surprise Alberegalis. The State of Germany touching the Diets there held, and of the arrival there of Prince's Electors and others. The place and office of the Electors in public assemblies. The Pope, and Princes of the Empire send to the aid of the Emperor Maximilian. The manner and form of the Spanish Inquisition.  
THe Emperor Ferdinand, brother to the deceased Emperor, about the very time & the death of his brother, had advertisement that the Bassa of Buda and the Moldavian, beyond all expectation, would come into the field, whilst his Majesty held the Diet in the town of Ausbourg, in which were present all the Electors, and almost all the Princes of the Empire, as well for his own 
Ambassadors of France at the Diet of Ausbourg.  affairs, as to give audience to an embassage sent from the King of France, of which were chief the Bishop of Vienna named Marrillac, and the Lord of Bourdillon, which was upon the 28. of March, the Emperor being in the great hall of Ausbourg in his Imperial throne 
The seat of the Emperor and Princes of the Empire in the Diets.  under the cloth of Estate, having on his right hand the Bishop of Mentz, the Ambassador of the Bishop of Coullin, the Archduke Charles, the Bishop of Saltzbourg, the Grand Master of Prussia, with many other great Lords. Upon his left hand was the Bishop of Trevers, the Duke of Saxony's Ambassador, the Ambassador of the Count Palatin of Rhein, the marquess of Brandebourg, the Duke of Bavier, the Count Palatin not the Elector, the Duke of Michelbourg, the Duke of Wirtemberg, and the three Marquesses of Baden, with other Lords. Before this great and renowned company were honourably placed the Ambassadors of France. They offered in the name of their King all his ability and friendship for the service of the Empire, and they sought a perpetual confederacy with him and the Electors. Answer was made them, that when they saw effects correspondent to his words, by restitution of the town of Mets, they would then assuredly think that their Master would be their friend; and also that then they would be all ready to confirm good amity him.  
This Diet ended, the Emperor for fear of the danger which might happen in his kingdom of Hungary, upon the said advertisement, had present recourse to the aid of his estates, and of the Empire. Bohemia, Moravia, 
Succours granted to Ferdinand against the Turk.  Stiria, and Carinthia offered upon every thousand crowns of value, twelve crowns to succour his Majesty. And the Empire offered him men, horses, and money, if in case the war should further proceed: and in the mean time while they could see what way these rumours would take, they yielded to his Majesty 600000. Dollars for three months, to be employed where his Majesty thought good. These rumours were not in vain. For the war between Ferdinand and King john (otherwise called Stephen) was greatly inflamed: King john having already taken from the Emperor the strong Castle of Tocchay, and many other, minding continually to assay the 
Tocchay taken by K. john from Ferdinand.  recovery of the surplusage of his kingdom, and to revenge himself of the wrong which he thought he had received in this, that the Emperor held not promise with him touching the Infanta joan, whom he had promised unto for spouse, with a dowry convenient to her greatness: and with such reasons, being favoured of the Hungars, who complained themselves to be sorely oppressed by the Emperor: and having by the aid of the Turk amassed a great army, he possessed a large country, and had become master of all Hungary, if the Emperor had not before sent a sufficient Camp to resist and hinder them from further proceeding; notwithstanding the forces of the Bassa of Buda, who was come into the field on his behalf. But at the instance of the King of Polonia, & other Princes, who offered themselves to 
Debatement of peace between King john and the Emperor Ferdinand.  be mediators of some good accord, for the desire which they had to quench that fire, for fear that the Turk under this occasion should not fasten himself further in this quarter, he caused his army to retire, as also King john did, who by the advice & persuasion of the said mediators, was reduced to this point, that he would send Ambassadors to the Imperial Majesty, to effect their accord, and to demand one of his daughters in marriage, which he did: and his Ambassadors being arrived at Vienna, and audience being granted them, being about to say that john King of Hungary and Transiluania had sent them unto him; the Emperor would hear them no further, saying, that his vaivode ought not to call himself King of Hungary, that kingdom being his inheritance, not usurped, as it had been by the father of him who sent them: and that if they would have audience, they should no more call john King of Hungary, nor Transiluania, but only Vayvode of that Province. The Ambassadors not minding to accept of these conditions, presently dispatched Couriers into Poland and into Transiluania, to give the King notice of all this. Upon this difficulty, the K. of Poland was of opinion, that the King of Transiluania his nephew should not for that time name himself K. of Hungary, but only of that which he possessed: seeing it was not likely that he could justly deny him the title of K. of Transiluania, he being thereunto called by the consent of all the people, and reinstalled by force of his arms, after that he had not kept, nor observed the covenants and promises made as on his behalf, between the Queen his mother and the Emperor, in the time that Castalde was there. The Ambassadors following this advice, alleging the reasons of the King of Poland, and speaking of Castalde, they complained greatly of him, saying, that the Queen had been more deceived by his persuasions and vain speeches, than had been the dead King her husband by those who had crowned him K. of Hungary, and those who were revolted against him. The Emperor not minding to agree to this title of K. of Transiluania, but only of vaivode, received notwithstanding those Ambassadors, who, treating of their charge, were not much content. They demanded, that the Emperor should relinquish all that which he pretended in Transiluania, and that he should make peace with their King, in giving him his daughter in marriage with 100000. crowns, and upon this condition, that all that which is situated beyond Tibiscus should be his, and that which was on this side should remain to his Majesty: and that in the wars which might be between him and the Turk, he should be reputed neuter, not willing in this case to forsake the amity of the Grand Signior, not to fail in the fidelity and homage which he had done unto him: neither was he willing to be bound to join with his Majesty, whensoever the Turk would make war in Hungary. They also further demanded, that concerning that which the Emperor possessed of the rest of Hungary, he should satisfy the dowry and debts of Queen Izabella, which she pretended from the time of the death of King john her husband. To these demands the Emperor consented in part, and in part also meant not to consent to those which most imported him, and specially concerning the alliance, that he might not seem thereby willing to yield up his pretended right of Transiluania, and hoping that himself or his children one day should be able to recover it: and he prevailed so far, that the enterprise of the Polish Ambassadors, and of other Princes came to nothing: and by that means the Ambassadors of Transiluania returned without any resolution. Which was a cause within a while after of great war between him and the King of Transiluania, under the favour of the Turk: upon which occasion he well knew what loss and damage it was to him, for that he would not then agree.  
A certain time after the vaivode of Valachia was advertised, that another vaivode went about to dispossess him of his estate, being assured of succours from Ferdinand; and of the favour of the nephew of that Lasky, who 
Albert Lasky.  laboured the friendship which was between Solyman and King john. This nephew was also named Lasky. He for sundry matters whereof he was attainted, was before constrained to forsake the kingdom of Polonia: upon which occasion he was retired under the protection of his uncle to the Turk, of whom he was so well received, that he was made a Colonel of certain Turkish troops of horse and foot. But sometimes after forgetting all these honours and favours, he forsook that part, and took that of the Emperor Ferdinand's, in whose service he then was, when he practised this subtlety, and enterprised without the knowledge of Ferdinand, against the vaivode of Valachia, for the profit and commodity of another, in whose favour he had already amassed 2000 horse, which he joined with the army of the other vaivode, which was of 8000. footmen, and 4000 horse. These altogether marched with great speed, thinking to take the vaivode unprovided, and were already arrived very near him, attending the night which was fit to massacre them, and to seize upon his estate, in a pleasant & weak village, wherein for the present he then was. But the vaivode being already upon his guard, & according to the first advertisements, having assembled very secretly, to the number of 40000. men foot and horse, attending the issue of this enterprise, being advertised of the place where his enemies were lodged, he caused that night all his people to march with speed, and in such manner so surprised his enemy, that he had neither leisure nor commodity to range himself in battle, seeing himself assailed on all sides so suddenly and furiously, that he was constrained with his friend Lasky, to fly to the confines of Polonia, and to leave the victory to the Null, who with little loss of theirs, and great of their enemies, enriched themselves with the spoil & booty of this man: Lasky afterwards remaining dispossessed of many towns and Castles which he had by Cassovia, being deprived of those by means of the said vaivode. And by this ill fortune so inconsideratively happened to him, falling into the indignation of Ferdinand, who dismissed him from his service, he retired into Moldavia, for that he would not fall into the hands of the King of Polonia, the Emperor, or of the Valachian; these Princes not minding by the suffering of such an act, to draw upon them any more the forces of Solyman, who nevertheless on his side, was not to demand of them therefore any greater satisfaction, he having then a great distrust of the Governor of Egypt, against whom he had sent a great number of janissaries and other soldiers of his Port, fearing some commotion in that Province: and from other places he had some advertisements of the enterprises of Bajazet his second son, who (some said) meant to invade Syria, 
Solyman in trouble and doubt by Bajazet his son.  with the succours and aid of the Sophy, so that Solyman was again constrained to send new garrisons into that quarter.  
Upon the occasion of these troubles, he himself had great desire to seek peace and truce with Ferdinand: although that his Lieutenants of Buda and of Bossina, with the Vayvodes of Valachia, Moldavia, and of Transalpina, in favour of King john, brought great damage to the Emperor, harrying and spoiling Hungary, bringing into their hands many places thereof, his Majesty not being able to draw any succours from the Lords of that country, neither for the fortifications of the places, nor for the entertainment of his soldiers: and if it had not been for the new garrisons which he put in better places, by the aid of his subjects of Austria, the loss had been far greater in that country. Solyman, notwithstanding the gain which his people had in Hungary, considering the peril whereinto he might fall, if he at one time had to do against so puissant enemies as the Emperor and the Sophy were, resolved rather to seek peace with the Christians, then with his subjects.  
To this end (while they were at a Diet which was held at Franckfort, there 
Maxmilian son of Ferdinand chosen King of the Romans.  was celebrated the solemnity of the election, that the Electors had made of the person of Maximilian King of Bohemia, the eldest son of Ferdinand, to be King of the Romans, and of his Coronation, after the accustomed promises by him made to be an obedient child to the holy Church, according to the use of his predecessors) an Ambassador sent from Solyman was presented in this great assembly, who offered a present to Ferdinand of certain 
Solyman seeketh peace with Ferdinand.  rich habiliments, and of strange beasts: and after having ended some differences with his Majesty, which imported Hungary, the truce was concluded between them: and in consideration thereof, this Ambassador caused to be released and set at liberty many prisoners taken in war, who by no means before could be redeemed for any money, nor exchange of others who were under the power of Ferdinand.  
After this truce, Ferdinand perceiving himself to grow old and unwieldy of his body, yielded the kingdom of Hungary to his son Maximilian, 
Maximilian made King of Hungary.  with consent of all the Barons and Lords of the country, in acknowledging of which, all the Lords were gratified by Maximilian in all that which he could do. Whereupon some little while after, Ferdinand surprised with a great sickness, ended his days, having been a Prince of singular bounty and valour: and had not his example and wisdom been, Germany (which 
The death of Ferdinand.  was greatly estranged from the Catholic Church) had been wholly divided from the union of the faithful, and Ecclesiastical ceremonies. This man although he was the son of Philip Duke of Bourgogne, Count of Flanders, and Archduke of Austria, and of joan Queen of Spain, and of other kingdoms: of all his father's inheritance he had no more than the Archdukedome of Austria, with the Estates which are situated in Germany: which was the ancient patrimony of his house, the laws of Spain being of such quality, that the eldest have only the entire succession. Nevertheless, by means of his virtue he increased the inheritance of his house, adding thereto the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia; augmenting by the addition of them, the greatness of it far more than it fell unto him by his predecessors. By these actions he always made it apparent, that he was endued with great constancy, especially towards religion, whereof he became protector, in such sort, that laying aside all his other particular interest, he had special regard to the people which were committed to him, endeavouring himself to preserve them against heresies: and indeed not omitting any occasion or means to reduce those to the true knowledge, who were strayed from the ancient Religion; his good disposition was so great towards all the Princes of the Empire, that with a reciprocal amity he was so well affected of them, that even those who had important business to negotiate with the Emperor Charles his brother, feared not to take him to arbitrate between his brother and them: so greatly did divine justice shine in him, which comprehendeth in itself all other virtues.  
Also, not without cause of his good deeds, as well in general, as towards particular Princes the Electors of the Empire, continued their election in his family from the father to the son, almost making by this doing this succession, not as election, but as it were hereditary. It is not to be doubted, but that his decease brought great grief to the hearts of every one, as it very evidently appeared by the bewailing, which universally was made for his death.  
His son Maximilian (who already was chosen King of the Romans) succeeded him in the Empire. This man after he had taken the Crown, 
Maximilian made Emperor.  the Mantle, and other Imperial ornaments, was confirmed Emperor by Pope Pius: and seeing himself advanced by this goodly and great dignity, with augmentation of goods and means, having of a long time nourished in himself a mortal hatred against King john of Transiluania, he meant suddenly to undertake the revenge of many wrongs and losses received from him: and to do this, he resolved to assail him on a sudden. And for this purpose having amassed a great number of footmen under the conduct of 
Maximilian made war upon K. john.  Melchior Ballassi, and causing them speedily to march towards Transiluania, he suddenly possessed certain Fortresses. john mightily provoked at this, that against the compositions made with Ferdinand, he was so wronged by a new King, caused also his people very quickly to come into the field, and without delay, took the direct way against Sachmar, a strong place belonging 
Sachmar taken by john.  to Ballassi, who had not well provided for it, mistrusting rather any other enterprise then this. This place was taken by a stratagem: john having ranged all his people nigh to it about night in an Ambuscado so covert, that without being perceived, they had commodity to place themselves at the Port, as they opened it to receive in the Herdsmen, who from the fields brought their herds of beasts into this town. Ballassi vexed at such a loss, went from thence and put himself into a great town (yet not very strong) named Debrezen, in which ordinarily assembled many Merchants of divers countries, and thereunto having put fire, he spoiled all there about. 
Debrezen burned by the imperials.   
In the mean time, the King of Transiluania having reinforced his army with 4000 Turks, that the Bassa of Buda sent him by the command of Solyman, came to force the town of Hadao, and by composition he also made himself master of Ataviar: and leading about many prisoners, went 
Hadao and Ataviar taken by john.  and besieged the place of Vngar. The Emperor not ignorant of this that his enemy was suddenly fortified, with the aid which was sent him from Buda, had also dispatched a great number of Lansquenets, and some Cavalarie, under the charge of Purchastaler, Captain and Governor of Vngar. A good part of these troops were already entered into this place, when john arrived there with his army: and this succour came thither in so happy a time, that the enemy (notwithstanding all his endeavour) was forced to raise his siege, having lost there 4000 men at one charge, which Purchastaler came and gave him, while he was not attentive to any thing, but to the besieged: this Captain having used this policy, that planting his Cannon upon the flank of the enemy, & covering it with his people, because he would not have it discovered when they came to handstrokes: at the first signal his people (as it were flying) retired themselves from before their Artillery, which then being fitly discharged, made a great butchery of his enemies, and put them into such disorder, that the Germans had a great hand of those who were come out of the trenches of the Camp to fight with them. All this served to no other end, but the more to kindle the fire between these two Princes, both the one and the other being willing to revenge themselves, whilst john being succoured by the Turks, who liked it better to have a weak neighbour for their friend, than a neighbour who was strong and puissant. Maximilian also thinking, that thereby he lost much of his honour at the beginning of his Empire, did daily make new levies of soldiers: and seeing he had to do with a party more strong than he thought for, made Lazare Schuendy (an ancient and very expert Captain) his 
Lazare Schuendy Lieutenant general in Hungary for Maximilian.  Lieutenant in this war, and one who had attained great experience by the passed wars under the Emperor Ferdinand, in the same country of Hungary, as we before have written. For the rest of the year, Schuendy could not enterprise any thing upon Transiluania, because that he was come too late into this army, winter being already come upon them: so that the cold constrained him to lodge his people in garrisons until the Spring time, furnishing himself in the mean while with necessary things for the next war.  
Sigismond King of Polonia, uncle to john, by reason of his sister, considering that such preparations would bring but a desolation to Christendom, and desiring (for the avoiding of this evil) to pacify these two Princes, enterposed himself to treat of an accord between them two: and for this effect sending his Ambassadors both to the one and other, he laboured his best to reduce them to a peace: but they being both greatly moved, he could effect nothing. Therefore the Spring approaching, Schuendy (Lieutenant general for the Emperor) drew his people out of garrison, and came into the field with an army, drawing towards Transiluania, to the end to assay the taking of the Castle of Tocchay, which is a Fortress very renowned, situated upon the frontier of Hungary, between the rivers Thissa and Wodrog, which could not be very easily besieged, except these two rivers were frozen, as than they were. This place was before taken by Cazzianet for the Emperor Ferdinand, who at the persuasion of some, had given it then to a Hungarian Baron of the family of Scheredy, for recompense of certain good and great services which he had done his Majesty. This Lord being deceased left one son, who for that he was of young years, was kept in this Castle under the government of Francis Nemethy, who of a Tutor became a 
Nemethy a Tutor spoileth his pupil of Tocchay.  Tyrant; and usurping the place for himself, forsook Maximilians part, and adhered to john. This man being well ascertained that they would come and besiege it, before the enemy presented himself, he caused to be transported all his movables, his wife, and pupil, giving order to that which belonged for the defence of this Fortress. This is built after the manner of the greatest number of those of Hungary, not having for all the Curtains 
The siege of Tocchay by the imperials.  but one long rampire of earth flanked with certain towers, with a good and large Ditch full of water, which then (and for the ruin of the place) was all frozen, and with so thick an ice, that upon it they might march to the assault as upon plain ground, and winter being not altogether passed, but having then his course yet very vehement, by reason that this country is of cold temperature: and when Schuendy made his approaches it was the 4. of February. He had such store of Cannon, that therewith he so made his battery, that on all sides the town was battered. But this fury had not any force against the ground, so that he was forced upon the ice to come to the sap. Whilst this continued, the assieged sallied forth, and they so courageously charged their enemies, that they laid 100 of them dead upon the ground. But the great number surpassing their courage, they were constrained to retire: and seeing their rampires broken, & the fear to lose them, caused them to parley & promise to yield themselves upon some conditions, which (for that they were too much profitable for them) Schuendy would not agree unto: but caused to rear the ladders, by means whereof the rampire was won, and the town forced: and with great celerity the Castle was assailed. Nemethy not forgetting any thing which might be for the defence of the place (as he was a brave soldier, and a valiant and courageous Captain) by his valour maintained a long time the violence of his enemies, until that going and coming here and there, to encourage his people, he was shot with a arqebus, which threw him dead to the ground. This death caused 
Nemethy slain.  presently his soldiers to lose their courage, who yielded upon this agreement, that every one of them should have his sword, and one suit of apparel. The imperials being entered into this place, enriched themselves 
Tocchay yielded.  with good booty, and there they found a quantity of good and delicate wine. Schuendy sent the body of Nemethy to his wife, who was retired to a Castle of his, named Serentschin, which without any stroke given, became under the emperors puissance. Within a while after, the imperials of the garrison of Agria being advertised that the Turks were gone out of Zolnok, (which was not far from the Camp) prepared for them a bait and an Ambuscado, which came so well to effect, that 300. Turk's remained there prisoners. On the other side, the garrison of javerin being abroad, cut as many in pieces.  
john seeing how all succeeded to the advancement of his enemy, and that not any profit or commodity could come to him in retaining the Castle of Sachmar (which already had been taken and retaken twice) commanded 
Sachmar burned.  those within to fire it, and to retire themselves by private and secret ways, while Schuendy passed Thissa (otherwise Tibiscus) with his army. This passage did so much astonish those who kept the Fortress of Eiden, that being 
Eiden yielded to the imperials.  only besieged by the space of one day, they yielded without any defence, Ferdinand having in former time used all his force to get it, by reason of the great revenues and profits which come thereof. This good fortune of the Emperor, was greatly favoured by the inundations and overflowings of Danubius, and of other rivers of Hungary, and by the rigour of the winter, which in that year was so vehement, that the birds were found dead upon 
A great winter.  the ground through cold, and the peasants were taken lying upon dunghills in great number half dead, who being brought to the fire, recovered their natural spirits. And at the end the rains were so abundant, that the ice melting, all the country was in a manner drowned, in such sort, that on all sides, except the hills, one could see nothing but water, and the earth seemed to be converted to the great Ocean sea. These marvelous accidents were greatly incommodious for the enterprises of john, because that the succours, which on all sides were ready upon the borders of the Turks provinces, and of those of his tributaries in the town of Buda for him, were greatly slackened by these inconveniences.  
Solyman, who was determined to succour and aid john, both with men and money, and even with his own person; nevertheless upon these discommodities willing to entertain Maximilian, sent to him an Ambassador named Marc Libiniesa, a Transylvanian reneged Christian, who before time had been at Vienna in the same dignity. His charge was openly to exhort 
Debatement of peace between Maximilian, Solyman, john, & Sigismond.  the Emperor, to preserve the pactions and agreements of the peace sworn by his father. He had also there with him for the same effect George Bathor Ambassador of john: and for the same occasion the King of Polonia had also sent thither his Ambassador.  
In the mean time, Schuendy upon these Ambassages, more than once, advertised the Emperor, that he should well advise with himself before he made any conclusion tending to an agreement, for fear of being deceived by the Turks, under a pretence of an accord. Maximilian himself doubted the sleights of the Turk, knowing that it was but some policy to deceive him. Nevertheless, that he might not seem to have a mind to disturb this treaty of peace, he commanded that the frontier garrisons of Hungary should not molest the Turks, although that of their part such patience were not used, as it was not. For whilst that at Vienna they treated of pacifying the differences, and assayed to grow to some reasonable agreement, the Turks greatly endamaged Slavonia, and in Hungary towards jula, they made many incursions, being in the field with the Governor of Themesuar, who had with him 6000. men, two great pieces of Altillerie, and eight Falcons: he spoiling all the country thereabouts. With these pieces this Governor battered and took the Castle of Pancor, also making himself master of two other named Seva and Deonec, situated by jula, minding by those to further the siege, with which he pretended to environ the said place of jula, towards which were marched 8000. Turk's by another way.  
During these treaties at Vienna, it happened that the soldiers of the garrison of Sighet went forth upon 200. Rhatians, which they put to the sword, and took two Agaes their Captains: and as they returned to their garrison with their prisoners, there set upon them 200. horse, who environed and charged them in such sort that they broke them, and pursued them so fiercely, that of 600. which they were, there was no more but 200. saved. This happened in the absence of Captain Nicholas Esdrim Count of Serin, 
Nicholas Esdrim Count of Serin.  who then was gone to the Court about some urgent affairs of his own: and it is to be thought that his presence would have hindered such disaster. As for Sachmar, which was half burned, and altogether abandoned by the 
Sachmar re-established.  Transylvanians, Schuendy caused it to be repaired, judging that that place would bring him some commodity for many considerations. In the mean time, whilst his soldiers did daily labour to make it defensible, the enemies came towards that quarter to take a Castle thereby, and which was a very fit place greatly to annoy those of Sachmar. Against those, the Germans of the said place of Sachmar going forth with great silence, suddenly charged their enemies, and they took from them 7. Ensigns, after they had massacred the greatest part of them, and the rest being almost drowned in the river, into the which they threw themselves headlong inconsideratively by heaps to save themselves.  
Sachmar being re-established, and Erasmus Meiger left there within to command, Schuendy took the way to Cassovia, having some distrust that the Turks would come thither to besiege it, as there was some appearance thereof: and seeing that the forces of the Turk daily increased, he importunately solicited the Emperor to send him new succours, not finding himself furnished of that which was needful for him to the entertainment of such a war, and against so puissant an enemy. The Emperor sent him five Ensigns of footmen, of whom was Colonel john Bernard Rothman, with five pieces of Artillery, all the horses being marked with the letter M. to the end 
A complot against the conductors of the Artillery.  that the wagoners & conductors thereof should not by deceit (as it is their custom) sell the good ones, or to use them to some other purpose. In the mean time, the Turks (who overran all the country, and made there great spoil) determined to take the Fort of Erdeu, near to Sachmar, which then was in the command of Schuendy: and there having placed their siege 
Erdeu besieged by the Turks.  in the beginning of june, they made there many a shot against it, and finally they reared the ladders to enter by force. The assieged defended themselves valiantly, and often repulsing their enemies, they killed more than 800. of them: and fiercely sallying forth upon them, they brought away two pieces of their Artillery. Nevertheless, the Turks not any thing astonished thereat, but continuing the battery more obstinately, in such sort that before the powder failed them, they made a great breach in the wall. Captain Laubemberg, who commanded in this place, seeing the obstinacy of the Turks, sent many times to demand succour of Schuendy. He dispatched towards him 300. soldiers: and considering it was not possibly that they could enter without great danger, willing nevertheless to assay some means which he had invented to put them in, at what price soever, he commanded them to march all the night speedily and without noise unto a forest, which was not far from Erdeu, and where were placed the guards of the Turkish Camp: and as for himself, marching with the like diligence, he came to another quarter, from whence suddenly he gave the alarm to the enemy's Camp, who presently were frighted at this unlooked for coming: and upon this rumour the Turks failed not readily to range themselves under their Ensigns, drawing all to that place from whence came the noise of the enemy's Drums and Trumpets: and in the mean time by this stratagem, the succour which was upon their watch, had commodity to enter into the place. This succour being entered, the assieged were more courageous, and regarded nothing, although that the siege continued more than a month. The Turks notwithstanding hotly pursuing the siege, procured much travail to the assieged, and there amongst others was wounded Laubemberg. A little before there entered a valiant and very expert Captain named Weller, to second Laubemberg, and to command in his place, if any mishap should befall him. With Weller there was also entered Captain Gossel, who, in fight valiantly there died. These courageously defending themselves, maintained it a long time against the enemy, who also continuing the siege with a like courage, daily came to the walls to give assaults: and having one night filled the Ditch with faggots, upon the day following to mount more easily to the breach, the assieged did carefully lay good store of Cannon powder upon and under the wood. The morning being come, the Turks coming into the Ditch, with a hope to carry the place at that time, and the fire also suddenly taking hold of these faggots, by the means of certain sulphured Darts and burning Lances amongst the powder, with which this wood was seasoned, presently was seen in the air a great flame, which wholly broke the enemy's enterprise, those remaining there burnt, who thought to have gotten the first honour, or best booty, and were come thither too soon for themselves. The others retired to their Trenches, but not from the siege: but on the contrary they were so self-willed, that causing their battery to continue day and night, the Fortress was seen all open without any defence, although the assieged did all their endeavour. In fine, these seeing themselves a pray, and certainly judging that there was no more hope to maintain themselves, as well for want of victuals, as men, as also by reason of the infection and horrible stink which proceeded from the flesh of the Turks dead bodies that remained in the Ditch, they came to parley, and the 4. of August they yielded to the enemies, the Captains remaining prisoners, who also presently were conducted to Buda, and from thence to 
Erdeu yielded to the Turks by composition.  Constantinople. Captain Weller seeing they spoke to yield, chose rather to die fight, then to come under the puissance and discretion of the Turks: this his resolution was followed by many other soldiers. The Emperor having had news of this loss, and seeing that the treaty of peace which was on foot produced not any good, commanded Schuendy that he should well munition all the places, for fear of being surprised. And for this effect his Majesty sent him other troops, as well Cavalarie as infantry, while in the mean time at Vienna, he caused to be celebrated the funeral pomps in honour of Ferdinand his father, where was the Duke Alphonse of Ferrara. After which, he caused to be thrown amongst the people certain pieces of silver, and other things of value, in token of largesse, using many other courtesies to the people.  
And his Majesty being now discharged from these ceremonies, his mind was altogether attentive to the war which the Transylvanian made against him, being furthered and succoured by the forces of the Turks: and to remedy it, he caused then to be assembled all his men of war, and particularly the Cavalarie at Theschin, causing them to march from thence to Schuendy, whom he found at that time busied against the inhabitants of Debrezen the Emperor subjects, being greatly moved against those, because that for fear of the Turk they had many times given victuals to the enemies. To chastise them from such cowardliness, without giving notice thereof unto 
Debrezen burned by the imperials.  them, he marched towards them with his army: and having surprised them, he first caused the town to be sacked, and after that he fired it, reducing all into ashes. The vessels and ornaments were carried to Tocchay, from thence he took his way towards Moncat, belonging to john. About this place the emperors army many times was badly entreated, the garrison thereof boldly seizing upon the Sutler's of the army, whom they peeled, robbed, and lead away. Schuendy to revenge himself upon them, laid an Ambuscado, and after feigning a skirmish, drew them to the fight, and by little and little retiring thence, he caused them to fall into the place where he desired they might be, and by this means he had some revenge of them, the most part of them remaining dead in the field, the lesser part being saved by flight. Schuendy victorious with the spoils of his enemies, retired to Sachmar. In which place, by reason of divers accidens, there happened so many maladies among the soldiers and inhabitants, that daily increasing, they were constrained to go into the fields and forsake the town. Upon this occasion Schuendy went and encamped by Tibiscus, fortifying himself with many Trenches. But he was not long in this lodging, before he was surprised with a very sore fever, which tormented him many months, not without great disquietness to the Emperor, who greatly loved him, having just cause so to do, reposing himself wholly upon him, for the experience which he knew to be in him for the affairs of war.  
Notwithstanding that in Transiluania the war proceeded on in this sort, the treaty of peace was always managed at Constanstinople. But the Emperor well foreseeing that this negotiation was but only to hold him in suspense, while the Grand Signior in other places disposed his affairs: and being further ascertained by Cornowicchy (who was but come from the Turks Court, that gentleman also assuring that they should not hope for any peace, although that after his departure there was given him some hope thereof) his Majesty commanded that his army might be prepared, and appointed that 5. Ensigns of German infantry should muster at Lepanto, and 300. Vallachians at Posson, and 300. Hungarish horse about javerin. All these companies were newly levied. These (after muster was taken of them) were charged to march into the field: to which did also go Captain Adam jula, and Romer a Knight of Malta, with five other Ensigns of foot. To these joined four Ensigns of German horse, and Captain Derssi with 300. other soldiers. With this supply was furnished all the principal places. Within a while after there arrived 600. German horse, and other 500 under the conduct of Hoschirher. Also there went to Vienna Count Gonther Schuartsbourg, Count Otting, and Count Mansfert, Christopher Liechtenstain, and many other great personages, who offered their service to his Majesty to be employed in this war.  
The sickness of Schuendy gave in the mean time commodity to the Turks more freely to harry the country, then before time they had done, and they 
Newstat enriched with mines of divers metals.  greatly spoiled the country about Sachmar, and that of Newstat (called the Lady's brook) where is seen the mines of divers metals.  
During such courses, King john, and the Governor of Themesuar approaching very near to Sachmar, were almost stricken with an Artillery bullet, even as these two Lords rid side by side. The Turks not yet content to commit such spoil, took courage to go in the night and assail Schuendy in his Campe. But he having notice of this attempt, prepared for them an Ambuscado, which was lodged so secretly in a forest by, that the Turks not doubting any thing thereof, came just upon it, and being suddenly charged, they presently put themselves in rout, there remaining notwithstanding in the place no less than 4000 not without danger also that all had been lost there, if the night had not favoured the slight of those who were best mounted, as also it greatly served to the imperials to make their retreat safe and sound into their Camp, after such a check given.  
The Turkish Cavalarie passed further, and presented themselves before the walls of javerin, and for that it was yet night, it was not permitted to those within to go forth: but the day being come, and the garrison sallying out of their ports, the Turks presently retired. While these skirmishes and enterprises were attempted one against another, Grassuen (a Captain of 100 Hungarish horse) encountering 1000 Turks, and both the one and the other betaking themselves to their hands, 200. Turk's lost there their lives, among which was the Governor of Lippa, called in their language Beg. Those who were wounded with the shot of the arqebus, being conducted to the Camp, could not avoid death, for that the bullets were besmeared 
Bullets anointed with fat cause death.  with lard. In the mean while the Saxon soldiers hearing this skirmish, were desirous to go forth: but their General would not permit them, but hindered them with much ado. These were only arrived at the Camp, well armed, under Colonel Henry Glasenthal, who had for his companion Don Sibotendorf, both men of valour and incomparable boldness. Between them there were 1026. horse, which were paid by the Elector of Saxony for five months. To these were joined 350. horse, who followed the Camp at their own charges. The two armies were encamped no further one from another then a mile, the imperials being lodged upon Tibiscus by a village named Kizar, situated upon the shore of the river, in the houses whereof were lodged the principals of the Camp, the whole being fortified with strong Trenches. That of the Turks was planted beneath the said river, and they had made a bridge upon the river Somos.  
At the same time Charles the Archduke of Austria being in Stiria, had his people in the field against the enemy, who had committed great spoil in the country, if that Prince had not remedied it. On the other side, the Bassa of Bossina, the Governor of Boschegne, and the Berbatberg being one day assembled to overrun Slavonia, and to carry away the country people, having encountered Peter Eborce Ban, which signifieth Governor, the charge was so hot, that the Turks were put to slight with great slaughter of them, which was said to have been 5000. and the Berbatberg was there sore wounded.  
In another place 320. Turk's minding in the night to assail Thrin, the Cavalarie of jaques Sach, with certain Hungarish footmen, being gone forth to meet them, killed upon the place 60. of them, and took 65. others of them prisoners.  
During these rough skirmishes, on the other side they treated of peace at 
A continuation of the treaty of peace.  Vienna, there being yet the foresaid Ambassadors. And the Emperor caused to be called thither the gentlemen of Hungary, to consult with them upon the points of agreement which were propounded. And whereas Schuendy could not be rid of his sickness, the Emperor sent to him Paul Veidner a Doctor of Physic, an excellent man in his profession. This man of a 
Paul Veidner a Physician, of a jew became a Christian.  jew became a Christian. Schuendy notwithstanding his want of health, forgot nothing of that which appertained for the entertainment of his army, seeing that the Turks desisted not from their courses, and to provoke ours to fight with new injuries. The imperials on their behalf did no less. Upon this occasion there was between them and us a fierce encounter, wherein were many Turks slain, and of the principal of the enemies, of whom the bodies were favourably rendered by Schuendy to those who to demand them, were sent to him by the enemy.  
At another time, as certain soldiers were gone with wagons to forage to bring straw and oats, they were taken by certain Turks who encountered them. This robbery was then done, when a Chiauss was arrived at the Camp, who was sent by the Turk to continue the treaty of peace begun. Schuendy requested him that he should procure to be rendered unto him his soldiers and baggage which the Turks had taken, telling him further, that this kind of dealing did not manifest any signs nor effects of peace. The Chiauss answered him, that he should presently send some troops after to recover that which was taken, it being not the intention of his Prince to break the agreements of peace. Upon this answer, Schuendy caused presently to mount on horseback Captain Ruebert with his company of light horse, to busy and entertain the Turks, and to do so much, that they might not retire until he were seconded by others which should follow him. The diligence was so great both of the one and of the other, that having overtaken the enemies, they had all their wagons which were on this side the bridge: but those who had already passed the bridge, ended their voyage in safety. This recovery so brave and suddenly executed, caused the Turks to remove their Camp, which was near to the imperials, who also did the like, marching towards Cassovia, that they might more commodiously have victuals, which began to fail in their Camp: besides that, the soldiers were greatly troubled by divers sicknesses: and amongst other, with bloody fluxes and pestilent fevers. A little before the Transylvanian also was retired, and having put his people to winter in garrisons, he retired into his kingdom, where having found that some of his subjects and inhabitants secretly favoured Maximilian, he caused them all to be hanged.  
At that time was released from Vienna his Ambassador (who was retained 
Ambassadors are not to be retained for and in place of prisoners taken in the war.  there longer than he was willing) at the instance of Ballassi, who continually importuned the Emperor not to suffer him to depart until he had his wife and children, who were carried away at the taking of Sachmar. But this Ambassador complaining of his detaining, his Majesty meant not that he should be any longer detained against his liking, saying, that that would be a breach and violence offered against the law of nations, it being not reasonable to use such revenge for prisoners taken by the right of war. For the same consideration was also sent back Alexander Kendy Secretary to King john, who journeying towards his master's Ambassador, was taken in a skirmish made against certain Transylvanians, who conducted him and endeavoured to bring him into some place of surety, and who being thus taken, had been led to Vienna by john Wolgazen.  
In the mean time, Schuendy vigilant in his charge, did not cease to solicit the Emperor to this, that it would please him to appoint new companies and supplies, although the enemy laboured peace, showing him by lively reasons that the practices of the Turk were only but in appearance, and to cover his enterprises and designs, knowing that he daily made new levies of men, to assail the army of his Majesty with the greatest force he could. The Commanders of the Turkish army knowing the distrust that this great Captain had of their subtleties, writ to him a letter, by which they sent him word, that they greatly marveled at him that he would trouble the peace, which was treated of between these two most puissant Emperors, which would bring to them both great commodity. But Schuendy also giving as little credit to their words as to their subtleties, ceased not (with the principals of the army) to embrace all the occasions that might be offered, for the service of his Prince.  
Upon this resolution, Count Ecchia of Salm (a most renowned Captain) seeing himself to have command over a good number of soldiers, was departed from javerin the 12. of October, and took the way to Alberegalis, 
Count Salm enterpriseth upon Alberegalis.  named in the language of that country Stulweijssuburg, distant eight German miles from the place from whence he came, being certainly advertised that in this town there was few men for the defence thereof, thinking by this want easily to take it. And as he was but three miles from thence, came a Courier sent from the Emperor, bringing him express command to return with his people to javerin. The Count sorry at the heart, left his voyage, with great discontentment of all those who followed him, for the good opinion which they all had to see themselves at the top of that enterprise, by reason of the few soldiers which they knew to be in this town. A secret intelligence which the Count had with the judge of this place, gave them an assured hope of victory, and the rather because that the judge (for assurance of his faith) had given his wife and children in hostage, he having given order that in the night one part of the Artillery should be removed, and the rest choked, to the end that the Turks should not therewith at need serve themselves, and in the morning as they drove the cattle forth to pasture, the Count with his people should give the assault to the ports of the town, and if the Turks (who were but few in number) should put themselves in defence, the citizens presently should bandy against them, and by that means the town should have been taken without any great resistance. This exploit being thus given over by the command of the Emperor, there was a good occasion lost to recover this place, which was of so great importance. The judge saved himself at Pallota, fearing his person, seeing the imperials had failed in their practice. The Turks having discovered this enterprise, caused 40. inhabitants of the town to be pitched upon stakes, among which were comprised many innocent of the fact. This execution was hindered, because that at that time was earnestly treated the peace with the Ambassadors, who for that purpose were come to Vienna: and indeed his Majesty had sent to the Grand Signior for Ambassador George Hossute, Councillor of the King in the chamber of Hungary, a man 
George Hossute Ambassador for Maxilian to the Turk.  of good understanding, and conversant in the affairs of Princes. Upon occasion whereof, it seemed not good to the Emperor to raise any trouble, until it was seen what end these things would take, which every one looked upon in hope of agreement: and for the same consideration, he had also commanded that not any should molest the Turks, and that only they should rest themselves upon their defence. This Ambassador departing from the Court, led with him 20. Turk's of good regard, who had been taken in the war a little before, and were prisoners in the custody of divers Hungarish Lords. Being all arrived at Buda, the Bassa received them with much honour, and great sports, and gave them safe conduct. This negotiation of peace was the cause that Augustus the Elector and Duke of Saxony countermanded his Cavalarie, since that upon the firm hope which was had of the peace, he saw that it served to no purpose in Hungary. In like sort many other Captains and German soldiers were dismissed by his Majesty, thinking that they should not have any more to do. But within a while after such companies were greatly desired again, the necessity being come to make new levies of men: for that the Turks desisted not from their ordinary courses, and greatly to endamage the country, daily increasing new forces. A good part of these came and laid siege before Newstat, 
Newstat taken by the Turks.  and enclosed those who were within, in such sort, that the Captain, named Glesmuner, appointed for the guard of this place, seeing he could not defend it, did yield it to the enemy, departing forth with his soldiers with a white staff in his hand. By and by after this place was regained again by the imperials, and again lost, and finally recovered: so that at this day it is in the emperors command. The Turks of another part foraging even to javerin, led 800. head of cattle, which presently was recovered by the garrison. Dersfi (Governor of Nitria) seeing the Turks overrunning the country, and to approach nigh him, went forth, and affronting the enemy, on a sudden cut many of them in pieces, and led with him in his retreat two aga's prisoners, which are two of the principal Captains of the janissaries. A little before was also taken a Turk by Sighet, who was come to spy this and other places of the country. This man being brought before the Archduke Charles, among other things assured him, that his Lord would come in person into Hungary, and that within a little time Sighet and jula should be by him bes 〈…〉 d, and that his army would be of 600000. men, without counting those which rowed at the oars. Count Salm had also taken certain other Spies, which assured him the like. Another Turk named Scafir Vayda, chief Councillor of the Bassa of Buda, and well known among all the Hungars to be a man of singular virtue in the managing of war, was taken, and discoursing with Francis Pesthy, had confirmed the speech and confession of the others: so that he saw not any more hope of peace or truce, but all appearance of war. And that which made them the more to believe 
Peasants paying custom to both parts.  it, was, that the peasants (who are remaining upon the frontiers between the Emperor and the Turk, who were wont to pay the tribute both to the one and to the other) had express command, under grievous penalties, not to pay any thing to the imperials: there being also taken by the Castle of Papa 80. of our soldiers by the Turks, who did no other thing but daily forage about javerin, and other places of Hungary, doing infinite mischief: which was an evident sign that the hate daily increased, and that all hope of peace was cut off. Maximilian advertised by divers ways of all these accidents, and of the great preparations which were appointed at Constantinople, gave order that javerin should be fortified, as being of great importance, and in which place he would make head of all his people. And through all Austria he caused to be published, that not any should sell either wine or corn out of the country, and that which was already sold, and yet not being transported, should be retained. He sent to Sighet for the defence of that place certain Bohemians and Hungars, with 600. soldiers, of whom were Captains a Viscount of Milan, and a German Lord. He also dispatched commissions to Captains to levy new companies of soldiers. And further, considering the puissance of Solyman, in comparison of which all these preparations of war could not long stand him in stead, if he were not succoured with the forces of the Empire (as in such cases his predecessors had been): for to remedy so great a danger, he published a general Diet of all the Empire in the town of Ausbourg, to obtain of all necessary succour in so imminent a peril. The publication hereof was made through all the provinces of Germany, the more to hasten the convocation.  
This great region is divided into three Estates, to wit, the Ecclesiastical 
The Estate of Germany touching the Diets.  Lords, the Secular Lords, and the Lords of towns. These only pay to the Emperor every year a tribute, which is of no great value: and when necessity requireth they extraordinarily contribute soldiers, weapons, and money: and these contributions are acc 〈…〉 d in such Diets, which ordinarily the Electors come unto, divided into tw● orders, to wit, the Ecclesiastical and Secular. The first of the Ecclesiasticals is the Archbishop of Mentz, Chancellor of the German nation: and all the registers of the Diets are 
Ecclesiastical Electors.  kept in his Chancery. After him is the Archbishop of Colon, Chancellor of Italy: and after this man is he of Trevers, also Chancellor of France. To these do join certain other rich and puissant Archbishops, as he of Salzbourg 
The Bishop of Salzburg rich.  very ancient, who by reason of the mines of salt, gold, and silver, which he hath in his country, may dispend 150000. Florins of yearly revenue. He of Magdebourg is called Primate of Germany. There is also those 
The Bishop of Magdebourg Primate of Germany.  of Bremen and of Bizonce with about 25. Bishops all rich 〈…〉 eat and annual revenues, who are called Princes of the Empire, by reason of the Castles, towns, and Provinces which they hold.  
As for the Seculars there is in like sort three, which have the first place of 
Secular Electors.  honour and authority, who are named Electors. These have also some particular offices in the emperors service. The Palatin is the first of all, and carrieth up meat to the table. The Duke of Saxony is the sovereign judge of the Court, and he hath beside the title of Mareshall: and the marquess of Brandebourg is high Chamberlain. To these do join many other great Princes, who are dissended from the house and race of the Electors, as the Duke of Bavier, with the other Palatins, who are of one family. The Dukes of Saxony, the Marquesses, and the Burgraves of Brandebourg, and 
The Elector of Saxony and the Duke of Bavier the richest of them all.  then the Dukes of Brunswick and Lunenburg, very noble and of the most ancient houses of Saxony, with many other Dukes, Marquesses, landgraves, Burgraves, Counts, and Barons. Of all these the richest in revenue is the Elector of Saxony, having more than 500000. Dollars of yearly revenue, and is able to raise in his country 6000. horse, and 15000. footmen. After him, the Duke of Bavier is noted, having a large country, furnished with goodly towns, out of which, besides the ordinary revenue, he draweth 600000. Florins. There is yet the Duke of Cleve, a very puissant Prince, who heretofore made war upon the Emperor Charles, uncle to Maximilian.  
The free towns of the Empire are (as some do count) 72. and in former time there was 85. These not acknowledging any other superior than the 
Imperial towns.  Emperor, pay him yearly certain tribute: but so little, that all scantly cometh to 15000. Florins by the year. There be certain towns exempted 
Little tribute due by the Imperial towns to the Emperor.  from all payments, but only when in general they contribute to the levies which are laid upon all in case of necessity, and they have their particular laws, and all of them for the most part are governed by the popular Estate, or by that which is mixed. Some nevertheless, and amongst others Noremberg are governed by the Nobility. These towns have gotten their freedom, buying their liberty by money, and bettering their condition by the favour which they were able to draw from the Emperors, or Princes who ruled them: in such sort that the citizens thereof, by their industry, traffic, and bringing into their towns new arts, buying neighbouring Castles and Lordships, and performing some special service to their Lord, have not only enlarged t 〈…〉 walls, and amplified their territory: but also having got their liberty, 〈…〉 e in such sort increased their force and puissance, that they durst within a while after resist against the most mighty Princes of Germany, as hath been seen by the citizens of Magdeburg, who endured more than a years continual war, and the siege planted before 
Magdebourg puissant.  their town by the greatest Princes of Germany, with the Imperial Camp, having taken prisoner Duke George of Michelbourg: and in the end the town had no worse condition than had the others after the Smalchaldigne war. Other towns have also sustained great wars, as that of Breme, Noremberg, and Lubec, which is situated upon the Ocean, and is so puissant by 
Lubec wealthy.  sea and land, that it hath always in a manner at pleasure, chased and repulsed the Kings of Denmark. There is also besides these, many other towns very famous, as Collon, and Ausbourg. Which last hath the richest citizens that are in Germany. There is also of this number, Spire, Vormes, 
Ausbourg rich.  Vlm, Rostoc, Ratisbone, with many other great cities, which for brevity I omit. There is yet of others, which for the present are dismembered from the body of this great Province, and possessed by other Princes, or neighbour States, as Metz, Thoul, Verdun, Basile, Geneva, Lucerna, Rotevilla, Moluze, and Cambray, which are under the dominion of the French, Spaniards, and Swisses. The town of Danzic (situated at the mouth of the river Vistula within the Ocean sea, and being the Staple of the greatest part of 
Danzie.  the North) and the town of Eluine are reduced together with Prussia, since the year 1525. under the Crown of Polonia. Constance is under the King of the Romans, and many other under divers Princes. All these Ecclesiastical and Secular Princes, and free towns, appear at these Diets published by the emperors command, who, in that he cannot absolutely command them, procureth these assemblies, to the end that in them he might advise what were profitable and beneficial for all in general. At these Diets as there is three Estates, who are there, so also do they make three several 
The policy which is held at the Diets.  Counsels. In the first come none but the six Electors: into the other both the Ecclesiastical and Secular Princes: and into the third, among all the Abbots of the Empire there entereth no more but two, and among all the Counts and Barons two others: and also there enter thereinto the Deligates of the free towns. To all of them is propounded by the Emperor, or by the King of the Romans, all that which he thinketh of to be decided: and every Council divided and retired apart, determineth upon that which hath been propounded. It is true that the towns speak not their opinion, but by the voice of the Council, not having any voice for resolution.  
All these States were thus assembled by Maximilian in the town of Ausbourg, to the end to draw from them in so great and urgent occasion, the aid and succours which he thought necessary for general good, and as his predecessors had obtained and gotten in time passed upon like occurrences. And to the end that by his example all the assembled should use more diligence, he was the first that went to the Diet, well knowing that slackness herein would bring imminent danger, and that the Turk with great promtitude prepared his forces to come and charge him. And although it was hardly to be believed that Solyman being so old and diseased, would himself in person execute this enterprise: yet nevertheless the great preparations which he made, were such, that they gave sufficient occasion to think that there was something in hand. Therefore duty and necessity required, that Maximilian should at least be prepared to defend himself from the violence of his enemy. Being then arrived at Ausbourg, he solicited the Electors and other Princes and States of Germany to make speed to come thither. But at the beginning, these Princes alleged some lets, which hindered and retained them back. The principal excuse was grounded upon the war which was between the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, by means whereof 
War between the Kings of Sweden and Denmark.  there were brewed in the confines of the territories and countries of the one and of the other, many practices. And it seemed that upon this occasion this Diet should either be wholly dissolved, or at the least deferred until an other time, without ordaining any other thing.  
These tumults of war were a little before stirred up between two brothers, Dukes of Michelbourg in Saxony for the town of Rostoch, which being possessed with great forces by the eldest son, was besieged by the younger. The one was favoured by the King of Denmark, for that he was of his alliance, and the other was succoured by the King of Sweden, who with fair promises and money entertained these Princes in war, with policy always to hold the Province in trouble. The Emperor seeing that these wars brought great hurt to his enterprises, and great prejudice to the Empire, sent to these two Princes certain Lords of his Court, to signify to them that they should grow to agreement. This negotiation was so well managed, that within a little time all was pacified, to the praise of his Majesty, and to the good and quiet of the country. This accord succeeding thus to effect, the Emperor also purposed to accord these two Kings. He of Sweden thanking his Majesty, for so good an affection which he manifested 
The King of Sweden referreth himself to the Emperor Maximilian.  to the peace and universal tranquillity, offered to submit himself to all honest and reasonable conditions. And for this effect he dispatched to the Emperor the Duke of Pomeraine, and Duke john Frederic of Saxony his uncle by the mother's side, to whom he committed all his rights and titles to decide them with Maximilian.  
The other difficulty (which held certain Princes Electors not to come to this Diet) was by reason of a certain contention stirred up between two other brother's Dukes of Vivaria, sons in law to the Palatin, because of the division of their states and lands, and specially for certain strong places, which were in the government of the eldest son, with evident loss of the younger: for that of three brothers the last being dead, the other two, which were john Frederic, & William, being accorded, now the eldest having begun to manage the estate of him that was dead one whole year together one after another, and governed by the space of the limited time, would not nevertheless yield to his brother, being moved with the sweetness of command. The Elector Palatin was greatly busied to accord them, as also was the Elector of Saxony, who had been requested thereunto by the Palatin: and to accomplish it, they did meet together at Lipsia, where the younger brother was present. And for that in their allegations there were showed many difficulties, which could not easily be resolved, the whole was remitted to the Diet. On the otherside, Philip Landgrave of Hesse excused himself that he could not be at this assembly, because of the nuptials of one of his sons with the Duke of Wirtembergs daughter. This very subject hindered 13. other Protestant Princes from being there, insomuch that for this occasion the beginning of this Diet was prorogued. They celebrated these nuptials at Maspurg, and by reason of the assembly of so many Princes, 
Protestant Princes in rumour against Count Palatin, for that he had changed his religion.  the Emperor was greatly troubled to know what discourse they would use therein, fearing lest such a resort would bring some alteration in the affairs of religion, which would hinder his proceedings against the Turk. That which made his Majesty most of all to distrust, was, that every one knew well enough that all these Princes had done their best endeavour to reduce the Count Palatin (who leaving the Confession of Ausbourg, had taken the religion of Geneva) not prevailing any thing with him thereby. These Princes were Philip Landgrave of Hesse, with William and Lewis his children; Philip Duke of Hulst; Hernest Duke of Brunswick; Christopher Duke of Wirtemberg, father of the married, and two of his children, and two of the Count Palatin; Wolfang Palatin Duke of Bipont, with his son; and john George son of the marquess of Brandeburg, who for the indisposition and sickness of his father returned presently to him.  
These affairs held the emperors mind in great suspense, in vain expecting these Princes at Ausbourg, having none with him but the Empress, the Duke of Bavier with the Duchess, and Ferdinand her son: and so much the more did it torment him, for that he daily heard the bruits to increase of Soliman's preparation: and also he had certain notice that the Transylvanian levied men, in such sort that he was out of all doubt, but that the next year he should have all the war upon his shoulders.  
The Princes of Germany understanding this news, and seeing they could not be at the Diet so soon as their duty required, sent their Deligates to the Emperor, with entire authority to negotiate in their name, until they could find the means to come themselves in person to the Diet. But the Emperor would not begin any thing, desiring the presence of their persons in such important affairs. For this cause he often sent to them messenger upon messenger.  
They negotiated at the same time with his Majesty an alliance with the 
A negotiation for the marriage of Charles the 9 King of France.  King of France, and for the prosecuting of this, there came to the Court the Bishop of Rheims, who having left there his Agent and Secretary, he returned into France, with determination to return very quickly.  
As the Emperor searched all the means to defend himself from the enemy, Sigismond King of Polonia on the other side endeavoured to make an 
Sigismond King of Polonia hindered by the Duke of Muscovia from making peace between the Emperor and King john.  accord between him and King john his nephew. But this good work was dissuaded and drawn back, to the great damage of Christendom, this Prince being constrained to employ all his thoughts for the defence of his country against the Duke of Muscovia, who notwithstanding the peace made between them, had taken away a part of Livonia. The Bohemians and Hungars in the mean while by their King solicited the Emperor, offering to aid him in this war, according to the necessity and their abilities. As much also did the Kings of Denmark and Sweden promise him, who had referred all their differences into his hands.  
By these practices his Majesty always dispatched something tending to the end of his intention, expecting the execution of this Diet, which he desired to be confirmed by the presence of all the Orders and States of the Empire: for which nevertheless there was not any thing done of a long time; during which, Shrofetide was come. Many Lords of the Court (to make it appear that they were not amazed for the news which ran of the Turks menaces) forgot not to solemnize this day (after the accustomed manner) with mummeries and pleasant sports. In the end, the Lords began to set forward to the Diet, and the first that came thither was the marquess of Brandebourg: but he again falling sick by the way, was constrained to return, 
The Princes of the Empire arrived at the Diet.  and sent thither his son George, and his nephews with 300. horse, with commission not to stir from the Court, until some new commandment. There also arrived the Elector of Mentz, whom the Emperor went to meet half a mile out of the town, and very courteously accompanied him even 
The Emperor went to meet the Elector of Mentz.  to his lodging. At the same time came thither Cardinal Commendon, he being come thither in post sent from the Pope: but in the state of a private man at the first, until such time as within a while after there came thither john Andrew Calligny his Auditor, with the Cross, and authority of Legate. This man was very well received and entertained by the Emperor, there being no other in the Pope's name of such quality, although two other Cardinals were there present, to wit, he of Ausbourg, and he of Altemps, who were there as Princes of the Empire.  
In the mean time the Emperor considering the importance of this war, besides the succours which he hoped from the Empire, meant also to have obtained some other of the Pope: and to accomplish it, he gave commission therefore to Rumiler his Chamberlain, whom he sent to Rome to congratulate with the Pope, who was newly come to the Pontifical dignity, and in like manner to require aid and succours for the war of Hungary. The Pope very willingly promised him all favour, assigning him 50000. 
Succours from the Pope to the Emperor.  crowns by year, and then sending him two pays, whereof the last was carried by the Lord of Billy, who went towards his Majesty, in the place of a Nuncio.  
During this Lent, Maximilian often going to Sermons and Mass, according to the example of his predecessors, gave proof that he was very Catholic. Going to these devotions, the Protestants forebore not to accompany 
The manner of Protestant Princes accompanying the Emperor to the Church.  him, but at his entry they retired apart, attending until Mass was said, to conduct him again in his Palace: in which he often feasted them with royal banquets, there being assembled the Ecclesiastical and Secular Princes, and being there together, they were set every one at the table according to their degrees and qualities.  
Seeing this falleth out so fitly to our purpose, it shall not be a strange, but rather a pleasant thing for the beautifying of the history, if I write the manner 
The place and office of the Electors in public acts.  of the placing of these Electors at such feasts, and especially in those which are solemn, and do depend of great Imperial ceremonies, in which the Emperor, or the King of the Romans, solemnly holding their Court, the Prince's Electors are to execute their offices and charges. In this case the order is thus. The Emperor, or King of the Romans sitting in his Imperial throne, the Duke of Saxony beginneth first to execute his office in this sort. Before the erection of the Imperial seat is laid a great heap of oats, of such height that it may touch the breast of the horse, upon which the Duke shall be mounted, he holding in his hand a silver staff, and also a measure of silver, they both weighing 12. marks, and upon his horse there is set (taken from this heap) a measure of oats, and is given to the chief groom of the stable, who must be present: and that being done, and he fixing his staff within the heap, his Vicemarshall of Papenhein (or some other executing this charge in his absence) being Marshal of the Court, distributeth the rest of the oats. The Emperor, or the King being entered into his hall, and there set at the table, the Ecclesiastical Electors being somewhat below, and standing before it, with the other Prelates, must (according to their accustomed manner) say grace, every one according to his place: to wit, every one according to the antiquity of his consecration in the archiepiscopal dignity. One alone nevertheless saith grace for that day: & the day following (if the ceremony continueth) the second that is consecrated to that honour doth it: and on the third day, the third blesseth the table. Grace being ended, these three Archbishop Electors take the Imperial seals from the hand of the Chancellors of the Court: and he (in the Archchancellorship of whom this ceremony and solemnity is used) going in the midst, and the two other being of each hand, they all three raise with their hands a staff, at which are hanging the Seals, and in this sort they reverently carry it before the Emperor, laying them upon the table. The Emperor, or the King do presently redeliver them to them again, and he who then is in his Archchancellorie taketh the greatest of these Seals, and keepeth it till dinner be done, hanging it about his neck, until he returneth to his own lodging. The staff with which they carry these Seals is of silver, and weigheth twelve marks. The price thereof, as well for the substance as for the fashion of it, is at the charges of the three Archbishops, and is given within a while after by them with the Seals to the Chancellors of the Court, to do therewith what they please. He of those three that shall carry to his lodging the great Seal hanging about his neck, shall presently send it back by one of his servants to the Chancellor of the Court on horseback, which horse shall remain to the said Chancellor for a gift.  
After that, the marquess of Brandebourg (great Chamberlain) cometh riding, carrying in his hand silver basins weighing twelve marks, and water, with a fair towel: and afterwards lighting from his horse, he offereth the Emperor or the King to wash.  
Count Palatin of Rhein doth in like sort enter on horseback, holding in his hand four silver dishes, every one weighing three marks, wherein there is meat, who being dismounted, he setteth it upon the table before the Emperor. Afterwards also cometh on horseback the King of Bohemia the chief Taster, carrying in his hand a napkin, and a silver cup covered, weighing twelve marks, full of wine mixed with water: and after being descended from his horse, he presenteth it to the Emperor to drink. Now concerning all these silver vessels, the office being ended by these Secular Lords, the vicechamberlain of Falkenstein hath the Marquis' horse and basins which he presents: the master of the kitchen of Noremberg hath the horse and the dishes of the Count: the Vicetaster of Lymbourg hath to his use the horse, and the cup of the King of Bohemia: the Vicemarshall of Papenhein hath the horse, staff, and the measure of the Duke. The Imperial table is raised higher by six foot then the other: and thereat (during such solemn days) no man doth sit but the Emperor. near his is that of the Empress lower than the Emperors by three foot, and three foot higher than those of the Electors, for which there is 7. cupboards, to wit, three on the right hand of the emperors table, and three on the left hand, and the last is right against the Emperor. At those also do not any sit but the Prince's Electors: and every one of those stand before his own table, until all have accomplished that which they ought to do by their office, as we have set down, and then afterwards every one sitteth down at his own table. The Archbishop of Trevers hath for his table that which is before the Emperor. The first table on the right side is for one of the two other Archbishops, in whose Archchancellorie this solemnity is performed. The second of the same side is for the King of Bohemia: and the third is for the Count Palatin. The first of the other rank (which is on the left hand) is for the other Archbishop: the second is for the Duke of Saxony: and the third and last belongeth to the marquess of Brandebourg. And although it be lawful for one of the Electors that is kept back by sickness, or some other lawful inconvenience, to send an Ambassador, with full commission in such solemnities and assemblies, nevertheless he who is sent doth not sit in the seat, nor in the place of his Master. These solemnities ended, the Master of the Court hath for his part all the building and preparations of wood, which hath been erected for the Imperial seat. Dinner being ended, and graces said by him who blessed the table, and all these Princes rising up to conduct the Imperial Majesty, the Archbishop of Trevers goeth alone before the Emperor, and between him and the Emperor the Duke of Saxony holdeth his place. On the right hand of the Duke is Count Palatin, and on the left is the marquess of Brandebourg. Of the two other Archbishops he which is in his Archchancellorie, is placed on the rightside of the Emperor, and the other is placed on the left: and behind the Emperor immediately goeth the King of Bohemia. This manner of going amongst the Electors, is only when in such solemnities the Secular carry the marks and Imperial Ensigns, to wit, the Duke of Saxony the Imperial or royal Sword: Count Palatin the Globe: and the marquess of Brandebourg the Sceptre. But when these Imperial Ensigns are not borne, the Duke of Saxony goeth not between the Emperor and the Archbishop of Trevers, who then immediately preceadeth and goeth alone before his Majesty. And in this case the other Seculars go in the same order which we have set down in their place. This order of placing them is ordinarily kept at the feasts and banquets which Maximilian made to the Electors and other Princes of the Empire: but not the foresaid ceremonies. And this order is so exactly observed, that what King soever should happen to arrive in the emperors Court, he shall in no sort be permitted to go before the King of Bohemia.  
Now to return to this Diet of Ausbourg: After the Archbishop of Mentz, there came thither he of Colon, and also presently after he of Trevers. The Duke of Cleveland came after, and the Archbishop of Saltzbourg, and certain other Princes. After these followed the Duke of Saxony, who arrived honourably accompanied. After came the King of Denmark's son, the Dukes of Holstain, and Litters, with about 900. horse. Then came thither George Frederic of Enispach, followed with a goodly troop of horse, even then when the Emperor, at the instance of the Elector of Saxony, caused to be imprisoned Albert Rosemberg, a seditious man, and a companion of Grompach, who was banished the Empire. Duke john William of Venimarch, son in law of the Palatin Elector, and Count Francis Philip of Rhein, with a great train of horse arrived there. There came afterwards the Cardinal of Ausbourg, and Count Palatin Elector, who was followed with a great troop of horse. William Gonzague Duke of Mantua, well accompanied, came to this Diet to see and salute the Emperor, who 
The Duke of Savoy and the Duke of Mantoa came to the aid of the Emperor.  gave him very great entertainment: as also came thither Emanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy, who offered himself to the war which should be in Hungary. Also there arrived the Abbot of Kempt, a Prince of the Empire. The Emperor gave them all great entertainment, minding to gratify them, to the end that they should all aid him freely in this war.  
They thus all appearing in this Diet conformable to his desire, his Majesty the 26. of March caused them to assemble, and exposed to them the necessity which constrained him to arm himself against the Turk, who making great preparation of all sorts of soldiers, was determined to come into Hungary with the greatest army they had yet ever seen, with intention to besiege Vienna, for which (because it was the Imperial seat, and of very great importance to all the Empire and Germany) it behoved him necessarily to provide: because that besides the damage which might thereby befall, and would prove inevitable to every one, they should receive infinite shame, when this should be delivered unto posterity, that Germany being so puissant, did not in so imminent a danger employ itself to give remedy thereto in season, and before the time of the ruin thereof. To remedy which, his Majesty had caused all them to be called at this present in a general assembly. And for this cause he exhorted them to lay apart all passions, and only attend to the present necessity, and to give a brief resolution upon this point, which now pressed them more than any other. Afterwards the Duke of Bavier (in the name of the Emperor) propounded to the Electors and other Princes the articles which here follow.  
That they should treat of the means which they should keep to chase 
Demands of the Emperor in the Diet.  out the heresies not comprised in the peace of the Religion, and which by it had been prohibited. That the succours demanded against the Turks assaults should be 8000. horse, and 40000. footmen, paid for 8. months; and that the half of them should be paid afterwards for 6. whole years: but the whole should be disbursed in money, that it might be employed afterwards according to the urgent affairs of the war. That they should advise touching the reformation of the Imperial Chamber, which is established at Spire, and to cause to be wholly observed all that which should be there resolved upon. That they should procure the entertainment of peace, and the impositions of money, and to accord the differences which were between certain Princes concerning their places: and beside, that they should cause to be brought to effect the command given in the name of the Emperor to his subjects, that they should utterly lay aside their arms: and for execution thereof, there should be sent to them one of his majesties Councillors, with the Captain of Trent. This last article was openly executed, and according thereunto they dispatched Doctor Parthin Councillor to the Emperor. Of all the said articles, the most important and the most necessary, was that of succours against the Turk. To this demand it was thought, that of all the Princes there present, Count Palatin Elector 
Offers of succours made to the Emperor by the Princes of the Empire.  would most oppose himself for certain considerations, depending upon the end which might be concluded touching the first proposed article, which expressly touched him very nigh, by reason of the change which he had made in his religion. But every one found himself deceived in his opinion. For this Prince was so ready to consent to these succours, that presently he made offer of all his power and means. According to his example many promised to march in person to this war: and all the Princes made answer upon this article, that they would grant the Emperor for this expedition three Roman succours for eight months: to wit, 12000. horse. The Emperor contenting himself with this offer, required only that in stead of the last succours for two years and a half, he might have them for three years, taking eight months for every year; desiring them to grant the half of three succours before the time came. This was very willingly granted to his Majesty: for which he greatly thanked all these Princes, and promised them always to remember their kindness. The other articles were also concluded on, and there rested nothing else, but to treat of Religion. But considering the time and the necessity of the Empire, it was resolved to defer this article until another time more commodious.  
After that, they spoke of the agreements of the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, and commandment was given to them both under grievous 
Commandment from the Emperor to the Kings of Sweden and Denmark.  penalty to lay aside arms, and it was also ordained that not any other Prince of the Empire should give them succours. Upon this ordinance the King of Sweden (who so willingly had promised to obey the Emperor) went back from the accord, they both preparing more eagerly than before for new war.  
There was also four Ambassadors who came thither on the behalf of the 13. Cantons of Switzes, and of those four 3. were Catholics, and the other 
The Switzes send to the Diet of Ausbourg.  was of the country of the Grisons, sent by the town of Coire, who was in contention with the Bishop of the said place. The subjects of the marquess of Final were in like sort heard, who endeavoured that the marquess might be deprived of his Marquesship. The Duke of Mantoa also required the Emperor that he would end a controversy which he had with the Duke of Savoy, by reason of Casal situated within the Marquesship of Montferat. All these controversies partly ended, his Majesty solemnly gave to certain Princes the investitures of their fees or services, as by them he was required. The Cardinal of Constance was one of them, and the 
investiture is given by the Emperor, and of that which is due for it.  Landgrave of Hesse, who received them by their Deligates. The Abbot of Kempt being there present, received them from his Majesty in his own person: as also did the marquess john Frederic of Enispach, and the Prince of Anhalt. The Duke of Saxony also took his with the accustomed ceremonies, making a magnifical and stately show, being accompanied with 1500. horse, well prepared and richly furnished, causing to be borne 13. Ensigns. Count Palatin Elector (with many other Lords) received the like investitures, as also did the Ambassador of the Duke of Vivaria in the name of his Princes: they all taking by this means confirmation of their privileges. Those who take such investitures, if they be Electors, they should pay nothing to the officers: but if they be others, they ought every one to pay 63. marks of silver, which are distributed by the controller of the Court to the officers, in this sort: He first retaineth for himself 10. marks, and after that giveth 10. others to the Chancellor of the Imperial Court; to the Masters, Notaries, and Doctors, 3. marks; to the Taster of Limbourg 10. marks; to the Master of the Kitchen of Noremberg 10. marks; to the Vicemarshall of Papenhein 10. marks; and to the Chamberlain of Falkenstein 10. other marks: provided that such officers be then present at the Court executing their charges: and in their absence those which do their office take this profit. The horse, or some other beast upon which he is mounted who requireth his investiture, is due to the Duke of Saxony, if he be present, or to the Vicemarshall, if he be there: and in absence both of the one and other, it is due to him who then doth execute their office. All these things being dispatched in this Diet, the Emperor gave order at the end thereof, that all that which had been determined upon for the war, should presently be in a readiness. And after having dismissed every one, and taken leave of all, he went to Vienna, where he appointed a Diet to the subjects of his other Estates to be held the 23. of April. In it, his Majesty being there present, it was ordained that every house should pay a florin: that a gentleman 
Ordinances made in Austria to draw succours against the Turks.  who had more than 100 florins of revenue by the year, should keep a good horse ready at his own costs and charges: that the peasants should be sent by certain bands and days to Vienna to fortify it: that not any should receive a servant without testimony of his life, and that from his last master: that for every house, the 5. the 10. the 30. (if there were so many therein) should be enjoined to go to the war: that throughout the whole country of Austria, Moravia, and the confines of Hungary, all should be prohibited to take pay of the enemy: and that all the citizens and inhabitants of Vienna, should provide themselves of victuals for one year, and that he who had not the means should depart the country.  
The Archduke Charles, brother to the Emperor, for the same occasion assembled another Diet at Poson in Hungary, in which he found all the Hungarian Barons and Lords so disposed, that they offered him all the succours which he demanded, and promised to march all in person to this war, when the Emperor, or any of his brothers should there be present.  
We have before written that Count Palatin the Elector was thought to be of opinion, that very hardly he would accord to the great succours which Maximilian demanded. The interest which he might have to this, that such 
Occasion which might cause Count Palatin to distrust so great a preparation for war.  forces should not be united together by the consent of all the States of the Empire, was as in regard of his own particular fact, he fearing lest this assembly of Princes, and this army might be to his prejudice, under colour and false news of the Turks enterprises: or that he changing his determination, because he saw himself hindered by the Sophy, or from some other place, or by the means of some peace or truce made with the Emperor, would contain himself from assailing Hungary, he saw then all these forces might turn upon himself, because that he again had changed his religion, which was conformable to the Confession of Ausbourg, and had taken that which followed the opinion of Zwinglius and Calvin: which was an act formally contrary to that which was before ordained and concluded on in the year 1555. in the town of Ausbourg by the States of the Empire, in the presence of Ferdinand the last deceased Emperor, who then was there assistant, as King of the Romans, and as Lieutenant of the Emperor Charles his brother. 
Ordinance made in Germany upon the diversity of religion.  This ordinance was made the 24. of September: and the tenor thereof is this.  
The Emperor and King Ferdinand, by reason of the doctrine, religion, and faith, depending on the Confession of Ausbourg, and the other Princes and Estates, shall not constrain nor force any subject of the Empire to forsake their religion, their ceremonies, and laws, which in their territories they have already instituted, or shall hereafter institute, being associated to that Confession: and by any commands, or other way not to force them to do it, and not in any thing to contemn them. But shall freely permit them this religion, with their goods, faculties, tributes, tolls, possessions, and rights, in such sort that they may enjoy them peaceably. The controversy which is for religion, shall be composed with mild, amiable, and peaceable reasons. Those who follow the said Confession, shall in like sort bear themselves towards the Emperor, King Ferdinand, and other Princes and Estates (confederated together in the ancient religion) as well Ecclesiasticals as Seculars, and towards all the other Ecclesiasticals, and their Coleages, into what part soever they are gone to make their abode: so that they well and duly procure the ministry thereof, as afterwards it shall be set down. To these shall they permit in all liberty their religion, ceremonies, laws, possessions, tributes, and all other rites: and by any means shall not hinder them, but that they may enjoy them peaceably.  
All the suits, differences, and quarrels which might rise between the one and other, should be ended, according to the use, custom, and laws of the Empire. Those who are not either of the one or other religion, are not comprised in this peace. This restraint was made to withstand new troubles, which easily ensue upon the introduction of a new religion. That nevertheless of Zwinglius being fuller of liberty, and further from the ancient faith was afterwards more embraced: and notwithstanding this ordinance, it hath found place in the countries and territories of the Palatin Elector, as also it hath done in Polonia, in Switzerland, in England, in Scotland, and in France: although that the ceremonies thereof are not in all alike, and that there is divers opinions amongst the Doctors of it. And although that in Spain there is great severity used for the preservation of the ancient faith, yet nevertheless so it is, that about this time in this Province certain were apprehended, who were convicted by their Confession to hold and follow 
The opinion of Zwinglius or Calvin divulged in Spain, and the punishment of some Sectaries thereof.  this new doctrine of Zwinglius: and the punishment which was inflicted upon them, being accompanied with great ceremonies that they add thereunto, for a greater terror to the assistances. I am willing to write the order thereof, although it be from the discourse of this history: but seeing it falleth out so fit to our purpose, and that in another place (it may be) I shall not have the like commodity nor occasion to set it down in writing I desire the reader to take this in good part, and to think that I add, and sometimes entermixe strange discourses, the rather to recreate his mind, then to content myself, even as the eye doth more delight itself to see in a fair meadow diversity of flowers, than one only kind of colour in a corn field.  
This exemplar punishment was performed in the town of Valladolid, in which for it there is appointed a great Scaffold by the Council house, 
The notable ceremony touching the execution which is done in Spain against Heretics.  and another adjoining thereto, wherein the Princes must be. About this place were also raised other Scaffolds, upon which must be present the Councillors and persons of quality, officers of justice, and Gentlemen not only of the town, but almost of all the realm. The abundance of people that was there was so great, that in man's memory the like was not heard of. About ten of the clock the 21. day of May, the Princess joan, Governess of Spain, and the Prince Don Charles went forth of the Palace, accompanied with the Archbishop of S. james, the great Constable and Admiral of Castille, the marquess of Astorgne, of Denigne, and of Sarmia controller of the Princess' house, and the Counts of Miranda, of Orsen, of Nieva, of Modecgne, of Sardeigne, of Zibadea, of Andrade, of Don Garzia of Toledo Governor of the Prince, and of many other great persons. Before them marched two Ushers with their Maces, two Heralds with the arms of Spain, & the Count of Bondie carrying the Sword in his hand: and all this company conducted the Princes to the lodging which was prepared, adjoining to the said great Scaffold. Upon the Scaffolds were already the Archbishop of Seville, general Inquisitor with those who were of the Council of the Inquisition, Roderic Bishop of Cividad, the royal Council, the Inquisitors, the Bishop of Oran, and the Bishop of Palence. The Princes being present at the windows of their lodgings, they began to carry a Cross covered with black, with the Ensign of the Office of the Inquisition: and after marched the Clergy, and prisoners who had been received to penance: and after them those who were condemned to death. This procession departed from the Inquisition house by a high raised way made of purpose going unto the said Scaffold: where being all arrived, and every one set thereupon, Friar Melchior, who afterward was Bishop of Canaria, being of the jacobins Order, began a Sermon: and that ended, the Archbishop of Seville rising up, went to the Princess and Prince, and caused them to make upon a Cross such an oath as followeth.  
It being ordained by the Apostolical decrees, and by the holy Canons, that the Kings ought to swear to carry all favour to the Catholic faith and Christian religion, you conforming yourselves to this holy ordinance, your Highnesses swear in the name God, in the name of S. Marry, and by the holy Evangelists, & by the sign of the Cross, upon which you have put your hands, to yield all favour, and give all necessary help to the holy office of the Inquisition and ministers of the same, against Heretics and Apostates, and against all those who favour and defend them, and against all manner of persons who directly or indirectly hinder the progress of this holy office: and to constrain all your subjects to obey and observe the constitutions and Apostolic letters, given and published for the safety and defence of our holy Catholic faith, against Heretics, and against those who believe them, receive, or defend them.  
Upon these speeches the two Princes made answer, that so they would swear. And the Archbishop added these words. Because of your holy oath, our Lord prosper your royal persons, and the Estates of your Highnesses for many and long years. By and by after one of the Registers, who is there present, demanded of the company whether they did not swear the like oath. They all made answer, I. Then they began to read the condemnations and judgements given against them all, and especially against those who were condemned to the fire. And these were, Doctor Augustine Cazagia, his majesties Chaplain and Preacher, Francis d'Viuero, Dame Betrix d' Vivero, Dame Elinor de Vivero, Alonso Perez a Priest, Antonio Herrezuolo a bachelor, Christopher de Occampo a Licentiate, Francis de Herrera a Licentiate, john Garzia, Christopher de Padillia, Izabella de Straba, joan Velasques Gonzala va's a Portugal, Catherine Roman, and Dame Catherine d'Ortegua. These, assoon as their judgement was read, were thrown into the fire. But it being 
The form of the Spanish Inquisition.  not possible but that some would desire to know what manner of proceeding this Inquisition is, I (minding therein to satisfy every one, principally in that which may bring some utility with delight to the reader) will here write of it as it is practised in Spain, seeing it is less known than the name thereof in other kingdoms.  
This office was first invented by Ferdinand King of Arragon, who after he had chased, or at least subdued the kingdom of Granado, which (as almost all the rest of the kingdoms of Spain) was for many years in the hands of the Moors or Saracens, who had tamed Spain from the time that Count julian called them thither to revenge himself of the rape and forcement, whereof K. Roderic of Spain (of the Gothish religion) had used against his daughter Cana. Ferdinand having by ten years war reduced this kingdom under his puissance, and permitting the inhabitants thereof to live in their Mahometan religion, afterward fearing (following the advice of his wisest Council) that this permission would bring some annoyance to the Christian religion, by the frequent fellowship that these inhabitants should have with his other subjects, resolved himself entirely to purge this kingdom either by preachings, or force. Some of them choosed rather to pass the sea and retire into Africa, then to change their religion. Others by effectual reasons, or else preferring their safety before their religion, were baptised. This charge to convert them was given to the jacobins. These employed their time therein with great care. But seeing that their pains seemed unprofitable to many, they found a way to search out the means, hoping that by fear they should keep them in the observation of the Christian faith, which otherwise they did not greatly regard. This way was authorized by the King, and confirmed by Pope Sixtus. After that the King himself having understood that these Friars used too severe rigour, and that they indeed committed a great abuse therein. This finding them out, otherwise called an Inquisition, coming of this word inquire, was taken from them, and committed into the hands of the most sufficient Ecclesiastical Seculars. To these if any be presented as thinking ill of the faith, he is presently summoned by a Sergeant, whom they call a Familiar: and appearing at the day, (whereof he must not fail) if he avoucheth nothing of that whereof he is accused, he is sent back again: but there is charge secretly given to a Spy to have an eye of him, and to note his doings, and know what talk he useth in company. If there be discovered against him any thing of evil, presently the report thereof is made to the Inquisitors, who again lay upon him a new assignation. When he appeareth, the informour is hid behind a tapistry, to acknowledge whether he be the accused, and being acknowledged, whether he freely confess that whereof he is accused, or whether by subtle interrogations something is drawn from him: if he be a stranger, he is retained: but if he be of the country, he is often sent back again. After that, they call for the Curate, because that they would not further enterprise against the sheep without the knowledge of his Pastor, to whom they show the information. Upon which, all, or at the least three Inquisitors, ordain under their signs a Habeas Corpus. If the accused flieth, there is sent after him a Sergeant of the Inquisition, to whom they describe the age, stature, face, hair, and such other circumstances. This Sergeant, if the accused be of quality, & whose doctrine is feared, will follow him through every place, and he will use such diligence that he will attach him. Against the other the pursuit is not so hot. The accused being taken, he is presently dispossessed of his keys, and they are given to a Sergeant and a Notary, who goeth into his house to take an Inventory of all his movables, papers, jewels, and such other things, which they sequester and commit it into the custody of one of their richest neighbours, to answer it at the end of the cause. All these movables are confiscated, if the accused be convicted. The jailor putting this poor infortunate person in prison, searcheth whether there be any thing about him, and taketh from him all but his outward garments. He remaineth there eight days, and until that the jailor speaking unto him counseleth him to demand audience. Being before these Lords, he is by them entreated to acknowledge his fact, to discharge his conscience, and to confess his wickedness, promising him all favour, so that he do repent. If he confesseth, they forbear not to proceed in process against him: if he saith nothing, he is returned to prison, admonishing him to think well of his fact. There is given to him at his request many such audiences without other effect: neither do they acquaint him with that whereof he is accused, for that they had rather convince him by his own mouth, if by chance among so many interrogatories, it might fall out that he did discover without thinking thereupon some matter of his fact. If they can draw nothing from him by this means, he is called, & they threaten him to send the fiscal to him (and this is he whom we call the King's Attorney) to plead against him, and that they will proceed against him by all direct courses of law. Besides these threatenings, they present to him the Crucifix, and a Missal, to cause him to swear thereupon. If he sweareth not, he is convicted: and if he sweareth, than they demand of him of what country he is, of his kindred, and companions, and such other things, from whence they think to draw some arguments and presumptions. Those that be most subtle, and know their manner to proceed, do not answer but after they have seen the information against them. In the end they communicate unto him the accusation to answer thereto; and he chooseth a Proctor and an Advocate to do it, who taketh his defence in hand, and setteth it down in writing, adding thereto reasons and testimonies of law: and after giveth them to the Inquisitors, who peruse them during three days together, and afterward cause to come before them the accused, and the Advocate who counseleth him to speak the truth. If he saith nothing, he is again committed to prison. Afterward at his request is read to him the information: but it is without naming of any witnesses, whom if he would take exceptions unto, he must guess, if he will except against them. In which often happeneth that which they seek for: which is, that he minding to purge himself he nameth and chargeth others, with whom he had communication of the faith. Those of the wiser sort demand a copy of the information, and time to answer thereto. Two eye witnesses are sufficient to conclude his death, and the jailor alone. One sufficeth for torture, and every one may accuse him. The King's Attorney is a party, and the informers are witnesses. Three days after that he hath had a copy of his information, he shall be called forth. His Advocate discovereth to him the greatest offences, the strongest depositions, those which agree, and those which do not: he telleth him that if he would take exceptions to his witnesses, he must guess at them: whereupon they give him certain days, during which he calleth to mind who are his enemies. Enmity is received for sufficient exception: and the contradiction which is between these witnesses: and also if the party accused prove, that having often resisted (specially as in regard of the deed whereof he is accused) the same thing against him, that hath accused him. These days being passed, he desireth the judges to see if such and such his enemies are not those who have informed against him. If he surmise amiss, he is convicted: but if he guess well, they will not allow it: his Advocate only (who dareth not speak to him but before them) will demand of him what exceptions he can take against those whom he hath nominated. The Advocate shall set down the exceptions in form: and further demandeth of him whether he have any means to purge himself by contrary proofs; as that he hath always been a friend of the Churchmen, observed the ceremonies of the Church, heard Masses, to have been at Confession, reverenced the Cross and Images, and done such other deeds. This proof which is granted to him, to wit, when he hath no strong and concluding proof against him, must be made within nine days: and his counterwitnesses being heard, they conclude the trial after the King's Attorney hath taken his conclusions, and before judgement be given, the Divines (which in this respect examine very curiously the matter) must confirm the doctrine, and declare that the faith of the accused is conformable to the Catholic Church: and if the proof be good, he is absolved. Nevertheless, for the suspicion (which cannot easily be taken away) they aggravate, or mitigate the judgement according as it remaineth: and notwithstanding his absolution, he is kept still in prison until after the act of the faith: and all this is done to the end that no man should think that the officers of the Inquisition had caused him to be taken without occasion. But if the accused do not sufficiently justify himself, he is condemned to torture: afterwards with his Curate or Vicar, they cause him to enter by many wickets into a certain place under the ground, very obscure and hideous, wherein he findeth the judges placed. There incontinently is present the executioner, covered with a long black linen rob very strait, like a sack, having his head and face covered with a black hood, having but two holes before his eyes. This is done the more to amaze the patient, like as if a devil should present himself to him for the punishment of his misdeeds. Then these judges persuade him to tell the truth, otherwise they protest that if they break him or disjoint some member, or if his life yieldeth to the violence of torments, that the fault thereof shall not redound but upon himself. That done, he is unclothed all naked, except the privy parts, and by signs the judges notify to the executioner what torments he should use. During these, he is often admonished to speak the truth: and if he will confess nothing, they sometime martyr him more than two hours. In the end they carry him to prison again, where they have a Surgeon, who while he applieth physic to him, threateneth that he shall endure the next day far greater pains. Oftentimes they put Spies with them in prison to discover their actions, and even they inquire of other prisoners if the accused hath discovered nothing to them of that whereof he is accused, promising them in case they would declare it, that they shall not be punished for their misdeeds, for which they have been committed prisoners. If this accused person be of quality and note, or that if he take upon him to preach and to instruct, or that he hath learning, these officers do cause this bruit to be spread abroad, that he hath declared on the torture all his complices, and others who hath conferred with him concerning the faith: yea they cause to be witnessed by the neighbours of the prison, how they heard him cry in his torture. And upon this device his confederates willing to prevent, and thinking to have a more light punishment, (as the Inquisitors promise to those who voluntarily confess their offence) come to accuse themselves. And while these prisoners are thus detained, if any among them fall sick, they carry him to the Hospital, which is appointed for them, where he is well used, until that afterwards having recovered his health, he is then brought back again to prison. And for fear they should be wronged, the Inquisitors go twice the month with the jailor and a Notary, to visit them in prison, to inform themselves of their usage, and to supply their necessities, and do punish the jailor if he stealeth from them their victuals, or if he encumber them in any thing. In the end the solemn day being come, wherein they pronounce and execute their judgements, naming this the Act of the faith, the night before they cause them who are repentant to be confessed, after that two days before that they had declared unto them what good things they have in this world; and they cause to be clad at the dawning of the day appointed for the execution with the Sambenita those which are to be put to death, which is a yellow rob without sleeves, painted all over with black devils, and upon their heads they put a paper Mitre made in form of a tower, upon which is figured a man burning, and devils about him putting fire to him, and they gag them with a peg of wood to hinder their speech, and with a strong cord they tie their neck and hands. Certain amongst them, although they are not of that number which are condemned to death, cease not to wear the Sambenita according to the rigour which sometimes is used against them, only to show that their life hath been subject to the Inquisition, and not to death. These condemned being thus appareled, they are conducted into the place, as we have above said. These judges have no other judgements, but to pronounce the sentence of cursing and irregularity. And for this cause after they have pronounced their judgements, if it be against a convertite they add these words; that for so much as they doubt that he for fear maketh a good show, and that he is but faintly converted, fearing to leave a wolf under a sheeps skin, notwithstanding his conversion they leave him in the hands of Secular power, whom they pray to use mercy towards him, not to break any member of him, neither to draw from him any one drop of blood. If it be against an obstinate person that they have pronounced their sentence, they say beside that since it is thus, that their punishment hath not served to convert him, they deliver him unto the Secular power to punish him according to law, whom they pray nevertheless (if he acknowledge himself) to be merciful to him. These judges dare not appoint the torture against persons of mark, and the King of Spain showeth favour to all punishments which are not unto death.  
By this discourse which I have made you of this Inquisition, some loving liberty aswell in their actions, as in their speeches, find this manner strange; others would that it were yet more rigorous, desirous that every one should be austere like themselves. But if the one and the other would duly consider the dangerous events which further the subversion of an Estate, by the altering of things established for the maintenance of religion, (which ordinarily doth master and exceed all human passions, and do draw them unto it with a marvelous vehemency) they should find that it were most expedient for to keep themselves free from such an Inquisition, to be silent, and not to dispute nor speak by form (no not so much as only of talk) of precepts, which we ought to follow by commandment: which the ancient Commonweals have well known to put in practice at Rome and Athens: and as it is yet observed under the dominion of the Grand Signior, not without a great establishment and maintaining of his Empire, it not being so much as permitted in all his territories and signiories to any, be he Turk, Christian, or jew, to preach or teach, but only to live in his law: as the Commonwealth of Venice by secret tradition doth keep and observe. It is not my subject to wander further in such politic discourses, but I must return to the pursuit of my history.  
The end of the eight Book.   

THE NINTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  
THE ARGUMENT OF THE NINTH BOOK.  
KIng john endeavoureth to stir up the Hungars against Maximilian. Solyman marcheth into Hungary with a great army. Pallota well defended by Tury against the Turks. Succours come to the Emperor from foreign Princes. Solyman arriveth in Hungary and besiegeth Sighet, before which he dieth, whose death was concealed until Selim, Soliman's eldest son was chosen Emperor. The last assault given to Sighet, where County Serin governor of the town in sallying forth, bravely endeth his happy days, and then Sighet is taken. A Diet in Austria in which was granted succours to Maximilian for the war of Hungary. Peace between Selim and Maximilian, who after the death of john King of Transiluania, pretendeth title to that kingdom: but Stephen Battor (by the Turks favour) is chosen King thereof. The manner and coronation of a King of Hungary, and namely of Rodulph son to Maximilian. Truce expired between Maximilian and Selim and the death of him, Amurath his son succeed. Between whom and Rodulph (who after the death of his Father Maximilian, is chosen Emperor) a truce is concluded.  
Whilst the Emperor Maximilian prepared to defend himself against the injuries of which he was threatened by the Turk, King john also carefully fortifying 
King john drew the Hunger's to him.  himself, daily increased his army, aswell by new levies of soldiers, as with many Hungarian Lords and Transylvanians, who came and vountarily offered themselves to serve him in this war with good strength. john had thus gained many of them by particular letters sent to every one: and to draw them the more to him, he caused letters to be published, in the name of the King of Hungary directed to all the Nobility and people of the country, by which he endeavoured himself to prove that his cause was just, and exhorted them to follow his part, adding that which here followeth.  
The most puissant Emperor of the Turks our most merciful benifactour hath commanded us by his letters, and by Zeusic his Ambassador, that we should exhort all the estates of our Realms and country to be faithful unto us, and yield us that obedience which they owe us: he having certified us that that would be to him very pleasant and agreeable, when he should know the Hungars to embrace one another with a sincere affection, and to be desirous amongst them strictly to preserve it. Therefore if you fear to displease him who with infinite puissance is able to chastise them who provoke him: and if you have in any regard the fidelity which you owe to us, we would council you all to acknowledge us for your King and Lord. In doing this, it will be a means to preserve and maintain this kingdom so much afflicted, to restore unto peace all the States thereof, and to give particularly to every one an assured abode in his own house: all of us cutting off the occasion which so often moveth Soliman to bring an army into the field to ruinate them; and to come himself in person to make this waste with infinite cost, without respecting painful, long, and tedious journeys which it behoveth him to do. For this cause you ought all to take good heed to yourselves whilst the time and season is yet fit, before you have upon your shoulders this his great army, which already is departed from Constantinople. For when you shall see your fields harried, your houses burnt, your children captives, and you separated by violence from your wives, you may then in vain desire peace. To avoid this miserable ruin, we have been very willing to cause you expressly to understand the will of the Grand Signior, and thereupon to show in general to all, what is the present estate of public matters, and to desire you in consideration thereof, to have regard to the peace and repose of every one, and by that means to deliver yourselves from the peril of war, and of the danger present, and to come, which hangeth over the heads of every one.  
By these and many other reasons, john endeavoured to stir up the Hungars to follow his part, and to be himself at the Diet which he had appointed in the town of Torde in the month of March, in which place should assemble all the states of his kingdom, to advise together of that which was necessary for the preservation of it. These letters being bruited abroad, and the knowledge thereof being come to Schuendy, who then was at Vnghar with his army. He presently fearing that these letters would alter the affection of some, and that the menaces of the Turks greatness comprised in them, should not possess others with fear, caused these here in his name to be published the fourth of March, directing them to the Barons and Lords of Hungary.  
My Lords, there is sent me from divers parts the copy of a letter divulged under the name of john vaivode of Transiluania, full of apparent colours, and of notorious and evident deceits, with which he endeavoureth to astonish the emperors subjects, as if Solyman were very curious of the good and preservation of the Hungars, whom these 100 years together he and his predecessors have laboured with all their power wholly to ruinate, aswell by their forces and arms, as by their divisions and civil wars which he entertaineth amongst you. And although I make not any doubt but that by your fidelity, wisdom, and for the greatness of the near and imminent danger, you cannot but consider whereto tendeth such subtleties and deceits. Nevertheless to lighten you the more therein, I could not but advertise you, that the Emperor with all diligence and industry hath sought nothing more than peace with the Turks and Prince of Transiluania; of which he hoped for a good end, to the content of you all, if the negotiation thereof had not been hindered by the false reports and continual hatred of the vaivode. And to make proof thereof unto you, it behoveth you to remember that this last winter his Majesty commanded that the truce should be so exactly kept, that for to take away all breach thereof, he caused to raise the siege from before certain Castles and Fortresses, which by our people were already nearly driven, and meant not that Transiluania should be forced by our arms; all this he did for the repose and good of this kingdom. Now though the peace which was yet treated of with the Turks, could not be effected, you ought not for that inconvenience to doubt, that the Emperor will not undertake your defence, considering that the forces of the Empire, and of many other christian Princes (zealous of your good) will not fail him no more then, I believe, you would fail to the observance of that which dependeth on your fidelity towards his Majesty, in whose name, you doing that which belongeth unto you, I can assure you of a peace and future repose: desiring and exhorting you rather to pursue that which is equal, then suffering yourselves to follow (as little children do) deceitful amazements, you should embrace that which is built upon a foundation erected against all right and reason: all of you setting before your eyes, that God in punishing the unjust, and favouring the just, will assist you, since that in this war, besides the maintenance of that which appertaineth by lawful succession to Maximilian, it is also a question for the entertaining of his religion, and of our liberty, which we see to be assailed with aid from the Turk, by those who falsely would bear the name of Christians, who reposing themselves hitherunto in their arms, shall finally have a miserable and tragic end, according to their demerits. With these I pray you have no communication, yea, I forbid you in the emperors name to have with them any intelligence, and not to send to the Diet which the vaivode pretendeth to cause to beheld at Torde, upon pain to incur the punishment due to those who show themselves rebellious to their Prince.  
About this time the Captain of Ainathschen being gone about his 
Ainathschen taken by the Turks.  own affairs in the town of Agria, and having taken with him for guide the best soldiers of his garrison, the neighbouring Turks being advertised thereof by their spies of the captains departure, the day following which was Saint George his day, by dawning of the day, they were with ladders upon the wall, and entering by force into this Fortress, killed all those whom they found within. At the same time the Turks thinking that the Count of Serin was also absent from Sighet, came and laid siege to that place: but he being returned from Vienna, whether he was gone to confer with the Emperor of many things, concerning the fortification of this Fortress, the Turks found greater resistance there, than they thought for: and being come to handy strokes, they wear so hotly repulsed, and with such slaughter, that among them there remained two wagons loaden with heads which wear carried to Sighet: and at the bruit of so fierce an encounter, those who were at the 5. Church's understanding of the great loss happened to their party, began to fly and forsake the place. Daily the Turks enterprised such attempts now against jula, then against javerin and other places of Hungary, committing infinite evils.  
In the mean time the Emperor had certain advertisements that Solyman was departed from Constantinople to march in person to this war, and 
Solyman marcheth into Hungary.  that in great journeys with 70000. men he was come to Sophia, and by Misia into Bulgaria, causing Portau Bassa to march before with one part of the Army, and many Sangiacches: and that further he had commanded the Belerbey of Anatolia to pass by Galipoli, and to come and join himself with him: and that already he was marched almost to Buda, where the King of Transiluania was gone to meet him with 50. Coaches, 500 horse well armed, and 300. arquebusiers on horseback, carrying with him goodly and very rich presents in jewels and ouches.  
When Solyman arrived in Hungary with this equipage, Schuendy held the Fort of Huste besieged, which he had straightly shut up, minding to prevent the Turkish endeavours; and on the other part in the month of june, the Bassa of Buda being in field with 8000. footmen, and 25. pieces of Artillery went to be siege Pallotta, which is situated by Alberegalis 8. miles from janerin. The battery was so furious for the space of 8. days, that all 
Pallotta well defended by Tury against the Turks.  the walls were thrown to the ground, the assieged remaining in extreme peril. George Tury a courageous Captain, and of singular prowess, Governor of this place, marching about it to repair the breaches, and to give such order thereto as need required, was strooken on the side with a shiver of a stone broken with a Cannon bullet: and the stroke was so violent that he there thought he should lose his life, whereof would have been a great loss, he having many times sustained and repulsed the violence of the enemy, as a little before this siege he had done, when pursuing the Turks of the garrison of Alberegalis, together with the Beg, he had beaten them even to their town gates, and in such sort constrained them, that the Governor thereof was forced to throw his Turban away to save himself, he being scarcely known. Now although that the wound was dangerous, nevertheless he was within a little while after cured thereof, and while this siege lasted he made many sallies upon the Turks, who (after that they had given 6. assaults) did nothing else but play with the Cannon: and they played so much with it while this siege lasted, that they gathered up together within the town 700. bullets. The Inhabitants were almost as a pray to the enemies, and whilst they thought they could no longer resist, incontinently and as it were at an instant they saw themselves delivered from that danger, by reason of 12. Ensigns of foot newly arrived at javerin under Colonel George of Helfenstain, who the day after his arrival, causing 90. wagons to go forth, with 900. footmen marched to enter into this place. The vauntcourers of the Turkish Army discovering this troop, and judging it to be far greater than it was, by reason of wagons which possessed a large room among the soldiers, who covered and enclosed them, they sent certain amongst them to advertise the Bassa thereof. These by their report making the danger a great deal more than it was, presently the Bassa taking an apprehension of fear, caused his people to retire, fearing to lose his Cannon. Nevertheless he left one cracked and broken piece there with 40. barrels of powder, and 40. sacks of meal. There also remained a great number of Tents and baggage. This was drawn into the town. The breaches were so large, that scarcely a arqebus would shoot from one side to another. At the raising of this siege the Turks encamped by Alberegalis, and in the mean time the succours entered into the town. To repair the breaches thereof, and to advise upon the consequence, they sent Ingenours thither to judge of it, if it might be repaired, or whither it would be more expedient to forsake it, and to conclude to throw it all down to the ground.  
These accidents daily arriving in Hungary, caused the Emperor in the greatest diligence he could to hasten all the preparations of war, according to which, he had there for that purpose 5. Regiments of Launsquenets. The first was under the conduct of Remer: the second was led by Balderdun: Claus of Hogast commanded the third: the fourth was led by Count George of Helfenstain: and the fifth marched under Polbel. He also had there 20000. Reisters, and 4000 Hungars. 400. Harquebuziers on horseback were come 
Succours come to the Emperor from foreign Princes.  from Savoy to serve the Emperor in this war: as also were thither come a great number of Lords and Knights from many places of Christendom at their own charges, and for the love they bore to Christian religion. His Majesty received them very courteously, and commanded all his Barons and other Lords of his army to use the like in their places, considering how all these (for the only affection to do him service) were come to seek so far countries, without any respect had to the charge and travail.  
Many Princes and Commonwealths of Italy sent him succours. The 
Succours of Italy.  Duke of Mantua, Gennes, and Luca assisted him with money. The Duke of Florence sent him 3000. footmen paid. The Duke of Ferrara (besides that he left unto him the dowry and marriage of his wife the Duchess his majesties sister, which was 150000. Florins) went himself to serve him with a choice company of 400. Gentlemen, 300. Harquebuziers on horseback, 100 Morions, and 100 armed men: and there was not any one of these Gentlemen who brought not with him three or four good soldiers. Alexander Bailon with four Captains came to his Majesty. After him arrived john Alphonse Castalde with his troops. A little before also were presented to his Majesty to do him service, and to win renown amongst so many nations, certain Lords and English Gentlemen: amongst whom was 
Englishmen  Master Smith, Richard Greinuile, Henry Champernon, Philip Budshall, Thomas Cotton, and William George a Captain of singular prowess. From all parts men might see this army to be increased, by the arrival of so many Lords and Gentlemen. Albert Lasky a Polonian, by reason of many Castles which 
Polonians.  he possessed in Hungary, meant not to be wanting to so fit an occasion. He brought with him twelve Coaches, and 3000. Pollacques, all appareled a la Hungresque, that he might not thereby prejudice the King of Poland, who was in league with the Turk (if they were known in the habit of their own country). The Duke of Wolfang Palatin of Nuberg, and Richard his kinsman 
Germans.  came thither with 600. horse. The second son of the Duke of Bavier brought thither with him 400. Prosper Colonne, Ange Caesis, and certain other Lords of Italy incontinently followed those who were come thither on the behalf of the Duke of savoy, conducted by the Duke of Camerin, as 
Savonians.  also did Count Nicholas Gambara, having in his train twelve Gentlemen. On the behalf of the kingdom of France was Henry of Lorraine Duke of Guise, Count de Brissac, the Lord of Lansac, the Lord Strozzy, and many other 
Frenchmen.  French gentlemen all well armed, who were departed from France and were come to Malta in favour of the Religion, for that from many places it was assured that the Turkish army would return thither. But these bruits being found false, these Lords after they had seen Italy took their way towards Hungary, that they might be in this war, and salute his Majesty, who made them great demonstration of the pleasure which he received by their coming.  
Maximilian had prepared a naval army upon Danubius of 12. Galleys, and 30. Nazadies, with other great boats, so well accommodated, that the 
A naval army upon Danubius.  soldiers who were within, might well warrant themselves from their enemy's arrows. In these vessels there was many pieces of great Artillery, with necessary powder and bullets, and 3000. men, the most part Italians. Blach Allemand a Kite of Malta a valiant man, and greatly experienced in sea affairs, commanded this army. The land army marched along Danubius towards javerin, in which place the body of the whole army should stay to divert the Turk from Transiluania, and to put him in doubt to lose Strigonium and Buda.  
The Emperor at the same time commanded all the Nobility of Austria to mount on horseback, and to march to the war at their own expenses, preparing himself in the mean time to be in person in his Camp, since that Solyman (although he was old) was in his. As this great concourse of men and of all munitions made, the Turks who were in the field towards Alberegalis and Sighet, (where they expected the Beglerbey of Armenia, who should come to besiege this place, as afterwards he did) overran all the country. Against these went forth Count Salm, who commanded javerin, and with as many men as he was able to bring into the field, he went directly to Pallota: and having put thereinto victuals, and refreshed the garrison, he marched with a good troop of Cavalarie towards Vesprimia, which 
Vesprimia taken by Count Salm from the Turks.  is a great town, and not very strong, two miles from Pallota, making great spoil all about, not staying any whit at all upon any booty, until his infantry approached. The Turks who were within, minding to prepare and defend themselves, and for this effect readily giving order to many things, as they displaced two Cannons to place them elsewhere in a more commodious place, a pane of the wall fell to the ground. The Count being advertised thereof, taking this for some good sign, and as if God should open the passage to him, diligently prepared his people. These arrived about night, and the battery was deferred until the day following. In the mean time the Turks laboured to repair the happened ruin: and presently when day light appeared, the Count hotly assailed the town on all parts, putting fire to the ports, and ladders against the walls, by means whereof (in repulsing the enemy) they threw fire upon the coverings of houses, which for the most part are but of wood, according to the common manner of the country: and some entering by the breach, and others boldly leaping from off the ladders, forced the enemies, and they cut the greatest part of them in pieces; the principal amongst them retiring into the Castle: but for all that they were no more warranted than the others were. For minding to parley, they were suddenly forced and slain. At this surprise was taken alive the Governor of Alberegalis, who was sent to the Castle of Poson. There was also taken about this town five Turkish Spies. This being done, the Count knowing that within Pallota were entered for the garrison thereof certain German companies, left in this to command therein George Tury, who had so well defended the other, giving him a sufficient company of men to keep it: and afterwards he retired to javerin, while the Bassa of Buda departed from Alberegalis, and retired himself to Buda to advise of his affairs. On the other side, the soldiers who were in garrison within Levant (situated at the foot of the mountains) going into the field to assail the Turks, were by them badly entreated, and there were many amongst them who remained prisoners there, and amongst others was Bartholomew Horuatte, a man of great valour.  
Five miles from javerin, and two from Comar is the Fortress of Tata. From thence the Imperial soldiers, which were in the neighbouring places, daily received great losses, this place being well munitioned and kept. Count Salm desiring to raze this Fort, departed with his people from javerin early in the morning the 21. of july, and arrived about evening before Tata, with a resolution not to depart from this enterprise without conquest 
Tata taken by Count Salm from the Turks.  thereof. Being there arrived, he sent for to come before him (after faith pledged) a Turk whom he knew. He (by the permission of his Captain) came to him, and the Count desirous to persuade him that all his companions should do well to yield themselves; promising safety of life to all of them: this Turk answered, that they had rather a good desire valiantly to defend themselves, being otherwise assured that the Bassa of Buda would not fail to come and succour them if need were: that nevertheless he thanked him of this friendly offer which he made him, whereof he would advertise his companions, and promised him to return within one hour, if they were determined to yield, desiring him in the mean time not to undertake any thing, assuring him that by those of the town he should not receive any damage. With this mutual promise the Turk being returned into the town, and the hour being passed, the Count seeing not any person to come to him from those of the town, caused his Artillery to be planted to begin his battery, against which the Turks having 14. pieces of Cannon, ceased not to shoot one against another until night: and during this, the Count caused to be removed six pieces into a commodious place to make his breach, and betimes in the morning he caused them so furiously to play, that incontinently a gap was laid open in the wall. But the Turks with exceeding diligence in such sort repaired the damage, that they gave no commodity to our people to come to the assault. Nevertheless the Count appointed Colonel Villardun with his companies to go to the breach, commanding all the rest of the army to range themselves in battle. A 1000 soldiers should give an assault with ladders in passing the water even unto the girdle, and 1000 others were appointed to go to the breach, whilst that altogether they boldly assailing it, the Count with other 2000 assailed the Castle gate. The Turks going to the defences, as well at the breach, as against those who were in the ditch, valiantly for a time defended themselves against them. But the port was battered down, and the Count entering in by it, the Turks performing the duty that hardy and bold soldiers could do in such necessity, were all by him cut in pieces, except 50. who being retired into a Tower, yielded themselves under certain conditions. Amongst these was the Captain of Tata, and he who commanded last at Vesprimia, and a kinsman of the Bassa of Buda, all three greatly esteemed. These were sent to Vienna. This surprise and that of Vesprimia greatly rejoiced the Emperor.  
The Count continuing in so fortunate success, caused his people (without staying in any place) to march to the Castle of Ghestez, from whence 
Ghestez and Vithain taken from the Turks.  the Turks perceiving the Vanguard, they presently fled, abandoning with the place all their munition and Artillery. For the like fear, those who were within the Castles of Vithain, Ischolchin, and other villages, took their flight, and retired to Strigonium, after they had set fire on their munition, for fear the enemy should prevail thereby. The taking of these Castles, for that they were situated upon the way which goeth from Comar to Strigonia, brought great profit to Maximilians affairs, because they might easily advance themselves even to this town, without leaving behind any place which was in the enemy's hands: and specially because that in these high situated places ordinarily retired a good number of martelot's, who are peasant 
martelot's wicked peasants.  thieves, and without faith, who by their robberies ruinated all that country: these people being of so strong force, that in respect of their courage they care not for any pain, travail, or danger.  
The Emperor (who yet was not gone into the field so soon as he determined) as well by reason of the preparations to which he daily gave order, as for that the appointed troops through all the Imperial States were not yet arrived, and also for that he was afterward ascertained that the Turk was not passed Belgrade, and that there he should sojourn, attending the rest of his army, considering that the goodliest ordinances that might be are frustrate, and that men travail in vain to defend their towns, except God preserved them; for this consideration he ordained that they should pray to God without any intermission, commanding under great penalties, that at certain nominated hours at the sound of a bell, every one in Vienna should kneel down, and pray to God for the good and preservation of the public weal, in such sort that all the Lords of what degree or quality they were of, should not fail to descend from their horses at the sound of the said Bell if they were then in the town. Besides he caused to be prohibited all manner of sports and pleasant pastimes; exhorting every one to endeavour by good works to appease the wrath of God.  
In the mean time the imperials desiring to execute the enterprise of Strigonia, and setting this matter before the Council to be considered of, they sent to Maximilian to know of him his advise. The answer and resolution was, that he should not prepare himself with so small an army to a town of so great importance, and which was no less strong and also well furnished then Buda. On the contrary, the Emperor sent to Count Salm, that because Tata was a place far distant from Danubius, and not easily to be victualled, or to conduct victuals thither, he should directly retire himself from thence, right over against Comer along the river, and there to expect him, hoping within a while to come and join with him.  
The Turks thinking on nothing else ran over all the Country, and at Carpon (where was Captain Bruschitty) they took and led away 40. peasants, who were reaping corn, and were taken by the Castle gate as they were drinking and taking their repast. The Captain moved to see so bold an act done before his eyes, presently sallied forth, and took three of those Turks, and had stayed the rest if the soldiers would have followed him. But the loss which they received by the Count of Serin without comparison was far otherwise. He having had advertisement by his spy, that Holla Sangiach, and the Governor of the 5. Churches were come near unto Sighet with their troops, yet he not knowing their determination, and that there they were encamped, he presently went into the field to encounter them: and finding them drowsy he assailed them on the sudden, and the Turks not being able so instantly to range themselves in battle, the greatest part of them were taken prisoners, and the other thrown into the water, and of those who were slain, were carried to Sighet 94. heads, with 16000 Ducats, many fair harnesses, many Camels, Mules, silver vessel, tents, and other spoil. The Sangiach there valiantly defending himself lost one of his hands, and was constrained to yield himself.  
In the end the Emperor having received the succours which he expected, 
Ferdinand Lieutenant General in the army of the Emperor Maximilian his brother.  published Ferdinand (Arch Duke of Austria) his brother his Lieutenant general in this Army, to whom was Lieutenant Count of Schuartzemburge: and committed the charge of the Artillery to Paul of Zara; and the 12. of August his Majesty departed from Vienna with the Imperial Ensign, which was commanded by the Lord of Arach, having under him for his Lieutenant the Marshal of Vnghemad, and the Guidon was carried by the Duke of Pomerania. His Majesty marched towards Attemberg distant two miles from javerin while all the horse of Bohemia came to Posson, which consisted of 7. Cornets, and beside there was 1000 horse 
Bohemians, Moravians, and Slesians in the emperors aid.  marching at their own charges under the command of Teufel, and 1200. other conducted by Count Gonther of Schuartzemburg. The Moravians, Slesians, and Lusatians made beside the rest a good show of horse. Vratislavia sent 300. horse. All these troops with others who followed Maximilian, made to the number of 10000 horse, besides those who already were at javerin, and at Comar. All the Army being assembled at Altemburg, the Emperor marched to javarin, there being at the same time arrived at Comar the Navale Army which came a long Danubius. Presently there passed many skirmishes, in which for the most part the imperials had the better. The more to strengthen the Army, his Majesty caused the other troops to come which were at Comar, hoping to enterprise upon Strigonium, and by the taking of this town, to divert the siege (which was feared should be made by the enemy) before Sighet and jula. For to give battle, (although necessity seemed so to require) it was not requisite, lest they might hazard the whole estate of the Empire in one battle, which is always uncertain and doubtful: and on the other side, the Emperor had not such forces that he could assure himself of victory. The enterprise nevertheless of Strigonium was yet then deferred for some good respects.  
Upon this, news came that Solyman was passed the river of Tissa, and that 
Solyman arrived in Hunagrie.  of Danubius, and that already he was on this side Sighet, having with great diligence, caused to be made in this town a bridge upon Draws for the passage of his Army: for performing whereof, he sent before 25000. men. This bridge was erected in 16. days, although it was in length 5500. fathum, and 14. broad: and for the building whereof, they used an infinite company of boats, bound with Iron chains in place of piles, which they could not use by reason of the deepness of the river. Certain days before, Solyman 
Soliman's siege before Sighet.  had given the charge of the siege of Sighet to the Bassa of Bossina, and to him of Armenia: but having understood the loss of Tata, and of Vesprimia, he sent them to the succours of the Bassa of Buda, and gave the conduct of this siege to the Beglerbey of Armenia. He readily marched thither, and encamped himself within a mile of the Fortress. Solyman within a while after came himself. This town is situated in Hungary upon the confines of Croatia, in the midst of waters and marshes, which environ it on three sides for the space of more than a mile, and on the side of the firm land it hath but one entrance, which is defended with two great Bulwarks made of earth and wood, well combined and bound together. It is composed of two towns made in frame of a Fortress, with a Castle closed in with four Curtains in a square form. Between the one and other there are good deep ditches full of running water. In this place commanded for the Emperor Nicholas Esdrin Count of Serin, of whom we have often before 
Nicholas Esdrin Count of Se-rin commanded at Sighet.  spoken. He was Nephew to the Lord Torguat by reason of his sister, and there was given unto him the office of Banambt in the kingdoms of Croatia, Dalmatia, and Sclavonia, which is as much as bailiff or Seneschal: and beside he was Mundschencken of Hungary, that is to say, great Butler: and Captain general for the Emperor about Danubius. He was present at the siege of Vienna, which heretofore we have described in the former books: and for his valour which in this siege was known and observed by every one, he was recompensed with a fair horse and a chain of gold. He was also sufficiently made known at the siege of Pesthe and Buda. This Captain (a Hunger by birth) had in this place 1200. soldiers to defend it. The Turk (greatly to annoy Maximilian, besides the besieging of this place) sent 35000. men, as well Tartars as Turks, to besiege jula. But the waters hindered them to do it: and at their retreat those within sallied forth, and charged them behind so hotly, that many of the enemies remained there.  
Certain days after, the Turks being returned thither, they besieged this place very straightly, battering the town with great pieces: but they cooling their fury, and seeming careless, those within seeing their countenance, in the night sallied forth: and thus surprising the enemy, killed many of them, and caused the other to retire, in such sort, that they remained masters of their Artillery, which they choked and rammed up, the enemy not being able to carry it away. The Tartars (who at that time might easily have assailed Schuendy, who then had not many people with him, and who for that occasion daily importuned the Emperor to have fresh succours) having taken some country men, and knowing of them by supposed speeches that Schuendy had with him 20000. men: upon these words they were so daunted, that suddenly they raised the siege: and spoiling the country all about, they fired five villages, using a marvelous cruelty every where, without respecting any sex or condition, but following their barbarous custom they put all to fire and sword.  
In the mean time the Turks (after the batteries and breaches made at Sighet, by means of high Forts which Mahomet Bassa (commanding all the army) had caused to be raised) had given eight furious assaults: and the 29. of August they gave thereto a general assault, which continued 24. hours. But the besieged defended themselves so courageously, that after they had killed a great number of the enemies, and taken the Captain of the janissaries, they always valiantly repulsed them. The stink of the dead bodies was so great, that Solyman was forced to recoil four miles off. Serin seeing he had lost in these assaults many of his people, caused the town to be fired, and retired himself to two other Forts. This retreat gave occasion to the Turks to give yet another assault upon the day of the beheading of S. john, Solyman trusting in this day, which he esteemed very fortunate for him in all his battles, having on that day obtained this notable and memorable victory which he had against Lewis King of Hungary, and having on the same day won the towns of Rhodes and Buda, and defeated in battle the army of the King of Persia. This fortune nevertheless failed the Turks at this time, and they were yet valiantly repulsed. The day following, which was the 30. of that month, they yet again returned to the assault with greater fury, and with such courage, that their Ensigns were seen upon the Rampiars: but nevertheless they were repulsed even with great slaughter of them. Solyman considering the tediousness of this siege, and the valiantness of Serin, caused to be offered to this Captain a very good offer, if he would yield to him. But these offers could nothing move the faith which the Count had sworn to Maximilian. Notwithstanding, if the Emperor had had good Spies who would have informed him of the truth, or if at least he had credited the reports which was made him, it is without all doubt that with prosperous success he should have finished this war: for that then was taken a Turk of good quality, who after he had requested liberty, swore and affirmed upon his head that Solyman was dead: the which was confirmed by other demonstrations. The Emperor notwithstanding would not believe any thing hereof, judging that if such a thing were happened, it could not be possible that the Turkish army should be in such quiet, nor so well governed. But the prudence and marvelous industry of Mehemet Bassa (a most wise Lord) knew so well to manage this matter, that not only he concealed the death of his Lord: but yet further, assured the Empire unto him to whom it belonged: and (which is of no less consequence) contained so great an army in military obedience, repressed the fury and sedition of the janissaries, preserved the treasure, and obtained a notable victory.  
Solyman was come into Hungary with a puissant army of 150000. men, which he divided into many parts, whereof one was towards jula in the confines of Hungary adjoinant to Transiluania, and another towards Sighet upon the marches of Croatia. In this was his greatest force, and there was himself in person, to the end that his presence should the more encourage the soldiers to the taking of this town. But being now of the age of 66. years, and being crazed, in respect of the labours of so long a voyage, and perhaps having his courage abated to see his people in so many assaults 
The death of Solyman.  repulsed, with so great a butchery of them: and it may be this accustomed valour of mind being no longer in him, with which he before had happily brought to end so many goodly enterprises, the humours of his body being corrupted, a bloody flux troubled him, which within few days took him out of this world. And thus the prognostication (which in the month of May before going, had been made touching the annual revolution of this Prince, by those that had been curious to know that which heaven did promise touching this war) fell out to be true. This prognostication contained 
The prognostication of the death of Solyman.  that the Emperor of Turks should die there, if peradventure he was not overthrown and defeated by the Christians, notwithstanding the great levy of people which he made against them.  
Mehemet Bassa seeing his Prince dead, and Sighet yet untouched as it 
The marvelous prudency of Mehemet Bassa.  were, and in possession of the Christians, presently thought that it was expedient to keep this death secret, as well for the continuance of this siege and taking of the place, as for the preservation of the army and treasure; as also to invest the new Sultan Selim in the possession of the Empire, to whom of right it belonged. Upon this resolution he readily dispatched a messenger to the Bassa of Constantinople, to advertise him of the fortune which was happened, and he sent him word of that which was necessary for him to do. Then with a singular subtlety, knowing that the soldiers would be offended if they saw not their Lord, he caused the body to be clothed with his accustomed habits, and setting him in a high place within his Pavilion, caused him a far off to be showed to all, without that any of them could know that he was dead. This being thus well invented, Mehemet went forth of the Pavilion, and taking occasion thereupon began to encourage the janissaries, exhorting them to perform their last endeavour to the assault of Sighet. But while he was speaking, and calling to mind that his Lord was dead, he could not for the grief which he felt in his mind refrain from weeping. And as this passion was pricking, his wisdom to cover it was also very ready, in such sort, that presently remembering that his tears gave to the soldiers some apprehension and assurance of the death of their prince, upon some little bruit which already was spread in the Camp, using a brave stratagem in wisely dissembling his inward grief, added to his speeches, that he wept not for the death of his Lord, as it seemed they judged, who (thanks be to God) was living and out of all danger. But that he wept for the miserable and piteous condition of all the army, for that their Prince had made an inviolable oath, laying hand on his breast and head, that if within few days Sighet were not taken, he would put them all to death without remission, with a cruel and strange kind of death. Mehemet by these speeches and many others, animating every one, a singular desire of fight, and also presently to return to the assault, possessed all the soldiers, and above all, the janissaries being all obstinate to perform therein their last endeavours, or else to end their lives there. Upon this resolution, after he had given order to that which appertained to such an assault, all the soldiers running with great fury to the breach and skaladoe the 6. of September, they were nevertheless repulsed with great loss both of the one part and other. But the enemies having means to refresh them, and continuing their blows, came again for the last time the day following to the breach, with a marvelous fury and a greater force than they had yet ever made, and the one and other fight between hope to overcome and fear to die, there was seen a terrible conslict now on this side, then on the other. Count Serin performing then the duty of an advised and most valiant Captain, encouraging his people, ran here and there, not being wanting either to himself or to his soldiers, appeared greater than himself. He seeing that the Artillery of the enemy had set fire in the Fortress, and being astonished thereat, caused the port to be opened, and having planted a Cannon (charged with many little bullets) at the entrance of it, and giving fire thereto, more than 100 Turk's were laid on the ground by that shot, and presently the Count advanced himself upon the bridge with his Courtlasse and Target, being followed of his people, who of 1200. were reduced only to 500 and they all thronging in amongst the enemies fought valiantly. Serin would never yield himself, although the Turks desired him to do it, willing to have him alive into their hands: but always fight courageously in the midst of the enemies, increased in himself an incredible valour: and thus managing his hands with extreme courage, was thrust into the breast with a pike. But he fearing to abate the courage of his people, concealed this wound as much as he could, until in the end he was greatly wounded in the head with 
The death of Count Serin.  a blow which killed him. And although that the soldiers desisted not, yet could they not make such resistance as they did before: so available in soldiers hearts is the captains presence: from whence it happened that Sighet was presently taken, and all those who were taken, within a few days after 
Sighet taken by the Turks.  were all cruelly massacred by the Turks. The head being cut from the body of this valiant Count, it was sent by the Bassa of Buda to Count Ecchia of Salm, wrapped in a piece of black velvet, with letters, by which he declared unto him, that having understood that this brave warrior who had so faithfully maintained the part of his Emperor, was his kinsman & friend, he was willing to send him his head, to the end it should be a beginning of an obligation of mutual friendship between them, sending him word that he had caused his body to be honourably buried. Some believed that the Bassa did this more to possess him with grief and some astonishment, then for any office of humanity or courtesy that was naturally in him. This head was carried by a peasant to Comar, and from thence to javerin to the emperors Camp: to whose Majesty then came one of the sons of Serin, and prostrated himself at his feet, to desire him that with his good favour he might hold his father's place, & of all his family. The Emperor raised him with his hands, and promised to be to him a good Tutor, and as a father to all his house. This son after he had taken leave of the Emperor, being followed with a good number of gentlemen, went to the Fortress of Iskachaturn, and causing his father's head to be conducted thither, made it honourably to be buried with great pomp. The town of Sighet came in this sort into the enemy's hands, it being opened on all sides by the violence of the Artillery. The Emperor lost there to the number of 100 pieces of Cannon, which Serin seeing that he had no more hope, caused them to be charged even to the mouth, and put fire thereto, so that they were all cleft and broken. If this Count had had sufficient of soldiers, he had never seen it reduced to this point, having neither want of arms nor victuals. Of 1200. soldiers which he had at the beginning of the siege, there remained no more the 110. when he was wounded to death. By this loss the port was opened to the Turks to molest the rest of Hungary. For from this place they might run without any impeachment unto Sopron, called Odembourg, and even to the walls of Poson. Amongst the most of mark who died in 
Sopron called Odemburg.  this siege of the Turks part, was noted Alipartu Bassa, who for Sea affairs was held to be very expert, and for one of the valiantest of all the Turkish Captains.  
After the taking of this place, the Turks dispersed themselves by incursions through all the country, and even in sight of the Emperor, who was greatly discontented for this loss, and the death of Serin. By these excursions the country was greatly endamaged, Fortune being altogether so favourable to the enemy, that she not being content to have brought him such happy success, added yet thereto the winning of the town and Fortress of jula, which in the same week was reduced under the Turks command, although this place was judged inexpugnable. Captain Ladislas Cheretsken commanded there. He seeing himself besieged by a long and dangerous 
Ladislas Cheretsken Governor of jula.  siege, and moved by distrust from being able to sustain it any longer, or rather (as it was said) for the great promises which Portau Bassa made him, he rendered it to him upon such composition, that he might retire himself with his arms and baggage saved, with hostages for assurance of the capitulation, who should accompany him and his people unto some place of security, 
Giusa taken by the Turks.  and that the Turkish Artillery should be displaced and turned into some place, where it could not endamage them. Upon such conditions the Captain being come forth, he was lead before the Bassa, and in the mean time that the others marched, being not yet 1000 paces off, two great companies of Turks assailed them. They seeing themselves thus deceived, ranged themselves altogether within their wagons, and for a while valiantly defended themselves, and specially the Germans who with their arqebus shot killed many of the enemies. But in the end being surmounted with a great number, they were constrained to yield to the enemy who almost cut them all to pieces, except some who saved themselves, amongst which was Bernard Rotenau a German Captain, who afterward being presented before the Imperial Majesty, accused Cheretsken of treason, he having made an accord without the knowledge of his companions. Nevertheless by the report of an Hungarian soldier, who afterwards came to the Camp, they knew that the Captain had conferred of this surrender with the Germans, and that those for certain would not yield at the first: but that afterwards overcome by the promises and great persuasions of the Turks, they consented thereto.  
near to Alberegalis there was 20000. Turk's encamped and fortified with good trenches, who made many attempts towards the Imperial Campe. The Emperor willing to suppress this insolency, chose out certain of his army, and with a few of his soldiers sent them to discover. Afterward having first sent to the Turks certain spies to know how the enemy behaved themselves there, they marching before, and meeting with those who were of the guard, and seeing them well armed returned to make recital of that which they had seen, & might discern by the enemy's countenance. The imperials notwithstanding all other difficulty, being gone forth, marched towards them, and going with good speed they surprised them, and assailing them on the sudden put them to flight, killing some of them who were gone a foraging. This news being carried to the emperors Camp, the Hungars, Burgunnians, and Austrians, courageously put themselves into the field, and pursuing the Turks who fled, they killed some and took others. George Tury having known amongst them the Sangiach of Alberegalis, a great Councillor of the Turks, (whom he might very well know, because that while he was at Pallota he had been his neighbour, and had pursued him oftentimes to take him) he boldly thrust himself into the midst of them all, & followed him so near, that although his horse was slain under him, yet being readily remounted upon another, he took him a live and brought him prisoner to the Emperor, at whose hand for so valorous an act he was knighted, and the Sangiach was conducted to Vienna, where he remained a long time prisoner.  
At another time 1500. horse being, gone forth of the Camp to encounter certain Turks, they made forward as far as Iscocaky belonging to the enemies, two miles from Alberegalis. But they did not any exploit, there passing nothing between the two Camps but light skirmishes, in which George Tury more than once gave chase to the enemies, and brought from them good spoil. At the same time, the Arch Duke Charles being at Bubolca, defeated a Bassa with 4000 horse by the river of Slewa, and without doubt he had taken him, if the army that was at Sighet had not been so nigh, he retiring himself to the Castle of Carotua, a very strong place which is situated in an Island which Draws and Murus maketh.  
All these excursions greatly increased from the time of the taking of Sighet, and the Turks peeled, burned, and wasted all even near unto Sabar, distant two miles from the Imperial Campe. By these excursions many Captains experienced in the manner of the Turkish war, believed that Solyman would retire to Constantinople, and that somuch the more, because they understood that in his army was a great dearth of victuals, and that there was some taken from Buda and Alberegalis to send thither. Besides they heard that Solyman was dead, and that the Bassa giving this last ruin to the Country, would depart with his accomplished victory. Nevertheless it seemed that is would be a strange thing, if there happened not some sedition in this army, knowing that in like cases the Turks are very easily moved to mutiny. But Mahomet entertained, and that with great care, these courses to stay his own army and that of the enemies, he daily expecting the coming of Selim their new Emperor, and Soliman's son, to whom he had sent, that in the greatest speed he could, he should depart from Constantinople. When Selim received the news of his father's death, he was in 
Selim the son and successor of Solyman.  the plain of Saraissa, three days journey from Constantinople, in a place called Chiefredy, which belonged to Sinan Bassa. He having in this place received the letters of Mahomet, subscribed with the Captains Aga and with the principal physicians hands, departed the 17. of September to go to Constantinople with all the people which for that time he could have with him, and being arrived at Scutari, Bostangy Bassa chief Gardner, who had the keeping of the King's Palace, went before with a Brigandine ordained for the person of the Grand Signior, it being very well and 
Ceremonies at the receiving of the Grand Signior into Constantinople.  richly trimmed, and accompanied with many goodly young men sumptuously appareled. Selim had first sent many janissaries to Scander Bassa, Governor and Lieutenant of Solyman in Constantinople, to advertise him to prepare all things necessary for his entrance. And being aboard this Brigandine, he arrived at Constantinople, and descending into the Serrail, Bostangy took him by the hand, and conducted him into the usual chamber anciently deputed for all the Kings, and there he being seated in a chair dedicated to the Ottoman Emperors, made proclamation through the town, with the same words which they ordinarily use in the election of new Emperors: sending within a while after in great diligence the same proclamation through all his Empire, to the end that the death of his father should no sooner be discovered, than his establishment in the Empire. Afterward going out of his Palace, he showed himself in the town to all the people, going to the sepulchre of job, which is a place adjoining to the walls, where the Kings and Grand Seigniours are accustomed to make their sacrifices, offering sheep and other beasts, which afterward are distributed to the poor in remuneration of the graces received of God. And having offered there a great sum of money, and said his prayers, he returneth in great pomp and pleasure to his Palace: from whence he departed the 26. of September to go to his Camp, making great journeys, and without staying in any place at last he arrived at Belgarde having made this voyage in great speed, and so secretly that the people marveling to see him, knew not the occasion of his coming but only after his departure: which caused that not any tumult happened, whereof every one greatly marveled, knowing afterwards how all was passed. And being departed from Belgrade, and already two days journey on his way, by the letters of Mehement he returned back, for that this Bassa sent him word that he should come no further, for that the Army was not any whit molested: and in avoiding the tediousness of so long a journey, Mehemet desired him to attend at Belgrade.  
Thus his Majesty sojourned in that place, attending the Army which was conducted by a dead body, carried in a close covered Coach, every one believing that he was living: because that he being in this his old age for certain years together subject to the gout, he was accustomed to be carried into the fields in this sort.  
Upon the day that this body or corpse should enter into Belgrade, Selim 
Ceremony for the funeral mourning of the Turkish Emperors.  put upon his head a very little Turban, and being decently apparaled with a black cloth cloak mounted on horseback, he went before the body of his father even to the port: this body being accompanied with displayed Ensigns, trumpets, and other such signs of a triumph. The cover of the Coach being lifted up, Selim dismounted, and began to mourn over the body. All the bashas, the cadileskers (who 
Cadilischiers.  are the principal persons for justice) with all the chief of the Camp, after lighting from their horses, took also little Turbans, and in token of sadness all the Ensigns through the whole Camp were reversed the point downward: and there was a wonderful silence made for the space of a quarter of an hour. After this ceremony, a white Turban being brought, enriched with precious stones, it was put upon Selim's head, and he being clothed with stately and magnificent habits, he mounted upon another horse, and all the others doing the like, the Coach of the dead was again covered, and the Ensigns raised, all the soldiers making great acclamations in the name of their new Emperor. In this manner they accompanied him to the Palace, and there the deputies of the Empire, according to their degrees, went and kissed his hands.  
Presently Selim gave order to the government of justice, and performed the accustomed largesse to the janissaries, and giving to every one two 
Largesse dew to the janissaries by the new Emperor.  thousand Aspres. At the same time it was decreed, that the body of his deceased father should be conducted to Constantinople, to be buried in the Sepulchre which he caused to be built in his life time, named by 
The Sepulchre of Solyman.  the Turks, Marata, which is as it were an Hospital for the poor. Some say that this Tomb is the most sumptuous that is to be found at this day, it being in the great Mosque. He gave the charge of this conduct to Hamant Bassa, who had married one of his Nieces, and to Ferrat Cap Aga, commanding that this corpse should beside be accompanied with all the janissaries, who were then in the Camp, with many other persons of note, carrying with them the Imperial Ensign.  
Selim remained at Belgrade with the rest of the army to march afterward more commodiously. The body of Solyman entered into Constantinople 
The entrance of Soliman's body into Constantinople.  the 22. of November, there being first gone forth to receive him Muphty, otherwise called Muplety, who is the supreme of their Priests, and one who (they say) was dissended of the line of Mahomet, he being followed of all the Doctors of their law, that then were in the town. Scander Bassa Governor, with all the Treasurers, and other Lords of quality who were remaining at Constantinople, with an infinite number of other sorts of people came also before him. They were all clad in black, with little Turbans of wool on their heads in sign of sorrow. These having drawn the body out of the Coach, the principals of them took it and lifted it up upon the palms of their hands, carrying it thus raised on high through the town, in changing it from hand to hand, and bearing it by turns; the Doctors of the law marching before, and reading with a high voice even unto the Sepulchre, wherein he was put, with all the ceremonies and accustomed solemnities due to such Princes. Upon the Sepulchre was put a cloth of very fine Chamblet with his Cimetrie, to notify that he had ended his days in the war; and at the very top of it there was a Turban, like to that which he was wont to wear in his life time.  
But now to return to our discourse: the Emperor Maximilian knowing for certain the death of Solyman, and coronation of Selim, (which was seven weeks after) it being sent to him from Venice by Guy of Noremberg his Ambassador, resident in the Signiory of Venice for his Majesty. All the Captains were greatly astonished thereat, considering how and with what prudence these barbarous people were able to keep so secret such a notable accident, in such sort that their own army never knew any thing thereof. Which thing (if it had been discovered) had without all doubt been an occasion that the soldiers mutining to sack the treasure, had opened a way to the Emperor to attain to a most evident and singular victory. But Bassa Mehemet in his own judgement foreseeing all the disorder, and knowing that of his Lord's life depended the good of all the army, meant to provide for it in time: and for this cause he concealed the death of Solyman, to the end that the army should not perceive itself deprived of their Lord, and that in dividing itself it should not by that means open the way of a notable victory to the enemy.  
After than that the Turkish army was departed out of Hungary, there happened a new disaster at javerin, (where was the force of the Imperial 
Iauerin burned by chance.  Camp) there being the last of September fire set on the lodging of a Hungarian Lord, by negligence of his Cook. This fire by little and little increased so far, by means of a great wind which blew from the West, that all the houses being made of wood (after the manner of that country) not any house was exempted from burning, except the Palace and Church which were built of stone, and about some 17. little houses: and it was a great chance that this fire pierced not even into the Church, wherein was all the munition: which if it had happened, it had brought a great misfortune, for that the town (although it be little) was stored and filled with soldiers, and of all other sorts of people who had followed this army: and for fear of this inconvenience, the Emperor mounted presently on horseback, and with great speed retired far from the town. That which was not consumed by the fire, served as a pray to the soldiers, some of whom most wickedly put fire to certain houses, that they might more freely get pillage, as they did. The Emperor was so sad for this misfortune, that he never felt any such grief in all these wars, having always reserved this place for the surety of his armies: and seeing that therein all the neighbours did usually retire their goods and persons, and specially of all the country thereabouts, his Majesty commanded that this place should be re-established by the soldiers and peasants. And the winter being come, and the enemy retired, 
Maximilian dismisseth his army.  he dismissed his army, and most affectionately he thanked all the Lords, who so willingly were come to succour him: and this done, he retired to Vienna, leaving at javerin a good and strong garrison of the bravest and valiantest soldiers of the army, as well foot as horse under the charge of Count Salms. He presently caused the place to be repaired, by the money which the Emperor had sent him from Vienna. The troops of Austria were sent to Odemburg to resist the ordinary incursions of the Turks. In Canisa (a Fortress very nigh to Sighet) was sent to command there Captain They, with 1000 horse, and as many footmen.  
In the mean time the Emperor called the Estates of Austria into the town of Vienna, to advise of new preparations for the year following, as well in Hungary as in Transiluania, where always continued the war between him and King john, for whose aid remained Portau Bassa with many Tartars, who surpassing ours in multitude and cruelty, massacred all those that they encountered, not pardoning any sex, and without any distinction 
The barbarousness of the Tartars.  of age, cutting the infants in the midst, whom they afterward roasted and eat.  
The Transylvanian having in the former year lost Tocchay, which 
Tocchay taken by Schuendy from the Transylvanians, and besieged by King john.  Schuendy had taken from him with 30. pieces of Artillery, and great store of munition which he found there, and willing to get it again, came with his Tartars to besiege it, making a battery with nine Cannons. The assieged valiantly behaving themselves, did not any thing fail in their defence. Schuendy (although then he was very ill) willing nevertheless not to be slack in the office of a prudent and discreet Captain, sent for succours to the Emperor, not any thing doubting but he would be well able to chase away the enemy. The Emperor presently sent him 1000 horse, conducted by Henry Stampir, with six Ensigns of foot, and with them he sent his chiefest Physician to cure Schuendy. He also sent 50. wagons laden with victual, and coin to pay the soldiers.  
john being with his army before Tocchay, where already he had been eight days, and hoping to come to the end of his enterprise, he was informed that 10000 Tartars, who warred with the Turks in his favour, being mutined and departed from the Camp, were dispersed in his Province, committing infinite outrages, and burning many towns. john upon this news raised his siege: and having sent to these mutineers, that they should 
A mutiny between the Tartars and King john.  quietly retire themselves, he used all the means not to meddle with them by fight. In the end, seeing that entreaties and all persuasions served him to no purpose, and that continuing their cruelty, they would by no means desist, moved by a just choler he assailed them on the sudden, and cut in pieces more than 6000. of them. Those who remained, and the Turks joined with them, desirous to be revenged for their companions, came and besieged john at Varadin, which is a place of small strength, and where they might have taken him alive, if they had had any pieces of Artillery. Nevertheless john fearing the worst, and not willing to have the reproach to be besieged by such rascality, secretly avoided the town, and retired to an other place of more strength. There having gathered a greater army he again assailed them, and having made a great butchery of them to the number of 20000. besides the wounded who were in great number, he saved 
Tartar's defeated by King john.  from their hands many thousands of souls, who they led into miserable servitude. Among these were many gentlewomen, which they had taken from the Castle of Beregras, to which they were retired for the greater surety, all that country remaining in the mean time (which is towards Cassovia) so desolate, for the great and horrible cruelties which these people had used, that it was not possible to endure any more.  
During such mutinies, 400. janissaries passed very near to Filech, a place neighbouring to Sepusa, committing where they passed infinite outrages, and using acts altogether barbarous and cruel: and having taken out of the mountains more than 8000. souls, they gave a great amazement to all the neighbour people of Danubius, of Vagne, and of Arabon. The Turks a little before had taken two Forts (such as they were) named Comar and Calambach, 
Comar, Calambach, Ghestez, and Vitan taken by the Turks.  as also those of the garrison of Alberegalis had done the like, seizing themselves by forces of Ghestez, and Vitan: and thus daily increasing, there was at Palota, Vesprimia, and at Tata a great doubt of the enemy. The Tartars after the overthrow which they had received of the Transylvanian, joining themselves a new with other Turks, among which there was a good company of janissaries, and many Null, who rob and spoiled through all Rossia and Podolia, which are countries belonging to the King of Polonia, using all acts of hostility, firing all the villages and Castles, massacring the old and impotent persons, and making slaves of more than 100000. souls: finally, attempting to besiege the Palatin of Rossia in a 
Tartar's defeated in Polonia.  Castle, he making many sallies upon them, with a good number of soldiers he n a manner put them all to the sword, and taking from them 12. pieces of Artillery, they were forced to retire.  
The Emperor being at the assembly of his Estates of Austria, whom he 
A Diet in Austria, in which was granted succours to Maximilian.  caused to be called thither (as we above have written) proposed to all the Prelates and principal of the Nobility, what need he had of succours to withstand the violence of the enemies. And for this effect he demanded of them the same succours as was granted the year before, which amounted to little less than 300000. Florins for the entertainment of 900. horse, which they were bound to furnish. And beside he demanded of them, that he who had 100 Florins of revenue should pay for a horse, and he who should have more, should also furnish one for every hundred. And because that although his Majesty would march in person to the war, he would not that the Nobility of the country should go thither with him, and in stead of such a personal service, he demanded of them that they would furnish him with the pay of 1000 horse, and 5. companies of foot. And beside, he would that until 6. years were complete, every one should come to labour at Vienna six days in the year.  
To these demands, as very excessive, the Austrians not willing to condescend, were wilful in their opinions, deferring for many days to make an answer, giving others openly to understand, that first they should permit them the exercise of the Confession of Ausbourg. The Emperor not being able to contain himself from anger, caused to be declared unto them that he had not proposed any article concerning the faith and religion, and that therefore they should answer to his demands, if they would not incur his indignation. In the end they again assembling together, yielded to these articles: to wit, that they were content yearly to give him 138000. Florins, and 300000. for the fortification of javerin: that he who had 100 Florins of yearly revenue, should entertain at his own charges for the service of the war one horse for three months: that he who had a greater revenue should also furnish more: that if his Majesty would march to the confines of the Province for the affairs thereof, they should be bound of fifteen persons to furnish him with one: if he departed out of the confines, they should give him one of every thirty. This last offer was in stead of 1000 horse, which he demanded to serve him in place of the Nobility. After these accords, the Austrians minding to renew again the article of the Confession of Ausbourg, being not content with the denial which the Emperor had made them thereof, meant again to reply. But he gave them 
The exercise of the Confession of Ausbourg denied to the Austrians.  to understand, that those who would not live nor believe as himself did, might sell their goods and depart the country: and by this conclusion he made them silent.  
In the mean time, endeavouring himself to assure his countries against the incursions of the Turks, who remained with the Transylvanian from the death of Solyman, he laboured nothing else but to make peace with the Turks, knowing that Selim (after being come to the Empire) had confirmed peace with the Venetians, who among so great wars which his father had, would never take arms against him, although they were often required thereunto.  
The Princes of Italy endeavouring themselves to be well liked of with 
The Pope, and Turks of Florence, Ferrara and Mantua, sent succours to the Emp.  Maximilian, sent him new succours, among others Cousin de Medicis establishing the more by this means his own Estate. The Pope, the Duke of Savoy, and he of Ferrara did also succour him with good store of men. His Majesty had before time sent to the Grand Signior for Ambassador George Hossute, thinking by him to negotiate some peace with Solyman, whom 
George Hossute.  he thought to be yet living. But this Ambassador understanding for certain upon the way the decease of the Turk, returned towards the new Emperor 
Ambassador of the Emperor saw Selim.  Selim, at the same time that he went to Constantinople, after the body of his father, as we have said before. At this meeting it was permitted him to see his Majesty, but not to entertain any talk of peace with him: Mehemet Bassa showing to him that he had been sent towards the Majesty of the deceased Solyman, and that seeing that he was dead, he was not to treat with his successor; and that therefore if his King would any thing with Selim, he should send another, or else himself. This Bassa did particularly counsel him to demand peace of Selim, and that otherwise there could not but evil happen to Maximilian.  
When that Hossute arrived at Belgrade, Cheretsken (in times past Captain and Governor of jula) was there with bolts on his heels. This man made great promises to the Turk who conducted Hossute, to be permitted to speak to him: but he could never obtain it. And not being able to attain 
Excuses by writing of Cheretsken for the yielding and loss of jula.  this favour, he writ a long letter, by which he sent him word of all that which he endured at jula, and how he had been deceived by a vain hope of succours; alleging among other things, that he had maintained the siege for 70. days, that one day he had seen 14. Turkish Ensigns upon the wall: and beside there was happened to him during this siege a great and dangerous sickness: that with all this, after he had a long time expected the succours which was promised him, which never appeared, he was constrained to accept of composition. In the end he desired all his friends to make suit for him to the emperors Majesty, signifying that he might be set at liberty so soon as the Sangiach should be delivered in exchange of him: and being at liberty, he offered to remain in such a prison as it would please his Majesty, there to attend the judgement which should be given upon his cause, not perceiving himself culpable in any thing. Cheretsken writ to Hossute concerning all these things, to the end he should report them to the Emperor.  
In the mean time it was held for certain in the Court, that the Lord of Arrach might set at liberty the Sangiach of Alberegalis, whom he held prisoner in one of his Fortresses named Zetipont, to redeem Cheretsken, there having been made (before this bad fortune) a treaty of marriage between them, this Lord having promised to Cheretsken one of his daughters. But a while after fortune being no way favourable to this poor prisoner, there was heard of him a miserable end. For many complaining to Selim, for having received by this Captain many cruel injuries, some having by his command lost their nose, others having had their ears cut off, others their mouth, and all alleging against him such like cruelties, Selim moved with such a report, gave him unto them that accused him, permitting them to take what revenge of him they would. These taking a Tun nailed within full of great nails, whereof the points were inward, and carrying it to the top of a high hill, enclosed Cheretsken within, and after they cast him headlong 
The cruel death of Cheretsken.  from the top thereof to the foot, and by this cruel and horrible pain they caused him to die. The Lord of Arrach received great displeasure at this death, for that he could not relieve him, and within a while after he had 50000. crowns for a ransom of the Sangiach: and although that he should remain debtor of another great sum, the Emperor nevertheless would that he should be set at liberty. He being set on his way, accompanied with john Suizen a Councillor of Hungary: and being arrived on the frontier, Suizen at his return reported marvelous things of joy and mirth that the Turks made for the return of this Lord. Besides the money by him disbursed, they gave liberty to Captain Gorger, who was taken at jula, and who for his ransom was taxed at 40000. crowns.  
Schuendy being now grown to good health from so long a sickness, and receiving good strong troops, went into the field with his people, and besieged the Castle of Zatmar, well furnished with all things, except men. This belonged to Bec the emperors capital enemy, and the principal author 
Zarmar taken by Schuendy.  of the enmity and discord which was nourished between his Majesty and King john. He seeing they came to besiege him, he secretly departed from this Fortress, which being out of hand straightly besieged, in the end the soldiers within yielded, their lives and baggage saved. This taking was upon the 14. of januarie, and in that place was gotten great store of booty: and Schuendy freely setting at liberty the Becs' wife, with all his movables, retained only for himself all the Artillery.  
Maximilian was in the mean time to continue the Diets of his Estates, and having been already at Bruna, and after at Troppa, to go from thence to Prage in Bohemia, in which places he made his demands: and at Bruna it was concluded, that in stead of the Nobility they should give him 1200. horse, which his Majesty should send whither it pleased him: and besides that, the Nobility should be bound to keep the limits of the country, when there should be need thereof. He being arrived at Prage, he made his entry thereinto very solemnly, being received by the Citizens under a Canopy, with great pomp and magnificence. From thence he sent the Duke of Bavier, and Doctor Inuch his Councillor, with certain other, to the Diet of Ratisbon. The Bohemians at the Diet held at Prage, accorded that the succours before granted for three years should be reduced into one only 
The Bohemians, Slesians, and Moravians do grant succours to the Emperor.  payment, seeing that the appointed money for this effect should be committed to custody into a certain place, and that these should not come into his majesties coffers, except they were employed against the Turk. Besides, all the Estates granted during the space of two years the succours which followeth: to wit, that all the houses being under the precinct of fees belonging to Princes, Barons, and Gentlemen, as well Spirituals as fenditaries, should pay for one year half a dolor, except the public Baths, the houses of Pastors, and the shops of Artisans: that the town of Prage, and the other subjects to the Emperor, and those who make the third estate of the kingdom, should pay three Dollars for every house. All the cities, boroughs, and villages every one, gave 100 Ducats, the labourers 9 the servants and mercenaries a white grosh: those who put money to interest aswell spiritual as secular, paid so much to his Majesty which the interest came unto by their bargains: but if the Emperor should go in person to the war against the Turk, they should be bound having 10000 dollars at interest, to entertain in the war a horseman well armed for four months: and that the poorer sort should contribute rate for rate of their goods: and the same should be practised if they had need for the defence of the 15. Dukedoms of Bohemia; to wit, in entertaining one horseman 
15. Dukedoms in Bohemia.  well armed for every revenue of 6000. collars, and 10. footmen for a 100 subjects which should be under his fee. By this means the Emperor was succoured from all parts with men and money, to prevent any more a sudden surprisal by the enemy, when at any time he would again make incursions into Hungary.  
On the other side Schuendy after one siege, had yielded unto him by composition 
Mourach taken by Schuendy.  their lives and baggage saved, the Castle of Mourach situated in Transiluania. All these preparations, and this loss gave the Transylvanian sufficient matter to think of: for that this fortress was of great importance to him, being on the way betwixt Polonia and Russia, from whence by this occasion he could not draw any more succours, except with a long compass by Moldavia, which was a very tedious and dangerous journey. After this taking, Schuendy went to besige Hust a place of no less importance than the other.  
These enterprises and executions gave vehement suspicion, that between the Emperor and the Turk would never be any accord, although afterwards both the one part and other treated thereof: considering that in precedent years, by reason of the same place of Mourach, all the negotiation of peace was broken between Ferdinand and john: it being very likely that the Transylvanian for the loss of these two places, would declare to the Grand Signior the absolute loss of all Transiluania, and with all excite him to give him aid, as it appeared incontinent. For the Bassa of Buda failed not to send to the Emperor that he should cause Schuendy to retire from Hust, and in the mean time took council with his people to advise for needful aid for King john, giving order to the affairs of the war.  
In this time Edward being in return from Constantinople, who the Emperor had sent thither to treat of a peace, brought news that the Turk had given charge to Portau Bassa, and to the Belerbie of Greece to prepare themselves to march into Hungary: but the same Turk having understood for certain, that the Emperor would send his Ambassadors to negotiate with him, and to determine the peace, he had hope that these would not hasten their voyage. These Ambassadors were Antony Verance 
Ambassadors of the Emperor to Selim for peace.  Bishop of Agria, who had remained five years in Soliman's Court in the quality and condition of an ordinary Ambassador, and Tijffempach councillor to the Emperor, both of them men endued with good understanding, and having the knowledge of divers languages. These with a great company departed from the Court to go to Constantinople, the Emperor not omitting for all that to continue his Diets, to the end that he might always hold himself more ready for defence against the enemy.  
Then was celebrated that of Poson, in which after many complaints made by the Hungarian Barons against certain Captains of garrisons, in the end it was determined by common consent, that for this year they should pay the Emperor 150000. Crowns, which sum should not be 
Succours granted by the Hungars to the Emperor.  drawn from any others, but of the families of peasants, in paying for every one two Dollars: and besides every family should be bound to labour 12. days in the frontier places: but in the year when any Diet should not be held, the tax should at least be reduced to the half: that the Emperor should send commissaries, part whereof should be Hungars, and part Germans, on this side, and beyond Danubius, to inform him of the goods and possessions held by the Captains and officers of the Emperor, to the end to restore them to their first possessors: that they should chastise all those who had committed robberies, and that they should give order that these robbers should not any more molest the labourers, that they should annihilate the grievous and extraordinary impositions laid upon them by Schuendy, aswell of wine as of beasts: that the Hungars not being received into the Country of Austria, nor into the other provinces, might redeem the Castles and towns engaged before by the King of Hungary: that the Emperor should grant the Prelateship, and other ecclesiastical dignities only to Hungars, and other persons capable: that if his Majesty would retain to himself the recovered goods from the possession of the Transylvanian, which before appertained to the Hungars, he should then give in recompense thereof some others: that the gentleman who had 100 villages under him, should according to the ancient custom, furnish 10. horses and 8. footmen, when the Emperor should go in person to the war, and less by half when he should send thither his Lieutenant, all amounting unto 10000 horse and 8000. footmen: but in time of peace they should be bound to furnish but three horses for defence of the frontiers. All this was decreed in the Diet of Poson, whereof the Emperor was very well content. And to appease every one he maintained justice in the Country, and caused to be chastised many Captains of garrisons who purloined the pay from the soldiers, and beside showed to all great demonstrations of friendship: which greatly contented all the people, & specially for the affection which he caused to appear by having a desire to see them live in peace, which he instantly pursued, having the better to attain thereunto, sent by the said Ambassadors many goodly presents to the principal of Soliman's Court.  
These Ambassadors arrived at Constantinople the 22. of August, and within few days after visited the bashas of the Port (which we above said call amongst us Court) to wit, Mehemet, Portau, Pialy, Achmat, and Mahomet: and the fourth of september, (being again gone to see Mahomet Bassa superintendant of all the Empire) they went with him unto Andrionopoly, where then was the new Emperor. In this place the conditions of peace were propounded, and after sundry disputations thereof, in the 
Peace between Maximilian and Selim.  end it was concluded with the same conditions, with which before it had been decreed between Ferdinand and Solyman.  
The Ambassadors being returned to Vienna, they released and quitted many things both of the one part and other, and new borders were limited between the country of both parts. And upon this deed the Emperor sent Schuendy with many other deputed to see the differences which might be upon those limits; besides giving him charge to find the means to hinder the incursions and insolencies which the Turks made without any respect of the truce lately decreed. George Tury Captain for the Emperor provoked with such courses, after he had made complaint to the Bassa of Buda, in the end he twice put himself into the field, once by Canisa, and an other time by javarin, and in such sort assailed the Turks, that having checked their foolish temerity, they durst no more trouble the country.  
In the mean time the Emperor for some suspicions conceived against some of the principal of Hungary, caused the Hungars to be required (to divert the practices, which john used in their behalf to draw them to him) to this, that they would contribute to the pay of 5000. horse for the preservation of the country: but they expressly denied this contribution, being moved at this, that the vacant goods were no more sold amongst them, but were given to their enemies and to strangers, making instance that since he could not any more assist them in his own person in all important affairs of the kingdom, he would nominate Lieutenant general for his Majesty, the Palatin, and Archbishop of Strigonia Primate of the kingdom. 
The Arch Bishop of Strigonia Primate of Hungary.  The Emperor then for that time dissolved this Diet, and retired until another time. On the other side the Transylvanian sought to the Bassa of Buda, thinking to demand aid of him, and to have of him means to recover that which was taken from him by his enemies, of whom he then thought to have better commodity, for that they were busied in the wars of Germany, and divided amongst themselves. The Bassa answered him that he could not do it without the express command of his Lord, exhorting him in the mean time to remain in peace. But john continuing his determination recovered certain Fortresses: and having drawn to him Guilassa a Hungarian Baron, who was malcontent with the Emperor, he had of him Hust, a very strong Castle, situated amongst the mountains of Salem, not being able to induce the Turk to break truce with the Emperor.  
His Majesty (having understood that Selim had sent an army towards Muscovia, by Podolia, and Kiania (Provinces of the kingdom of Polonia) against the Duke of Muscovia, who hindered the cutting which the Turk would have made in (the river of 
Hust yielded to King john.  
* This cutting was of this river Volga, within it of Don, called Tanais, the better to bring the commodities which come by that river by the said river of Don, even unto Constantinople by the great Sea.  Volga) fearing that under false intelligence it might turn against himself, sent an Ambassador of his to Constantinople, by him to give Selim to understand, how the Transylvanian, against the articles of truce, was in arms, and caused it to be bruited abroad that he would assail Hungary: and upon this he desired his greatness not to censure hardly of him, if he defended himself, assuring him that though he had not given any consentment to such new enterprises, yet he had given sufficient order and as much as was needful, for opposing himself against john: but if this enterprise was done with his consent, he not knowing of his 
Maximilian complaineth to Selim of King john.  part any occasion thereof, he desired him that he would at one word tell him, to the end he might justify his cause, or else freely to accept of war. Selim answered him, that he had neither advised nor consented thereto, neither for the one nor other; and promised him if the Transylvanian or Moldavian were in arms to offend or disturb him, that both the one and other should be by him punished.  
The Emperor satisfied by this answer, afterwards laboured to do so much to effect this, that certain of the principal of the Hungars (who were discontent with him, for that they were not in such esteem with his Majesty, as they thought they had well deserved) should not proceed any further in rebellion, which already began to be on foot towards Cassovia and Tocchay, these Lords being provoked thereto by the Transylvanian (as afterward was known) who did solicit them with fair promises, making on his part great preparations, the better to seize himself of certain other important places. But the Turk writ to him that he should desist, and threatened 
Selim threateneth K. john.  to deprive him of his estate, if in that time he enterprised any thing against the Emperor. The Hungars being thus remoderated and pacified with their King, gave order to repair their Fortresses.  
In this time the Emperor would never condescend to the persuasions of 
Maximilian solicited by the Pope and Venetians to make war upon the Turk.  the Venetians or Pope to make war upon the Turk, saying, he well knew that in time matters would be pacified, and he alone should remain charged with the burden of the war. The cause which moved the Venetians to stir up as well the Emperor as other Christian monarchs, was, that they might prevail against the Turk, who had sent to them a Chiauss to demand the kingdom of Cypress, as depending on the East Empire: and well knowing that they had not forces sufficient to withstand so great a Lord, they did solicit the Pope that he would give them aid, and in like sort to employ his Holiness to all the Princes for the same effect: for which, they had dispatched to his Imperial Majesty jacques Soranze a Venetian, a man greatly esteemed, with charge to go further to the King of Polonia. But the goodly and apparent reasons of this man could effect nothing with Maximilian, for the only consideration which we have said: and feigning himself ill at ease, dismissed Soranze, breaking all hope to join Germany in this league. Selim on the other part having some doubt that the Transylvanian would accord with the Emperor, (although he was well assured of Maximilian, by reason of the truce and many other businesses dispatched together) caused the town of Buda to be fortified, and other his places of Hungary. The Pope not minding to be directed with the first word, by the declarations that Maximilian had made, to the discourses and persuasions which his Nonce had used to his Majesty: the Emperor to please his Holiness, caused a Diet to be called at Spire, where having caused very largely to be laid out the demands of the Pope and Venetians, with many offers made to his Majesty by the Leaguers: after many advices, it was resolved that they would do no other thing therein, although they had certain knowledge of more than one person, that there were there many of the principals of the assembled, who freely and liberally would accord to the Pope's demands, they being advised that it was an excellent occasion to preserve Christendom, and specially Germany and Hungary from so many imminent perils as environed them.  
With this resolution the Diet was dissolved, in which no other thing was 
Maximilian resigneth the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia to his son Rodolph.  done, but the voluntary yielding that the Emperor made to his son Rodolph of the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia, with the consent of the Lords of both the kingdoms: in regard of which, they made at Vienna and Ispurch great feasts and triumphs.  
Within a while after Sigismond King of Polonia sent his Ambassadors to the said Rodolph, to congratulate with him for the honours which he had received of his father: and within a very little while after this King (who was of the ancient house of jagellons) departed this world. This man was the 
The death of Sigismond King of Polonia.  son of Sigismond the first of that name, and of Bonna the daughter of the Duke of Milan, and had no other brothers, but only four sisters. He married one of the daughters of the Emperor Ferdinand, who being dead, he married for his second wife one of his subjects, a gentlewoman endued with exquisite beauty and incomparable grace, by whom he had not any children. He caused not his warlike deeds so to appear against the Turks, Muscouits, and Tartars as his father did: but nevertheless he knew well to maintain his kingdom in peace. For default of issue begotten by him, the Princes, and Lords of the kingdom (who have authority for the election of a new King) assembled themselves to choose another, there being remaining of the jagellons but one sister of the last deceased, not yet married. The succession of this kingdom doth not ordinarily fall to the kindred of the dead, but cometh sometimes by election, for which is made a great assembly, termed amongst them and the Germans a Diet. In this there are present 
The manner of the election of a King of Polonia.  fifteen Prelates of the kingdom: to wit, the Archbishop of Gnesna chief of all, and Legat natus for the Pope in Poland, the Archbishop of Leopolde, the Bishop of Carcovia, he of Vratislavia, the Bishops of Chelmen, Polocen, Varnia, Clunem, Presmilia, and of Cameneren, which ten Bishops are of the kingdom. There are four other of Lituania who also have their voice at such Diets: to wit, the Bishop of Samogithie, of Vilne, of Chronien, and of Lutturiensa. After these Prelates there are present the governors of Castles, amongst which the most noted is he of Cracovia, who is the most favoured of the King, for that he hath in his custody the life of his Majesty. This man goeth before the Palatins of Poland, which are those of Cracovia, Posnania, Colosense, Siradiense, Bresten, Lanticiense, Russia, Innonblevia, jublinense, Belcense, Plocen, Ravense, and he of Massovia. With these came the seven Palatins of Lituania: to wit, he of Vilne, Kioky, Samogithia, Trocense, Vitiliense, Polocense, and he of Nouograde. The Palatins have many Provinces under them, and every Province sendeth thither two messengers. The Chancellor, Vicechauncellor, Treasurer of the kingdom, and he of the Court have in this assembly places in the first rank. All that which is resolved upon in this Diet by the greatest part of those that are there, is held firm and stable. And if therein be treated any matter which belongeth not to the election of a new King, it may be resolved in this assembly, although it be against the Kings will. And from thence it cometh that the Kings are less warlike in action, then in courage, because that they cannot undertake any war, if it be not granted to them by such assemblies.  
This Diet whereof we now write, for the election of a new King, was appointed at Varsovia. To it were come many Ambassadors from the greatest Princes of Europe, some requesting and suing for their Masters, and others soliciting in the behalf of those whom they would recommend. From Charles the King of France there was first come thither the Lord of Lansac, 
Ambassadors from the King of France pursuing in Polonia the election of Henry D. of Anjou.  well understanding the Slavonian tongue, and greatly experienced in these Northerly countries; and after there came thither the Bishop of Valence, of the house of Monluc, a good Orator, as also the Lord of Rambovillet. These men by reason of their goodly speech and fair promises, setting out also the great reputation that the Duke of Anjou (brother to Charles) had already gotten through all the world, by the great armies which already he had conducted in those young years wherein he was, did so well, that he for whom they spoke was chosen King of Poland: and the election published, presently there was dispatched a Lord of Poland to the said Duke of Anjou, who then (as Lieutenant general for King Charles) held the town of Rochel besieged. This Prince having received this gracious news, (which 
The siege of Rochel.  tended nothing else but to the increase of his glory, because he saw that it was extended to the uttermost parts of the world, as well by the proper nature thereof, which is to fly with renown from one Region to another by passing the seas, as also by reason of so many Northerly Princes, against whom contrary to all men's opinions he carried away the credit and honour, to be reputed the most valiant and warlike Prince of all) considering that this siege, by reason of the strength of the town, and valiantness of the soldiers who were within, was to continue so long a time, that it might bring some prejudice to his new estate, and also being pricked forward by this Polish Lord who was come to him, who had been thereto solicited by them that favoured the assieged: his Highness prayed the King his brother that he would give him leave and dismiss his army, after he had made some accord with the Rochellers, to the end to advise upon his particular affairs, and to hasten his voyage into Poland. He being come to Paris, and by the persuasion of the King having accepted this election, and sworn between the hands of the Ambassadors, who were already arrived in this town, (appointed by the general assembly of the kingdom of Poland) to keep and 
Henry travaileth into Poland.  observe the conditions with which he had been chosen, and the laws of the kingdom, without prejudicing nevertheless his successive right to the Crown of France, if it should so fall out; after he had amassed great store of money, to the sum of two millions, as well to content those who had chosen him, as to make his voyage, he departed from the Court, accompanied with the Queen his mother, and with many other Princes and Lords of France, whereof some and the greatest part accompanied him unto Polonia. Passing through the country of the Count Palatin, he there received 
The indiscretion of Count Palatin of Rhein.  some discourtesy by this Lord, in showing him the picture of the deceased Admiral of France, called Coligny, otherwise Chastillon, slain with many other Lords of the pretended reformed religion in the town of Paris the 24. of August the last precedent year, the which Admiral was always assisted by men of war and counsel, sent by the said Lord to the wars, which for the space of ten or twelve years were maintained in France for Religion.  
As this man thought to brave this Prince, on the other side the Duke of Saxony was astonished at the coming of this new King passing through his country, seeing near him the Polonians in arms. In the end, Henry at 
Henry received King of Polonia.  the beginning of the year entered into his kingdom, he being received thereinto with great applause: and after having again sworn the observance of the country laws, he received the tokens and royal Ensigns, according to the ancient custom.  
Almost about the same time, yet a little before Stephen, otherwise called john, son of john the vaivode, and King of Transiluania, departed this world, without any lawful issue. By reason of this decease there began to 
The death of john King of Transiluania.  break forth new troubles in Transiluania, because that the Turk procured that this Province (which was commodious to him for the passage into Hungary) should maintain itself in league with him, and under the same confederacy which was between him and john. On the other side, Maximilian aspired to this kingdom, as well by the right and inheritance of his 
Pretences of Maximilian to the kingdom of Transiluania.  deceased mother, who had succeeded King Lewis her brother, as also by reason of Stephen's will and testament, who at his death had named him his heir, and ordained that this kingdom should be yielded to him, pricked thereto perhaps by remorse of conscience, or else fearing that it should fall into the Turks hands, who made to him great suit therefore: which could not happen but to the great damage of all Christendom. But the Barons of the country did not so presently resolve upon that which they should have done, because that on the one side they seared the Turks forces (who would not fail to endamage them) if they should give themselves to the Emperor. On the other side they feared worse, if they should elect a King at his devotion. Upon such fears many months passed without any resolution. Certain men of note fearing the just anger of the Emperor against them, because (during the life of King john) they banded against his Imperial Majesty in manner of hostility, firmly resisted those who favoured Maximilians part, and who demanded that the testament of the dead should be put in execution. These fears engendered amongst them great diversity, which was an occasion long to delay their last resolution. But within a few months after it was finally concluded amongst them, that they should particularly choose a King of their nation, minding thereby to preserve their kingdom, and that they might remain in peace with the Turk they would pay him the accustomed tribute, and that he who should be chosen King should maintain himself in peace with the Emperor, they all judging thereby that the Turk would have occasion to content himself with them, and that the Emperor should not be so much offended against them. For this consideration they chose for their King Stephen Battor, the 
Stephen Battor chosen King of Transiluania.  principal Baron amongst them.  
About this time the Emperor published the resignation which he made of the kingdom of Hungary to the profit of his eldest son Rodolph, who the year before he caused to come out of Spain, where he had sojourned a certain time with the Catholic King his uncle. The crowning of him with many magnificent and sumptuous ceremonies was made in the town of Poson. And for that such things are notable and worthy to be known for those who desire to please themselves in the knowledge of that which is 
The crowning of a King of Hungary.  strange to them, I purpose to recite and write them in this history.  
The place of Poson (which anciently was called Pisonium, because it was built by Piso a Roman) being appointed for this pomp, all the States of 
Poson called Pisonium.  the country were called thither. These being assembled, the day before their entry into the town, the Emperor and Empress entered by night into the town in their Coaches with many lights and torches, accompanied with the Prince Mathias and Maximilian their younger sons the 20. of September, not minding no more than did the other Lords of their Court, to enter therein publicly in the day time. The day following departed from Ambourg (otherwise called Sopron) Rodolph, accompanied with his brother Ernestus, and many other Princes and Lords. Before him departed 
Ambourg called Sopron.  out of the town (a league off) his two other brothers Mathias and Maximilian, in whose company was the Archbishop of Strigonium Primate of the kingdom, who had with him six Bishops followed of other Lords, of the Nobility and Cavalarie of Hungary. At the meeting, the Archbishop (to whom belonged this charge) with a brief and elegant oration in Latin, after he had prayed to God that it would please him to make this his entrance and coming prosperous and fortunate for the peace, and comfort of his subjects, he promised to him in the name of all the kingdom obedience and fidelity. The Prince answered him with a modesty mixed with a sweet kind of gravity, that he thanked the kingdom for so good an affection in his behalf, and that he prayed God that he would give him that grace in such sort to bear this charge, that his divine Majesty might be well served therein, that it would please him to make him such an one that all the Provinces and people of the kingdom might never have occasion to repent themselves to have obeyed him: but rather that they would be very well content with his election, promising to employ all his forces to the good, preservation, and augmentation of all the kingdom as well in general as particular. This said, they began to proceed on towards Poson with this pomp; the Hungarish Cavalarie marching before to the number of 3000. horse, divided under 42. Ensigns, with so goodly an order and so well guarded, that it was a marvelous thing to see, because that these soldiers did wear upon their heads most goodly and glistering headpieces enriched with gold, and fair works engraven upon them, and upon the front they had great plumes made of white Peacock's feathers, that covered all the body which they had armed with bright cuirasses, or Shirts of mail. Upon the left arm they carried Targets after their manner, certain whereof had about them three hems or borders of the same feathers, and in their hands and at the saddle bow they held Lances, Sables, Clubs, and Maces of iron. They were all mounted upon very good horses, which made them the more worthy to be regarded, for so much as their harnesses was enriched with gold, and their headpieces furnished with great plumes, with many precious stones and pearls of great value, in such sort that it seemed that this people carried with them all their worth, which is a means to encourage and defend themselves more courageously against the enemy. That which made this Cavalarie seem yet more proud and gallant, were the skins of Bears and Tigers which the horsemen did wear upon their shoulders, and mane of their horses. After this ordinance marched all the gentlemen of the train of the Princes, of Bavier, of the Archduke of Austria, of the two younger sons of the Emperor, and many other of his majesties house, so nobly appareled, and their horses so trimly decked, that they made this pomp very magnificent, they all having chains of gold about their necks. The Prince Maximilian marched after these, having on his left hand the Prince of Cleveland. After him marched Prince Ernestus, who had his brother Mathias on his left hand, and Prince Ferdinand of Bavier on his right. Behind came Prince Rodolph in the midst of the Archduke of Austria his uncle, and of Prince William of Bavier. After these Princes was to be seen the aforesaid Archbishop with his Prelates in the midst of the emperors guard. This new King with this pomp was received without the bridge by the German infantry, which was ranged in battle to the number of 5000. and of others 500 soldiers who were for the guard of the Port, and in like sort of all the people, who of all sorts of age and condition were gathered together to see and receive this new King with great applause, and to conduct him to the archiepiscopal palace which was prepared for him. He went about evening to kiss the hands of the Emperor and Empress, who embraced him very lovingly. The 25. of September the necessary things for his coronation being prepared, the Emperor went to the Cathedral Church in great pomp with his Imperial habit, accompanied with his Heralds, being carried in a chair, by reason that then he was troubled with the gout which did daily molest him. Before him marched the great Marshal of the Empire, having in his hand the naked sword. After followed the Ambassadors of Princes, and the gentlemen of his Court. His Majesty being placed on the top of the choir, where his siege was prepared under a Canopy and that of the Empress: on his right hand sat the Archduke Charles, Prince William of Bavier, Prince Ernestus, Ferdinand of Bavier, Maximilian, Mathias, and the Prince of Cleve. On the left hand was placed john Dolfin the Pope's Nuncio, the Ambassador of the Catholic King, and he of Venice. After arrived the new King, accompanied with the Princes which we have named, and of all the Nobility of Bohemia and Hungary. These Princes being entered into the Church, and having made reverence to the Emperor, took their places appointed for them. But Rodolph entered into the Vestarie, from whence he presently after came out bare headed, being appareled with a white rob, which they said sometime was belonging to S. Stephen the first King of Hungary, and before him went ten Hungarian Barons sumptuously appareled, each one carrying a Standard in his hand, wherein were represented the ten Provinces subject to this kingdom, although the most part of them are possessed at this day by the Turk. These are they, Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia, Sclavonia, Servia, Galicia, Rascia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Lodomiria. After these ten followed five other Barons, the one of which carried a Relic in token of peace, set in a round form of gold. The second carried a Sword undrawne in a crimson velvet scabbard trimmed with silver. The third had the Sceptre in his hand. The fourth held a little Globe of gold. And the last carried the Crown. All these jewels (as it is said) belonged to the said S. Stephen, and are among the Hungars held in such regard, that they esteem him not for lawful King who enjoyeth them not. These five Barons were followed by the new King, who had upon his right hand the Marshal of the kingdom, who held in his hand the naked Sword. With this train and company the King coming to the choir, two Bishops came before him into the midst of the Church, to wit, he of Agria, and Zagrabia, who after a few words conducted him (being in the midst of these two) before the Archbishop, who was solemnly appareled. At the feet of him Rodolph kneeling, the Archbishop gave him his blessing, and anointed him with the accustomed ceremonies. There the Epistle being ended, the Archbishop girded his Sword about him, causing him to draw it out of the scabbard, and to lift it up on high three times, demonstrating thereby that he should be bound by arms to defend the faith of jesus Christ against Infidels and Heretics. Then the Archbishop demanded with a loud voice of the people (who are present at the ceremonies) if they would accept this Prince for their King. Then every one with infinite acclamations cried, that they desired and would have him for their King. Upon this the Archbishop taketh his oath, and putteth the Crown upon his head, and the Sceptre in his hand. The King raising himself, they take the Sword from his side, which they give to the Marshal of the kingdom, to carry it always before his Majesty. Then the Archbishop leadeth the King (wearing his Crown on his head, and holding the Sceptre in his hand) into his Throne. At all these ceremonies the Archbishop useth certain prayers and admonitions appointed for that purpose. After that the Archbishop sitteth down by the King while they sing Te Deum: which ended, the Archbishop returneth to the Altar to end the Mass. That done, the King in the same habit goeth out of the Church, causing pieces of gold and silver to be thrown to the people, and newly coined under his name: and from this Church with the same company he went to the Cordiliers, in which he made many Knights as well Hungars as strangers: and from thence he went mounted on horseback richly decked (although he did earnestly lament) two miles from the town, to accomplish certain ceremonies depending upon the oath which the Kings ought to make in such sacred things. In the mean time the Emperor after he had most affectionately thanked the Ambassadors for their assistance, and had permitted them to depart, he was brought back to the Castle. The Saturday following they made many feasts; and upon the Sunday 100 brave gentlemen performed an excellent Tourney. Amongst these (according to the judgement of the assistance) the two princes Maximilian and Mathias behaved themselves valiantly; the one of them fought against a Spaniard the son of the Spanish Ambassador, and the other against a Duke of Poland. At night the Emperor made a most rich and sumptuous supper for all the Princes, who all for reverence of the Emperor were bare headed, except the King and Archduke Charles, who went before the King being placed by the Empress. Two days after they presented an assault given against a town made of wood, for defence of which were certain Knights greatly esteemed.  
This same year ended the truce between Selim and Maximilian. The 
The truce between Selim and Maximilian expired.  Emperor perceiving no more strength to be in him, such as before it was, and knowing his small forces, or else for some other consideration, Selim sought to obtain of him a prolonging of the truce. But Selim not so readily condescending as Maximilian desired, the truce in that time expired: and presently the Turks of the next garrisons failed not to put themselves into the field, and to harry and assail the frontiers, carrying away with them great store of booty. Rodolph, with Maximilian his Father, determined to erect a Fort between Poson and Alberegalis, to restrain such incursions. The Turks well foreseeing that which might happen by such a building, resolved not to suffer to be finished before their eyes, a place which should be to them of too great importance, and by the same means to hinder the designs of Rodolph. For this end having amassed together their forces, which might amount unto 20000. men, they suddenly assailed this Fort in a manner finished: & entering in by force, they killed the garrison and all the labourers who worked there: and after they had reversed all that edifice, they lead with them from thence store of artillery and other munition of war. Rodolph sent to Constantinople to complain to Selim for such an enterprise made by his people daring the time of the treaty of peace, and without there being of either party any other former declaration of war, redemaunding that which was taken from him at this Fort. But the answer was a denial of all that which his Majesty demanded, and to which they added threats if he persisted in such demands. The Emperor (notwithstanding his voluntary yielding which he had made to his son Rodolph of the Crown of Hungary) having no less care of this kingdom than he had before, & considering how greatly the losses which the people received by these incursions were damageable, and that by this occasion, necessity constrained him to take arms to defend it from the violence of his enemies, and to recover that which they took from him, caused to be published a Diet at Ispurch, calling thither all the Princes of Germany; and there proposing to them the peril imminent to all their nation, and how little they ought to trust the promises of Infidels, exhorted them to take arms with him for the defence of the whole nation. The Princes moved by his persuasions, concluded to undertake this war with him, they all 
Succours granted to the Emperor by the Germans.  judging that it was more expedient to make open war, then to remain always in suspense and doubt. And upon this conclusion they gave order for necessaries thereto.  
In the mean time Charles King of France a long time vexed with such continual troubles in his kingdom, or else because he had used too much 
The death of Charles King of France.  excess in his ordinary exercises, in which too violently he passed the time, or else by reason of some poison, as some said, died within a few days, even then when his life was most necessary for France, not leaving after him but one legitimate daughter of him and his wife, named Elizabeth, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian. Henry his brother King of Polonia being advertised 
Henry King of Polonia stealeth away, and cometh into France.  of his death, made present instance to the Lords of Poland to permit him to go into France to take possession of so great a kingdom, and to set things in order there, promising them to return again within few months. The Pollacques would not willingly grant to him that which he demanded: nevertheless they answered him that they would consent thereunto, if so be that for that effect a Diet should be assembled, without which they could grant him nothing. In the mean time his Majesty gave order to lock up his best implements and jewels, and to depart secretly with all speed: and after he had sent away before the Ambassador of France, under colour that his authority was expired by the decease of his Master, and seeing that to attend any longer the resolution of this Diet (which the Pollacques delayed from day to day of purpose to detain him) and being resolved to depart, he caused to be written in his name by the Lord of Pibrac a letter in Latin to the Senate of Poland, by which his Majesty advertised them, that the occasion more than apparent, and the need of France forced him to depart from their kingdom sooner than he thought for, without further expecting the issue of the Diet, he being solicited by messengers upon messengers to do it by the Princes and Lords of France, and especially by the Queen his Mother, without further expecting the issue of the Diet. Having left these letters upon his table, and as the said Lord of Pibrac had ended them, his Majesty departed in the night from Cracovia out at a secret postern, of which he usually had the keys to go on hunting: and being mounted on horseback, he made so good speed, that within a short time he was out of the limits of the kingdom of Poland: and being come to the confines of the emperors territories, he was received by his Imperial Majesty, and by his children with all demonstration of great amity, and by them conducted to Vienna, where he was honoured and used with all manner of honourable respects. From thence he went to Venice, where the Signiory provided for him a magnificent entry. After that he passed by Ferrara, Mantua, and Turin, being greatly entertained by the Princes of Italy. An Ambassador of Poland met him at Ferrara, who greatly complained himself of his Majesty, and protested that if he returned not within a short time, the Polonians were resolved to make choice of a new King, for that this kingdom could not remain without the presence of a King. His Majesty desired him to stay this resolution, promising him to return within a short time. From Turin within few days he arrived in France, at the same time that the Hungars giving order to their affairs, and fortifying their frontier places against the Turks, prepared for the war: and this they did so much the more willingly, for that they already saw amongst them many disorders, and that in Transiluania there was declared King (by the command of the Turk) Stephen Battor, a man of great experience, of whom they had some fear, and not without cause. Upon such distrusts and with such preparations they began both of the one part & other greatly to be endamaged. But during such fears as the Hungars had, by reason of the Turk, he already preparing to destroy all Christians, and feeling himself marvelously puffed up with glory, by reason of the happy successes which betided him in Africa: and thinking to take away from the Venetians the I'll of Candie, as he had done that of Cypress, he died within few days after. He was a Prince above all other 
The death of Selim.  of his time greatly perjurious, barbarous, and wholly fraughted with treachery, he being not come to this Empire but by deceits and falsehoods, having induced his father to cause all his brethren to be massacred, as it was afterwards averred: and having thus filled his house with homicides and murders, he observed not any law or religion, but was drowned in all filthy and villainous vices whatsoever. This death happened then when the Polonians (seeing that their King Henry was peaceably possessed of the Crown of France, and that the time by him prefixed, was expired many months already past) began to treat of the election of another King. Henry being advertised of their intention, desired the Electors and Barons of the kingdom that they would attend until a certain time, in which space he promised to return to them, or else that he would send them full commission to choose another, such as they would think to be more commodious for them. To this request (being joined the threats of Amurath the Turk) the Polonians contented themselves to stay until the prefixed time. This passed, and at the last expired, the Diet was appointed at Cracovia.  
The Emperor Maximilian after that he was advertised that the intention of the Polonians was not to remain without the presence of a King, began to negotiate with them to cause himself to be chosen King amongst them. On the other side, Amurath (who succeeded Selim) having understood 
Amurath the son of Selim soliciteth the Polonians to choose Battor for their King.  the suits which the Emperor made, sent to the Pollacques, and advised them to do nothing in that affair which was disliking to him, and that he would they should choose for their King one amongst them, or else Stephen Battor King of Transiluania. And the more to astonish this negotiation of Maximilian, he writ unto him by a Chiauss, that he and his brothers the Archdukes should pay him tribute of all whatsoever they possessed, otherwise that he would march into Hungary and Austria with a puissant army to put all to fire & sword; threatening him in the end, that if for him or any of his he should practise the getting of the kingdom of Polonia, he would make him repent it. Notwithstanding these threats, the Emperor (by means of those who were of his party) was chosen K. of Poland, against the King of 
Maximilian chosen King of Polonia.  Transiluania and Duke of Muscovia, which two perceiving themselves greatly disdained, determined to endamage with all their forces that kingdom. Maximilian being advertised thereof, and foreseeing that he should draw upon himself so many and so puissant enemies, and considering that he had not sufficient forces to oppose himself against them, and especially against the Turk (who prepared to thrust himself into Poland, being offended with this, that the Polonians had so slightly regarded his advertisements and messengers) fearing to trouble himself in a war too dangerous for him and his, from whence very hardly he could untangle himself, made no great show of rejoicing at this election: but laying aside the care which he ought to have had of it, feigned as though he knew nothing thereof, prolonging by that means the taking possession of that kingdom, under a hope that after the first assaults of these Princes there would not thereby happen to him in the end any other thing. Nevertheless the Polonians fearing the puissance of the Turk, who prepared himself to arms, would not persist in this election, using for their excuse the long delay which Maximilian made. Thus the Bishop of Cracovia, many Polish and Lituanian Lords fearing the Turk, and other Princes their neighbours, made choice of Stephen Battor for their King, hoping by this election to appease the Turk, the Muscovite, and other Princes, who hated the greatness of the Austrian house: 
Battor chosen King of Polonia.  and on the other side this Battor was a Prince of great valour. To this new election Albert Lasky Palatin would never consent, nor perform the homage which he ought to this new King, and choosing rather to abandon his country and goods, he retired out of the kingdom, with all those who favoured the Imperial party.  
Now Battor knowing that he was chosen, went from thence presently into 
Battor received into Poland.  to Polonia, and after he was crowned, he sent into divers Provinces to notify his election, and namely to the Emperor Maximilian, sending him word that if in former time he had been to him a friend, and favoured his actions, that for the time to come he would yet honour him more, and that he would respect him both as a friend and Emperor, and that he should not take displeasure that this Crown was fallen into his hands, who had been always favourable unto him, desiring that since through the dissensions of the Barons and Electors of Poland, and by some wicked solicitations of some Princes (who envied the greatness of the house of Austria, and who by divers means had hindered his election) he would be contented that this kingdom was come to such a person as reverenced his Majesty, and greatly loved him, and specially considering that this last election would be the cause to quench many troubles, which might be an occasion to overthrow the Estate of that kingdom.  
Maximilian (for all these goodly reasons and kind offers) would not be appeased: but entering into choler, made sufficient appearance that this election greatly displeased him: adding, that he would make the Polonians repent it. Upon this displeasure, the Muscovit and Denmark being joined 
The King of Denmark and the Mulcovit make war in Polonia.  together, with certain of the emperors forces, greatly endamaged by sea the rivers of Livonia, and having set foot on land at Plescouia, ran very far into the country. Battor notwithstanding being received and crowned King of Poland, caused to be published a Decree, by which he permitted all those who were retired forth of the kingdom for favouring the emperors part, to return home to the same Estates, dignities, and prerogatives which before they had: and if in case they would not return and swear such oath of fealty to him as they ought, they should be proclaimed rebels to his Majesty, and enemies to the Crown.  
In this time of the election of Battor, the Emperor appointed a Diet at Ratisbone, to advise of means by which they might hinder that his people should not be thus daily exposed to the mercy of the common enemy, who continually molested Hungary. Afterwards his Majesty demonstrated to 
Maximilian demandeth aid of the Germans to make war upon the Polonians.  the Princes who were present therein, and to the Ambassadors of them who were absent, that he was chosen King of Polonia, and that by that means Livonia and Russia were fallen under the Empire, and that the Polonians for fear of the Turk had varied in their election, and afterwards chosen another, whereof he was exceeding heavy: further declaring to them that his intention was not to be silent therein: and for this cause desired them to assist him, to the end that by means thereof he might preserve these two great countries to the Empire. And that he might the better obtain their forces, he exhorted them all to maintain themselves in peace one with another, commanding them that for the time to come they should not any more suffer their subjects to go and serve strangers in their wars. This Diet 
Succours granted to Maximilian.  was transferred to Ausbourg, in which he did so much, that the ordinary succours for war was continued to him. The Bohemians offered him besides the ordinary, 1500. horse; and the Hungars 300. Pistoliers, and 400. Harquebuziers on horseback: and the Slesians 600. horse, 100 Pistoliers, and 800. Harquebuziers on horseback. To these succours, offered themselves the King of Denmark, the Duke of Saxony, Pomerania, and of Brandeburg. And in the end there was concluded a league between the Emperor, the Kings of Denmark and Swethland, the Duke of Saxony, 
A league against the Polonians.  the Duke of Muscovia, and the Dukes of Brandebourg and Pomerania, for defence of the Empire, and invading of Polonia, all these complaining for the election of Battor, who, that he might aspire to the Crown of Poland against them all, had presumed so much under the protection of the Turk. Besides, they feared that he in regard of the bond which he had to Amurath, would take arms against the Emperor: who not content with this 
Maximilian sent to solicit the Sophy against Amurath.  league, sent as well in his name, as in the name of the King of Spain, his Ambassadors into Persia, to excite the Sophy King of Persia, to make war upon the Turk. This word King is called in the Persian language Scach, and the Turks surname it Sophy, which we commonly think to proceed of this Greek word Sophia, which signifieth wisdom, which in the Turkish language signifieth wool. And the Turks used this scoff against Ishmael heretofore King of Persia, for that he following his opinion or heresy, would teach that he must cover his head with wool, because it was more vile and base than linen, whereof the Turks make their Turbans. Battor having discovered the voyage of these Ambassadors, caused them to be surprised in their journey, and to be massacred: and sent to Amurath their letters of credence and instructions, by which there were discovered unto him the diseignes of his enemies: which being reported to the Emperor, he was greatly displeased thereat, and caused the Ambassadors of Battor to be arrested, and many other Pollacques who then were in Germany and at Vienna: and sent to all the christian Princes to require aid of them, seeing the Protestants of Germany denied him such aid as the imminent peril required, for that his Majesty would not condescend to the demands which they made to him for the affairs of Religion.  
In this Diet notwithstanding the reclamation and hindrance of some Electors of the Empire, his Majesty caused to be declared his son Rodolph 
Rodolph the son of Maximilian declared King of the Romans.  Emperor after him, and caused to be imposed upon him the title of King of the Romans. This was then when the Muscovite Ambassadors arrived at the Court to confirm the league made with his Imperial Majesty, their master being greatly incensed against the Polonians, for that he was by them thus disdained. These having presented to the Emperor many goodly presents, offered in their master's name to his Majesty, all his ability to subdue Polonia. Maximilian accepting these offers, thanked the Ambassadors for the good affection of their Prince, reserving power to use his aid until time should require it.  
Whilst he was in providing for all that which concerned the estate of the next war, (his Majesty being suddenly taken with a vehement trembling 
The death of Maximilian.  of his members, and with a great panting of his heart) he ended his days. He was a Prince who well knew to preserve his Imperial dignity and the greatness of his house. Having received the administration of the Empire, his father living, the care which he always had in his mind, was to keep Germany in peace, and in such sort to effect it, that it should not any more feel the former calamities whereinto it was fallen. For this cause some seeing Germany in so great repose, had a sinister opinion of him, as though he had too much favoured the Protestants. But these men did not consider that amongst so many divisions and hazards as were already in France, Flaunders, & other countries, it was not profitable for the Catholic party to add Germany thereto, for fear lest the rest of the Catholics might not be in like peril. This Prince in his young years was very hot of the war. He greatly loved the professors of the liberal arts, and especially handicrafts men. He had a delight to please every one. He spoke most familiarly many and divers sorts of languages, so that it seemed he was borne with them: and although he had a subtle and fine wit, oftentimes having an intention contrary to his actions, yet nevertheless he was endued with many other virtuous qualities.  
To this man succeeded in the Imperial dignity, Rodolph second of that name his son, King of Bohemia and Hungary, a most Catholic and religious Prince. He in the same Diet of Ausburg in which he was chosen King of the Romans was received for Emperor whilst that the Diet continued. 
Rodolph received Emperor.  Presently his Majesty commanded (the better to take away all hopes of change from all his subjects in his hereditary estates) that they should live catholicly: and caused to be made severe executions against those who would undertake to preach any other doctrine but Catholic, and by his example & speeches persuaded all the Princes, Catholics and Protestants, carefully to observe God's commandments. So soon as he was proclaimed Emperor, he caused the Polish Ambassadors to be released, and sent to Amurath to demand truce, which without any great difficulty was accorded 
Truce between Amurath and Rodolph.  to him; because that the Turk having had advertisement of the war which the King of Persia prepared against him, and of the resolution of the Germans, who had made a great levy of soldiers and money upon every estate of the Empire, to maintain war against him, could not any whit assure himself to be able to make resistance in so many places, his Empire elsewhere being sorely weakened by the just punishment of God, with plague, war, and famine: in regard of which, he very easily granted the demands of Rodolph. At the same time all the Christian Princes sent to his Majesty to congratulate with him his new promotion in the Imperial dignity: and amongst others, Battor not long before chosen King of Poland also sent his Ambassadors thither for the same effect, knowing the release that Rodolph had made of his Ambassadors while he besieged the rich town of Danzit, situated at the mouth of Vistula upon the sea of Prusia, being of the demains 
Danzit besieged by Battor.  of Polonia, which then held of Maximilians part, the inhabitants then knowing nothing of his death: but as soon as they were assured thereof, they capitulated with their new King and yielded to him under condition, that the town should not be spoiled, and that the penalty should be converted into money. They beside gave him 12. pieces of great Artillery with other lesser, and certain amongst themselves for hostages, to the end the more to assure his Majesty of their fidelity towards him. This done Battor presently caused his Army to make head against the Muscovit, to recover the places that the Duke had taken towards Livonia.  
During this business he omitted not to send to the Pope to acknowledge him as sovereign Prelate of the catholic Church: and by the same means 
Battor sent to acknowledge the Pope, and to seek for learned men in Italy.  sought through Italy for many Captains of valour, and other men of knowledge, offering them great pensions and rich recompenses, as he manifested to many, who both of one and other vocation went to him: this Prince being as much given to arms as he was endued with the knowledge of learning and sciences, and especially in divinity and histories, having passed his youth in the exercise of arms and learning in Germany and Italy. Within a short time he recovered all that which the Muscouits and Tartars had usurped upon him; and took many places from them, having 
Battor bringeth the Muscouits and Tartars to require peace.  so many times beaten them, that he constrained them in the end to seek peace of him, even as Demetrius' Duke of Muscovia for this effect solicited thereto Pope Gregory the 13. of that name, using him as a mean to this Prince, to the end that he might obtain it.  
The Hungars for all this were never a whit the more at rest. For notwithstanding the truce, Amurath (as these Princes are barbarous, proud, & covetous) caused to be stayed at Constantinople the emperors Ambassador, who at his new arrival brought not to him the accustomed Present. Rodolph willing to revenge himself of this injury, commanded his people who were in Hungary, to make incursions upon the Turks, and to enterprise some thing upon some of their places in stead of two Forts that these had taken in Croatia. The Hungars desirous to attempt somewhat upon certain Castles by Alberegalis, were in the way entrapped by the Turks, and most of them cut in pieces. The Emperor considering that these skirmishes might in the end engender a greater war, caused a Diet to be called in Bohemia, soliciting therein the Bohemians that they would succour him against the Turks, who, without regard of the truce, ran & spoiled continually the frontiers of his countries. These accorded to him a good sum of money. For the same effect he also called the Hungars to Poson, and not being able to be therein, for his indisposition, he showed to them by the Prince Ernestus his brother, the necessity which constrained him to solicit them to have regard to the common defence against the Turks, by whom daily they received so many oppressions. But his Majesty could then draw nothing from them at that time, minding that he himself should be in person at the Diet and war. In the end notwithstanding they daily perceiving the effects of the violence of their enemies (who notwithstanding the war of Persia, in which Amurath was greatly cumbered, ceased not nevertheless greatly to molest them, and procured them much trouble) granted to the Emperor the greatest part of his demands, and they all taking courage opposed themselves so valiantly against the Turks, that many times they constrained them to retire from them, and even to forsake a great part of the Country which they usurped. Rodolph notwithstanding so happy success of his people, ceased not to send to Amurath to complain of the great timerity of the Turks, who had not any respect to the truce concluded between them two. Amurath seeing himself to be greatly cumbered with the Persian, accorded with Rodolph, that of the one and other party 
Truce confirmed between the Emperor and Amurath.  should be deputed sundry persons to take counsel how they might pacify those differences which might arise between them upon their frontiers, touching the extension of their bounds.  
FINIS.   

A TABLE OF THE NOTABLEST THINGS AND MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS PRESENT HISTORY OF HUNGARY.  


A  
ABraham Bassa and his designs. 56. strangled. 57  
Absolution of the Pope for Ferdinand, and the murderers of George. 240  
Accanges, adventurers. 45  
Accord between the Emperor Charles and Duke Mauris of Saxony. 192  
Accord between Ferdinand and john King of Hungary. 57  
Accord between Izabella and Ferdidinand. 109. 112  
Achmeth Bassa sent 3000. horse from Buda to take Queen Izabella. 122. succoureth Drigall, besieged by the Palauicin. 218. joineth with Mahomet 220. flieth before Duke Mauris. 233. advertiseth Mustapha of the treason which was prepared against him. 266. appeaseth the Turks mutiny for the death of Mustapha. 269. confederate with Izabella. 273  
A valorous act of George Tury. 330 memorable acts of the women of Agria during their siege. 234. 235. siege of Agria raised. 236  
Advice of Leonard Gnomsky for ordering of the battle. 26  
Advice of Radich Bosich for the ordering of the battle. 27 diverse Advices for the preservation of the King in the battle. 26  
Aga, Captains of janissaries, taken by Dersfy. 296  
Agria fortified by Castalde. 96. assieged by Mahomet. 225. 232  
Agrians resolved to sustain the siege. 233. 235  
Aiduchs, Hungarian foot. 96. 120  
Aiduchs defeated by the Turk. 183. 199  
Aiduchs being druken assail Lippa, and there they are slain in great number. 143  
Ainachschen taken by the Turks. 318  
An Abbot prognosticating the death of George. 168  
Albe-grecque a Fortress, anciently called Taurinum. 14  
Albe-iula a capital town of Ortel. 13  
Albe-iula the seat of Queen Izabella, invested by Friar George. 83  
Albe-iula fortified by Izabella. 99 assieged by George. 100 rendered to him. 103  
Albe-iula yielded to Izabella. 272  
Alberegalis, the place of Coronation and burial of the Kings of Hungary. 12  
forty Burgesses of Alberegalis spitted by the Turks. 296  
Albert Lasky wherefore he fled out of Polonia. 284. and also chased by Ferdinand. ibid.  
Albert Lasky Palatin chose rather to abandon his country, then to consent to the election of Battor King of Polonia. 352  
Albert Rosemberg, a seditious man. 305  
Aldene master of the Camp succoureth Ottomiall at Zegedin. 179. is therefore reproved by Castalde. 180. saveth himself by great flight. 184. not careful, and of great cowardliness. 195. 196. he determineth to forsake Lippa, and to burn it with the Castle. 208. could not be diverted from his enterprise by any persuasion. 209. 210. 211. forsaketh Lippa, and burneth it with the Castle and munition. 212. flying into Transiluania, the most part of his people are defeated by the peasants. 212 his process made against him. 232. 252. lead to Vienna. 259. condemned to death, and after by favour saved. 260  
Alexis Thurzon Treasurer. 9  
A marvelous act of Alphonse Perez. 206  
Alteburg taken by the Turks. 45  
Aly Chiauss sent by Solyman to pacify the Transalpinians. 237. he travaileth the peace of the Hung. with the Turk. 245  
Ambassadors of France continuing in Polonia the election of Henry Duke of Anjou. 344  
Ambassador of Maximilian, wherefore he was stayed at Constantinople. 355  
Ambassador of Polonia to Henry the 3. returning into France. 350  
Ambassadors of Maximilian to Selim. 339  
Ambassadors of Maximilian to the Sophy, massacred by Battor. 353  
Ambassadors of Ferdinand to Solyman for peace. 72. excluded from their demand. 73  
Ambassadors of France at the Diet at Ausbourg. 281  
Ambassadors of Lewis to Christian Princes. 10  
Ambassador of Maximilian to the Turk. 296  
Ambassador of the Turks kept secretly at Wyvar by George, taken by Castalde. 170  
Ambassadors of Sigismond to Maximilian and john. 287  
Ambassador of Solyman sent to the Diet at Franckfort. 294  
Ambassadors ought not to be detained in place of prisoners taken in war. 295  
Ambassadors to Maximilian in favour of john. 287  
Ambust Otting a Colonel slain at the assault of Vienna. 49  
Amity containeth in it all virtues. 6  
Amurath, son and successor of Selim. 351. soliciteth the Polonians to choose Stephen Battor for their King. 351. caused to be stayed at Constantinople Maximilians Ambassador: and wherefore. 255. confirmeth the truce with Rodolph. 356  
Andrew Battor leadeth forces to Lewis. 16. joineth with Castalde against Izabella. 98  
Andrew Battor and Peter Vichy parley together. 112  
Andrew Battor entereth into possession of the low countries of Transiluania for Ferdinand. 120. forsaketh Lippa in great confusion. 130. is created vaivode of Transiluania. 187. demandeth to be discharged of the estate of Vayuodship. 252. is defeated by the Turk. 257  
Andrew Branday sent by Ferdinand to Castalde with succours. 128  
Andrew Orbancz Captain of the Castle of Strigonium, and his cowardliness. 32  
Andrionopolis the Rendezvous of the Turkish army going into Hungary. 44  
Anthony Baron of Bourg Nuncio from the Pope to Lewis. 11  
Army of Ferdinand's in Hungary. 62. defeated by Solyman. 59  
Army of Mahomet Bassa in Hungary. 196  
Army of Mustapha in Transiluania. 65  
Army of Pollacques for Izabella. 258  
Army of Hungars ranged in battle. 26  
Army of the Turks in Hungary for the succour of Q. Izabella. 44. 62. 125.  
Army of King john defeated. 42  
An Naval army of the Turks defeated upon Danubius. 47  
An Naval army upon Danubius for the Emperor. 321  
Armies of Lewis and Solyman. 26  
Artillery arrived at thè Hungarian Campe. 25  
Artillery of Roccandolph lost. 65  
Artillery of the Turks choked by the Agrians. 235  
Artillery of the Turks sunk in Danubius. 47  
Artillery of the Hungars taken by the Turks. 33  
Artillery carried from Buda to Constantinople. 38  
Artillery of the army and the carriage thereof. 92  
Artillery lost at Sighet, in number 100 pieces. 329  
Asapes, Turkish archers. 46  
A general assault given to Vienna. 49  
Assaults of the Germans at Buda valiantly withstood. 60  
Assaults given to Vienna by the Turk. 48  
Assiria changed the Estate by the great Conjunction of the stars. 4  
Ataviar taken by john. 286  
Ausbourg a rich town. 369  
Austrians demanded the exercise of the Confession of Ausbourg. 336. which is denied them. ibid.    


B  
BAchie, the Metropolitan town of Hungary. 14  
Bajazet son of Solyman and Rossa. 262  
Bajazet suspected of Solyman his father. 284  
Balator a Lake. 12  
Bullets anointed with fat cause death. 293  
Balthasar Taish a German Lord, put in chains with other slaves by the Turk. 74  
Ban, what dignity it is in Hungary. 8  
Ban of Croatia brought succours to King Lewis. 25  
Banmonostia, the Episcopal seat of Sirmia. 14  
Barons of Hungary, and their privilege. 18  
Barons dead in the battle against the Turk. 33  
Bartholomew Coruatte dismissed by Castalde from his government. 253  
Bassa of Buda in succour of Izabella. 83. retireth from George. 86. he succoureth Zegedin. 181. 182  
bashas practised by Lasky in favour of King john. 43  
Battle resolved, and reasons persuading thereto. 24  
Battle begun. 29  
Battle lost by the Hungars. 33  
Battle of the Hungars against Ferdinand. 243  
Battle between Raoul and Mirce, Vayvodes. 43  
Batha the rendezvous of the Hungars. 29  
Becche and Becherech Castles taken by the Belerbey. 129  
The Belerbey of Greece. The Belerbey of Greece came into Hungary with an army for Solyman against Ferdinand. 125. summoneth Themesuar. 128. taketh Becch and Becherech. 129. receiveth the wives and children of the Rhatians for hostages, and taketh Senath by composition. 130. also Lippa. 131. besiegeth Solymos, and forsaketh saketh it. 131. after that Themesuar. 132. raiseth the siege. 137. arriveth at Vercherez to succour Olyman assieged at Lippa: but too late. 160. returneth with Mahomet Bassa. 196  
Belgrade a capital town of Rascia. 12. the situation and renown thereof. 14  
Bernard Aldene, see Aldene.  
Bigihon a capital town of Croatia. 12  
Binse, where Friar George was killed. 163  
Bonna, Queen of Polonia, retireth into Italy, & dieth in bad reputation. 274  
Bornemisse a traitor to the Budians, executed. 60  
Bossina separated from Hungary by the river Saws. 11  
Burgomasters of the towns of Hungary practised by George to break the designs of Castalde. 154  
Brassovia, a town of great importance in Transiluania. 188  
Breme, a puissant town. 299  
Broderic Chancellor of Hungary. 7. 8  
Bucentaure of Venice. 274  
Buda taken and burned by the Turk. 32. abandoned by K. john, taken by Ferdinand. 39. retaken by Solyman. 45. assieged by Ferdinand. 59 taken by the Turk with deceit. 69  
Bugeron, a Moldavian word, what is signifieth. 244  
Bugeron, pursuing Mirce vaivode of Transalpinia defeated by Raoul. 244  
Bugeron, conspiring the death of the Moldavian, is discovered, and flieth into Polonia. 228. returneth and murdereth him. 130  
Bursia, the sepulchre of the Turkish Emperors. 271  
Bishops rich in Germany. 298  
Bones in the forest and Wirtesies, witnesses of the cruel massacre upon the Hungars. 35  
a Bridge built by trajan at Severin. 13    


C  
CAdilischiers, intendants of the justice in Turkey. 332  
Calamities of Christians subject to the Turk. 118. 119  
canoneers of what quality they ought to be. 92  
Captain of baggage in an army, and his charge. 94  
Captains of Pioneers, Spies, and Guides necessary in an army. 93  
Captains dead in the battle against the Turk. 33  
Captains taken by the Turk before Drigall. 219  
Carabogdania, otherwise Moldavia. 8  
Caransebesse doth yield to Mahomet. 207  
Carinthian soldiers of Ferdinand disorder those of King john's. 41  
Carpathes hills. 12  
Casson Bassa pursueth the rest of Ferdinand's army. 65  
Cassombassa taketh Lippa being abandoned. 216  
Cassombassa prepareth to enter into Transiluania. 237  
Cassombech defeated by the garrison of Deva. 254  
Cassouia accorded to Izabella for her being, and surety of her money. 109  
Castellan of Zaluoch worthy of note. 223  
Ceculians, or Sicilians. 100  
a Coffin covered with black, showed by the assieged to the enemy, what it signifieth. 234  
Ceremony for the funeral lamentation of the Emperor of Turkey. 332  
Ceremonies for the receiving of the grand Signior into Constantinople. 331  
Ceremonies observed in Spain upon them that are executed for their religion. 310  
Chameria daughter of Solyman and Rossa. 262  
Charity maketh us different from bruit beasts. 6  
Charles the 5. sent a Commander of an army to Ferd. to join with George against Izabella. 90. is called back again. 261  
Charles the Emperor and Ferdinand save themselves from Ispurch. 191  
Charles the Emperor renounceth the Empire in favour of Ferdinand. 274. arriveth in Spain, and is there welcomed. 277. dieth. 278  
Charles the young son of Charles is instructed by him. 277  
Charles the Archduke defeateth a Bassa. 331  
Charles Scheretin sent by Ferdinand to Castalde with succours. 128  
three Chariots full of Moldavian and Turks heads sent to Castalde. 198  
Chastisements of God how they may be stayed. 5  
Chendy Ference favoureth Izabella. 252. 227  
Chep an Island taken by Mahomet. 63  
cheers a river. 101  
a Chiauss from Solyman in favour of the Queen threateneth the Transylvanians. 82  
a Chiauss given to the Turk in exchange of Battors people. 257  
a Chiauss sent from the Turk to treat of a peace with the Emperor. 294  
a Chiauss bringing news to Selim of the death of Mustapha, is executed. 272  
a Chiauss sent back into Transiluania in favour of George. 87  
Count Christopher Francapain malcontent, forsaketh Hungary. 8  
Christopher Francapain chief of the Hungarish Army. 10. died in battle. 33  
Clement Athanase raiseth arms for Izabella. 260  
Coach, from whence the name is come. 9  
a Roman Colony in Hungary. 13. 16  
Colombes of brass carried from Buda to Constantinople. 38  
Colombes drawn by Tritons at the funeral of Charles the 5. 279  
Colosuar battered by the German mutineers. 296  
Comar, an Island. 12  
a commissary general over victuals in an army, and his charge. 91. another commissary. 92  
commissary over the munition of Artillery, and his charge. ibid.  
commissaries sent by Ferdinand to receive the treasure of George. 175  
Compassion of Solyman upon the fortune of Lewis. 37  
Count of Helfestain arriveth in Transiluania with an army for Ferd. 187  
Count Palatine his worthiness. 7  
Count Palatine his affection for the preservation of the kingdom. 15. 18  
Count Palatine, and of his duty in the battle. 27  
Count Palatine showing the King's person encourageth the Hungars. 28  
Count Salm enterpriseth upon Alberegalis. 295. taketh many places from the Turk. 322  
concavity between the heaven and us. 1  
Conditions of peace propounded to Ferdinand by Solyman. 73  
Council of the Inquisition of Spain. 310  
Conservation of another and his own necessary for an Estate. 6  
Considerations inducing Castalde to demand truce with the Turks. 239  
a Cup of gold of price and marvelous workmanship sent to Solyman by Ferdinand. 68  
the Crown of the kingdom saved. 32  
a strange Custom at Torde between the husband and wife touching adultery. 188  
Custom of the ancients burying their treasure. 214  
Custom of the ancient Romans. 172  
the Custom of such as are assieged and be resolute therein. 234  
Custom of Turkish Emperors. 37  
Custom of the Transylvanians in memory of revenge. 56  
Custom of Transiluania to gather soldiers of the country together. 127  
Custom to present an Ambassador to the Turk. 72  
inhuman Cruelty of Mirce vaivode of Transalpinia. 241  
inhuman Cruelty of the Turks after battle won. 33. 34. 35  
Cowardliness of the German soldiers. 222. defeated. 224  
Cowardliness of Spanish soldiers. 216 defeated by the Turk. ibid.  
Cowardliness of a Spanish soldier, who in the end killed himself. 184    


D  
DAlmas besieged by Ferdinand's people. 102. is yielded. 104  
Dalmatia. 12  
Danes and Muscovites war in Poland. 352  
the river Danubius, & his beginning. 11  
Danzic, a very rich town. 299  
Danzic besieged by Battor. 355  
Debrezen burned by the imperials, and for what. 292  
the Defeat of Ferdinand's army in Hungary. 64  
Defeat of the Hungars by the Turks. 355  
Defeat of the Moldavians and Turks. 196  
Defeat of 24000. on the Turk side by 12000. Christians. 243  
Defeat of Turks at the siege of Agria. 234. 236  
Defeat of Turks. 238  
Defeat of Turks by the garrison of Deva. 254  
Defeat of Turks. 293. 294. 318. 322. 324. 326. 330  
Defeat of Ferdinand's people at Zegedin 181. 184  
Defeat in Valachia by the vaivode. 284  
Demetrius Duke of Muscovia requireth peace of Battor. 355  
Discomfiture of Hungars. 31  
Deva, a Castle of great importance. 213  
Diet at Alberegalis for the election of a King. 38  
Diet at Alberegalis by Ferdinand. 42  
Diet at Ausbourg. 281  
Diet in Austria by Maximilian. 335  
Diet held at Colosuar, where the Queen yieldeth the royal ornaments into castald's hands. 113  
Diet held at Colosuar by Castalde. 265. 266  
Diet at Cracovia to proceed to the election of a King of Poland. 351  
Diet held at Egneth by Queen Izabella. 99 broken by George. ibid.  
Diet at Franckfort for the election of a King of the Romans. 285  
Diet at Ispurch by Maximilian. 349  
Diet at Possovia by the Transylvanians. 253  
Diet at Ratisbon by Maximilian transferred to Ausbourg. ibid.  
Diet at Sibinio by Castalde. 128  
Diet at Sibinio by Izabella. 273  
Diet at Spire by Maximilian. 342  
Diet at Torde by Castalde and Battor. 187  
Diet at Wasrael by Castalde. 239  
Diet at Vienna by the Emperor at Posson by the Archduke Charles. 307  
Diet of Transylvanians against Gritty. 54  
the river Drauns'. 11  
Drauns' passed by the Turkish Army. 21  
Drigall, a strong place. 215. assieged by the marquess Palauicin 218.  
Dukedoms in Bohemia fifteen. 339  
S. Laurence Day. 278  
Deceits of war. 217    


E  
EGneth, one of the principal towns of Transiluania. 99  
Eiden yielded to the imperials. 288  
Electors of Germany Ecclesiastical and Secular. 297  
The seat and place of the Imperial Electors in public acts: and their office. 302  
Emeric Cibacchy Bishop of Varadin, and Vayvode of Transiluania. 39  
Emeric, vaivode of Transiluania, and Lewis Gritty in dislike. 52. went to receive and visit Gritty. ibid. slain by john Doce. 54  
Emanuel Philibert D. of Savoy offered himself to go into Hungary against the Turk. 305  
Emperors of Turkey marry not. 263  
Ensign Royal by whom it was borne. 28  
Ensigns won by the Turks from Castalde. 148  
Epitaph of the Emperor Charles. 279  
Erasme Teifle defeated before Drigall. 219. taken and sent to Constantinople. ibid. beheaded. ibid.  
Erdeu besieged by the Turk. 290. yielded by composition. 291  
an Estate come to his complete perfection, presently declineth. 4  
Estremadure, a Province whither the the Emperor Charles retired himself to end his days. 277  
Executioners of George his death. 135. rewarded by Ferdinand. 176  
Evil hap never cometh alone. 128    


F  
FAbian Schinach lead 1000 horse for Ferdinand to Castalde. 214  
Field of battle against the Turk. 26  
Ferdinand. Ferdinand of Austria aspireth to the Crown of Hungary. 39 entereth into Hungary with an army. ibid. pursueth the vaivode. 40. crowned King of Hungary. 42. demandeth truce and amity of Solyman. 44. succoureth Vienna with men. 46 Ferdinand and john do accord. 57 calleth upon Queen Izabella for the passed agreements between him and the deceased K. john. 59 besiegeth Buda. ibid. demandeth peace of Solyman. 72. demandeth the investiture of the King of Hungary from Solyman. 73. accepteth the offers of George, and sendeth him succours. 89. writ to Charles the 5. to have a General of an army with George against Izabella. ibid. desireth the Pope to make George Cardinal. 110. is made K. of Hungary. 116. ratifieth the accords made with Izabella. 120. sendeth succours to Castalde. 128. soliciteth the murder of George. 163. causeth to be rendered to Queen Izabella that which belonged unto her of the movables of George. 176. answereth to the complaints which Izabella made by Lobosky. 192. faileth in his promise to Castalde touching the promised succours. 193. 194. is absolved by the Pope for the death of George. 240. sendeth towards the K. and Q. of Poland to satisfy Izabella their daughter. 256. is crowned Emp. 277. obtaineth succours of the Imperial States against the Turk. 282. refuseth audience to the Ambassadors of K. john, because they called him King. ibid. dieth. 295  
Ference Bode Lieutenant general for K. john, his valour, & speech delivered to the said K. before the battle against Ferd. 40. taken prisoner. 41. dieth. 42  
duke of Ferrara in succour of the Emp. 336 Fretor, a Lake. 12  
Fires of joy at Vienna for the taking of Hedin and Terovanna. 291  
it is Flattery to sing out our praises. 4  
Fogar assieged by Mustapha. 66. yielded. 67  
Form of the election of a King of Poland. 343  
Fortune favoureth those who fight for the defence of their country. 41  
Fortune never beginneth her sports for a little. 225  
Francis the first King of France remembered of his promise. 10  
Francis Bathian, Ban of Slavonia. 8  
Francis Chendy Ference, one of the greatest friends of George, retained by Castalde. 169  
Francis Chendy won by Castalde, appeaseth the mutinous Sicilians for the death of George. 171  
Francis Patocchy Governor of jula. 253  
Francis Peren Bishop of Varadin, foretold the evil success of the battle. 24dyed in battle. 33  
Francis Nemethy a traitor and perfidious to his pupil. 287. is slain at Tocchy. 288  
Fumium, a town. 12  
sumptuous Funerals made for Charles the 5. by Philip his son. 278    


G  
GAla a Castle taken by the Hungars disguised in Turk's apparel. 144  
Guards of Artillery for foot and horse in an army, and their charge. 92  
Garrison of Ezeck negligent. 15  
Gaspar Casteluio governor of Themesuar. 163. slain. 202  
Gaspar Raskay, one of them that the King was committed unto to be kept in the battle. 26  
General of the Artillery in an army, and his charge. 92  
Friar George. George the Friar, is chosen tutor of Stephen the son of the deceased K. john: with a strange discourse of the life of the said Friar. 58. from a coale-carrier became a Councillor of K. john, Treasurer, and Bishop of Varadin. 58. hindereth the execution of the accord between Ferdinand and john, and demandeth succours of the Turk. 59. doth an act of a diligent Captain. 60 hindereth the rendering of Buda. 61. fiereth the stables of King john, where were retired a great number of enemies. 65. lead young Stephen to Solyman who desired to see him. 69. is retained prisoner with the other Hungarish Lords. 70. is sent back again and confirmed in his estates by Solyman. 71. caused Queen Izabella to be received into Transiluania, and there confirmed her in her estates. 74. managing the treasure he began to forget himself, and to show his covetousness, ambition, and ingratitude towards Izabella. 75. after the complaints of Izabella to Solyman, and letters of the said Solyman, to George, he for saketh izabella's part, and seeketh to Ferdinand his enemy. 77. his deceits and calumniations. 78. practiseth with the Transylvanian Lords, and encampeth before Albe-iula, izabella's seat. 83. agreeth with her. 84. his arrogancy. ibid. armeth himself against the Turks called thither by Izabella before their agreement. ibid. defeated (by Chendy his Lieutenant) the vaivode of Transalpinia. 85. marcheth against the Bassa of Buda. 86. turneth his Camp against the Mould. vaivode. ibid. confirmeth the peace between him and Izabella, and constraineth her to write to Solyman in his favour. 87. is by Solyman (dissembling the injuries offered to Izabella by him) confirmed in his estates. 87. nothing regardeth the aforesaid agreement, but acordeth with Ferdinand against Izabella. 88 was almost drowned. 99 breaketh the Diet at Egneth held by the Q. ibid. besiegeth Albe-iula, and would the third time make an agreement with Izabella. 100 acordeth again with Izabella. 103. taketh Albe-iula by composition. ibid. went to confer with Castalde (Ferdinand's Lieutenant) against Izabella. 104. his had disposition. 105. went to seek the Q. ibid. sent to Castalde that he should come to him at Albe-iula to confer together. ibid. made show that he thought the offers of Ferdinand to Izabella to be good. 107. his means to break the agreements of the Queen and Castalde. 109. he causeth to be given to him the estate of vaivode of Transiluania and Treasurership, and other excessive demands. 109. 110. would be Cardinal. ibid. is made Archbishop of Strigonium, after dissuadeth the Queen from the accords made with Castalde. 111. they agree again, and sealeth. 112 shamefully demandeth of the Queen that she would commit the royal Crown into his government. 113. acknowledgeth Ferd. for true Lord. 119 obtaineth the third part of the toll of salt. 121. seeketh again the favour of the Turk. 122. negotiateth with the bashas. 125. amasseth an army against the Turk. 127. is suspected by Castalde, and again confirmed in his estates. ibid. went to the Diet of Sibinio, and showed his inconstancy. 128. receiveth a promise from the Pope that he should be made Cardinal. ibid. joined his army with that of Castaldes. 134. would lead the Vanguard thereof. 135. showed the instability of his mind. 136. his subtlety. ibid. resolved to besiege Lippa held by the Turk, and is made Cardinal. 137. by his ambition and other vices he became odious to Castalde. 138. counseleth Castalde to make truce with the Turk. 141. went through great importunity unto Lippa. ibid. showed himself at the assault a brave and valiant Captain. 151. endeavoureth to save Olyman besieged in the Castle. 154. 155. practiseth with the Burgomasters of the towns of Hungary to break the designs of Castalde. 154. discovereth his wicked meaning. 156. assembled the principal Lords and Captains of the army, and speaketh to them, tending to save Olyman. 156. 157. 160. gave him means to save himself, and speaketh secretly in the night to him. ibid. practiseth wickedness against Castalde. 161. gave to his people the goods of those of Lippa who were found at the defence of it. 162. cometh in a Coach with Castalde, and arrived at Binse. 163. would go and hold a Diet at Wasrael to chase out Castalde and his army. 164. his death practised by Castalde. 165. is slain, and by what manner. 168. his death revenged upon the executioners thereof. ibid. his burial. 169 his movables spoiled by his murderers, after restored and committed to the custody of Ferdinand's Treasurers. 174. all his treasures are committed to the hands of commissaries sent by Ferdinand. 175. the news of his death is carried to Rome. 185. the authors of his death excommunicated by the Pope. 186. who made information of his death. 231  
George Basi sent to Lewis by the vaivode to understand his pleasure. 16  
George of Paline Bishop of Bosnia, sent to Paul Tomoree. 29. died in battle. 33  
George of Scepusa Colleague of Paul Tomoree in the army. 19 died in battle. 33  
George of Scepusa blamed by Solyman. 37  
George Hossute Ambassador for Maximilian to the Turk. 296  
George Hossute Ambassador for the Emperor to Selim. 337  
George Pogghy-bragghy caused Ladislas to be poisoned. 39  
George Tury valiantly defended Pallota against the Turk. 319  
a valorous act of George Tury. 330. for which he is made Knight by the Emperor. ibid.  
Ghestez taken by Count Salm upon the Turks. 323  
Gottart and Maillat Commanders of the army against Gritty. 54  
Gran a Castle where was rifled and stayed the movables of Queen Mary. 32. forsaken by the Captain. ibid.  
Griech-sweisneburg a Fortress. 14  
Germans defeated before Drigall. 219  
Germans in garrison in the Citadel of Buda, capitulate with the Turk. 45. are cut in pieces. ibid.  
Germans mutiny, would seize upon Castalde. 196. are appeased, and 50. of them overthrown. 197. they mutiny again. 230. 237  
Germans cowardly soldiers. 222. defeated. 224  
God doth chasten those whom he loveth. 3    


H  
HAdao taken by john. 286  
Haly Chiauss interposeth himself touching the peace between Ferdinand and the Turk. 258  
Hannibal Cyprian only left of the Captains of foot in the battle against the Turk. 33  
Hedin taken by Charles the 5. from the Frenchmen. 261  
Henry the 2. joineth with the Protestants 190. retireth himself. 191  
Henry D. of Anjou chosen King of Poland, goeth thither. 344. is received King. 345. stealeth away and returneth into France. 350. promiseth the Polonians to return. 351  
Henry Stampir Colonel sent to Schuendy by the Emperor. 334  
Hermenstat, a principal town of Transiluania. 102  
Hierome Lasky receiveth King john flying. 42. goeth to Constantinople in an embassage for him. 43. aspireth unto Transiluania. 53  
the History of the death of Mustapha the eldest son of Solyman. 261  
a memorable History of an apparition that appeared in the Castle of King Lewis. 32  
a History serveth for learning. 7  
Hungars defeated by the Turks. 355  
Hungars swear fealty to Ferdinand. 116  
Hungars to the number of 200000. lost, aswell in the battle as afterwards. 33  
Hungars seek peace with the Turks. 237  
Hungars endeavour to invest john and Izabella in the kingdom. 225  
a general description and division of Hungary. 11  
a particular description of Hungary. 13  
Hungary and France compared for their miseries. 4  
Hungary filled with vices before the wars happened therein. 3  
an Hospital in an army under the charge of Priests. 94  
Hune, a river. 12  
Hust taken by Schuendy yielded to john. 341  
the Heaven proportioned of a Spherical form. 1  
the Heaven governeth the world. 2  
courageous Horses of Transiluania. 13  
Horses appointed to save the King in case of necessity. 26  
Heads of Bishops dead in battle, presented to Solyman. 37    


I  
Janissaries obedient at the signs of their Commanders. 267  
javarin, a town. 12  
javarin burned by chance. 333. repaired by Count Salm. 334  
jaycza, a capital town in Bosnia. 12  
john K. of Hungary. john King of Hungary distributeth the honours and estates of the kingdom. 38. forsaketh Buda, and retireth into Transiluania. 39 flieth into Polonia. 42. is received of Hierome Lasky. ibid. offereth tribute and homage to Solyman. 43. sent Lasky a Polonian Lord to Solyman for succours. ibid. kisseth Soliman's hands. 44. confirmed King of Hungary by Solyman. 51. entereth into suspicion against Lewis Gritty. 52 john and Ferdinand accord together. 57 the death of K. john of Hungary. ibid.  
john son of the said john. john sorroweth, seeing his mother to give the Crown to Castalde. 113. manifesteth not to consent to the Queen his mother. 114. betrothed to the Infanta joan the daughter of Ferdinand. 120. restored into his kingdom. 273. warreth upon Ferdinand. 282. sent Ambassadors to Ferdinand to accord their differences, and to demand the Insanta joan. ibid. would not forsake the friendship of the Turk. 283. taketh many places from Ferdinand by the Turks aid. 284. 286. taketh others. 288. is hindered in his designs by a great inundation. 289. sent Ambassadors with the Turk to Maximilian to treat of a peace. ibid. he was in danger to be strooken with an Artillery bullet. 203. he caused many to be taken who favoured Maximilian. 295. drew to him to the Hungars. 326. publisheth a Diet at Tord. 317. went before Solyman with rich presents. 319. besiegeth Tocchay, taken by Schuendy: after that raiseth the siege by reason that the Tartars mutined. 334. over throweth them: after it is besieged by them together with the Turks. 335. his death. 357  
john baptist Castalde. john baptist Castalde is chosen by Char. the 5. to go into Hungary with Friar George against Izabella. 90. is instructed by Ferdinand how he should carry himself to the said Friar. 91. gave instruction for the conduct of an army. ibid. marcheth into Hungary. 95. causeth Agria to be fortified. 96. entereth into Transiluania. 98. 102. industriously deceiveth the marquess of Balasse. ibid. besiegeth by his Lieutenants Dalmas a Castle of the Queens ibid. taketh Dalmas by surrender. 104 conferreth with George. ibid. went to seek him at Albe-iula, meanly accompanied. 105. from thence went to seek the Queen, and declared to her his charge. 106. speaketh to her without George's privity. 107. writ to Ferdinand to make George a Cardinal. 110 receiveth of Izabella the Crown and other royal ornaments in Ferdinand's name. 115. sent them to Ferdinand. 116. receiveth oath of the Hungars fidelity. 116. 117. causeth places to be fortified. 121. and to pay the tribute due to the Turk. 122. leavieth soldiers to oppose himself against the Turk. 125. his diligence, and suspicion towards George. 127. holdeth a Diet at Sibinio. 128. suppresseth and punisheth the tumult happened at Brassovia. 133. he speaketh unto the Lords and Captains of his army. 134. showeth himself wise and patient in the behalf of George. 136. conceiveth a mortal hate against him. 138. receiveth advertisement from Ferdinand to put him to death. 139. went in the night to seek George in his tent. 140. besiegeth Lippa. 141. maketh a breach. 145. gave an assault. 147 is repulsed with great loss. 148. redoubleth the assault. 150. carrieth the town. 152. besiegeth the Castle. 153. he was obstinate at this siege against the liking of George. 154. would not receive Olyman but to his discretion. 155 contradicted and opposeth himself against George minding to save Olyman. ibid. determineth to put Friar George to death. 159. useth courtesy and liberality to an honest woman spoiled by George. 162. arrived at Binse. 163. sent with all speed Sforce Palauicin, and other Spanish Captains. 164. communicateth to him his enterprise touching the death of George. 165. causeth him to be slain. 167. after buried. 169. caused the movables of George which were taken away by his murderers to be restored. ibid. caused the Turks Ambassador to be taken, who was kept secretly by George at Wyvar. 170. went to Seghesuar to sound the liking of the Sicilians for the death of George. 171. receiveth of them the oath of fidelity. ibid. receiveth into the obedience of Ferdinand all the places which held for George. 170. soliciteth Ferdinand to have succours against the Turk, who prepared himself. ibid. caused to fortify his places. 175. committeth the treasures of George into the hands of commissaries. 175. is very well recompensed for the murder of George. 176. furnisheth Lips and Themesuar of new garrisons. 181. sent Count john baptist of Archo to command at Brassovia, & to defendit. 189. soliciteth Ferd. to have succours against the Turk. 193. maketh preparations to resist him. 196. retireth from Colosuar to Torde to avoid the fury of the mutinous Germans. 197. sent succours to Themesuar which was besieged, and marcheth against the Moldavian. 197. causeth him to retire in disorder. 198. sent new succours to Themesuar, the first being defeated. 199. encourageth the Hungars amazed for the loss of Themesuar. 208. is advertised of Lippa burned and forsaken by Aldene, which he gave Ferdinand notice of. 213. retired himself to Sassebesse, and fortifieth it. 214. ransometh the Palauicin for 15000. Ducats. 220. receiveth great displeasure for the loss of Zaluoch. 225. foreseeth a revolt of the Hungars and Transylvanians. ibid. for which he provideth remedy. 228. consenteth to the death of the Moldavian. ibid. discovereth a conspiracy against himself. 230. his counsel not being believed, he loseth a brave occasion to defeat the Turk. 236. consenteth to the peace with the Turk. 237. minding to oppose himself against the designs of Cassombassa, the Germans mutiny against him. ibid. is forsaken by the Colonel of the men of war of the country. 238. giveth means and succours to Mirce of Transalpinia to recover his kingdom 241. arriveth at the Diet of Wasrael, & confirmeth them against the Turk. 251. followeth the pursuit of Aldene. 252. dismisseth Duke Mauris. 254. advertiseth Ferdinand of the diligence of the Transylvanians to cause Izabella to return again. 256. held a Diet at Colosuar. 257. recovereth out of the Turks hands Battors people. ibid. returneth towards Ferdinand. 259. is calumniated, after recompensed for his services by Ferdinand. 260. is recalled into Flanders by Charles the 5. and went thither to him. 269  
john Alphonse Pescaire carried the Crown of Hungary to Ferdinand. 116  
john Ardech sallied forth of Vienna to skirmish, lost his Cornet. 47  
Count john baptist of Archo commandeth in Brassovia. 189. stayeth the Moldavian by skirmishes. 197. overthroweth troops of Moldavians and Turks. 198  
john Bornemisse governor of K. Lewis. 9  
john Chendy Lieutenant of George, defeateth the Transalpinian. 85  
john Doce enemy of the vaivode of Transiluania, and the reason. 52. provoketh Gritty against Emerick. 53. wickedly killeth the vaivode of Transiluania. 54. is torn in pieces. 56  
john Dragfy Preuost of the King's house, bore the Ensign royal. 28. died in battle. 33  
john Hedek commissary of the Artillery. ibid.  
john Kalay one of those to whom the King was committed unto to preserve him in battle. 26  
john Oberdansch Ambassador for Ferdinand to Solyman. 44  
john Salanze izabella's Ambassador to Solyman against the practices of George. 79  
john Statile sent to the vaivode with George Basi. 17  
john Tahy, and john Banfy, principal Lords of Slavonia, in succour of Lewis. 25  
john Zapoly Count of Scepusa, and after King of Hungary. 7. aspireth to the Crown. 38. chosen King. ibid.  
john Zerechen in succour of Lewis. 26  
Indignities of Turks towards Christian Provinces which he subdueth. 119  
Information upon the death of Friar George. 231  
Inquisition of Spain by whom invented, and the manner thereof. 310  
Instruction of a Turkish emperors son. 265  
Instruction for the conduct of an army, and entertainment of it. 91  
investitures of Fees given by the Emperor to the Princes of Germany: and touching that which is due therefore. 307  
Izabella. Izabella daughter of Sigismond King of Polonia, mother of Stephen, Tutoress and Governess of Hungary, after the death of King john her husband. 58 is put in mind by Ferdinand of the accords passed between him and the deceased King john. 59 which she refusing is besieged by the said Ferdinand within Buda. ibid. she determineth to yield Buda. 61. is succoured. ibid. receiveth, and offereth presents to the Turk. 62. sent to him her son Stephen. 69. writ to him in favour of the Hungarish Lords which he held prisoners. 70. is sent by Solyman into Transiluania, and forced to forsake Hungary. 71. her constancy. ibid. is with much ado received into Transiluania. 74. after long patience she complaineth of George to Solyman. 76. being advertised of the conference of George with Nicholas Salm, she sent back to Solyman against their practices. 79. gathereth forces against George. 80. is forsaken of the Transylvanians, and for what. 83. acordeth with George. 84. confirmeth him, and against her liking writ to Solyman in favour of George. 87. provoketh the Transylvanians against George. ibid. causeth a Diet to be held at Egneth. 99 it being broken by George, she retireth with her son to Albe-iula, after that to Sassebesse. 99 sent the marquess of Balasse to hinder the passage of Castaldes coming to join with George. 102. she acordeth again with George. 103. sent to visit Castalde. 105 spoke secretly to him, and complaineth of George. 107. submitteth herself to Ferdinand. 108. acordeth with him. 109. speaketh again to Castalde, and accuseth George to him. 111. dismisseth herself from the kingdom and royal ornaments, and committeth them into the hands of Castalde. 113. departeth the kingdom. 120. her misery. 122. arriveth at Cassovia. 123. after the death of George requireth of Ferdinand the movables of George which he had taken from King john her husband, and demanded the accomplishment of that whic he had promised her. 176. she complaineth of Ferdinand to the King and Queen of Polonia. 192. 226. accepteth the offer of the vaivode of Transalpinia, and seeketh again the Turk. 227. is succoured by him, and the principal of the country. ibid. practiseth her return into Transiluania. 252. is solicited by the Transylvanians to return. 256. causeth certain places to be surprised. 260. she reestablisheth herself in her kingdom, and chaseth out Ferdinand's people. 272. recompenseth those who had not forsaken her part. 273. banisheth by the commandment of the Turk the new sects. 278  
jula besieged by Solyman. 325. taken. 330  
julius the 3. excommunicateth the murderers of George. 186  
jule Salazar sent by Ferdinand to Castalde to cause George to be killed. 139  
julian de Carleval planted himself the first at the assault of Lippa, and carried away the guerdon by Castalde. 148  
justice saleable in Hungary. 3    


K  
KEretsken excuseth himself by writing, for the yielding of jula. 337. is cruelly put to death by those whom he had badly used. 338  
Koteze, wherefore so called. 9  
Krasso, a pool or marish. 20    


L  
LAdislas Cheretsken yieldeth Albe-iula by composition to the Turk. 329  
Ladislas Endef induceth the Saxons and Sicilians to acknowledge Ferd. 119  
Ladislas a Macedonian Bishop of the five Churches. 11  
Ladislas Salcane Archbishop of Strigogonium, Primate of Hungary, and great Chancellor, yieldeth up the royal Seal. 9 died in battle. 33. blamed by Solyman for his covetousness. 37  
Ladislas poisoned the day of his marriage. 39  
Largesse due to the janissaries by the new Emperor. 332  
Largesse done at the consecration of Rodolph K. of Hungary. 348  
Lazare Schuendy. Lazare Schuendy Lieutenant general in Hungary for Maximilian. 287. put his army in the field. ibid. besiegeth and taketh Tocchay and other places. 288. 334. receiveth new succours from the Emperor. 291. burneth Debrezen for delivering victuals to the Turk. 292. defeateth the garrison of Moncat. ibid. is taken with an ague. ibid. killeth 4000 Turks. 293. writ to the Lords of Hungary against the letters of King john. 317. assiegeth and taketh Zathnar. 338. after that Mourach, and besiegeth Hurst. 339  
Legates from the Pope to Charles the 5. and the King of France. 274  
Leonard Gnomsky a Polonian, Martial of the Campe. 18  
Leonard Gnomsky delivereth his mind touching the ordering of the battle. 26  
Letters of Solyman to Andrew Battor. 254. 255  
Letters of Charles the Emperor to the Cardinal of Mentz. 274  
Letters of Solyman to George the Friar upon the complaints of Izabella. 77  
Letters from King john to the Hungarish and Transylvanian Lords. 317  
Letters of Schendy to the contrary effect. ibid.  
a League against the Polonians. 353  
Lippa and Themesuar towns of importance. 121  
Lippa yielded to the Turk. 131  
Lippa, and his situation. 141. besieged by Castalde. 142. bravely maintained the assault. 147. 148. taken by assault of Castalde. 152. committed to Aldenes custody. 163. cowardly forsaken, and burned by Aldene. 212. taken again by the Turk. 215  
Lords dead in the field in battle against the Turk. 33  
Lewis the 2. Lewis the 2. King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his birth. 7. the qualities of Lewis. ibid. Lewis assembleth the Estates to advise for the defence of the kingdom against the Turk. 10. demandeth aid of Christian Princes. ibid. goeth into the field. 15. sent back George Basi to the vaivode after instructions. 17. sent letters and posts into divers places to hasten the succours. ibid. arriveth at Tholne. 18. Lewis in choler amongst his Council, and his brave resolution. 19 distressed touching the resolution of the battle. 21. commandeth all the Councillors to resolve upon battle, or else to discampe. 23. his forces against Solyman. 26. he was committed to three notable men during the battle. ibid. the loss of him. 30. he was found dead. 31. he was borne without skin. 32. buried. 38  
Lewis Gritty Duke of Venice with Solyman aideth King john with his favour. 45. remaineth at Buda with K. john. 51. is recalled by Solyman to Constantinople, after sent back into Hungary. ibid. maketh friendship with the vaivode of Moldavia. 52. enterpriseth upon Transiluania. ibid. laugheth beholding the head of Emeric. 54. his conscience reproving him, he confesseth the innocent death of Emeric. ibid. retireth himself to Megest. ibid. is besieged by the Transylvanians. 55. forsaken of his friends, thinking to save himself is taken, and committed to Francis Chendy to cause him to be put to death. 56. his children beheaded. ibid.  
Lubec, a rich town. 299  
money of Lysimachus found by peasants. 214  
the Love of our country is of great efficacy. 235  
german Lords enter into Vienna to defend it. 46  
hungarish Lords conducting Stephen to Solyman, are retained by him. 70. set at liberty. 72  
hungarish Lords stir up Ferdinand to make war against King john. 39    


M  
MAgdebourg, a puissant town. 298 Mahomet Bassa sent to the succours of Queen Izabella against Ferdinand. 61. encampeth by Roccandolph. 62. taketh the I'll of Chep. 63  
Mahomet Bassa Lieutenant general for Solyman against Transiluania. 187 arriveth with a puissant army. 196 besiegeth Themes. 197. capitulateth with Losonze. 205. he useth him with great perfidiousness, after he had yielded Themesuar. 206. taketh Caransebesse into his protection. 207. is advertised that Lippa is abandoned, & sent to take possession thereof. 215. taketh his journey towards Hungary. 218. besiegeth Zaluoch. 220. 221. taketh it, being forsaken by the garrison. 224. besiegeth Agria. ibid. 232. summoneth the Castle. 234. after thirteen assaults raiseth the siege. 236. retireth himself out of the kingdom. 239  
Mahomet the son of Mustapha advanced in recompense of the innocent death of his father. 272  
Lieutenant general of an Army, what assistance he ought to have with him. 91  
Master of the post necessary in an army. 94  
duke of Mantua in succour of the Emperor. 336  
Marata, the sepulchre of Solyman. 332  
Marc Anthony of Ferrara Castaldes Secretary, killed George. 167  
Marry sister of the Emperor Char. the 5. Queen of Hungary. 7  
Marie gave sums of money out of her Exchequer to levy people. 17  
Marie the Queen retireth herself. 32  
Marry daughter of Charles the Emperor married to Maximilian King of Bohemia. 128  
Marry Queen of Bohemia obtained pardon for Aldene. 260  
Maromarusia, a Province. 12  
Marosse, a river. ibid.  
Maroth, and the great murder of Hungars happened in it. 35  
marquess of Balasse in service of Izabella. 102. pursueth Olyman saving himself from Lippa. 160. is wounded with a arqebus shot. 161  
martelot's, wicked peasants. 323  
Martiane, a forest. 11  
Martin Rostan in France with an army for the Emperor Charles. 191  
Mathias Lobosky sent by Queen Izabella to Ferdinand. 193  
Matthew Nagh, of mean condition, defended the Castle of Strigonium against the Turk. 32  
Mauris Duke of Saxony riseth against the Emperor Charles. 190  
Mauris came to Ispurch to surprise the Emperor and Ferdinand. 191. they do accord. 192  
Mauris Duke of Saxony arriveth in Hungary with an army for Ferdinand. 232  
D. Mauris dismissed. 254  
Maximilian. Maximilian son of Ferdinand chosen King of the Romans. 285. is made King of Hungary. ibid. prepareth himself to make war upon K. john. 286. treateth of peace with the Turk. 289. sent succours to Schuendy. 290. 291. celebrateth the funerals of his father. ibid. prepareth a new army against the Turk. 292. sent Ambassadors to the great Turk to continue the treaty of peace. 296. publisheth a Diet at Ausbourg, to request succours against the Turk. 297. came himself before the Elector of Mentz coming to the Diet. 302. his demands in the Diet. 305. the offers which are made him for succour. 306. commandeth the Kings of Swethen and Denmark to lay aside arms. 306. gave to Princes the investiture of their fees. 307. dismisseth the Diet, and travaileth to another Diet at Vienna. ibid. the ordinances which he made. ibid. commandeth prayers at certain hours at the sound of a bell, and forbiddeth all manner of sports. 323. declareth in his army Ferdinand his brother to be his Lieutenant general. 334. receiveth certain news of the death of Solyman, and the coronation of Selim. 333 dismisseth his army, and retireth himself to Vienna. ibid. calleth the Estates. ibid. made his entry into Prage, and obtaineth succours against the Turk. 350. 351. sent Ambassadors to Selim for peace. ibid. obtaineth it. 352. complaineth himself to Selim of King john. 353. is solicited by the Venetians and Pope to make war upon the Turk. 354. yieldeth the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia to his son Rodolph. 355. pretendeth succession of the kingdom of Transiluania after the death of King john. 357. seeketh again Selim to obtain a prolonging of truce: which he could not. 361. obtaineth succours of the Germans against the Turk. 362. sueth for the Crown of Polonia. 364. is chosen K. by his partakers. ibid. taketh not possession of the kingdom for certain considerations. 365. is angry hearing the election of Battor. ibid. demandeth succours of the Germans against the Polonians. 366. sent to solicit the Sophy against Amurath. ibid. his Ambassadors massacred by Battor, he causeth those to be stayed of Battors, and many Pollacques. 367. dieth. ibid.  
Medals of gold of Lysimachus found by peasants. 214  
Medals of gold of Ninus and Semiramus. ibid.  
Megest shut the Ports against Lewis Gritty, and for what. 55  
Mehemet Bassa very advised and faithful to the successor of Solyman. 327 concealeth the death of Solyman. ibid.  
Melchior Ballassy for Maximilian against john. 286  
Movables of Mirce of great price, won by Raoul. 244  
Movables of a Cardinal dying without will belong to the Pope. 186  
Murderers of George excommunicated. ibid. absolved by the Pope. 240  
Mines discovered. 47  
Mines of the Germans at Buda blown up. 60  
Mines of gold, silver, and copper in Hungary. 14. in Transiluania. 13  
Mines of gold, silver, and iron in Transiluania. 101  
Mines of salt, gold, and silver in the Bishopric of Saltsbourg. 298  
Ministers of the Church, men of war in Hungary. 3  
Mirce (vaivode of the Transalpinians) offereth himself to Izabella to place her again in her kingdom. 227. defeated and chased by Raoul. 240  
description of Mohacz, and place of battle. 13  
Mohacz the place where the Hungars were defeated. 36  
Moldavia and Transalpinia, parts of Valachia. 13  
Moldavia named by the Turks Carabogdania. 8  
Moldavia, a Roman Colony. 100  
Monastery of Hermits whither retired the Emp. Charles to end his days. 277  
Muscouits and Denmark's make war in Polonia. 365  
Mourach taken by Schuendy. 351  
Means to encourage soldiers to an assault. 147  
Means to discover a mine. 47  
seven Muets executioners of the Grand Seigniours will. 238  
mufti, or Muplety, chief of the Turks Priests. 271. 333  
Mustapha maketh war in Transiluania. 65  
Mustapha the eldest son of Solyman banished into Amasia. 69. the history of his death. 261  
Mustapha at the commandment of his father went to seek him. 266. is strangled. 268. known to be innocent. 272  
Mustapha Bassa sent into Transiluania in succour of Queen Izabella. 62  
Musulmans very superstitious. 267    


N  
NAndor-Albe, a Fortress, anciently Taurinum. 14  
Nazadiez, vessels. 18  
Newstat taken and retaken many times. 296  
Nicholas, Captain of Aiduchs, a valiant man. 242  
Nicholas Esdrin Count of Serin. 290. governor of Sighet for the Emp. 325. slain at the 13. assault of Sighet. 328  
Nicholas Gerendy Commissioner for the money levied of the one half of the Ecclesiastical treasure. 11  
Nicholas Count Salm chief of the Hungarish army. 10  
Nicholas Salm Ambassador for Ferdinand to Solyman. 72  
Nicholas Salm, Lieutenant for Ferdinand in Hungary, parlieth with Friar George. 77  
Nicholas Serpietre joined with Peter Vicchy against George. 80. is defeated by Varcocce. 81. sharply checked by his wife. 82  
Nicholas Tharczay, bold and faithful to his King. 27  
Nobility insupportable in Hungary. 3  
Noremberg, an Imperial town, governed by the Nobility. 398    


O  
Often a new name of Buda. 15 necessary Officers in an army. 91  
Offers of Ferd. to Q. Izabella. 59 107  
Oliman a Persian in succour of Queen Izabella. 62  
Oliman commandeth at Lippa, maintaineth the assault, and repulseth Castalde. 147. 148. beginneth to recoil. 152 saveth himself within the Castle. 153 endureth extreme famine within the said castle of Lippa. 155. he would yield by composition. ibid. he saveth himself by means of George. 160. pursued by the marquess of Balasse. ibid. joineth with the Belerbey. 161  
Operstolph principal Captain of the Transylvanian Cavalarie. 294  
the common Opinion in Hungary touching the Royal Crown. 116  
a reproachful Orator. 31  
Ordinance made in Germany touching the diversity of Religion. 308  
Ordinances made in Austria to draw succours against the Turk. 307  
Ornaments of the Kings of Hung. 103  
imperial Ornaments sent to Ferdinand by Charles. 274  
Ortell, a Province. 13  
Ottomiall a Hungarian taketh Zegedin from the Turk. 177. succoured by Aldene. 179. defeated by the Turks. 199  
Ourestolph succoureth Ottomial at Zegedin. 180    


P  
PAllotta well defended against the Turk. 319  
Pannonia, a part of Hungary. 11  
Pannodacia, anciently so named Transiluania. 13  
Papau, a Fortress. 214  
the Pope soliciteth the Emperor to make war upon the Turk. 342  
Paul the 4. refused to ratify the election of Ferdinand. 278  
Pappacoda entertaineth Bonna Q. of Polonia, and enjoyeth all she hath. 274  
Patocche, a Hungarian Lord reenforceth at his proper charges the army of Ferdinand with horse and foot. 143  
Patocche governor of jula. 152  
Paul Banchy, and his advice upon the ordinance of the battle. 27  
Paul Banchy Captain of George his guards. 169  
Paul Banchy Vicevayvode. 253  
Paul Tomoree Archbishop of Colocense, a grey Friar, governor of Sirmia, and his valour. 8. drawn by force out of his Covent. ibid. is made chief of the Hungarian army. 19 counseleth the fight. 24. is slain in battle. 32  
Paul Tomoree blamed by Solyman for his imprudency and rashness. 37  
Paul Veidner a Physician, of a jew became a Christian. 294  
Paul of Zaras undertaketh to keep Lippa against the Turk. 209. 218  
Perias', a strong Castle. 238  
Persons appointed to preserve the King in battle. 26. sent to discover the enemy, return not. 31  
a great Plague in Transiluania. 272  
Pesthe taken by the Turks. 65  
Petrovar, otherwise Varadin Peter, taken by the Turk. 17  
Philip Count Palatin entereth into Vienna against the Turk. 46  
Philip Moore Bishop of the five Churches, died in battle. 33  
Philip went to seek the Emperor Charles his father. 277  
Philip made a sumptuous funeral for the Emperor Charles his father. 278  
Peter Chendy excuseth himself to Ferdinand, upon the insurrection of Transiluania. 272  
Peter Peren Governor of Themesuar. 8  
Peter Peren highly esteemed of Solyman. 37  
Peter, vaivode of Moldavia, friend of Solyman and Lewis Gritty. 52. goeth into the field in favour of Q. Izabella. 62  
Valour of Peter Vicchy, repulseth the Germans entering into Buda by a postern gate. 61  
Peter Vicchy Governor of Transiluania. 71. his ingratitude and pride towards Izabella. 74. taketh arms against George. 80. is defeated. 81. conferreth with Andrew Battor. 112. yieldeth to him the low countries. 120. succoureth Ottomiall and Zegedin. 180. is cut in pieces by the Turk. 181. succoureth Izabella. 227. 252. acordeth with the Turk, and riseth for Izabella. 260  
Pioneers in an Army, and their charge. 93  
Places forsaken by the Captains, and saved by the country men. 32  
Podolia spoiled by the Tartars. 335  
Policy held in the Diets of Germany. 299  
Portau Bassa in aid of john. 334  
Posegan divideth Hungary from Sclavonia. 11  
Poson, a town of the coronation of the Kings of Hungary. 346  
Poson, a noted Fortress for the defeat of the Turkish Naval army. 47  
Poson, whither Queen Mary retired unto. 32  
Polonians in succour of Lewis. 18. for Izabella. 258  
Parlience of peace between K. john and Ferdinand. 282. cometh to nothing 283. between Maximilian and the Turk. 289. turneth to nothing. ibid.  
wicked Practices never succeed. 57  
Presages of the pitiful end of Lewis. 29.  
Presburg, a Fortress whither Q. Mary retireth. 32  
a Preacher of Agria is the means of sustaining thirteen assaults. 233  
a rich Present given to Solyman by Ferdinand. 72  
Presents of Solyman to Stephen and the Hungarish Lords. 68  
reciprocal Presents of Mahomet and Q. Izabella. 62. 63  
Pressovia, called Cronenstat. 102  
Princes of Germany more rich and puissant some than others. 298  
the Princes of the Empire arrive at the Diet of Ausbourg. 312. 313. offer their succours to the Emperor. 306  
Protestant Princes in rumour against the Palatin: and for what. 301  
Princes ought rather to trust to the forces of their army, then be enclosed within a wall. 37  
Prisoners of war of Roccoandolphs' troops put to death. 68  
Prisoners lead away by Solyman at his departure from Vienna. 50  
Prisoners in the custody of the Turks. 32  
Prisoners taken at Hedin by Charles the fifth. 261  
Prisoners taken by the Turk before Drigall. 219  
Privilege of the Barons of Hungary. 18  
Prognostication of the death of Mustapha. 267  
a bad Prognostication of K. Lewis. 29. 32  
Prognostications foretelling the death of George. 165  
Prognostication of the death of Solyman. 327  
Provinces called Shiers in Hungary. 18  
Punishments of three sorts. 3  
Purchastaler, Colonel for Maximilian, defeated 4000 Transylvanians. 286  
Pride and riches causes of all vices. 3    


R  
RAdich Bosich opinionated upon the ordinance of the battle. 27  
Reasons persuading the Hungars to the battle. 25. 40. 41  
Raoul governor of Transalpinia. 8. chased from his Vayuodship of the Transalpinians by Mirce, he recovereth it, and defeateth Mirce. 240. 241. re-established in his kingdom, thanketh Castalde, and sweareth to him friendship. 244  
Rascians, or Rhatians. 100 102. defeated. 289  
Rhatians take the Turks part against the faith given to Ferdinand. 130  
Rascia separated from Hungary by the river Saws. 11  
the Roman Commonweal changed the the Estate by the great conjunction of stars. 4  
the notable Resolution of the Agrians. 233. 235  
the memorable Resolution of Mustapha. 266  
the notable Resolution of the Castellan of Zaluoch unto the end. 223  
Revenues of Bishoprics of Transiluania employed to the fortification of the country. 122  
Rhakos, what it signifieth. 38  
Riches and pride causes of all vices. 3  
Rodolph crowned K. of Hungary. 346. declared King of the Romans. 354. received Emperor. ibid. confirmeth truce with Amurath. 355  
Rossa, second wife of Solyman, causeth him to banish his eldest son. 69  
Rossa a slave, beloved of Solyman, conspireth the death of the said eldest son. 262. 264  
Rossa made free. 263. is made the spouse of Solyman. ibid.  
Rossia spoiled by the Tartars. 335  
Rostan Bassa son in law of Solyman conspired the death of Mustapha. 260. 264. is chased by Solyman. 270  
a sudden Rout astonisheth the enemies. 150  
Ruin of an Estate. 4  
Rumiler, men of war. 61  
Rivers of note in Hungary. 12. 13  
Rivers of Transiluania. 101  
Rains staying the speed of Solyman. 46  
Revenge of God against the murderers of George. 168    


S  
SAbaria a town, the birth place of S. Martin. 12  
the King showed by the Count Palatin to the Hungarian army. 28  
Saala Rays the Pirate. 274  
Sachmar taken by john. 286. burned. 288. re-established. 290  
Sacrifice made by Solyman in the great Church of Buda. 71  
Sangiach, or Sanzac, what it signifieth. 62  
Sangiach of Bosnia and Belgrade confer with Izabella. 273  
Sangiach of Alberegalis taken and lead to Vienna. 330. set at liberty by ransom. 338  
Sassebesse fortified. 127  
Saws, a river passed by the Turkish Army. 11. 14  
Saxons dwelling in the towns of Ortel, a Province of Hungary. 13  
Saxons and Sicilians natural enemies. 85  
Saxons dwelling in Transiluania. 100  
the Saxons and Sicilians of Transiluania swear fidelity to Ferdinand. 119  
Scach, a Persian word, what it signifieth. 353  
Sclavonia, part of high Pannonia. 12  
Sclavonia divided from Hungary by Draws. ibid.  
Seat and office of the Electors of the Empire in public acts. 302  
Sebessa, a river. 164  
Succours came to Lewis upon the resolution of battle. 25. 26  
Succours of Solyman to Queen Izabella. 62  
Succours from the Pope to Lewis. 18  
Succours granted to Ferdinand against the Turk. 282  
Succours come to the Emperor from foreign Princes. 320  
Secretary in an Army, and his charge. 92  
Segnia, a capital town of Dalmatia subject to the Hungars. 12  
Selim by subtlety and industry deprived his father of his Empire and life. 264  
Selim put to death the messenger of Mustapha's death. 272. succeed Solyman. 331. entereth into Constantinople ibid. made his sacrifices and offerings. 331. is saluted Emperor. 332. leaveth Cheretsken to the revenge of those whom he had used ill. 337. maketh peace with Maximilian. 341. sent an Army against the Muscovite. ibid. threateneth King john. 342. beginneth war again with the Hungars. 350. dieth. 351. his vices described. ibid.  
Senath besieged by Vicchy. 80. is succoured. 81. yielded to the Turk. 130  
Sepulture of Solyman, sumptuous. 332  
Sepulture of job, place of sacrifices in Constantinople. 331  
Sforce Palauicin, marquess, commissary general of Ferdinand's army. 128. 152. besiegeth Drigall against the counsel of Castalde. 218. is defeated by Achmet. ibid. taken valiantly fight 219 ransomed for 15000. Ducats. 220  
Sibinium, a principal town of Transiluania. 102  
Sibinio fortified. 121  
Sibinio a town which was friend to Ferdinand and enemy of George. 170  
Sicilians, and their manner of life. 13  
Sicilians in pay of George. 83. do mutiny. ibid. are appeased. ibid.  
Sicilians, or Ceculians, what nation. 100  
Sicilians mutiny for the death of George, and are appeased by Chendy. 171  
the Sicilians would restore john into his kingdom. 253  
Sighet besieged by Solyman. 325. taken at the 13. assault. 328  
Sigismond King of Polonia confederate with the Turk. 10. is in disgrace with his mother and Polonians for his wife. 273. enterposeth himself between the accord of Maximilian and john. 287. hindered by the Duke of Muscovia to make this peace. 301  
death of Sigismond King of Polonia. 343  
Sigismond Lichtstain Ambassador for Ferdinand to Solyman. 72  
Signs of great hap and repose. 4. and of a great decaying and ruin. ibid.  
Simon Erdeund Bishop of Zagrabia in succour of john. 26  
Sirmia, a large country ruined. 9  
Sirmia divideth Hungary from Slavonia. 12  
firtilitie of Sirmia. 14  
Soldiers murmur upon the message of Lewis. 21. demand battle. 24  
Soldiers of Ferdinand retired into a Church are cut in pieces to the number of 3000. 65  
Solyman. Solyman in Hungary with a puissant army. 7.9  
Soliman's forces against Lewis. 26  
Solyman defeateth the Hungars. 35. gave his censure upon the heads of the dead Bishops. 37. sorroweth for the fortune of King Lewis and of the Queen. 37. returneth to Constantinople. 38. taketh the defence of john. 43. denounceth war to Ferdinand. 44. arriveth in Hungary with an army. ibid. before Vienna. 46. reproveth with choler his Captains. 49. raiseth the siege of Vienna. 50. sent succours to Queen Izabella against Ferdinand. 61. cometh to Andrionoplis in favour of Q. Izabella. 61. marcheth into Hungary. 64. arriveth by Buda. 68 sent presents to Stephen, and to the Hungarian Lords, demanding they would send to him the said Stephen. ibid. sent back Stephen to his mother, and retaineth the Hungarian Lords. 70. holdeth a Council upon the prisoners. ibid. releaseth them. 72. causeth the great Church of Buda to be consecrated, and made sacrifice there. 71. returneth to Constantinople. 74. writ to Friar George in favour of Izabella. 75  
Solyman incensed against George, declareth him an enemy and traitor. 79  
Solyman in favour of the Queen threateneth the Transylvanians. 82  
Solyman deceitfully answereth to the letters of Q. Izabella writ in favour of George. 91. sent to the Transylvanians to obey George. ibid.  
Solyman prepareth an Army against Hungary, by the Belerbey of Greece. 125  
Solyman sent to the Moldavian and Bassa of Buda, that they should succour Izabella. 27  
Solyman resolveth to put to death Mustapha his eldest son. 266. is in great danger after he had caused his eldest son to be strangled. 270. hardly besieged by his army. 271. saveth himself amongst the mutinous soldiers ibid. advanceth Mahomet the son of Mustapha, in recompense of the innocent death of his father. 272  
Solyman in trouble and doubt by Bajazet his son. 284. seeketh again peace with Ferdinand. 285. marcheth into Hungary with a puissant army in favour of K. john. 319. arriveth there. 325. besiegeth Sighet and jula. ibid. dieth. 327. is carried to Constantinople. 333  
Soliman a Hungarian, turned Turk, is Governor of Buda. 74  
Solimos defended against the Turk. 131  
Solimos, a Fortress, munitioned for two years, cowardly forsaken by the Spaniards. 216. who are defeated by the Turk. 216  
Sophy, the surname of the King of Persia  
by scoff. 353  
Sopronia, a town. 12  
Statues of Brass carried from Buda to Constantinople. 38  
Stirian soldiers of Ferdinand put in rout by K. john. 42  
Stratagems of the Turks in Hungary. 17 18. 31. 33. 34. 35. 37. 45. 46. 62. 63. 64. ibid. 65. 66. 67. 68 ibid. 69. 70. 71. 125. 127. 128. 131. 132. 137. 160. 181. 183. 184. 199. ibid. 181. 183. 184 299. ibid. 206. 207. ibid. 214. 216. 218. 219. 220. 224. 225. 233. 234. 289 290. 293. 295. 296. 318. 326. 327. ibid. 328. 329. 330. 334. 335. 249.  
Stridon the place where S. Hierome was borne. 12  
Strigonium, the Metropolitan city in Hungary. ibid.  
Strigonium, a rich Archbishopric. 111 the Swisses sent to the Diet of Ausbourg 306.  
the Stars have their return more soon or late the one than the other. 2  
the great conjunction of Stars happened in these times. 3  
Subtlety against the conductors of Artillery. 290  
Spoil made in Hungary by the Turk. 34 45. 46  
a merry and earnest Speech of Francis Peren. 25  
Skirmishes before the battle. 26  
a Slave sent by George to Oliman besieged at Lippa, taken by Castalde. 155  
Spaniards mutiny, spoil Hungary. 255  
two Spaniards reneged, are cause of the taking of Themesuar. 203  
Spies taken, discover the Turks designs. 296  
a French Spy in Ferdinand's army advertiseth the Turk of the Transylvanian affairs. 112. saveth himself by means of Vicchy. 113  
the immortal Spirit not subject to stars. 4  
the State of Germany touching the Diets. 397. 398  
the three States of Hungary corrupted. 3  
a State come to his full perfection, presently declineth. 4  
Stephen the son of john King of Hungary, named john by the Turks command. 57 102  
Stephen by the counsel of Friar George is sent to Solyman. 69. sent back to his mother. 70  
Stephen Azel in succour of Lewis. 26. died in battle. 33  
Stephen governor of Valachia. 7  
Stephen Battor Count Palatin. ibid.  
Stephen Battor sent to the vaivode. 16  
Stephen Battor sent by Lewis into the army, to sound the Commanders. 22  
Stephen Battor the chief of the Princes of Hungary. 38  
Stephen Battor. Stephen Battor chosen King of Transiluania. 352. declared King. 351. chosen King of Polonia, and received. 352. writ to Maximilian. ibid. sent to congratulate Rodolph for his promotion to the Empire. 355. besiegeth Danzic, which is yielded to him. ibid. made war upon the Muscovite, and Tartar. ibid. sent to acknowledge the Pope, and to seek in Italy people of valour and knowledge. ibid.  
Stephen Lozonse Lieutenant for Ferdinand at Themesuar. 126. is summoned by the Belerbey. 128  
Stephen Lozonse created Count of Themesuar. 187. provideth himself of men. 194. is besieged. 197. capitulateth. 205. leaveth Themesuar to the Turks. ibid. is defeated with all his people, and lead to the Bassa contrary to the agreement. 206. his death. 207  
Stephen Maillat and Gottart Chiefs of the army against Gritty. 54. 66. retireth to Fogar. 66. goeth out of Fogar to capitulate with Mustapha, and that which happened to him. 66. 67. died in prison at Constantinople. 67. 72.  
Stephen, vaivode of Moldavia, willing to succour Izabella, is slain, with all his race, and guards. 228. 230.  
Stephen Verbets left by Solyman at Buda for the managing of justice there. 74  
Speech of Castalde to his soldiers in passing Tibiscus. 96  
Speech of Castalde to his soldiers going to the assault at Lippa. 146  
another speech of the said Castalde, tending to redouble the assault 149  
Speech of Castalde to the Hungars, receiving of them an oath of allegiance in the name of Ferdinand. 117  
Speech of George to the principal Lords and Captains of Ferdinand's army to save Oliman. 156  
a Ship going by art in the streets of Brussels at the funerals of Charles the 5. 278    


T  
Tartars' barbarous and cruel. 334.  
they mutiny against john, who overthroweth them. 335  
Tartars defeated in Polonia. ibid.  
Tartar's redoubted of the Hungars. 296  
Tata taken by Count Salm upon the Turks. 322  
Taurinum, a Fortress. 14  
Tergovista, a principal town of the Transalpinians, gave advertisement to Castalde of that which passed at Constantinople. 174  
Tergovista, a principal town of the Transalpinians. 244  
Terovanne taken by Charles the 5. upon the Frenchmen. 291  
Themes, a river gave the name to Themesuar. 132  
Themesuar, a Fortress. 8  
Themesuar and Lippa, towns of importance. 121  
Themesuar, and the description thereof. 132. besieged. ibid. delivered from the siege. 137. given to keep to Gaspar Casteluio. 163. besieged by Mahomet. 197 parlying. 199. taken. ibid.  
Thitetie, a Provost. 14  
Thomas Nadasdy sent to Ferdinand. 17  
Thomas Varcocce for George, defeateth the army of Vicchy. 81  
Thomas Varcocce succoureth Ottomiall at Zegedin. 180. is cut in pieces by the Turks 161.  
Thomas Zalahazy recommended for his excellent writing. 24  
ecclesiastical Treasure taken for the war. 10  
Treasure found by the peasants after a great raging of water. 214  
Treasures of George found after his death 175  
a general Treasurer in an army, and his charge. 92  
Thyssa, a river, anciently named Tibiscus. 40  
Tibiscus a river full of fish, and his spring. 12  
Tissa, or Tibiscus, a river. 96  
Tocchay a Castle taken in the favour of Izabella. 268  
Tocchay a strong Castle. 273. taken by john upon Ferdinand 282.  
Tocchay besieged by the imperials. 288 yielded. ibid.  
Tocchay taken by Schuendy. 334. besieged by john. ibid.  
Tholne, the rendezvous of the Hungarish soldiers to march against the Turk. 10  
Torde, the rendezvous of the Hungarish army. 188  
Tourney made at the coronation of Rodolph K. of Hungary. 349  
the Transalpinian sent to the Turk his only son in hostage. 16  
Transalpinia, otherwise Valacchia the less. 8  
Transalpinia and Moldavia, parts of Valachia. 13  
Transalpinians and servians. 100  
Transiluania, her situation and riches. 13. 14  
Transiluania reduced into the puissance of Ferdinand. 42  
Transiluania in piteous estate. 89  
a description of Transiluania. 100 her riches. 101  
Transiluania yielded to Izabella. 272. 273  
Transylvanians in arms for the death of vaivode Emeric. 54  
the determination of the Transylvanians, not to admit for King, either john, or Ferdinand. 57  
Transylvanians swear fidelity to Stephen K. john's son. 67. threatened by Solyman, forsake their Queen. 82. 83. conspire to chase out George. 87  
Transylvanians, people of small effect for the most part. 134  
Transylvanians revolt against Ferd. 231  
Transylvanians astonished at the letters of Solyman to Battor. 249. reassured by Castalde. 250. revolt again against Ferd. 253. 254. they solicit Izabella to return into Transiluania. 256. they rise in her favour. 260. refuse to relieve Castalde with money & victuals. 259  
Truce between the Emp. Charles and the K. of France. 274. broken 278.  
Truce between Ferd. and Solyman. 285  
Tribute paid to the Turk for Transiluania. 122  
Tribute paid to the Turks by the Hungars. 14. 239  
Tribute paid to the Emperor by the Imperial towns. 298  
a great Tumult in the army of Solyman after the death of Mustapha. 269. 270  
Turchy john sent by George against the Bassa of Buda, he defeated three hundred horse. 86  
Turks more accustomed to charge upon the backs of those who retire, then at fight. 25  
Turks at the assault of Vienna repulsed. 48. 49. 50  
Turks in field to take Q. Izabella. 122  
Turks dead upon the breach of Lippa, to the number of more than 1200. 152  
Turks defeated. 293. 294. 318. 322. 325. 330. 331  
Turks very superstitious. 267  
description of a Tyrant. 225    


W  
WIlliam, son of the Landgrave riseth against the Emp. Charles. 190  
William Roccandolph besiegeth Buda for Ferd. 59 removeth his Campe. 62. is assailed on all sides by Mahomet. 63. raiseth the siege. 64. is overthrown. 65. dieth in the I'll of Comar. ibid.  
an extreme Winter. 289  
Wheel of Fortune. 4  
Vage, a river. 12  
Vessels fraughted with Cannons and munition of war, arrive at the camp. 25  
Valentine Toronk, one of the guardians to preserve the King in battle. 26  
Valentine and Maillat, principal persons amongst the Hungars, died at Constantinople. 67. 72  
Varadin Peter now called Belgrade. 14  
cruel Words of a Tyrant. 268  
Varadin Peter taken by the Turk. 17  
the vaivode of Moldavia spoileth Transiluania. 86. retired. ibid.  
the new vaivode of Moldavia forsaketh Ferdinand, and seeketh the Turk. 230  
the vaivode of Transiluania in trouble for the King's pleasure, because of the diversity of messages. 16  
vaivode of Valachia defeateth his enemy. 284  
the Vayvodes of Moldavia and Transalpinia in succour of Izabella against George. 84  
the vaivode of Transalpinia defeated. 85  
Vayvodes of Moldavia and Valachia confederate with Izabella. 273  
the entertainment of the Venetians to the Queen of Polonia. 274  
Venetians solicit the Emperor to make war upon the Turk. 342  
a Vision appearing foretold the pitiful end of Lewis. 32  
Vesprimia taken by Count Salm upon the Turks. 321  
the World is immovable in the midst of the air. 1  
a memorable Victory of Raoul against Mirce. 243  
Victories of Charles the 5. 279  
Vienna besieged. 46  
the assurance of the Viennians. 47  
Vienna delivered from the siege. 50  
Wine of Hungary, Transiluania, and Slavonia. 13  
Vision of Mustapha, foretold his death. 267  
Vithain taken by Count of Salm upon the Turks. 323  
Vladislas More in succour of Lewis. 26  
Volfang Orders defeated the Naval Turkish army upon Danubius. 47  
Valour of Vrbain Batian to repulse the Germans entering into Buda by a postern. 61  
Vrumiler, men of war. ibid.  
to Use a free woman is sin amongst the Ottomans. 262  
Vssarons, light horsemen. 37. 96  
Valachia divided in two. 13  
Walachia, a Roman Colony, and from whence it was so named. 100  
Walko divideth Hungary from Sclavonia. 12  
Wiertesies, Forests. 35  
Wilak, and his magnificent Fortress. 14  
Vissegard, a Fortress saved by the Peasants and Friars. 34  
Wivar, a Castle built by George. 122  
the Vulgar people always follow new fortune. 244  
Vylak taken by the Turks. 18  
a Woman of Torde taking her husband in adultery, cut off his head, according to the custom of the place, notwithstanding the pardon that she had received of him for the like offence. 189  
a virtuous Woman of Lippa after she had been spoiled by George. 162  
Women of Agria courageous. 234. 235  
William of Gonsague D. of Mantua in succour of the Emperor. 305    


Z  
ZAgrabia, a capital town of Slavonia. 12  
Zaluoch, a Fortress. 99 258  
Zaluoch, a strong Castle, besieged by Mahomet. 220. part burned by casual fortune. 221. cowardly forsaken by the garrison. 222  
Zamosse, a river. 12  
Zathnar taken by Schuendy. 338  
Zeangir son of Solyman and Rossa. 262  
Zeghedin taken upon the Turk. 177  
Zeghedin succoured by the Turk with a great overthrow. 181  
Zeangir son of Solyman and Rossa, killeth himself seeing his brother Mustapha strangled. 269  
See Selim.  
Zena, General of the men of war of Transiluania. 196    
The end of the Table.