CERTAIN Works of Galens, called METHODUS MEDENDI, with a brief Declaration of the worthy Art of Medicine, the Office of a Chirurgeon, and an Epitome of the third book of Galen, of Natural Faculties: all translated into English, by Thomas Gale Master in chirurgery.  
AT LONDON Printed by Thomas East, dwelling between Paul's Wharfe and Baynard's Castle. 1586.   

TO THE RIGHT Honourable, Sir Henry Nevell Knight, Lord a Burgavene, and his singular good Lord, etc.  
FOrsmuch, my singular good Lord, as I have perceived you to be naturally inclined to the art of Medicine, and chiefly to have understanding in that part, which is commonly called chirurgery, I have not been a little careful since my acquaintance with your Lordship, to further you in the same study, even to the uttermost of my power, and forasmuch as you have so profited, not only in the Theorike part, but also in the practic, I have thought all my pains & labours well bestowed. And although I should hold my peace, and say nothing herein, yet a great number of poor men, and others, which have been cured of your Lordship, of many sundry griefs and diseases, will set abroad and bewray your notorious and charitable deeds. And forasmuch as your Honour hath better understanding in this worthy art, than a great many of those which take upon them the name of chirurgeons, I might very well say, the most part. And forasmuch as your Lordship beareth such a singular love unto the same art, I am therefore moved to dedicate these my simple travails unto your Honour, to be the patron and defender thereof, for I do perceive, that now in our time no good enterprise can be gone about, but false detraction and envy is like to overthrow the same, which hath moved me for as much as you are a noble man, the rather to dedicate my travails unto your Honour, to be my aid and secure in the defending of this my small travail, which I protest I have not taken in hand, neither for vain glory, neither yet for any worldly profit or gain, for since the first time that I began to set out any part of this art in our English tongue, I have both sustained great displeasure, and also lost many profits, of those which were in times past my special friends, and the greatest matter that they have to say against me, is only that I go about to make every body cunning in the art of medicine, with setting forth of these my works in the English tongue, but if it shall please your good Lordship to understand my bounden duty, first to almighty God, of whom I have received the talon, and also my duty to my natural Country, whom I ought to profit with my talon, according to the saying of our saviour jesus Christ, which saith, He that hideth his talon in the ground, and useth it not to the profit of his neighbour, it shall be taken from him again. Wherefore my good Lord, I think it my duty to set forth these things for the commodity of the common wealth of my Country. What greater profit may come unto any in the time of need, than to cure his grievous wounds, without which he should presently die: to cure his grievous sores, which doth not only eat the flesh, but fretteth and rotteth in sunder the great bones, with most vehement grief and pain, and also great inflammations, and tumors against Nature, which taketh away the natural actions of the body, and molesteth it with most vehement and continual pain, and also curing of broken bones, and bones being out of joint, to restore them into their natural places again, with many other griefs appertaining to the same art which were here to long to be recited.  
And for as much as many have taken upon them the curation of these diseases above said, and have committed many great errors for lack of knowledge, to no small danger of God's people, & no less hurt of the common wealth, I have thought it therefore my bounden duty, to set forth my only one talon in furthering of knowledge, even as the poor widow did, which had but only one farthing, and put the same into the Lord's treasure, & like as that same was accepted with almighty God, so I trust he will accept this my good will, according to the knowledge which he hath given me, so that at the last day, I trust he shall not say unto me, thou hast hid thy talon in the ground, and not profited therewith as thou shouldest have done.  
And also I trust that good men of my Country shall have no cause to have an evil opinion in me, either through negligence or idleness, for that they may well perceive that these travails do both require study and time of setting forth. Now my singular good Lord, if they shall say it is not good because it is in the English tongue, than I must allege unto them the famous men which were the chief setters forth of the same art, as Hypocrates and Galen amongst the Grecians, whatsoever they might understand by foreign languages, either else gather by reason, or by experience, or observation of time, all these, whatsoever they were, they did write them in Greek, which was their own language & tongue, to that end, they might the better be understanded, and sooner be learned. Also in like manner the worthy Arabians, as that noble king Avicen, Averroes, Albucasis, Mesue, & a great sort more of worthy men, which did collect and translate many noble works of Medicine out of the Greek tongue, the Ebrue tongue, and many other languages, into their own natural tongue, which was then the Arabian tongue. In like manner the Latinists were no less diligent to collect and gather, both out of the Greek and Arabian tongue, & wrote it in their own tongue, as you may read in the works of those famous men, Plinius and Cornelius Celsus, with many other more, whose works are manifest at this present day: If these worthy men have been moved with good conscience for knowledge sake, and for the better maintenance of their common wealth, in setting forth of this art for the relief, comfort, succour, help, and health, of those that be sick and diseased, or other ways wounded or hurt, in war, or by mischance, etc. Why should not I then without blame or reproach, for the furtherance of knowledge and other necessary things above rehearsed, set forth in our English tongue, some part of this good and necessary art, for the instruction and further knowledge of those young students, which are desirous to learn the same, and to use the same to the profit of the common wealth in the time of necessity, I do not mean, that honest Artists, as Tailors, Shoemakers, Weavers, or any other handy occupations, that they should leave their arts wherein they are perfect, and fall to this art of Medicine, for I do wish with all my heart, that politic laws might be made, to constrain every man to follow that art, in which he hath been well instructed and brought up in. But my meaning is, only to instruct those that be brought up in the art of Surgery under some experimenters, who hath little learning in the tongues, & yet desirous to attain knowledge, and forasmuch as these experimenters are permitted by laws to occupy the art of Surgery, I thought it my bounden duty, both for the furtherance of their knowledge, and also for the relief of these that be diseased, to set forth this in the English tongue which I have done, I do not go about to instruct those which be great learned men, and understandeth the tongues, neither yet do I go about to satisfy the mind of those that be contentious and captious, that will rather find fault with other men's doings, than to further those that be willing to learn with their good doings. My intent is only to further those that be willing to learn, which with humble and gentle heart do accept and take in good part other men's great pain and travails, and forasmuch as Prentices and young men, which have not been trained up in schools, neither yet can understand the Greek or Latin tongue, and yet can understand and read English very well, and be of ready wit and good memory, to carry away that they read & hear: It hath moved me therefore the rather to write these books in the English tongue, & forasmuch as the foundation of art doth consist only in reason & experience, neither can there be any third thing added thereunto, as Galen affirmeth in his 3. book, named Therapeuticon, It seemeth to me therefore, that he which understandeth any tongue, whether it be Greek, Latin, or English, it serveth him no more but for the further understanding of that thing which he doth read: for it doth not follow, that every one which can speak Greek, Latin, or Ebru, by and by to be a good divine, or perfectly to understand the Art of Medicine, for the common people amongst the Grecians, spoke the Greek tongue, and so in other countries, which speaketh their language, and yet neither Divines, neither yet Physicians, therefore it doth manifestly appear by Galen, that the tongues maketh not an Artist, but reasonable knowledge being joined with experience, maketh the Artist, so that in what tongue soever a man may gather knowledge, whether it be Greek, Ebru, Latin, English, or what other language soever it be, that same knowledge being joined with reason and experience, maketh a perfect Artist: yet my good Lord, I would wish that he that should be a Chirurgeon, should understand the tongues, for as much as in times past they have been more diligent, & careful to further their common wealths in those countries, than they be in ours, by means whereof they have brought many noble Arts into their own tongues, which we have not so largely set forth in our English tongue.  
Therefore if the professors of chirurgery were learned in these tongues, they might more easily understand the principles of their Art, with their true divisions, and definitions which should the more readier instruct them to follow a true method, and this hath been one cause which hath moved me to take this matter in hand. Thus most humbly beseeching your Lordship to take these books, the fruits of my painful travails, into your noble protection, & defend both them and me your poor suppliant, from the malice of busy detractors, and I shall not only be the better encouraged to set forth other things according to my knowledge for the furtherance of the common wealth, but also as my duty requireth to pray unto the almighty Lord, for your Lordship's long life, perfect health, and daily increase of honour.  
At my poor house in London, the vij of novemb. 1566. Your honours always to command during his life, Thomas Gale Chirurgeon.   


GO forth my painful book,  
Thou art no longer mine:  
Each man may on thee look,  
The shame or praise is thine.   

Thou mightst with me remain,  
And so eschew all blame,  
But since thou wouldst so fain,  
Go forth in God's name.   

And seek thou for no praise,  
No thank nor yet reward,  
Nor each man for to please,  
Have thou no great regard.   

For as to pleasure many,  
I have been ever glad,  
Right so to displease any,  
I would be loath and sad.   

The labour hath been mine,  
The travail and the pain,  
Reproaches shall be thine,  
To bear we must be feign.   

But if thou please the best,  
And such as be of skill,  
I pass not for the rest,  
Good men except good will.   
FINIS.   

Thomas Gale Master in chirurgery, unto those young men which are desirous of knowledge, and are studious in the Art of chirurgery.  
IN the name of the blessed Trinity, I for the health of mankind, have with great pains and travail, collected and gathered together certain parts of the Art of Medicine, and have put the same into sundry books, for that end, they might be the better understanded, and for as much as there be many young men desirous of knowledge in this Art, and few of them learned in the Latin or Greek tongue. Therefore, I with the help of my friends, have set forth these books in English. This part which I have set forth, is commonly called chirurgery, for that it doth cure by the ministering of convenient medicines with the hand. And for as much as divers and sundry persons, taketh upon them to use the same Art, having little skill in the principles or right use thereof, and some of the same do dwell far from Cities and good Towns, wherefore they cannot have such counsel as is needful to be had, when great and dangerous cures chanceth into their hands.  
Therefore I have set forth and published abroad, both for your better understanding, and also safeguard of God's people, these works, desiring you most heartily to give God the praise and thanks therefore, and as for my part, I have done but my duty, in furthering of the common wealth in this my profession and Art, requiring you in the name of Almighty God, that when great & dangerous cures happeneth into your hands, not only to be circumspect to trust in your own doings, but also to take counsel of other ancient and grave men that have had good experience, for in so doing, it shall not be only a help unto the Patient, but also unto your own selves, for in seeing of other cunning men's works, you shall learn and see those things, which you did never know nor see before: & further more, the common people shall have a good opinion in you, for that you disdain not to take counsel of other expert men.  
Thus I leave to trouble you any further, committing this my doing unto your judgement, desiring you to take it in as good part as I offer it unto you, and diligently to read all these books often times over, and then I trust you shall find such commodity and profit thereby, as shall redound unto your perpetual good name and fame, and to the safeguard of many people, which other ways through your ignorance and lack of knowledge, might utterly perish.  
Thus I beseech the eternal God to bless us all, & to give us grace to honour and praise his holy name, and to travail in this our vocation and Art, truly, rightly, and without deceit, so that it may be to the glory of God, to the common wealth, and your further knowledge: and finally, to the health and safeguard of the people, through jesus Christ our Lord.  
FINIS.   

A brief declaration, of the worthy Art of Medicine, and of the inventors of the same, and of the parts & names that it is divided into, and to what end it serveth.  
THE m●… famous and ancient authors, doth manifestly affirm, that the art of Medicine, was given to mankind, by the almighty Lord God, that it might help our week and frail nature, in the time of most grievous sickness, sent unto us for our sins, for if we should always remain in health, & in good and perfect state, neither should we know ourselves, neither yet the great might, and power, of the Lord God, which doth both give health, and sickness, neither should we seek out the virtue of his creatures, as herbs, trees, stones, metals, minerals, beasts, fowls, fishes, and all other things, that creepeth on the face of the earth, which hath received of the high and mighty Lord, both qualities, and properties, to help, and cure, most grievous diseases, being rightly applied and used, according to reason, & experience, and for as much as we do see, that mankind is altered, overthrown, and corrupted, through the frailness of nature, by means whereof, we cannot always remain in health, we are therefore driven by necessity, to seek out those things, which may restore us again unto health. Health is restored by the virtue of medicines, and the virtue of medicines, was found out by long experience: experience, and reason, being joined together, maketh an art, and this art by the common consent, and testimony, of all authors, is the most worthy, honourable, and most profitable, in all the world: For like as man, which is subject to this art, or the matter, whereupon the artist doth work, is most excellent amongst all creatures, both in the sight of God, his creature, and in the sight of the world, so is the artist, which worketh upon his body, most excellent, both in the sight of God, and in the sight of Princes, wherefore, Solomon did say, Honora medicum, pro necessitate, for the highest Lord hath created him, for thy help and health. Here it is manifest, that this art is most noble, for that it taketh her beginning and foundation of the omnipotent God, as it doth more manifestly appear, in the creation of the world, for the Lord God commanded the earth, to bring forth all manner of herbs, fruitful trees, and all other things, necessary for mankind, that he might have the use of them, to his sustenance, for the defence of his life, and that he might by the same things, put away grievous diseases: wherefore the most wise Hebretion jesus Sirach, did say, Medicine doth proceed from the most highest, and the ancient and most wise men of the land, have brought it forth, and he that is wise, will not abhor it. What can be spoken more in the commendation of this art, or who dare say, that it is not worthy to be commended, seeing that these words are spoken by the spirit of God, in these holy men, Saint Paul doth say, that the gift of healing is the gift of the holy Ghost, and jesus Christ the son of God, did minister in this Art, and cured many people, by means whereof, it doth most manifestly appear, that it is in estimation, both with God, and man. If I shall speak of familiar examples, which daily chanceth before our eyes, as in those which be infected with most grievous sickness, who hath neither comfort, nor joy, of all their worldly goods, neither yet hath any space, without tormenting pain, to eat their meat. The grievous and bloody wounds, of those that be in battle, which should perish without present help, if it were not for this Art, & many other, which daily be brought to health, of innumerable diseases. Let all these, declare the benefit of God, in receiving the commodity, of this Art, let them testify, I say, what it is, to be lightened from so great evils, from so great fear of death, and many times, from death itself: how profitable, how honourable, and how worthy, this art is, let them declare. There be divers opinions, of the first invention of this art, for some suppose, it was first found out amongst the Egyptians, and other some say, that the hebrews did first invent it, & some suppose the Grecians to be the chief founders thereof, but if we may believe Herodotus or Diodorus, they say that the Egyptians were the first inventors and séekers out of the nature of herbs, and other things, to cure griefs and diseases withal, and that they challenge unto themselves the chief preferment for the antiquity of medicine, and also to be the first inventors of the worthy art of Astronomy, as it may appear by their books which they have written of the course of all the Stars. And they have brought to light what things were profitable to living creatures, by inventing and exercising of diverse arts, as Medicine, Astronomy, Music, and Arithmetic, and the worthy tillage of the ground was invented by them. Also Diodorus hath given this honour or victory unto Mercury, & he doth attribute the inventing of Medicine unto him. Osiris' the son of Saturnus, for his excellent wit, extolled him with great honour, for the inventing of so many noble arts, the which things Strabus doth seem plainly to confirm in the last book of his Geografie.  
Where as he doth also write great commendations of the fruitful ground of Egypt, for that it doth bring forth abundantly all manner of things necessary for the art of medicine, which doth excel in such plentifulness, that no Country is to be compared unto it. And he supposeth that Mercurius Trimegistus was the first that found out the nature, properties, and qualities of herbs, fruits, trees, roots, metals, stones, and many other things appertaining unto the art of Medicine, he had diverse men appointed to be at his commandment, by the king of Egypt, whose name was Apis, which men did continually travail in seeking of herbs and other things throughout all Egypt, and brought the said things unto Mercurius, and he made experiments and trials upon them, and did wonderful great things by their virtues & properties, & afterward devised and invented letters, and joined them so together, by marvelous art, and taught them in such sort, unto his disciples or scholars, that they did perfectly understand them, and did write, and read their own language, in such a perfect sort, that in short time, throughout all the country, they sent letters, one to an other, wherein one understood an others mind, than Mercurius, for as much as he saw such virtue, in herbs and other things, as is aforesaid, and how profitable they were, for mankind, in helping of diseases, wounds, pestilence, and many other things, wherewith, many people in that country were afflicted, he having compassion upon them, and minding, to leave a perpetual remembrance in writing, of the natures, and properties of those herbs, and other things aforesaid, and what diseases they served for. He called upon the eternal Gods, to strengthen, & assist him in his enterprise, with wisdom, and cunning, & with length of time, that he might set forth these things, to their everlasting praise, & to the universal profit, and commodity of mankind.  
And so he began to write, and wrote four books, in tables of wood, as Strabus, doth affirm: and some saith, that those tables endured to the time of Ptolemy the great, who did dedicate them unto the gods, and delivered them unto the Priests of the Temple, where, afterward they were destroyed, by the means of war.  
Some hold opinion, that Chiron Sentaurus, hearing of this excellent man Mercury, went forth of Grecia, into Egypt, to learn of him, and became excellent, in divers arts, and specially, in the art of medicine, and in knowledge of the simples, and afterwards, he returned again into Grecia, his own country, and in that time, there reigned in Grecia, a noble Prince named Apollo, who was of excellent wisdom, and diligent in study, to further the common wealth of his country, with knowledge, and he hearing of this excellent man Chiron Sentaurus, sent for him, and gave him great rewards, and so he learned of Chiron Sentaurus, as some writers affirm, to know the natures of herbs, and other things, appertaining to the Art of Medicine, & having knowledge of them, and their natures, he put the same in use, to the great comfort, relief and help, of the diseased and sick people, and to his own immortal fame, for that he did help such diseases and sicknesses, which before that time could never be helped, wherefore the people did honour him as a God, and supposed that he was a counsel with the Gods, in that, that he did know the nature and property of these herbs, and other things, which they did affirm, no man might know, except he learned it of the Gods themselves, and after the death of their king Apollo, they lamented and mourned throughout all the Country, thinking the art had been utterly lost, but he being careful for his Country, had taught the same unto Aesculapius his son, which when the people understood, and for the worthiness of his own good deeds, they gathered great sums of money throughout all the land of Grecia, and builded therewithal a rich Temple, and buried his body in a marvelous rich Sepulchre within the same, and called it the Temple of Apollo, and did honour him as a God, for his most virtuous life, and painful travail, as concerning the common wealth of his Country, and specially for that he did not disdain to cure the most miserable diseased people, which before his time perished without remedy.  
And now that we are entered in amongst the Grecians, and for that some affirmeth Apollo to be the first inventor of Medicine, we will proceed forth to the noble men of that Country, which had this art in so great honour and estimation, that they most diligently above all other arts, studied it, and in time did grow so excellent therein, that they excelled all other Nations in the world, as it doth most manifestly appear by their most worthy Books, left unto their posterity, for a perpetual memory of their most virtuous and painful travail, which redoundeth unto our great commodity, and to the help and secure of those that be diseased.  
The most ancient of all the Grecians, I supposed to be Apollo, who did cure many great and wonderful diseases, by the help of the forenamed Chiron Centaurus, and some suppose, for that, that the same Chiron did cure many grievous, malignant, and virulent ulcers, amongst other diseases, that the name of the Art of Chirurgia, was first derived from Chiron, for that he did minister medicaments with his hands, and so cured the people, and being the first that practised with medicines by the use of the hand, it is supposed that he gave it that name.  
Then after Apollo came Aesculapius his son, who was no less diligent and studious in the same art than his Father, and calling unto him diverse Philosophers, and other noble men of his Country, and by their advice and consent, he did constitute, it an Art, and made it lawful for his subjects that had studied the same, and being brought up with men of great experience and practise, to use the same art amongst his people, to the restoring of their health, in curing of their diseases and infirmities. By means whereof Aesculapius got unto himself immortal fame, and was called the son of the Gods, and first constituter and founder of the art of Medicine, as you may read in the History of Tragus, Homer, and many more of the Greek writers, and the same Tragus doth say, that those men which used the art of Medicine, were named jatroes, for that they did cure all manner of griefs, wounds, and sores, and in our ancient English tongue they were called Léeches, and in the Latin tongue, Medicus, which names doth signify no other thing, but curing and healing of men's bodies with convenient medicines.  
Then next after were Aesculapius two sons, called Machaon and Podalirius, who being well instructed in the foresaid art by their Father Aesculapius, became wonderful excellent, as it may appear more at large in the Story of the Trojan wars, by their cures which they did upon the wounded, sore, and sick men. These two noble Princes, as Tragus saith, had many Disciples, which they taught this art unto, and they and their Disples, by continual practice in proving experiments, found out many marvelous remedies against poisons of unclean meats and drinks, and against the poison of Herbs, Serpents, and many other things, and against the poisoning of Swords, Darts, Arrow heads, and Spears, as it is said by Demosthenes and other writers.  
Then of their Disciples did grow a great number, which were dispersed into diverse parts of the world, some were sent for into Egypt, & some into Persia, some to the Romans, and some to the Scythians, whereas they were had in great estimation with the Princes and noble men of those Countries, for that they did cure and help their wounded and hurt Soldiers, in the time of wars, and also did relieve and cure their people in the time of pestilence and other grievous infections, to the great safeguard, help, and comfort of their people, and to the great security and stay of the Realm, which if their people had died of these contagious infections, that were saved by them, their Country should have lain open to have been taken and possessed of their enemies.  
Now of these men, using this art in diverse Countries, having many Disciples, or as we may term them Scholars, and diverse and sundry sects and opinions did grow up amongst them, by means whereof there was great controversy, contention, and disputation of a long time, some suppose it was a leaven hundred years, but the matter was not concluded indeed, till the time of Hippocrates, which after long and many disputations, confuted their fond and erroneous opinions, and brought this most excellent art, unto a most perfect way and method of curing, which before his time was unperfect, and used only by Experience, without any method. Some of the same Experimenters affirming, that they could cure only by diet all manner of diseases, and other some affirming, that by purging medicines they could do the same, and other some were of that opinion, that with outward medicines only, these might be done, utterly condemning the other two. Many other foolish opinions there were, which here were too long to be rehearsed. Now after all these cometh Hippocrates, that most excellent and noble Philosopher, endued by the spirit of God with such excellent wisdom and knowledge in this most worthy art, that his like was never before or since: he established this art and made it most perfect, that before his time was unperfect. He wrote many worthy Books of this art, and specially for the curing of Wounds, Ulcers, tumors against nature, Fractures, and Dislocations, wherein he showed himself not only to be excellent in knowledge, but also in practice, as it may most manifestly appear by the Method therein contained, he did divide the art of Medicine into diverse parts, that it might be the better learned and understanded, declaring which ought first to be learned, which second, and so to the third and fourth, and so to the fifth, as it shall hereafter be set forth more at large. Soranus in the Preface of his book, named Isagogus, did saiy that Apollo did first find out the art of Medicine. And Aesculapius did enlarge it and constitute it an Art, but that noble man Hippocrates did finish it, and make it perfect: He saith, that by the excellent knowledge of this art, he did drive away the plague out of all Grecia, and was rewarded with a crown of gold of great value, by a Decree made in the City of Athens, for his great pains and good deserving toward the common wealth. After his death, the Grecians did make in a perpetual remembrance of his Honourable deeds a most fair Tomb, at Delfus, where they did most solemnly bury his body, and wrote upon his Tomb this Epitaph which followeth.  
Hippocrates of Thesalia, and by kind of the Country of Coos, doth lie buried in this place, begotten of the seed of the immortal God Phoebus, & leaving in the world many books of Medicine to put away sickness, and to preserve health, what shall we need to say more of this worthy worthy man, there is no man's cunning that may give him his condign praise.  
After his time, there was many in the Country of Grecia, which practised the Art of Medicine, not only Kings, but great learned Philosophers, Princes, Dukes, and Lords, and by their worthy deeds, in preserving of men's lives, and putting away of sickness, they did obtain immortal fame, I say such fame, did endure longer, and was more esteemed, than the fame of their kingdoms: as for their names, I let pass, for that, there be many writers, have spoken of them at large, there was other divers professers of Medicine, before the time of Galen, that were of worthy fame, as you may read more at large, in the first book of Cornelius Celsus, wherefore we let them pass.  
After all these, came that worthy man, Galen, who was without any comparison, from the beginning of the world, unto this day, except Hypocrates, not only for his excellent learning, in so many famous Arts, which he was perfect in, but specially for this Art of Medicine, which he was most excellently seen in, both in the theoric, and Practic part thereof, his worthy Commentaries upon Hypocrates, doth well declare his excellent knowledge, wherewith he hath most bountifully garnished the Art of Medicine, as our latter writers do say, more like unto a God, than a man.  
How excellent be these books which he hath written of the method of curing, called Methodus Medendi, some part whereof, we have with great travail, brought into the English tongue, and likewise, other of his books also, as hereafter followeth. Well, I will say no more of him, but what seed so ever were sown abroad in the universal world, be the excellent learned men, in the Art of Medicine, not only of Hypocrates, who was the Father and fountain of all Medicine, as Galen himself doth witness, but the seeds of other men, he hath gathered together, sown in one plain field, and watered them with such diligence, that they have so increased, that at this day, the universal earth, hath received nourishment by them, perpetual commodity and pleasure, and he for his great virtue and painful travail, hath won unto himself immortal fame, which shall remain to the worlds end. After him came Aesius, who hath written divers worthy books, in the same art of Medicine.  
Also Oribasius, Actuarius, and Paulus Aegeneta, were worthy writers in the same Art, as you may see by their works, which they have written, Dioscorides also, which was before Galens' time, I may not forget, for his painful travail, in knowledge of the simples, as it doth appear by a worthy book, which he hath made thereof. All these and many more, were worthy men amongst the Grecians, and professers of the art of Medicine, and did always extol and take Apollo, as the chief Captain, and first beginner of the art of Medicine: and Aesculapius, his son, to be a setter forward of the same, and Hypocrates, did make it perfect and finish it.  
What shall I say, for the worthy Arabians, as that noble man of Cartage, named Aunconius, Prince Auisen, Auorois, Auinsor, Rasis, Mesuea, Albucasius, and many other worthy men, that sprung amongst the Arabians, who hath not a little garnished the Art of Medicine, with a great number of most excellent books, which are to be seen at this day.  
All these men, I say, took their beginning of Galen, and doth honour him as their principal head, and doth glory, and exalt themselves, in his name, for that they never had perfect method of curing before his time, but cured only by experience, as they were taught of their masters. For Hypocrates works before Galens' time, were so short and obscure, that they were unto most men, not understanded, by means whereof many doubts did grow, but Galen, by most worthy commentaries, made upon the same books, made those doubts most plain and evident, unto all people, by means whereof, not only many worthy Grecians, as I have said before, have taken a courage to write, but also many of these most famous Arabians, have followed their steps, and examples, in setting forth many excellent works, in the same Art of Medicine, not only to the safeguard of their Prince, and people, but also to their immortal fame, and perpetual and everlasting honour.  
The noble Latinists, have also deserved no less fame, both in seeking out the knowledge of simples, and also in setting forth of most worthy works, in the Art of Medicine, as these worthy men, Cornelius Celsus, Plinius, and before them Cato, Ʋerro, Alexander, and many more, which were men of worthy fame, all these, as I have said before, have taken their original and beginning, from Hypocrates, and Galen.  
It is also most apparent, that there are many worthy men that have written in these latter days & no small number in our time, and of many Countries, some did write in France, some in Spain, some in Germany, and some in our own Country, and many of them were famous men, and men of great and excellent knowledge, and practise.  
As Lamfranke, Archbishop of milon, Guido, of the school of Mompillor, and Commissary to the Pope Rogerus, and Roulandus, of the school of Mompilor, and Chirurgeons unto the King of France, Rose Anglus, Gilbertus Anglus, Hugo Wiklefe, Anglus, of the school of Cambridge, Theodoricus, and Brunus, of the school of Bonane, Arnoldus de villa nova, and Plasentinus, of the school of Mompilior, Petrus de Argilat, and Gordonus: all these did write of the Art of Medicine, about two or three hundred years since, and all these builded their foundation, and took their original, of Hypocrates and Galen, and now in our time, there hath been famous writers, as johannes Vigo, Antonius Muse, Antonious Gallus, Nicolaus Mass, johannes Baptista Montanus, jacobus Silvius, Alfonsius Ferrey, Hollerius, Leonardus Fuchius, johannes Tagaltius, Gabrielus Falopius, Rioldus Columnus, Antonius Calmisius Vassalius, joh. Fernelius, Amatus Lucitanus, Franciscus Valleriolus, jeronimus Cardanus, Matthiolus, and a great many more, of learned men, who we will pass over, the troubling of tyme.  
All these which I have spoken of, of what Country so ever they were, they took their original and foundation, of our Father Hypocrates, and Galen, although they have found out many things, appertaining to the Art of Medicine, which we find no mention made of, neither in Hypocrates, nor in Galen, yet they had their foundation from them, and all these men, of what country so ever they were, they have drunk of the water, that flowed out of their two wells, and do greatly rejoice therein, and who that list to read their works, may perceive the truth thereof.  
Now my friends, to tell you the truth, in my judgement, what was the cause of these men's writings, I take it to be chiefly, to set forth the glory of God, in his wonderful creatures and works, as touching their natures, qualities, and properties, which doth appertain unto this artist, which doth use the Art of Medicine, to consider upon, for all manner of things, under Heaven, do serve either for man's nourishment, or else for the making of his body, or else for necessary remedies in the time of sickness, or else for preservatives, to keep him from sickness, and to preserve health. So careful was the high and mighty Lord God, for his creature, man, that he made all these things, to serve his use, as necessary helps, in the time of his necessity, and placed him in the place of joy, with great solemnity. But alas, his frail nature, was the cause of his sudden overthrow, from joy to sorrow, from pleasure, to pain, from rest and quietness, to perpetual labour and unquietness, from a most temperate Air, and pleasant place, into a miserable world, tormented with innumerable contrary airs, and change of winds.  
Yea, I say, even from the place of health, into the world of sickness and misery: where our bodies be altered, and weakened, every day, by mixing together, of contrary Elements, and we being subject to the same, are daily tormented, with innumerable diseases. And although Adam, at the first creation, was endued with most excellent wisdom, and knowledge, by the power & might, of the Lord God, so that he did know all things, that were upon the face of the earth, in the waters, and deep parts thereof, not only their qualities, and properties, but their substantial forms, and figures, and gave them names, as he himself thought good, for he had perfect knowledge of all things, by the divine spirit of God, which did work in him, according to his first creation: but when he had sinned against the Lord God, than was taken from him his divine knowledge, and left here in this world, bare and naked, to take pains, and study for all those things, that he would receive commodity of.  
Now man, as I said before, being wrapped about with innumerable sicknesses, diseases, and sudden chances, which be subject to the art of Medicine, which Art, I call the art of curing and healing, was constrained to seek for remedies, in the time of his necessity. And sought out Herbs, Roots, and many other things, to help his diseases, and grief withal, and by use and long time of practising, they did find out the natures, and properties of many things, wherewithal, some times they did good, but by chance, for they observed, neither the natures of bodies, nor their temperatures, nor the disease, neither yet the causes thereof, but only regarded those things which they did see and feel.  
Thus far wide was man, from that excellent knowledge, which was given him in the beginning, for in the beginning, he was not only endued with most beauty, but also with most excellent gifts of knowledge and wisdom.  
All other creatures, besides man, which hath not sinned against the LORD GOD, but followed the nature of their first creation, all these we see by experience, have a certain divine nature in them, which man lacketh, for man did lose it through sin, which these creatures have not done, and for the proof hereof, we will begin with the dog, which being sick, seeketh for a certain grass, & eateth thereof, and with the same cureth his grief and disease: Only a divine nature teacheth him this, without any study. The Squirrel also provideth herself nuts against Winter. The little Ant or Pismere doth gather seeds into the ground, and biteth them in the end, after such a cunning sort, that they may not grow. The Stork also being grieved or annoyed with any unclean thing that she hath eaten, flieth to the sea, and giveth herself a clyster with salt water, ministering it with her bill at her neither end, by means whereof she purgeth and cleanseth herself of her grief and sickness. Thus may you perceive the divine and wonderful works of almighty God, working in his creatures by a divine nature, but man lacking this divine knowledge, and left only to reason and Experience, is constrained by great study to bring to pass those things which by imperfection of Nature doth lack in him: By means whereof, all these most worthy men afore said have put in writing many worthy Books of this art, which art they have obtained by great study and experience, and by a reasonable method or way, have taught the same unto others, not only to that end, that the glory of God in his great and wonderful works, may be the better known, as I have said before, but also for the common wealth of their own Countries wherein they did dwell. The Princes and subjects being wounded, hurt, or diseased, by their great and painful travail, and by their great study and most approved experiments might be restored again unto their health, and the rest which be in good health, might be defended from most cruel plagues and sicknesses, by the help of this most worthy and excellent art. This art (I say) is most worthy, for that it worketh upon the body of man, which is the most excellentest creature of all the world: and as the subject is excellent, which the artist doth work upon, it must needs follow, that the artist must be most worthy which worketh upon so excellent a subject.  
And furthermore, to prove this art to be most excellent, and most of all other to be had in honour and reverence, I prove it by the saying of Saint Paul, That some men had the gift of wisdom, some of prophesying, and some of healing: and Saint Paul saith, That these were done by the spirit of God, that is to say, by the holy Ghost. Therefore Hippocrates and Galen, having the spirit of wisdom and of the art of Medicine, most abundantly poured into them, did excel all men before their times, and set forth this art so perfectly and exactly by the power and virtue of the same spirit, that all the universal world hath received such commodity by them, that their most excellent fame shall endure to the world's end. All other men being endued with the same spirit, and with the examples of them, to set forth such knowledge as they are endued withal, for the help and maintenance of their common wealth, and for the relief and comfort of the diseased subjects, have been from time to time moved with the spirit of God, to write many volumes of books to their posterity, wherein they have taught them the methods of ways of curing, not only of grievous wounds, great Apostumes, ulcers, fractured bones, and dislocations, but of all other infirmities and diseases, that chanceth unto the body of man, with their proper signs and tokens, to judge them by their natures & properties, their distemperatures, with their names and most exact divisions, to that end that they may be more rightly understanded, judged, and aptly cured.  
Here may a question arise, what this art of medicine is, and what you call him that useth the same, for many men suppose that he is properly named a Physician, and other some supposeth that he should be called a Chirurgeon, by means whereof in times passed there hath grown some contention as pertaining to the Instruments proper unto the said art of curing, that is to say, the use of the hand, called Chirurgia, convenient diet, named Dieta, and ministering of convenient medicaments, named Phermacon.  
For answer thereof I have told you my opinion before, that in the beginning the Artist was called jatros, amongst the Grecians, and amongst the Latinists, Medicus, and in our Country, in our ancient tongue, he was called a Léech: which three words, that is to say, jatros, Medicus, & Léech, signified no other thing but to cure, that is, a curer of diseases, sickness, and sores, wherewith man's body is grieved. Now, these diseases cannot be cured without convenient instruments, which instruments are first & chiefly the hands of man, that doth make ready convenient nourishment or medicines, and ministereth the same unto the sick man, or else commandeth the same to be ministered in convenient order. The second is diet, which is a special instrument, as well for the curation of Wounds, Apostumes, ulcerations and tumors against nature, as for all other diseases which chanceth unto man's body: Both Hippocrates and Galen doth prescribe proper diet for wounds, according to the temperature of the body, according to the nature of the wounded part, and according to the nature of the accidents that may be joined with the same wound.  
In like manner Galen prescribeth a diet for those that hath ulcerations, not only in Cancers, but also in many other kind of ulcers, which may neither be conveniently cured, neither yet preserved in good state, without convenient diet, and as for tumours against nature, they require no less help of diet than the residue: for it is a general rule that we first take indication of the nature of the disease which we intend to cure, and of the effects of the same. As for example, in Phlegmon, which is an inflammation engendered of blood, for of nature Phlegmon is hot and moist, but his affect is to make inflammation, not only in the part where it is aggregated, but by consent and affinity, which the grieved member hath with the rest of the body, it doth often times move a Fever, which might grieve and trouble all the body, and cause the inflammation to be more vehement in the grieved part. Therefore the Artist ought chiefly to provide for this mischief, and there is no better way to resist the same, than by giving of convenient diet, which must be cold and dry, contrary to the nature of the disease which cometh of blood, being hot and moist, for these be general rules, taught both of Hippocrates and Galen, that every disease with his affects, be cured with his contrary.  
Thus I think, there is no reasonable man that will deny this instrument to appertain chiefly to the art of Chirurgia, for reason doth approve and allow it, and experience doth find it most necessary and true: Therefore I must say, as Galen saith in his third book Methodo Medendi, All arts are grounded upon reason and experience, neither is there any third thing to be added thereunto: If any man can show me how we may cure ulcers, tumours, and other things appertaining to the art of Surgery, by a third way, and with other instruments than these worthy men have found out by reason and experience, than I will give place, and be glad to learn it, and if I find the same to be more profitable & commodious for the common wealth and for the grieved persons, I will not only endeavour myself to learn it, but also to follow it, extol it, and teach it unto other, but if no man can show me any other way than reason ought to teach him, to suffer me to restore my sick Patient to health, by the permission of God, with those instruments that be most necessary and proper for mine Arte.  
Furthermore, as concerning Pharmacon, which is called Medicamentum or Medicine, I think there be no men ignorant, no not so much as those that be utterly unlearned, but that they know that medicine is an instrument to help to cure diseases and sicknesses withal, for who can cure a wound, a tumour against nature, or an ulcer, only with his hands without medicine, I think there is no man that is so ignorant or stupidious, that thinketh that to be true, then of necessity it must follow, that these be three instruments, and not three parts of medicine, as many men have misconstrued both Hippocrates and Galen, both contrary to reason and true experience, for the hands alone cannot cure without Medicine, neither can the medicines be ministered without hands, neither yet can any man take meat or drink, except it be ministered with the hand, then of necessity it must follow, that these three cannot be divided, forasmuch as one is helped by another, and the desired health brought to an end by all these three, and not by any one of these alone, as Hippocrates did right well prove, in confuting of certain sects that were in his time, as Tragus doth make mention by the authority of that noble King Democrates, affirming that there were certain sects, which then did use the art of curing, some by inward medicine only, which they did purge the body withal, and some by diet only, which they did use, as it seemed unto them good, and some by mininstring of outward medicines, to such parts of the body as they thought good. And every one of these did affirm that they would restore man's body to health, what disease so ever it were affected withal, if that the said disease were curable, only with one of these three ways, and that the other two were superfluous, and need not to be used. By means whereof there did grow great contention, and great disputation was had therein, and in conclusion they did seem to confound all three parts, each of them thus confuting other.  
Then Hippocrates hearing of this great contention amongst them, they all three professing the curative part of the Art of Medicine, sent for them, and appointed unto them certain men to cure, and asked them in what space they would cure the same persons, and they appointed a certain time, and Hippocrates gave them four times so long space: Then every one of them with great diligence according to his own sect and way did minister. Notwithstanding the Patients were not made whole, so that they were constrained to leave them uncured, when they could do no more. When Hippocrates saw their doings, how far wide it was from a reasonable method, yet how ingenious and witty they were in devising and inventing of medicines to bring their purpose to pass, he did not a little marvel.  
Then with courteous words he persuaded them to leave off their preciseness and severe sects, and to use a general method, wherein all those three were joined together, and to use every one of these in his convenient time and place, each one of them to help other, and then there was no doubt but with their excellent inventions, they would cure wonderful griefs and diseases, which otherwise could not be brought to pass.  
Now when Hippocrates had made these three men friends, he required them to go with him to their sick and grieved Patients, and said unto them: That with the same medicines which they had ministered before, by the permission of the immortal Gods he would make all their three Patients whole. So Hippocrates ministering no other diet, but such a diet, as he that ministered the diet had used before, neither yet any other purging medicaments, than he that used to cure with purging medicaments had used before, nor yet any other plasters or ointments, than he that used to cure with plasters and ointments had used before, even with the same medicines that they did use, by using of them in convenient time and place methodically, did cure all their sick Patients: By means whereof they were persuaded to follow his doctrine, and to use these as common and general instruments for the art of curing, and all they to be exhibited and used with the hand.  
Thus it doth appear by Hippocrates, that none of these may be absent from him that useth the art of curing.  
Galen also as concerning purging medicaments, where he entreateth of the same, saith, they be very profitable, yea, and also most necessary in the curing of Cancers, old, stubborn, and rebellious ulcers, and also in Herpis, Herisipelas, etc.  
And these purging medicines were chiefly invented and found out by experiments, wherewithal they did purge and draw away these vicious and evil humours, which was the maintaining cause of all those Ulcers and grieved parts, as it is afore said, which other ways could not have been cured: Galen also in his fourth book De Methodo Medendi, by the authority of Hippocrates, doth say thus, That Purgations of the belly is profitable to many ulcers, and also to wounds of the head, of the belly, and of the joints, and where there is danger of corruption of the bones, or where stitching behoveth in wounds or where Erosians be, or where Herpis, and other affects be, which hindereth the curation of Ulcers, and also where rollinges must be used.  
By these words it is apparent truly, that Purgations are profitable both to wounds and ulcers, at all times, when they be great and grievous, I mean not only Purgations ministered by the upper parts, but also Purgations ministered by the neither parts, as Clysters, and such like.  
Thus I do conclude, that these three Instruments are most necessary for those men that shall cure hurts, griefs, and diseases, and in no case may be separated or taken from them: For like as the Carpenter & shipwright must of necessity use like instruments to finish and bring to pass their work withal: even so must the Artists in this art, by what name so ever you will call them, have and use convenient Instruments to bring to pass the desired health, which is the end of this art. If the Carpenter should say unto the Shipwright, thou mayst not use the Axe, the Saw, the pearcer, nor yet the hammer, for that they be proper instruments for my art, than the shipwright might answer him and say, they be proper for my Art also, and without those instruments I cannot build my ship, nor bring to pass the desired end of my Arte. Even in like manner it may be said in the Art of medicine, for whether he be called by the name of a Physician, or by the name of a Chirurgeon, of by the name or a Léech, or by what other name you will call him, if ye will admit him to cure wounds, tumors against Nature, ulcers, or what diseases so ever they be, it is necessary that he have his proper Instruments apt and meet, to bring the same to pass withal. But if we shall stand upon the names of the Art, and confound the instruments, then shall we seem to maintain a vain disputation, and spend time about those names, which are to small purpose, for the name is not the thing that doth cure, but the art, being methodically and rightly ministered. For Galen in his third and fourth book, De Methodo Medendi, doth name him Medicus, that doth cure ulcers and wounds, therefore it seemeth to me that Mtdicus and Chyrurgus be indifferent names for those that professeth the art of curing, and for any thing that I can perceive, either by the words of Hippocrates or Galen, or by any other notorious and famous writers that have written in this art: The chirurgeons ought not to be forbidden neither the ministering of purgations, nor yet of diet, for as much as they be their chief and principal instruments, without which they cannot bring to pass their desired scope of health: And if we shall speak of the antiquity of names, I suppose the name of Chirurgia to be much more ancient than the name of Physic, for I suppose Physic to be derived of Phisilogia, which word doth signify, natural knowledge of man's body, and of all the parts and members of the same, etc. And Chirurgia is derived of Chiro, which is a hand, or as we might say, a ministration of Medicamentes, done with the hand, unto man's body, only by experience. So that all those that were before the time of Hippocrates, were accounted but as experimenters, and to follow an art without a right method, which that noble man Hippocrates perceiving, did like a most famous Philosopher, according to reason, join together all these unperfect sects, which were in his days very many, and taught them one perfect and true way, methodically to work, and also certain rules how they should learn the same art, and divided it into five special parts, as we shall declare hereafter, which parts being perfectly understanded, is the right way to proceed to the curation of man's body, and without knowledge of these five parts, no man can methodically and rightly cure any Ulcers, Wounds, Apostumes, or any other diseases, as we have said before, for whosoever taketh upon them, having not knowledge of these, he may be called a practiser, and experimenter, or an empiric, as the most part of our chirurgeons may be called, that be not learned in these parts, and doth work only by experience without reason, but those that understand these parts, and followeth a method in their curing, whether they do cure Wounds, tumors against nature, Apostumes, Ulcers, or what other things so ever it be, that doth appertain to the art of curing, that same Artist may be called Medicus, a Medendo, that is to say, of curing, for so doth Galen name him in his third and fourth book De Methodo Medendi, according to the translation of that learned man Linaker.  
And forasmuch as ye shall the better credit the worthiness of this art of chirurgery, as well for the antiquity thereof, as for the Instruments appertaining to the Artist, I have here set forth before your eyes an Epistle made by Franciscus Valleriolus, in the commendations of the art of chirurgery, which Valleriolus is one of the most notable learned men in the art of medicine that is now living, whose words hereafter followeth.   

The office of a Chirurgeon, and the Instruments appertaining unto the same Art, set forth by Franciscus Valleriolus, Medicus. Anno Domini. 1562.  

IT is commonly known, & I have showed it before, that the other part of the Art of Medicine, is that which cureth with the hand, which also the Greeks do call Kyrurgicon, for the manner of working, & we keeping that name do call it Chirurgia. This part as it is counted among the old writers the ancientest, so truly both for the magnitude and for the profit of the effects, it is counted the chiesect. Moreover, Podalirius and Machaon, being the first authors of that art, as it is supposed, and the lawful issue of Aesculapius, the father of the art of Medicine, do declare the ancientness thereof, whom as Homer writeth, followed Agamemnon their Captain in the Trojan wars, and to have been no small help to his soldiers in curing of them, not by the help of inward medicines only, but in curing diligently of their wounds, with iron instruments, and with other fit medicines thereunto appertaining, whereby it doth appear, this part of Medicine to be only proved of them, and the same to be ancientest.  
Furthermore, the profit and utility thereof, doth of itself manifestly appear, by the curations of great Apostumes, of wounds, of ulcers, of luxations, and of Fractures, all the which this part of Medicine doth entreat of exactly. And of this part we will entreat in this Chapter, and of the same we will show forth these things what that art is, and what be the parts of it, what is the end thereof, who be the authors, what the office and duty of a Chirurgeon is, what be his instruments which he hath accustomed to use in healing, what a one he ought for to be, and to conclude, who ought to be accounted the best Chirurgeon, and thus we will finish our Chapter.  
chirurgery is defined of Galen to be a certain order of curing, which is accomplished by accustomed incisions and adustions, and other things which are done by the hand. Moreover, the author of the introductory, whosoever he hath been, hath defined the same after this manner (as they do properly call it) a taking away of things hurtful, by incisions and concinations, by a certain method & reason: In like manner it is the curation of wounds and ulcers, which is administered to man's body. But if any man will set forth the order of it more curiously and expressly, he will call it the third part of the method Therapeutichon, which doth cure diseases, by the artificialness of the hand, by adustions and incisions, and by curing luxations, and by putting broken bones into their places, and such like. Guido of Caliacensia hath so defined, that it may be a science, which may both teach the order and quality of operation, chiefly by agglutination and incisions, and other operations of that kind, which be done by the use of the hand, restoring men to their health as much as is possible.  
Also, it behoveth us to use this name of Science more largely in this place, and apply it unto that part of chirurgery which doth profit by meditation of precepts and giving of Method, and not by curing with the hand. For it is manifest that chirurgery is an Art, and not a Science properly, whose end is the bringing to effect, and not the contemplation of the verity only, and for that cause Aristotle would have the same worthily to be an art, and also hath thought it good to place it amongst those arts which do pertain to the use of the hand: But other things being put in the definition, do keep their place of difference in like manner, this part is not put unadvisedly to the definition (that men be restored to their health) as much as is possible, for although that health is counted to a Chirurgeon, for a perpetual scope, yet that same cannot always be obtained by art, because there be many diseases uncurable, which do chance, either because they are such by their own nature, as Elephantiasis, or else, that as the curation is taken in hand, doth bring more discommodity, and also a more grievous sickness than that which is taken in hand to be cured. As when we go about to cure Vitiliginem, Antiquam, Lichenas, Hemorroidas, Sinuosa ulcera, and the old Fistulas,, Cancers, and to conclude, when as we have a stubborn patient which doth give no regard to the Surgeons that governeth him: these are the causes why that all cannot be brought to their health by art: In like manner chirurgery is divided into two parts generally, the one is, which doth declare what things belong to the art, & doth set forth the precepts, wherewith the workman being furnished, may work rightly: This part the Greeks do call Theoreticon, & we do call it Theorica, that is to say, the learned or speculative part, the other doth follow that, & doth perform in effect that precepts of the former, & it is called in Greek Practica. or rather Poetica, that is to say, a bringer of things to pass, for it wholly doth consist in doing and bringing to effect, and seeing that the whole Art, doth depend of these, we may with good cause, think chirurgery worthy to be called an art, as whose end, is affection and work. For she doth exercise all her properties, either in soft members, or in hard parts. The soft parts are those, which have their beginning of blood, and are called fleshy, and the hard parts do spring of seed. And chirurgery doth exercise her faculty in those parts by incision, by cutting, or by taking away, by reposition, and adustion. And truly of this art, there are certain other more special parts, as those about the which the art itself is specially occupied, that is to say, Tumours against nature, wounds, ulcers, fractures, and Luxations. Therefore as there be five parts which the art doth entreat of, so there be five parts of chirurgery, in the whole, as which do teach us to cure tumors, which wounds, and which ulcers, and which can put fractures and luxations, in their proper place. But the end whereunto chirurgery directed all his actions, and provisions, is the ablation, and taking away of those sicknesses, which may be cured by ministration of convenient medicines with the hand, & to restore the sick, unto his health, which end truly the workman cannot always obtain unto. For those causes which we declared before, seeing that it is not in his power, to cure every sickness.  
And this long art, vaunteth herself, unto the famous company of excellent and noble authors, worthy of great renown. In whose register, that divine man Hypocrates, the patron and defender of the noble art of Medicine, doth of very right, challenge to himself, the chiefest place, by whose mean this part of medicine, is better declared, than it was before his time, the which thing, the divine monuments which he left to his posterity, do witness, I do mean his books, wherein he doth speak, of the wounds of the head, of fractures of the limbs, of ulcers, of fistules, of the emorodes, and of the furniture of chirurgery, and of cutting out of the Anathomies.  
Furthermore, chirurgery being as it were divided at length from the other, hath chosen unto herself a proper place, and began to have her proper professors, for in the time of old writers, & in the flourishing age of Hypocrates, Chirurgia was not divided from the other parts of medicine, for they were then both Physicians and chirurgeons. And Philoxenus, declareth it to have flourished in Egypt, which hath set forth and garnished this Art in many volumes. And after him Gorgias Sostratus, Hieron, and the two Apollonijs, Amomus, Alexandrinus, and many other excellent men, and it is certain, that there was no mean professors of the same art, at Rome, as the ancient. Fathers, Tryphon, Euelpistus, and Meges, the most excellent of all, as Celsus writeth. But how much Galen excelled, in restoring, and enriching this part of medicine, his learned Commentaries, upon the books of Hypocrates, wherein he doth declare of the Art of Medicine, and upon his book De articulis & de fracturis. And moreover, his six books, of the first method of curing, called Therapeuticon, and the last two of the same, the two also, De arte curativa ad Glauconem, his book, De tumoribus preter naturam, & his book De compositione medicamentorum, secundum genera, do testify abundantly. Moreover, Paulus oegeneta, ought greatly to be commended, who in a method compendious, but yet most exact, hath comprehended all chirurgery, both in his fourth book, and also in his sixth.  
Furthermore, Auicenna, Rasius, Albucasis, and Haliabbas, being of the school of the Arabians, have entreated most diligently, of the Art of chirurgery, as Auicenna, in his fourth Canon, and the third, fourth, and fift féen.  
Also Rasus, in his seventh book, to Almanser, the King, Albucasis, in a whole volume, Haliabbas, in his ninth book, of practice of the regal disposition, neither hath she lacked her honour, of Latins, Celsus, and Plinius, Captains, who with great beauty, and like dignity, have entreated briefly of this part. Why should I pass over Guydo de Gauliaco, who only among the French, we have known to have entreated very well of chirurgery, if ye regard the reason of the art? We may truly gather by his rude speech that he wanted only such happy time wherein he could not come to the knowledge of the Greek tongue, nor to the pure eloquence of the Latin tongue, whilst at that time ignorance and barbarousness exercised tyranny over good learning, which was the cause that in rehearsing the place of Galen, the truth of the author was much desired: But if God grant me life, I will divide those places of the Art of Medicine, from the common place, I trust that I shall help Guido, and I will of a barbarous and impure writer, make him a fine and eloquent Latinist, & restore him to his beauty, & which our friend Silvius hath performed in correcting Mesueus, the same do I faithfully promise to the studious, to multiply in repairing of Guido, if God prosper our endeavours, although perhaps without meet or equal thanks, yet shall I do it with due labour and good will. But now I will return to my purpose, for many famous men, and authors most worthy of favourable commendations, have set forth this art, among the which, Guido, Vigonius, and among the men of this age, Tagaltius being my fellow in office, and my companion in my studies, have done great things and worthy of praise, in amplifying and garnishing this part, whereby it may be gathered, how much is unto this art to be attributed, which so many renowned, have each one in his works and monuments set forth, increased, and enriched, that men might know it to be most profible, and in effects most evident among all the parts of medicine.  
Now must we show what are the duties and office of a Chirurgeon, and how he should enterprise the same, for there be three chief points which pertaineth to a Chirurgeon, wherein all the whole reason of the art seemeth to consist.  
The first doth consist in losing and separating that which is conjoined. The second is, in joining and bringing that to a good unition, which is divided. The third is in removing and taking away by incision, or otherwise, that which is superfluous. Moreover, the Chirurgeon divideth continuity, either by incision, by cutting off, by letting of blood, or by scarification: That which is divided, he conjoineth by agglutination of wounds, and by restoring, of displaced bones into their place again, and also by curing of Fractures, that is to say, broken bones. And he cutteth away superfluous matter by taking away tumours against nature, & that by the ministration of the hand, as in extirpation divers ways of Ganglia, Carcinonata, otherwise called Cancer, Scirrus, Nodus, Strumas, & other of that kind, either else in drawing of water out of the belly in Hidrops, or else in cutting off a superfluous finger, when as there be six or more upon the hand, or else by taking away of Cataracts, which the Greeks call Ptirigion, or the web in the eyes. For truly these be the chief duties of a Chirurgeon, and the operations, which he ought most trustily to execute.  
Furthermore, that is, when he hath performed all these things, safely, readily, and quickly, & with as little grief as may be, and also without all fraud and deceit, Galen esteemeth to be the duty of a Physician that cureth rightly, and that only regardeth the utility of the sick: For these be things which cannot otherwise be done by the art of Medicine, & therefore they be most profitable in the common weal, and the arts thereof were had in most estimation in the old time, as the ancient writers do declare. Therefore so profit thou, saith Hippocrates, in diseases, that thou hurt them not. This scope must therefore always be had in those things, that the Chirurgeon will endeavour to do, that he profit the sick, and take in hand the curation of diseases with good faith and honest, and with a beneficial will towards his neighbour, and whatsoever he knoweth himself able to cure by the benefit of his art, that let him enterprise to do with all diligence, but invincible and incurable diseases, such are Oculti carni, Elephantiasis, and old Callous, hollow and fraudulent ulcers, let him not once attempt to meddle with, lest he get the name of an evil Surgeon.  
And further, because that we have said, that a Chirurgeon must safely cure, there be three things worthy to be noted, which Galen doth mention in his xiiii. book, De methodo medendi, unto all the which the diligent Chirurgeon, shall safely have regard. The first is, that he diligently prosecute the perfection of his work, which he doth enterprise, for the restoring the sick person to his health. The second is, if he may not obtain this scope, that at least he hurt not, the sick person through his work: for that is the precept of Hypocrates, lib. i. Epid. textu. 50. saying, Profit thou so in sickness, that thou hurt not. The third and last is, that through diligent care, the disease do not easily return again, for the study of the Chirurgeon is, that he by operation, may remove all the diseases and griefs which are in man's body, contrary to nature: But if he cannot bring this thing to pass, then let him take his chief counsel of that learned sentence of Galen, how he should remove these hurts. Moreover, the cunning artist shall practise all things prosperously, if he will study to cure diseases, by their indications, which is a witty beginning of things to be done, as Galen witnesseth in his xiiii. book, De methodo medendi, and the first indication, is the conservation of those things which are in man's body, according to nature, and the removing of those which are against nature.  
Furthermore, those things which be in man's body according to nature, are kept by the like use of their like, & those which be against nature, are driven forth by their contraries, and that if the disease do need such meet curation: But notwithstanding, it is most certain, that there are some diseases, which cannot be expelled out of the body.  
And we do know them by this, when as the effect itself, of his own nature, and whole assencie, doth refuse all orders of curing, as the disease Elefantiasis absoluta, & as men commonly call it confirmata, or else when the patiented (although the disease be otherwise curable) shall continue such helps, as are to the curation necessary, namely cutting away, as in Spaselus, or else adustion or incision, where they shallbe needful: and the diseases of sick men, are made for the most part uncurable, either by the tenderness of the patiented, or yielding to the disease.  
In like manner we do call such diseases uncurable, whose curation doth give an occasion of greater evil. As when we do study to cure Cancer, or endeavour to help daily fluxis, of the Hemordoes, except one hemorode be left open: or old ulcers, which have had a long issue, for the curation of these, do bring for the most part, more dangerous diseases into the body of the patiented: wherefore Hypocrates, in his sixth, xxxviiii. and xii. Apoph. doth affirm, that it is best to leave this disease, called Cancros occultos uncured, and so of old emorodes, except one be left uncured, for else it is more dangerous, for turning into a dropsy, madness, or consumpcio●… And because we have declared before the office of chirurgery, which can not be exercised without his fit instruments. Now we will show, what these instruments ought to be, by the which a furnished artist, may exercise those things that belongeth to this art, and those are generally two, that is to say, things medicinal, and things manual, of the first kind are these, order of diet, which must be had in curing of wounds, apostumes, ulcers, fractures, and luxations: then letting of blood, and purging, and also local medicines, as ointments, emplasters, fomentations, powders, Cataplasmatas, and other things of that kind.  
And seeing that great dangers do chance, by appointing the order of diet, by ministering, of inward medicines, and by letting of blood, if they be not well administered, and do both often, bring aswell great infamy, to the Chirurgeon, as detriment, to the sick patient, it shall be meet for him to use the council of a man learned in the art of medicine, in those things, by whose prescription, he may assuredly apply helps to the health of the sick. For the precribing of wholesome diet, the omission of blood, and the giving of a sollutive medicine, belong to a master in the art of medicine. For these are helps of great weight and importance, and such as require a man of great wisdom and judgement, and of no less prudence and exercise.  
Wherefore I can not but be grieved, for that I consider a great many men, to work foolishly, let me not say impudently, greatly delighting themselves in the only dignity of the Art, not knowing what it meaneth, which do oftentimes let blood their poor patients, without any Indication, or council, of one learned in the same art, or of some grave and learned Physician, but also they will give inward medicines a gods name, a matter truly most worthy, of public punishment. For as much as I have seen many, by such their rash, and bold enterprises, brought into danger, yea, and some have I seen miserably languished and deprived of life. Therefore let not that young Chirurgeon, which would be esteemed worthy of his art, presume to take in hand these things, without the council of an ancient master, learned in the same art, or else a grave Physician, such a one which is learned in the art of medicine, the matter itself giving also such liberty or time.  
But otherwise, if there be no learned master present, or that any present necessity do constrain the same, then truly, the younger chirurgeons may bo●…t blood, and also if need be, minister a medicine, so that he have good erudition, judgement and experience.  
Moreover the Vnguentes, where with the Chirurgeon ought to be furnished, and the same to have always in his saluetorie, as these, unguentum Basilicum, unguentum Apostolorum, unguentum Aureum, unguentum Album, and unguentum de Althaea, as Basilicon, to superate and materate, and Apostolicon to mundify and cleanse: unguentum Aureum, to incarnate and to fill, unguentum Album, to cicatrise, unguentum de Althaea, to cease dolour and pain, and to make soft.  
Moreover, as for emplasters, powders, fomentations, and such like, the expert Chirurgeon, doth prescribe of them very many sorts, according to the reason of curing. And these are the medicinal instruments, pertaining to the art of Surgery. By the manual instruments, ye shall chiefly understand instruments of iron, very meet & most necessary, to the chirurgeons use, whereof some are to make incision, & to cut of a thing other some are to draw out, & certain are to search, also some be properly to stitch or sow, and other some to make adustion, to cut or make incision. Forfices, Novacula, rasorius, scalpellum, Chirurgicum, for Phlebotomy, seu, lancetam, forsipes to draw out, called commonly Tenaculae volcellae, seu volcellae, which in French they call pinsettas, the crooked hook, uncus seu uncinus, and that Iron instrument which the Grecians call Diocleum graphiscum, is apt as Celcus writeth, to draw out arrows. For to search, we do fitly use a probe, for to sow, a néedell and a quill are properly used, and to adustion diverse kinds of cauteries, commonly called actual, are occupied, and for the variable means of their use, they have diverse figures, and divers names, for some be sharp at the point, and other be not, and other cauteris, they call myrtea, olivaria, dactilica, cultellaria, so called of the similitude of things, which these instruments do represent, for the cauteris called Mirtia, do imitate the figure of the leaves of Mirtills, Olivaria, of an Oliefe, & dactilica, of the Date, as Cultellaria, doth represent the form of a knife, these are the common instruments necessary for chirurgeons. There are certain other instruments proper and appointed to certain parts of the body, as modioli, which the common chirurgeons call Trepans, malleus, scalpri, and the same are convenient to scrape, cut, or pull out bones, as well of the head, as other parts, even as Falx is proper to the fundament, speculum oris, to the mouth, and speculum matricis, to the matrise, there are innumerable other sorts of instruments, convenient to draw out darts, gunshots, & other infixed things, whereof to speak I do now cease, and will prepare myself, to set out a Chirurgeon, what manner a man the best Chirurgeon should be, which thing, I often times have declared to be the chief effect of the matter, for we know what Galen hath said, of the Physician, aswell in his book, De institutione artis medicinalis, as also in the third book, de naturalibus facultatibus, and in his third & fourth, de methodo medendi, (Galen calleth him that cureth wounds and ulcers, medicus, that is to say, a Physician) he saith, that the Physician ought to be prudent and well exercised, and also he ought to be of quick nature, and of pregnant wit, that he may promptly obtain all things, and very well instructed in learning, and moreover appointed to the best masters to learn of, and one enduring labour & pain, a great lover of the truth, & studious, and most deeply understanding his art, approved by much use and long experience, and all this (say I) must be applied to the Chirurgeon, which will be most excellent, & esteemed for an undoubted Artist: but beside these, there be certain things which do pertain privately to a Chirurgeon, as to the manual Artist, & do not so much pertain to the ancient master of the art of Medicine, for a Chirurgeon ought to be a young man, or else but little past youth, that is, between the same, and ancient man's estate, for the age flourisheth most in sense & strength, to exercise rightly whatsoever belongeth to his art, (wherefore they which are aged men cannot so aptly bring things to pass which art requireth, for the imbecility of their senses, for they follow them rather by counsel.) Furthermore, he must have a sure and strong hand, and steadfast to all works that he shall do, whether it be to make incision, adustion, & also for the cutting away of a member. Also it behoveth him to have a quick and clear eye, and he must not be fearful of mind, but rather without pity, if he do intend to cure him that he taketh in hand. Furthermore, neither let him make the more haste, neither let him cut Canteries, or cut off less than need requireth, for the clamour or crying out, or for the tenderness of the sick Patient, but let him do all things as though he heard not the clamours of the sick, neither let his mind be therewith any thing troubled: And we have declared that a Chirurgeon ought to excel in learning, for therein chiefly doth his erudition manifestly appear, if he understand exactly both the theoric and the Practic parts, that is to say, to know things natural and not natural, and also those that are against nature. Also if he know what be the causes of wounds, ulcers, fractures, and luxations, with their accidents, and also what be their convenient remedies, and how to remove the same: In like manner he shall excel in practice, if he have had much and good exercise in the operations of his Art, by working speedily, trimly, and readily, & consulting with the ancient masters of the same art, in those things that pertain to Pharmaceuticen & Diateticen. And although he use those things which be searched out by reason, & confirmed by frequent use, wherein truly the faith and honesty of a Chirurgeon seemeth chiefly to consist: The Chirurgeon ought to be as it were, of a natural disposition, in the right & easy obtaining of things with, that he hath to do, of a steadfast memory, of a quick remembrance, handsome in his doings, of a good judgement, diligent and apt in searching, or inventing remedies: but chiefly of all, as concerning manners, let him be devout, or religious towards God, merciful of mind, and unfearful in sure things, and such as must needs be done, and in things doubtful and perilous, he must be wary and not too rash, in like manner he must be familiar, gentle, and pleasant towards his Patients, mild & tractable amongst the brethren of his Art, and as the Greeks do call him Philectairos, that is to say, a lover of his companions. Also he must be prudent, very circumspect, and slow in prognosticating, not a greedy catcher, chaste also and temperate, not covetous of money, for he which doth exercise the art of Chirurgery rather for lucre sake & desire of gain, than for any good will toward his neighbour, he is no right Chirurgeon, but as it were, borne out of time, and thus I make an end. Thus far I have declared unto you the saying of Valleriolus that learned man. But forasmuch as some men do more regard the authorities of authors, than they do the true judgement of reason and experience, which two are the foundation of all Arts, and will allege and say, this is but his own invention, wherefore I will not believe him, though it appear never so much to be reasonable, shall I credit one or two men's sayings, that the art of Chirurgery is so ancient, or that the instruments appertaining to the same art, is diet and medicaments, no I will not believe it, for those instruments do pertain only to Physic, and not to chirurgery, for the instruments of Chirurgery be only outward medicines, as Plasters, Unguents, oils, powders, etc. with a great many of iron instruments fit for his art, wherefore I am not bound to believe Franciscus Valleriolus. The answer. My friend, hast thou so soon forgotten Hippocrates? who confuting all dispersed sects, did conclude, That diet, wherein consisteth the government and nourishment of the sick man: That purgations being necessary for the evacuation of evil humours. And also outward medicines, as plasters, unguentes, oils, balms, etc. That all these three were united together by the authority of Hippocrates, and that in no case they might be separated one from another, if we will rightly cure the body of man, and follow a right method, which method Hippocrates hath constituted and set forth, and willeth all men to follow the same. Then I say, either we must break Hippocrates precepts, and by that means grow into ignorance again, either else we must follow the true and right method, set out by him, wherein he did use all these instruments generally and indifferently, as time and cause did require.  
And also Galen, as it may more at large appear in his fourth book De Methodo Medendi, & in his books of purging medicaments, where he doth confute diverse Physicians, which would not admit purging medicines in outward diseases, as Asclapiades, etc. Saying, That purging medicaments are necessary to be used, where there be great and dangerous wounds, and where there be great accidents that chanceth unto the same, to purge & draw away the superfluous quantity of those humours, which might hurt the grieved part, or hinder the curation thereof, as he doth declare in the same book De Methodo Medendi. And he saith in his books of purging medicaments, That purgations are needful for the curation of Cancers, Herpis, Erisipulas, Spasalus, Gangrena, and many other outward griefs which chanceth unto man's body. And he doth affirm, that without these things, he could not have brought to health his diseased patients. Thus it doth manifestly appear both by Hippocrates & Galen, that these be not only general instruments, but also common instruments, and therefore of necessity must be used, either else the Chirurgeon must leave these evil affects uncured, which he ought take first to indication off. Objection. Yea sir, you say very well, for in the time of Hippocrates and Galen, the Chirurgeons were Physicians, and were great learned men, and understood all parts of the art, and the nature of Medicines both simple and compound, wherefore it was lawful for them to use all these instruments generally & indifferently, but it is not so, for our Chirurgeons, and that I will prove by the authority of Tagaultius, in his institution of Chirurgery. The answer. You have said very well sir, and by him I am very well content to be judged, for he is both a man of excellent learning, and also worthy to have perpetual fame, for his painful travail in that excellent book of Chirurgery, & that we may the sooner come to our purpose, I will recite a few of his sayings, whereas he declareth what the art of Chyrurgerte is, and what manner of man he must be, and what properties he must have, that aught to use the same art, how he should be trained up in the same art, and what is the subject of the same, and what be the things that he must cure the same subjects with, & with what instruments the same must be cured.  
Now I will recite you certain sentences, as hereafter followeth, which are taken forth of the same book of Tagaultius, that you before have alleged, and I trust being well and indifferently construed, shall make more with my sayings than with yours.   

The words of johannes Tagaltius, declared in his book upon the art of chirurgery.  
TO the exact knowledge of the art or science, which is called Chirurgery, it behoveth the Artist to know four things. First, what Chirurgery is, what is the matter subject to chirurgery, what is the end of chirurgery, and also what order is to be observed & kept in the learning of chirurgery. And we do know what chirurgery is by three manner of ways. First, by the Etymology of the word or name, by his definition, and by his division: chirurgery after his Etymology, is called the operation with the hand, for it is named Apo tes chiros, cai tou ergou, that is to say, of the hand, and his work, because this Art is exercised by the administration with the hand, and hereof cometh it to pass, that the minister with the hand is called Chirurgus, that is to say, a Chirurgeon: chirurgery according to the assential definition, is an Art, which by the administration of the hand, doth expel & drive away sickness out of man's body, whereof chiefly & principally it taketh cure and charge, or else chirurgery is an art, which by the cunning working with the hand, doth put away or remove the sicknesses or diseases of man's body. The matter subject to the art of Chirurgery, & the whole intention which the Artist doth occupy himself about, is only man's body, subject to diseases & infirmities, which diseases and infirmities requireth the help of medicaments, ministered by the hand: For all things that the art of chirurgery doth find out either by reason or experience, it teacheth the same to be done by the administration of the hand, to the utility & profit of man's body. Furthermore, Chirurgery is divided into two parts, that is to say, into theoric and Practic. The Theorike part doth teach, and is a science obtained by demonstration, & by knowing the principles of the art. This part a man may have, although he never exercise or practise any part of the same, as the learned Physicians and other learned men which daily readeth the principles of chirurgery: But the Practic part of chirurgery, is an art which doth rightly and readily, by the administration of the hand use such things as are invented amongst mechanical arts, which part no man can be perfect in, except he be brought up and exercised in the same. And doth both continually see other expert men work in the same art, & diligently observe such things as he doth see wrought.  
Now these two parts are commonly exercised about these griefs, with their accidents, that is to say, tumours against nature, green wounds, ulcers, fractures, & dislocations, with such like, which requireth the help of the hand. Therefore there are required four things in a good Chirurgeon: first, that he be learned & very skilful in the principles of his art: secondly, that he be well brought up under some cunning man, & well experienced: thirdly, that he be ingenious & wise: fourthly, that he be of good & honest manners, and of a virtuous life. The erudition and learning of a Chirurgeon doth consist in knowledge of natural things, things not natural, and things against nature. The experience of a Chirurgeon doth consist in those things that are found out by reason, and confirmed by daily use and experimenting of them, for otherwise he will be accounted a r●…e empiric, which joined not reason with experience. To be ingenious and wise, it is very necessary, for he ought to have a ready wit to conceive things, and a firm memory in calling of them to remembrance, a discreet and right judgement, an excellent perfection in working, a diligent and ready wit in inventing and finding out of remedies to help his grieved Patient withal. The manners and conditions required in a Chirurgeon, is boldness, and a mind void of fear, in necessary things, and in the time of necessity, and not to be too rash in matters of doubt and peril, gentle and mild towards his Patients, and to those of his profession, to be courteous and gentle, yea, and as the Greeks call him Philitairos, that is a lover of his fellows, he ought also to be prudent and circumspect in prognosticating, virtuous and temperate of life, merciful toward the poor, and not greedy of money, having these properties, he may proceed orderly in learning the art of Chirurgery: and the order to be observed in the same, is to begin with easy things, (or as we may term them) common things, to particular, or from universal things, to those that be less universal, also from things most manifest and known, to things more obscure, dark, and unknown.  
Hitherto we have spoken of that part which doth appertain to the knowledge of Chirurgery, and now we will entreat of the execution and operations of the same. The operations which a Chirurgeon executeth about the body of man, that he may bring to pass his intended scope and desired end, are three, that is, to divide and separate things contained, to join and unite together that which is divided, & to take away that thing which is superfluous. We divide and separate that thing which is contained by incision and excision, and by letting of blood and scarification: we do also join and unite together that which is divided, by consolidating of wounds, and restoring of members dislocated, into their proper places, and curing of fractures. We take away that which is superfluous, by removing of tumors against nature, as Ganglia, Nodus, Cancers, Strumas, Mirmecias, and by drawing of water out of the bellies of such as have the Dropsy, or by cutting off such members as be superfluous, and to do those things quickly and readily, with a good zeal toward his patient, and not to make any vain promises for money, or to take in hand those griefs which cannot be cured, and that he may more perfectly, readily, and safely, do those things, it is requisite that he do consider three special indications, according to the saying of Galen, that is to say: First, the conservation of those things which be natural, and the expulsion of those which be against nature: The second indication showeth whether we may bring to pass and fulfil that which the indication doth require, that is, whether we can conserve that which is natural, and take away that which is against nature: The third indication is that which findeth out remedy, & doth declare unto us with what things we may accomplish that which the first indication requireth, and the second giveth leave to be done: touching the indication which consisteth in the conservation of natural things, they be six, that is to say, health, or a natural aptness, in doing the actions.  
The cause of health, the effects of health, which is the action according to nature: strength, which doth always contend against sickness: custom which is like another nature: Complexions and temperaments which are to be conserved and kept, be their like. Now, for those things which be against nature, which we ought to expel and drive away, are three in number, that is, sickness, which is an effect against nature of itself, and first hurteth the action, the cause of sickness, and the accidents, or Symptomata, which followeth the sickness, as the shadow doth the body: All these things are cured and put away by their contrary, but forasmuch as the expulsion or curation of things doth principally consist either in simple or in compound things.  
Note, that which is simple is cured by his contrary, & that which is compound, by their contraries.  



Solution of vn●itie.  
Heat.  
Coldness.  
Dryness.  
Moistness.  
Superfluous, quantity.  
Quantity diminished.  
Abounding, in number  
Number diminished.  
Obstruction.  
Straightness.  
Enlarging.  
Figure altered.  
Luxation.   by 

unition.  
Coldness.  
Heat.  
Moistness.  
Dryness.  
Diminution.  
Augmentation.  
Taking away.  
Putting to.  
Opening.  
Enlarging.  
Astriction.  
Reduction to his form  
Restoring to his place.     
In like manner in compound sicknesses, we must both consider the contrariety of every simple sickness, and also in applying apt and convenient medicaments for the same: But the indication for applying remedies is taken of that sickness, which must first be cured, and that whose cure is the curation of another, and that without whose cure, the other cannot be cured, yea, and that which most grieveth the Patient, and is most dangerous, is first to be cured. The second indication is that which showeth whether we may bring to pass that which the first indication doth require, that is to conserve things natural, and to expel those that be against nature, therefore this indication is taken of things natural, as whether health may be restored or not, & whether the strength of the patiented sufficeth for life or not, and whether the cause of health may be conserved, and so of the rest. The indication taken of things against nature, is whether we may cure the sickness, with his accidence or not, & whether we may resist the cause of these two, or not, & this is to be known three ways. First, when the sickness of his own proper nature is incurable, as Elephantiasis absolute, and as they term it, confirmed, or when the sick patient refuseth his necessary remedies, when the diseases are curable. As for example, the cutting away of a member, in which there is a Cancer, etc. Or when the curation bringeth a worse and more perilous disease, as old Cancer being cured, or continual Emorodes, for if you cure these, there is danger of life, or of madness, or of consumption. Now, the third indication doth teach convenient remedies for their curation, their use, and instruments, wherewith it is brought to pass.  
The first of these instruments is an apt diet or regiment in the vi. things not natural. The second is, Pharmacon (which he understandeth for purging medicaments.) Also letting of blood, with plasters, unguents, powders, etc. But in the two first, the Chirurgeon must consult with the learned & grave Physician. There be many iron instruments, beside these medicinal instruments, which be both proper and common for this art, as hereafter followeth.  
Thus far we have spoken the words of Tagaltius, as they be set forth in his book of chirurgery, as well for his definition of chirurgery, as for the antiquity thereof, and also what manner of conditions he ought to have, what learning he ought to be brought up in, and what he ought to learn first, and what last, and what is the matter or subject proper to his art, and what instruments the artist must have, both common and proper, to 〈◊〉 and bring to pass withal his desired scope and 〈◊〉 of his work, which is the curation of man's body in these things that he hath charge of. This is the effect of the words of Franciscus Valleriolus, as well as of johannes Tagaultius, as it may appear in their words here above written Now my friend, where you did allege Tagaultius to prove that a Chirurgeon ought not to minister diet and Purgations, neither yet any inward medicines, for that you say, it doth property appertain to Physic, it seemeth to me by the words of Tagaultius, that it maketh little for your purpose.  
Objection. No sir, by your saying both Valleriolus and Tagaultius saith the contrary, do not they say, that a Chirurgeon ought not to give inward medicines, without the counsel of a Physician? and declareth what inconvenience hath come by the undiscreet ministering of the same? I take this to be a sufficient proof.  
The answer. No not so sir, we may not confound the instruments, which are necessary to an Art, because that some Artists do abuse their instruments, neither Tagaultius nor Valleriolus mean so, but their meaning was, that those that did practise the Art of Chirurgery, which did not understand or know the principles of their art, neither the causes of diseases, nor yet the diseases themselves, nor how to take indication for the curation, neither yet knoweth the nature of the medicines which he doth minister.  
These be they that Tagaultius and other learned men do reprove, which I must needs confess, ought not only to be forbidden in inward medicines, but also outward medicines, for if I should speak of all mischiefs that hath been done by the applications of outward medicines, how some hath been maimed and undone for ever, and other some brought to death, the number of them would seem very strange unto you, and therefore we will let it pass at this time, with prayer unto almighty God for his merciful help herein, that he may move the heart of the Prince, with the Magistrates of this Realm, to take such order for the safeguard of the people, and for the honour of this Realm, & for that that learned men may be the better encouraged to study this art. But as concerning the instruments, there is neither these two men, neither yet any other before their time, since the time of Galen, that hath forbidden the use of them to the Chirurgeon, for both these men doth put them in their books, as most common and special instruments, affirming them as most special instruments pertaining to the art of chirurgery, that without these, those evil and vicious humours that hindereth the curation of ulcers, tumors against nature, &c. cannot be purged away, neither can the temperaments & other natural things of the body be kept in perfect state, without an apt and meet diet. But for to counsel with the Physician, being a grave and learned man, in the principles of this art: In matters of weight, I take it to be very necessary, for what is he that is wise, that will refuse the counsel of a wise and a learned man, and specially of him that professeth the principles of the same art, for Phisiologia, whereof the Physician taketh his name, is the first and chiefest part, which he that worketh in the art of medicine doth prove, for that it doth consist in the knowledge of the seven natural things, and in the residue thereunto appertaining. But yet this doth not follow, that a learned an expert Chirurgeon should not use diet and Purgations, and other inward medicines at all times when need doth require: for if you would so understand it, one part of their sayings should repugn against another, and so confound the whole, but their meaning was, that the unlearned chirurgeons, and these that be young men, which be not well practised, that they should take counsel as well of the learned Physician, as of the learned Chirurgeon, for this Art is so joineed together, that neither may the parts be divided, neither yet the Instruments, without the overthrow and destruction of she whole Art, for it was never perfect before the time of Hippocrates, till that he joined all these parts and Instruments together, and taught a perfect method and way of curing, by a right using and ministering of the same.  
I for my part have read no few authors, not only of the Grecians, but also of the Arabians, & of the Latinists, yet could I never ●…nde, in any of their worke●, that they do write of chirurgery, where they do leave out diet and parging medicines, & appointing the Chirurgeon only to cure with outward medicines, for I am certain, that in all their scope of curing, both of tumours against nature, of ulcers, etc. That their first indication is, to take away those evil affected which may let the curation, (that is to say) to remove away these evil humours, which might repair unto the grieved part, and also to alter such distemperatures, by convenient diet, and other things, as might be hurtful unto the same, and then to proceed with local remedies, by outward application unto the grieved part.  
This is Galens' doctrine also, that no strong medicine shallbe outwardly applied, for the resolving of inflammations, before the body be purged. And furthermore, in virulent, and malignant ulcers, which Galen nameth Cacoethe, and where the body is full of evil and vicious humours, which humours, Galen calleth Caccochimia, these faith Galen, must be purged away, before we proceed to the cure of the ulcer, for otherways, the ulcer may not be cured, and if it be, it will come again, either in the same place, or else in some other, or else the same humours not being evacuated, may be the cause of some other greater disease, in the body, worse than that which was cured, wherefore Galen doth reprove Thesalus, in his fourth book called Therapenticon, saying, Thesalus goeth about to cut away the lips of the ulcer, & to apply his Malagma, of Mustard seed, by means whereof he hath inflamed all the part, and made the ulcer worse, than it was before, not taking any indication of the affect, neither yet of the cause thereof, by means whereof, he committed great error, as Galen doth say, and was accounted for a rude empiric, and for an unskilful Physician.  
Objection. Why sir, it seemeth to me by your words, and by the saying of these men, that be learned in the art, that Physic and chirurgery are both one art, and I will assure you, if these words be true, which you recite of Hypocrates and Galen, that they were both Physicians and chirurgeons, and used all the whole art together, than I must needs concéeve, that the using of all these parts together, made them so excellent men, and of such notable fame, and that your dividing the art in two parts, and exercising the same severally, hath made you that be both Physicians and chirurgeons, unexpert, to the great detriment, and ill report of the whole art. Wherefore I most heartily desire you, for that that I may know, both the art, and the artist the better, to declare the division of these five parts, which you have spoken of before, pertaining unto these artists.  
Sir, I will right gladly do the best that I can, to satisfy your desire, although I have not that learning, in the Greek and Latin tongue, which I would wish for your sake, that I had, and also which this art doth require in him, that shall presisely set forth the same, yet with the little learning that I have, and according to reason and experience, which two be the foundations of every art, as Galen doth say in his third book, de Methodo medendi, I will do my endeavour, to declare unto you these parts, in as few words as I can, desiring you to accept my good will, and if I have left out any thing, by the reason of the briefness of my writing, which other learned men do find fault with all, them I most heartily desire them, both for courtesy, and humanity sake, to amend the faults that they shall find, and in so doing, they shall not only be profitable to the common wealth, in the furtherance of this art, but also bind me during my life, to honour them, serve them, and love them, and encourage me to take further pains, to the uttermost of my power.  
Now that we may accomplish our former talk, as concerning these five parts, pertaining to the art of medicine, which have been set out, by these names, of the ancient Physicians, long before Galens' time, as I have declared unto you before.  

The parts. 

Phisiologia.  
Pathologia.  
Hygiena.  
Semiotica.  
Theraputica.   Pertaining to the art of medicine.   
The first part called Phisiologia, is that which doth consider the unnatural things, whereof the body of man is made, as Elements, temperaments, humours, members, spirits, virtues, and operations. The Elements be four, as Fire, Air, Water, and Earth. The humours be four, also: as Blood, Choler, Phlegm, Melancholy. And the temperaments be four likewise, as hot, cold, moist, and dry. These four are the matter, whereby all the members of the body are made with, the temperaments, and spirits, therein contained, and he that shall cure the body of man rightly, must chiefly understand, how to conserve every one of these, by their like, and to expel and remove from them, their contraries. For the knowledge of these, it doth behove the artist to have long experience, and chiefly in that part, which we call the anatomy of man's body, which is the dividing and separating of dead bodies, that we may thereby understand all the parts of the same body, with their position, figure, number, place, nature, temperature, office, and affects, and also to know their names, and true divisions, and which be similar, and which be compound, and instrumental, for of the simuler and simple members, the compound are made.  
Simuler parts, be these, bones, cartilages, ligaments, membranas, or panicles, flesh, nerves, arteries, veins, fatness, and the skin. These be called simuler parts, whereof the instrumental or compound parts are made, and some requireth more of these, and some less, according to the necessity of the member, for some member doth require all these, and some doth not.  
The compound or instrumental members, be the head, the heart, the liver, the legs, the eyes, and all other like. Which member both simuler, and compound, the Chirurgeon ought to know, with their natures, temperatures, and actions, and their other necessary properties, or else he cannot rightly cure them, when they are grieved, and hurt. But in the curing of them that he hurt, he shall distemper them that be quiet, for how can he conserve the right temperament of any thing, whose temperature he knoweth not, that is unpossible, except it be by chance, as the blind man shooteth at a Crow, and hitteth one by misfortune, or as Galen doth compare him, which knoweth not the parts of man's body, with their nature, unto a blind Carpinter, which cannot see his work, cutting more or less, then is necessary, by means whereof, his work doth never come to a good perfection. Therefore, who so ever is not expert, as I have said before in the temperaments, and natures of these parts, he can neither cure wounds, nor ulcers, neither yet any other thing rightly, neither can he tell by what way the ulcer, or wound shallbe cured, neither whether it may be cured, or not, neither yet, whether any cause do remain, that may let the curation, neither how to remove the same, nor whether nature and strength, may suffer the same causes to be removed, nor how to maintain the strength, and temperaments of the same body, for he being ignorant in these seven natural things, whereof the body of man consisteth, which body being subject to the art of medicine, he must of necessity I say, be also ignorant, not only of the preservation of health, with his temperaments, but also to be ignorant in the curation of hurts, and diseases, which chanceth unto our bodies.  
Wherefore in few words, I have proved here, both by reason and by experience, that the knowledge of this part named Phisiologia, doth chiefly, and specially, apertein to the art of chirurgery, and without the knowledge hereof, we shall never rightly, or methodically, cure any manner of wound, grief, or disease, neither is he worthy to take the name of a Physician, neither yet of a Chirurgeon, but to be called by the name of an Emprike, or experimenter, curing only by chance, without any reason, but even as the blind Carpenter, which Galen hath spoken of before, sometime cutting to much, and some time to little, and many times marring all his work, for want of skill, ere that he beware.  
Now to conclude, for this first part, he that will be further instructed herein, let him read Hip. de natura hominis, humoribus, elamentis, de natura & formatione fetus, & many other books of Hippocrates, and chiefly that where he divided the similar parts. As Osteotome, that is to say, the division of the bones, Condrotome, the Cartalages. Syndestmotome, the ligaments, Arteriotome, the Arteries, Phlebotomae, veins, Neurotome, the nerves, Miotome, dividing of the Muscles, Tenontotome, the tendons, etc. There be divers other books of Galen, which be very profitable to be read for this matter, as his books of anatomy, also his books De temperamentis, de optima corporis constitutione, de facultatibus naturalibus, de placitis Hypocrates, & Platonis, de motu musculorum, de causis respirationis, and many more worthy books of his, which we will let pass. There be many other books also, written by diverse men, as Guido and other, which do entreat of these natural things, and specially of the Anatomy of man's body, and for that you may the easilier & better understand these natural things which every Chirurgeon ought to know and have in perfect memory, to that end he may remove those things which doth hurt them, or let them of their perfect operation, which you may easily know if you understand their natures and properties, & figures, etc. Which Table follows hereafter, as you may heholde.  

Natural things. 

Eelements be four, 

Fire.  
air.  
Water.  
Earth.    
Temperaments. 

Simple be four, 

Hot.  
Cold.  
Moist.  
and Dry.    
Equal one,  
Compound be four. 

Hot and Dry.  
Hot and moist.  
Cold and moist.  
Cold and dry.      
Four humours, 

Sanguine.  
Phlegmatic.  
Choleric.  
and Melancholy.    
Members. 

Similer. 

Bones, veins, arteries, cartilege, flesh, fatness, pannicle, ligament, nerves, and skin.    
compound 

Head, heart, liver, lungs, arms, and legs.      
Three faculties. 

Animal.  
Vital.  
and Natural.    
Operations or actions. 

Animal 

Feeling.  
and moving.    
Vital. 

Beating of the pulse.  
And breathing.    
Natural 

Generatio.  
Auctio.  
and Nutritio.    
Spirits be three in number 

Animal  
Vital.  
Natural   In 

The brain.  
The Heart.  
The Liver.         
Pathologia is that part of the art, which hath the knowledge of sickness against nature, with their Symptom and accident, and they be three in number, that is to say, sickness itself, the cause of sickness, and the accidents, which followeth after sickness: sickness itself may come two ways, either of outward causes, or of inward causes, we do commonly call the outward causes primative, the Greeks call them Cathertica, the inward causes, we do commonly name Antecedent, or Internam. The affects commonly follow these causes, and if the affects come of outward causes, then commonly they be wounds, contusions, fractures, dislocations, biting of mad dogs, & of serpents, etc. If they come of inward causes, than they make tumours against nature, as Phlegmon, Eresipula, Oedema, Sirrhus, with many kind of malignant and stubborn ulcers, to be cured, which tumors and ulcers cannot be made whole, except their causes with their evil affects, may be removed and taken away: I suppose that there is no man, but he will judge this part of the art chiefly to pertain to Chirurgery, for that it taketh cure of wounds, ulcers, and tumours against nature, as I have said before.  
Then if this part do appertain to the art of Chirurgery, as it is most certain it doth, it behoveth the Chirurgeon perfectly and rightly to understand what kind of sicknesses there be, with their differences & names, what parts of the body these sicknesses may be in, and what manner of sickness it maketh in the same parts. As for example, evil complexion maketh a distemperature in the similar parts, & evil constitution, or evil composition, maketh a deformity or imbecility in the instrumental parts. And solution of unity or continuity, chanceth both in the similar parts, and instrumental. And all these do appertain to the Chirurgeon, to have most exact knowledge of, for he that taketh upon him to cure an ulcer or a wound, or any other manner of grief, and doth not know the nature of the parts, neither yet what part it is in, neither yet the cause, neither how to remove the same cause, it is unpossible, as I have said before, that he should cure the same griefs or diseases rightly. And therefore these blind emperikes that have neither reason nor method, to lead them to do those things which they daily do, I say, their doings are so pernicious, that many people taketh great hurt thereby (shall I say hurt) nay rather brought to utter destruction, and many times to death. The Symptom or accidents which followeth sickness, is also divided into three parts. The first is, the quality being altered, as with vehement heat in Phlegmon. The action or function hurt, but not utterly deprived. The action utterly deprived and taken away. For these causes above rehearsed, it is specially required, that a Chirurgeon should be learned, and also to have great experience, that he may rightly judge and discern one disease from another, with their natures and causes, to the end, that when you come to the curation thereof, you may take right indications, what to do first, what next, and so forth to the end, for other ways you may apply medicines nothing fit for the purpose, but those that might do great harm, and you might also apply those first that would be applied last, and those last which should be applied first, and in the end mar all your works, as the blind Carpenter doth. Thus far I have proved for Phisiologia, to be one part of Chirurgery, or of the Art of curing, as we may term it, and I think there is no man that will count him to be a right Chirurgeon, that lacketh this part of the Art, or that is not very expert in the same. And for the further knowledge hereof, there be certain books appointed of Galen, and other ancient writers, that you may read concerning the same part as hereafter followeth.  
Libro Hypocrates, de Morbis, libro Epedimsorum Hypocrates, Galen de locis affectis, Galen de Morbis & Symptomatis, & de 4. temporibus morborum, Galen de differentijs morborum causis & Smptomatis, Galen de inequali intemperie, Galen de arte Medica, Galen de tumoribus, praeter naturam. Hypocrates de Vulneribus ulceribus, & Fistulis, fracturis, immorodibus, etc. And also Galen in his whole Work called Therapeuticon, and in another work to his Disciple Glaucon, as it is manifest to be seen. These two most excellent men being the patrons and fathers of the art, have written most excellently and perfectly of many diseases, as wounds, tumors against naturne, ulcers, and many other diseases appertaining to the same art, as it may more manifestly appear in these books above rehearsed, and in many other more of their works. If I should write of all men that accounteth this a proper and a principal part of Chirurgery, than I must needs confess the truth, all men learned in this art since the time of Galen, have so written, and so taken it. Thus I conclude for this part, that he that understandeth it not, ye must give him a base name, ye may not call him a Chirurgeon, that neither knoweth the principles of his art, neither yet the nature of his subject that he worketh upon.  
I remember when I was in the wars at Mutterell, in the time of that most famous Prince, King Henry the viii. there was a great rabblement there, that took upon them to be chirurgeons, some were sow gelder's, & some horse gelder's, with Tinkers and Cobblers. This noble sect did such great cures, that they got to themselves a perpetual name, for like as Thesalus sect were call Thessalions, so was this noble rabble for their notorious cures, called Dog léeches, for in two dressings they did commonly make their cures whole and sound for ever, so that they neither felt heat nor cold, nor yet no manner of pain after: but when the Duke of Norfolk, who was then general, understood how the people did die, and that of small wounds, he sent for me and certain other chirurgeons, commanding us to make search how these men came to their death, whether it were by the grievousness of their wounds, or by the lack of knowledge of the Chirurgeons, and we according to our commandment, made search throughout all the camp, & found many of the same good fellows, which took upon them the names of chirurgeons, not only the names, but the wages also: we ask of them whether they were Chirurgeons or no, they said they were, we demanded with whom they were brought up, and they with shameless faces would answer, either with one cunning man or another which was dead: Then we demanded of them what Chirurgery stuff they had to cure men withal, and they would show us a pot or a box which they had in a budget, wherein was such trumpery as they did use to grease horse heels withal, and laid upon scabbed horse backs, with nerval, and such like. And other that were Cobblers and Tinkers, they used shoemakers wax, with the rust of old pans, & made therewithal a noble salve, as they did term it. But in the end this worthy rabblement was committed to the Marsialsie, and threatened by the Duke's grace to be hanged, for their worthy deeds, except they would declare the truth what they were, and of what occupations, and in the end they did confess, as I have declared to you before: whereupon the Duke's grace gave commandment that they should avoid the Camp in pain of death, and if at any time they came within the Camp afterward, they should immediately be hanged, as murderers, his Grace calling them by the name of Dog léeches, commanding his Captains that they should entertain no more such.  
Thus you understand by what name those men were then called, which took upon them unworthily to use this Art, knowing neither the principles of this art, neither yet the nature of the diseases, nor yet the medicaments wherewithal they could cure the same diseases.  
Thus we conclude with these examples before, that it is necessary for a Chirurgeon to know these parts, or else not to be admitted to so worthy an Art, which doth take charge, not only of man's health, but also of their lives and limbs. And thus we end this part.  
Eugiena is the third part, pertaining to the art of Chirurgery, or Medicine, as we have said before. This part doth consist in the six things not natural, called Res non naturalis, which followeth.  

Six things not natural 

In receiving of the air.  
In Meat and Drink.  
In sleeping and waking.  
In moving and rest.  
In fullness and emptiness.  
And in affections of the mind.     
This is also a special and a necessary part to be known of the Chirurgeon, for without this knowledge he cannot give convenient diet, neither yet convenient order for the government of the diseased and sick Patient, nor yet at what time he should sleep, at what time he should eat and drink, or what manner of meats and drinks he should have, and whether they should be liquid in substance or gross and thick, neither shall he know whether the same meat and drink may augment the disease or not, by means whereof, he may give such diet to his patients, as may confirm their diseases. As for example, in Elephantiasis, and Cancers, which by eating of melancholic meats, or such meat and drink as doth make adustion of the blood which doth confirm them. There might be many more things said of meat and drink, which is not material to be spoken here, for I think no man doubteth, but that this instrument doth chiefly appertain unto this Art, for it is not possible for a Chirurgeon to cure his grieved patient, except he give convenient diet, & with convenient diet many great grievous wounds, and many other cruel sicknesses, by the help of other convenient medicines have been cured.  
And as for the government by the air, every man that hath any knowledge will confess, that cold sicknesses which are taken by cold, are to be cured in places where the air is warm, or else it ought to be made warm by art, according to the time of the year, for it is one of the principles and special rules which Galen commandeth us to keep, that we shall cure every thing by his contrary, as heat by cold, cold diseases by hot things, dryness by moisture, and moisture with those things that be dry, fullness by abstinence, and evacuation by emptiness, by things of good nourishment to fill withal, watching, by things that moveth sleep, & over much sleep, by keeping of them waking. Thus every thing is overcomed and helped by his contrary, by means whereof the Chirurgeon doth more safely and readily restore to health, his grieved & wounded patieut, without which things, and their right use, could not be done. And therefore this part is called a most necessary and principal thing appertaining to the Artist. There is another utility in this part also, which the Chirurgeon of necessity must use, for Galen saith, that every Artist that will rightly cure, must intend two things. The first is to conserve and keep every thing that is in good state, by his like.  
The second is to expel, and cure those things that be contrary to nature, by their contraries, which we cannot do without these six things not natural. Therefore it may be said, Necessitas non legem habet, therefore there ought no law to be made against that thing that must be of necessity. As for example, of necessity we must eat & drink, that we may live. Therefore it were tyrannical to forbid us to eat and drink, for they be proper things for us whereby we do live. But yet the abusing of meat and drink may be spoken against, and good and just laws made for the reformation thereof.  
In like manner for abusing the art of Physic or chirurgery, there hath been good and wholesome laws made heretofore, and I trust in our Lord God shall be hereafter again. But to command from them the knowledge of their art, or any part thereof, or other necessary instruments or medicaments, wherewith they should cure their grieved and wounded Patients, which other ways must of necessity perish, or else not be cured at all: Such commandments or laws were tyrannical, and not to be well thought of, for that they should let the works of mercy, in this most excellent art of curing, to be ministered unto the people orderly for their safeguard, & curing of their diseases.  
There were much to be spoken of these six unnatural things, which maketh nothing for my purpose here in this place, for that I intent nothing but to prove that these be necessary instruments, for the Art of Chirurgery, by certain examples, as you have heard: for these things are spoken of at large, not only in many worthy books, which are set forth by Hippocrates and Galen, but also in all other worthy men's books, that have written of this art at large, as it may appear at this present day. Some men might here ask a question, why these are called not natural things, for it is to be thought, that sleep, meat, and drink, moving, etc. should be natural. But forasmuch as both health and sickness doth come by these things, therefore they be called not natural. They be not called against nature: for sickness, the cause of sickness, and the accidents that follow sickness, those be called Praeter naturam, & against nature. Neither may they be called natural, for the that sicknesses cometh by them. But they are indifferently called not natural. These things are so necessary for our bodies, as I have said before, that we do not only live by them, but the matter & substanticall of our bodies, after generation, is increased and maintained by them, and also all the humours and temperaments with the spirits, and other things contained in the same body, should utterly cease if it were not but for those six things. Thus I conclude with these examples aforesaid, to prove this part to be necessary for the art of chirurgery, doubting nothing, but those that be learned men and men of reason will so judge, for so have the ancient fathers before our days, appointed it to be. Now that you may the better come to the perfect knowledge of these things, I think it good to declare unto you some of the books which both Hippocrates and Galen have written. Hippocrates de elementis, Hyppo. de Aqua Aere, & regionibus, Hyppo. de flatibus, Hyppo. de urinarum differentijs, Hyppo. de ratione victus salubris, Hyppo. de ratione victus pravatorun, Galen de sanitate tuenda, Galen de imperica, dieta sub figuratione, Galen de aqua, Gal. de ptissana. Galen de Euchimia, & Caccochimia, Galen de attenuante & crassante victu, with many more books, written by most excellent men, sense their times, which were superfluous, here to be rehearsed, for as much as these are most necessary to be understood, and sufficient for the proof hereof: And thus I commit this part unto your friendly judgement, proceeding unto the fourth part, called Semiotica.  
Semiotica, is an other part, pertaining to the art of chirurgery, which part doth judge by signs, and tokens, what the diseases are, and what be their natures, and what humours or other things be the cause thereof, and whether they may be cured easily, and in short time, or whether they be hard to be cured, & must be cured in longer time, or if they cannot be cured at all. Or else whether it is not necessary, that it be not cured at all, lest worse diseases, should come by the curation of them, and specially, this part is necessary, about the curation of wounds, to know which are deadly, and which are not deadly, and also which are maimed, and which are not maimed, and to foresee, dangerous and perilous accidents, which might chance unto the wounded man, as paralisis, convulsions, gangrena, spasalus, and many other more dangerous diseases, which the Chirurgeon ought not only to foresee, by means whereof he might resist the same. But also, when any of the grievous accidents, do happen, he might make a good and a true prognostication, what might happen after these grievous, and perilous sicknesses, and also in wounds, that chanceth in dangerous places, to prognosticate, and declare the great peril thereof, unto the sick and grieved patient, or else unto his friends, as it shall be thought most convenient: for except he make a true and a just prognostication, he shall get unto himself dishonesty, and cause the worthy art, to be evil spoken of. This part of the Art can not be attained unto, without great knowledge, and long experience, and also a most excellent wit. For Hippocrates, saith, in his Aphorismus, that this part, is the most hardest, he saith, that the life of man is short, the art of medicine long, the occasions to minister medicines many, proving of experiments, perilous, but judgement, and prognostication of sickness, to be most difficult and hard.  
Wherefore Hypocrates and Galen, did will all men, that would avoid slander, and evil name, to beware, & wise, in prognosticating, and not to be rash and quick. How many men have gotten dishonesty, for lack of knowledge of this part of the Art, and by mistaking of the Symptomata, and accidents, it were wonderful, to number them. And also how many sick men have been overthrown, and undone, for lake of knowledge of the same part, it is not to be spoken. Wherefore this part is most necessary, and requireth most diligent and exact study, as it doth appear, both by Galen, and Hippo, in Galen, where he hath written vi. books, de differentiis & causis morborum, & Symptomatum, which doth chiefly pertain to this part of the Arte. And also that most excellent and worthy man Hypocrates, hath written two divine works, wherein is contained divers books, the one called his Aphorismus, and the other his prognostications, which are the most worthiest books that ever were written, for him that shall practise in this Art, for therein may he learn the divine judgement of Hippo. And also how to prognosticate rightly, which two things, do most chiefly and principally appertain to the Art of Chirurgery. Thus I have declared unto you, the four principal parts, or as we may term them, the four principal pillars, or foundaments of this art, without the knowledge of which four, no man may rightly, or methodically work, in the same art. I dare not say, no man ought to work in this Art, that understandeth not these, lest I should condemn a great sort, but I will say, as Hypocrates, Galen, Guido, Valleriolus, Tagaltius, and many other worthy men do say, that these are the principles of the Art, and they ought first to be learned, and trained up, in the knowledge of these, before they be permitted to work in the Art, for in the old time, they did first learn their principles, and had them by heart, and then they were brought up, under some cunning master, where they might see the same put in practice, and so trained up in most exact and perfect experience: And thus being brought up, they were able to judge in their art, & so they did constitute & builded upon these four principles, a most excellent art, which Galen calleth Therapeuticon, that is to say, the art of curing, which part, those that are disposed to read their works may plainly understand, and specially in a book called Introductio, seu medicus. Thus I have proved these four parts, as I have said before, to be the Theorike part of chirurgery, and we intent to prove Therapeuticon to be the practic part, for that it doth cure diseases & griefs of man's body. Guido, Tagaltius, & other, did not make these five divisions of parts, as I have done, but divided the art into two parts, that is, into the theoric, and Practic: for Guido saith, that he which would use the art of chirurgery, must be learned in the Theorike part, as well as in the Practic part, but Guido understandeth the Theorike part to be Physic, and the Practic part to be chirurgery, as it may appear by his words hereafter.  
Conditiones quae requiruntur in Chirurgo, sunt quatuor, prima est quod sit literatus, secunda, quod sit expertus, tertia, quod sit ingeniosus, quarta, quod sit morigeratus: Riquiritur quod sit Chirurgus literatus, non tantum in principijs Chirurgiae, & sed etiam Phisicae tam in Theorica, quam in Practica. In Theorica, oportet quod ipse cognoscat res naturales, & non naturales, & contra naturam, praecipue Anathomiam, nam, sine ipsa factum est nihil, in Chirurgia. The English is this. There be four conditions specially required in a Chirurgeon: first, that he be learned: second, that he be expert: third, that he be ingenious, and fourth, that he be well mannered: It is further requisite, that the Chirurgeon be not only learned in the principles of chirurgery, but also in Physic, as well in theoric as in Practic: In theoric, it behoveth him to know things natural not natural, and things against nature.  
Thus it may manifestly appear by the words of Guido, that he understood the Theorike part to be Philick, and the Practic part to be chirurgery, for other divisions made he none, but used the art indifferently together, that is to say, diet, purging medicaments, and all other things appertaining to the art of chirurgery. These four parts that we have spoken off before, were accounted to be Physic, as Guido and all other later writers do make mention, and every one of them supposeth, that a Chirurgeon ought to know these parts, either else he cannot rightly and methodically work in his art: But when he doth understand these parts, and is well brought up in experience in the same, and hath also good understanding & knowledge both in the simples and compounds, whereof he maketh his medicaments, and hath seen long experience, and use of the same, I think him then a man meet and worthy to be allowed to use the practic part of chirurgery, or else not, for otherwise he should be ignorant in the curation of many grievous diseases, which doth appertain unto this art, that cannot be cured other ways, but by the administration of the hand, for this part called Chirurgia is the last remedy in the art of medicine, and cureth those things which are most hard and difficult to be cured, and therefore it is accounted amongst the ancient writers, as both Galen and Hippocrates do affirm, to be most profitable and most worthy, as we shall declare more hereafter, in the Treatise of the method of curing, called Therapeuticon. And thus we end this fourth part, called Semiotica.  
Now it doth behove us to speak of the last part called Therapeutica, and although it be last in number, yet it is chief in effect, and most profitable in the common wealth. For Therapeu is no other thing to be understood, than Curatio, and Curatio is nothing else, but to help man's body of wounds, sickness, and other infirmities, as I have said before.  
Therefore Guido doth say, that this art doth restore man's body unto health by the curation of wounds, ulcers, tumors against nature, fractures, dislocations, and all other infirmities wherewith the same body is grieved.  
And he addeth and saith further, as much as lieth in the Chirurgeon to do. For he saith, that it lieth not always in the Artist to restore his sick patient to health, for that that many diseases be incurable, which the Artists ought to understand, and know, and to make true, and right prognostication thereof, lest he should get unto himself great shame, and bring infamy and slander to the noble art.  
Therefore, one Vego, a Spaniard, who hath made a worthy commentary upon the prognostikes, of Hippo. saith, that it doth behove the artist chiefly, to prognosticate rightly and truly, of those things, which are to come, which being known, neither could the danger thereof be avoided if it were possible, neither yet should the artist avoid a slanderous & pernicious name. And therefore he divideth this art into three parts, that is, into agnostica, prognostica, and curativa, Agnostica, he understandeth to be, the knowledge of natural things, of things not natural, and of things against nature. Prognostica, he understandeth to be, a right judgement, in the foresaid things, which he doth gather by the Symptomata, of the body, & other excrements which nature doth avoid. Curativa, is that part which followeth both these and with knowledge and right judgement, truly and rightly, prognosticating the same, he doth take upon him, perfectly to cure man's body, of those griefs and diseases, wherewith it is hurt, either else, if the same may not be cured, to preserve the same, from further unconuenience, as much as is possible for this art to do.  
Thus it seemeth to me, by the words of this great learned man, as well as by the words of Guido. etc. That this part of the art, called Therapeutica, or curatio, consisteth in two special points, (that is to say) in the curing of man's body perfectly, and in the preservation of the same body, when the diseases are incurable, as in Cancers. etc. as we have said before.  
There be other learned men that divide this Art, but into two parts, that is to say, into Theorica, and Practica, Theorike, doth consist in the exact and perfect knowledge of these four parts, which we have spoken of before, that is to say, in Phisiologia, Pathologia, Eugiena, and Simiotica.  
And the five parts named Therapeutica, doth consist in the right practising & using of convenient remedies, to cure man's body with all, by the help, understanding, and true knowledge of those things above specified, & for as much as this part, doth bring to pass by an operation, and practise done with the hand, or ministered by the hand, therefore this part is called Practica, that is to say, practising and putting in use all such necessary things, as may appertain, either for the curation, or preservation of man's body. And for as much, as these two things are brought to pass and done, by certain ways and means, which reason hath invented, and experience hath found true, and without these things, we can not rightly cure, or bring to pass the desired scope or end of our Art, which we do intend. Therefore, it followeth of necessity, that we must needs use them, either else we shall not use the practic part, which is the only end, and function of our vocation and Arte. And these things be commonly termed instruments, which instruments are appointed of Almighty God, to help up in the time of need, for without these, we can do nothing in this Arte. The first is diet, the second is medicaments, the third is our hands, to minister the same with all, and these are named general instruments, and also special, for that, that all the ancient fathers, and most excellent men of this Art, did always so use them.  
Wherefore, I think there is no reasonable man, or any that is learned in this Art, that will say the contrary, except he will wilfully, and willingly, condemn both reason and experience, and not only experience and reason, but also these two most worthy and famous men, Hypocrates, and Galen. This part or those that use it, hath also found out many notable medicaments, with their natures, and hidden properties, which otherways, by the Theorike part could never be found out, yet by long practice and experience, the natures, qualities, and hidden properties, are found out, to no small help of the Art of medicine, for by their natures and qualities, they are methodically used, and do cure griefs, and diseases, as sicknesses, which be hot, are cured by cold things, those that be moist by dry things, etc. But those which do cure by hidden properties, are such, as no reason can be made unto, as for example. To expel venom, either in the pestilence, or in Morbo camilliontiaci, in lepra, or in biting of any venomous beast, these are rather cured, with medicaments, which doth it of property, rather than quality. Thus it doth behove the artist, which will deal in this part, called Therapeutica or practica, not only to have perfect knowledge, in all these things aforesaid, but also to have a very exact knowledge of all such simples, as he will make his medicaments of, or as he doth intend to minister unto man's body, any manner of way, not only as is said before, their natures, and temperaments, but also their qualities, and hidden properties: and also the times, when they should be gathered, how they should be kept, and preserved, how long they will continue in their virtue, and strength, and whether they be of more force and virtue when they be green, or when they be dry. All these things doth appertain unto the Artist to know, and also, to what use he ought to minister the same, and what commodity may come thereby. These things, as I have said unto you before, are known two manner of ways, that is to say, by reason, and experience, neither can they be known by any third way, as Galen saith in his third book, named Therapeuticon.  
Therefore it is requisite, that this Artist be not only learned, in the Theorike part, as we have said before, but also, to be learned and brought up, under some cunning man, which hath good knowledge in the same art, or otherways, it is not possible, to come to the exact and perfect knowledge thereof, which is chiefly & principally required. If I should tell you, of the ungracious witchcrafts, and of the foolish and mischievous abuses, & misuses, that have been in times past, and yet in our days continually used, ye would not a little marvel thereat. But for as much, as it hath not only turned to the dishonour of God, but also, the state of the common wealth: I have thought it good to declare unto you, part of their wicked doings, that it may be unto you which professeth this Art, an example, to avoid the like most wretched deeds. These things, I do not speak to you of hearsay, but of mine own knowledge. In the year. 1562. I did see in the two Hospitals of London, called S. Thomas Hospital, and saint Bartholomewes' Hospital, to the number of CCC. and odd poor people, that were diseased of sore legs, sore arms, feet, and hands, with other parts of the body, so sore infected, that a hundredth and twenty of them could never be recovered, without loss of a leg, or an arm, a foot or a hand, fingers, or toes, or else their limbs crooked, so that, they were either maimed, or else undone for ever. All these were brought to this mischief, by witches, by women, by counterfeit iavills, that took upon them to use the Art, not only robbing them of their money, but of their limbs, and perpetual health. And I with certain other, diligently examining these poor people, how they came by these grievous hurts, and who were their chirurgeons that looked unto them, and they confessed, that they were either witches, which did promise by charms, to make them whole, or else some women which would make them whole with herbs, and such like things, or else some vacabound iavil, which runneth from one country to an other, promising unto them health, only to deceive them of their money.  
This fault and crime, of the undoing of this people, were laid unto the chirurgeons, I will not say, by part of those that were at that time masters of the same Hospitals, but it was said, that carpenters, women, weavers, cobblers, and tinkers, did cure more people, than the chirurgeons. But what manner of cures they did, I have told you before, such cures, as all the world may wonder at: yea, I say such cures, as maketh the devil in hell to dance for joy, to see the poor members of jesus Christ, so miserably tormented.  
What shall I say, here unto, but lament and pray unto our Lord jesus Christ, for his precious blood sake, that he shed upon the cross, to illuminate the hearts of the magistrates, for amendment hereof. And that this rabblement of runagates, with witches, bawds, and the devils soothsayers, with tinkers, cobblers, and sow gelder's, and all other their wicked coherents, of these same devilish and wicked sects, which doth thus abuse this noble art of medicine, to the utter defacing of the same, may be reform and amended, and every one to get their living with truth, in the same arts that they have been brought up & well experienced in, either else to be grievously punished, as they be in all other Countries, and as they have been here in this Country in times past. For seeing there is laws made for him that stealeth a sheep, an ox, or an horse, which is but a beast and serveth to man's use, and he that looseth the same, looseth no more but the value of the use thereof, why may it not be as well considered for the loss of an arm or a leg? yea, and many times of the life, which these wicked generation do spoil, I think the Prince is bound in conscience, as well to punish those false and wicked pernicious deceivers, which doth not only destroy the limbs of man, but his life, as to punish these which steal sheep, oxen, or horses. Of this sort I think London to be as well stored, as the Country, I think there be not so few in London as three score women, that occupieth the art of Physic and chirurgery. These women, some of them be called wise women, or holy and good women, some of them be called Witches, and useth to call upon certain spirits, and some of them useth plain bawdry, and telleth Gentlewomen that cannot bear children how they may have children. What manner of other sorts and sects there be of these, as some for sore breasts, some for the stone and Strangury, some for pain of the teeth, some for scald heads, some for sore legs, some cunning in Mother Tomsons tub, and some to help maids when they have lost their maidenhead, when their bellies are grown too great, to make them small again, with a thousand more. Galen in his book of sects, did never make mention of the fourth part so many, I think, if this worshipful rabblement were gathered together, they would make a greater profession than ever did the Monks, the Friars, & the Nuns, when they did swarm most in London.  
This unprofitable company have so increased within the City of London, that all the Countries in England have taken ensample thereof, yea, and at this day all the Countries in Christendom may wonder at our laws in suffering and maintaining of them.  
Well I say, we will let all these pass, with tinkers, cobblers, souters, and sow gelder's, and a great many of occupations more, whereof, some cometh out of France, some out of Germany, and so of other countries, some for religion, & some for picking of purses. etc. All these now, are become great Physicians, and chirurgeons, to no small advancement of this noble Art of Medicine, for their noble and worthy cures, doth bear witness thereof, and giveth so good report unto them, that at this day, the learned Physicians and chirurgeons, may not a little rejoice. Well, I say no more, but God amend all, and except these things be quickly amended, I think the diseased people, and such as have ulcers, wounds, diseases, and sores, are like to have small help, and if it shall chance, the prince to have wars, then are this company that I have spoken of, like to serve, and I doubt nothing, but that the soldiers shall have great courage to fight, for so much, as they shall have, such a goodly company of chirurgeons, to cure them, when they be wounded. As for other chirurgeons, there will be but a few left, except better order be taken, and that with speed. Well, now we will proceed to our matter again.  
Now my well-beloved brethren, ye have hard of this ungracious company, with their damnable deeds, which may be unto you, an example, to encourage you, to fly ignorance, and to learn the exact, and methodical way of curing, according to knowledge, & also to know these things, that doth appertain unto the same, not only these v. parts, above rehearsed or three, or two, as it seemeth good to you, to divide them, for it is not material, as Galen saith, so that you understand the thing. Not only these, I say, aught to be perfectly known, but also, all medicines, both simple, and compound, with their natures and properties, their operations, and right applications, and at what time the same aught to be ministered, to what parts of the body, and for what griefs and diseases: and also, according to right indications taken, what ought to be first ministered, what next, and so to the last.  
All these things, as I have said, do appertain unto the right and true Chirurgeon, not only to know, but also orderly to follow, or else he shall be accounted an emprike, and little better than one of these rude rabblement, which I have spoken of before. Wherefore, my well beloved brethren, that use this art of Chirugria, I exhort you in the name of Almighty God, that you yourselves, be not only diligent in learning of all these parts, and other things, necessary, appertaining unto your art: by means whereof, not only murder, and other grievous misfortunes, which might happen, through your ignorance, may be avoided, but also perpetual slander, with all other infamous report, and displeasure, may be likewise avoided also. And that in like manner, your servants, and children, which you do intend to bring up in this Art, be learned, not only to write and read, but also in the tongues, that he may more exactly understand these parts, as I have said before. And so by this means, you shall not only restore the Art, again unto her good name, which is almost lost, at this present day, through that foul and ugly monster, ignorance, but also get unto yourselves, perpetual honour, and good fame.  
And furthermore, by your excellent knowledge, and virtuous lives, and cunning deeds, which followeth after, and are the fruits of knowledge, by these things, I say, and with the help of the high and mighty Lord God, you shall abolish and put down, these wicked and pernicious sects, which are no less unprofitable, unto God's people, in the common wealth of their countries, than caterpillars, and grasshoppers, are unto the fruits, and herbs of the ground, which sects, be not only pernicious, as I have said before, but perilous, and selaunderous, unto you, that be the true professers of the Art, for they call themselves, by the name of Physicians or chirurgeons: And the simple ignorant people, do so receive them, or think them to be, but in deed, they be such as Christ speaketh of, where he saith, that they come in sheeps clothing, & be ravening wolves, so these come with good names, & be crafty, and pernicious deceivers, which are to be driven out of every good common wealth.  
Thus (most gentle Reader) I have troubled you with a long talk, desiring you to bear with my simple and rude style, wishing with all my heart, that it had been better, and desiring you most humbly where you find any fault, courteously to amend the same, or else to give me knowledge, and I shall be as willing to amend them, as I have been diligent in setting it forth, praying you to leave off slanderous words and evil judgement: by means whereof I have been greatly impaired, not only in my good name, but also in the profit and commodity of my art, which is to my great hindrance: and this hath partly risen by a book of chirurgery which I have lately set forth, to my great cost and charge, and some men have not let to say, that it was only Doctor cuningham's doing, and none of mine. Unto whom I answer. That Cuningham was the writer thereof, and put the same book in order, as you may now see, for I myself having not perfect understanding of the tongues, required him, for the more perfection thereof, to put in the Greek & Latin words, in such sort as he thought good. And for the matter in the most part therein contained, you may very well perceive that it was mine own practice, as the stories therein contained for the curation of diverse people, doth declare, which I myself did cure, as it may more at large appear in the same book. And for the medicines that be written in the same book, their names which devised the same medicines, are put unto them, so that this is but a slanderous, untrue, & malicious report, only to deface me of my good name, without any deserving or cause reasonable.  
For it is well known, that Master Cuningham never did any such cures, as there is mention made of, neither yet is Master Cuningham any Chirurgeon, as ye may perceive farther in his own Epistle written unto the same book, wherein he doth not only declare my pains and travail in collecting certain parts of Chirurgery, but also my great expenses and painful labours in collecting and setting forth of the same.  
These slanderous and evil words have caused me to set pen to book myself, to avoid that foul and evil favoured monster, false detraction, and also to spare my expenses, which I before did l●…se amongst unthankful and ingrate persons. And I have taken pains now mine own self, without any other help of living men, at this present day, but of mine own travail, and collected them out of these famous authors, which I have before rehearsed unto you, and although it be not in so good form and eloquent style, as it might have been, if a better learned man had taken it in hand, yet the truth is not to be rejected, because of the barbarousness of the style, or words. Thus I leave off lest I should be tedious unto you.  
Now I will speak of the ●…d of this noble art, or as you will say, to what end this art doth serve. The end of this art of Medicine is, to restore man's body to health, as much as lieth in this Artist to do, so that the end of this art consisteth in the curation of diseases, or as we may term it restoring of health. For man at his birth was cast into this world naked, and uncovered, requiring the help of other things to cover his nakedness withal, never leaving crying and weeping, till such time as reason and nature had provided for him such necessary things as did grow upon the earth, either else upon some other creatures, by means whereof, he was both nourished and also clothed, and also by the virtue of other things that the Earth brought forth, restored to health in the time of his grievous infirmities.  
But how was he restored to health? Truly by Arte. And by what Art, even by the art of Medicine, which doth comprehend both Physic and chirurgery, with the knowledge of all simple Medicines, and compound medicaments, and all other things whatsoever do appertain unto the same. And therefore I will say, as that worthy man Hypocrates did. That this art is most honourable and worthy, for that it doth intend to keep man's body in health, and to remove sickness. Therefore it is said, that the end of Chirurgia, is the restoring of man's health.  
Now let us consider whether this art be like unto other arts, or not. In some things we say, it is like unto other arts, and in some things it is not. It is like unto other arts, in that it doth consist in a multitude of principles, whose affects are rightly to bring to pass or finish some thing which we intent to do, for Aristotle in his .6. Ethic. cap. 4. doth define Art to be a certain order of doing, placed with habit and understanding, working upon some subject, to bring to pass and finish some thing that he doth intend, by the same art, so that what thing so ever is brought to pass or done, it must needs be done by some one art. In this the art of medicine is like unto all other arts, for that it consisteth in doing and bringing to pass, or as we may term it, in restoring health, or curing man's body, being subject thereunto. But other ways it doth differ, and doth require a further knowledge than the common Artist doth. It is requisite that this Artist which intendeth to use the art of Medicine, should be very well learned in the speculative part of his art, as well as in practice. It is unpossible to carry in mind so many considerations, so many observations, and so many inventions as this art doth require, and therefore it is requisite, that he be not only well learned in the principles of his art, but also that he be studious in the works of other excellent men, wherein he may learn their witty and ingenious devices, to help this Artist the sooner to bring to pass his desired end. In this it doth much differ from other arts, which worketh only by experience, in witty bringing of things to pass, without any further consideration, neither do they need any such excellent learning, for that theirs doth consist chiefly upon experience and practise, and hath not so much regard unto the life and health of man. For this art doth only intend to save man's life in the time of necessity, & also to remove away such grievous sicknesses as might anoie and disquiet both body and mind. Wherefore this Artist is chiefly to be considered and looked unto, not only to be rewarded for his excellent cunning in restoring man's body to health, but to be seen unto and throughlie examined, whether he be learned in this art or not, if he be not learned, neither understandeth the principles of this art, than he is to be forbidden this art for the worthiness thereof, for this worthy art worketh upon man's body, for whom all this world was made, and all things therein contained, and the almighty Lord had so great care for man, that he did not only make these things for him, but also made him Lord of them, and gave unto him strait laws, that he should foresee, that one man should not kill and destroy another, neither wilfully, neither yet willingly.  
Then I must conclude, that whosoever doth take upon him to minister in this art, for the safeguard of man's life, and being ignorant in the principles thereof, as I have said before, he taking upon him, and the man perishing in his hands through his default, I say, this is murder, and this is not the right end that art requireth, neither is it sufferable in the common wealth. And therefore it was not in vain that this worthy man Guido did say, that a Chirurgeon ought to be learned, not only in the principles of Chirurgery, but also in the principles of Physic, yea, and also in things both natural and not natural, and things against nature, without the knowledge of which, he should neither rightly work, neither yet bring to a good end, the desired scope which is required of the Artist. Thus you may perceive, for this first property which Guido speaketh of, where he requireth that a Chirurgeon should be learned, it is even so necessary for him, as the head is for the body, cut off the head, and see what the body can do, although the body hath hands and feet, and other necessary members, yet because it lacketh knowledge and the use of reason, which was contained in the head, and should have been distributed to the rest of the body, to move the same, and caused it to have done the actions of the mind, through default hereof nothing might be done: Even in like manner, the Chirurgeon lacking knowledge of the principles of this Art, can do nothing rightly nor profitably, but he shall always be in danger, either to kill or else to maim some man, for that he lacketh that reasonable and methodical knowledge which this art doth require, being the head and principle thereof. It is not unknown unto you what manner of service the Chirurgeon doth serve in, & in what places, at what times, and how necessary it is in the common wealth: And although other men have written very well hereof, and that I do not doubt, but that you have very well considered the same: yet forasmuch as this most excellent service is not to be neglected, or a light account to be made thereof: I have thought it good, for that it pertaineth to my matter, some thing to give you warning therein. I have declared unto you in the beginning of this proime, the nobleness of this Art, & how it is to be honoured amongst men, for that it proceeded from the almighty Lord God, and was used and set forth by most noble and worthy Princes, and many other worthy men of most excellent virtue and learning. And now at this day either through negligence of the uncareful Magistrates, or else through our evil natures, it is used by a sort of unlearned persons, to the great overthrow & dishonour of this worthy Art, yea, and almost to the utter loss of the methodical and true knowledge therein: which may be no small danger hereafter, except speedy remedy be had herein, and that noble persons be careful for this so necessary an Art, which kings in times past did not only give great rewards unto those learned men which set it forth, but also they themselves did use it, by means whereof, they got unto themselves immortal fame, in that they did deliver their people by using of this art, from so many grievous diseases, which daily they were brought to death withal. Thus these gracious and merciful Princes, were not uncareful for their subjects, and they did not only build certain Schools, that this Art might be taught in, but also they did devise medicines, and ministered the same unto those that had need, in such good order, and with such knowledge, that many thousands were restored to their health thereby, and by their examples they encouraged many other noble persons, and also excellent learned men, and men of excellent wit, to study and practise the same, to the great comfort of their common wealth, and rewarded them with great rewards. But now alas, in this unhappy time of ours, this Art is not only neglected, and unprovided for, but also despised, abhorred, & evil spoken of, by means whereof noble persons, and men of great learning, doth rather hate it, then seek means or other ways, to revive it again. For I say once again, in this our unhappy time: that Tailors, Shoemakers, Cooks, and carpenters, are had in more estimation, than these noble Artists be.  
Yea, I think, jugglers, Players, yea, & jacke fool with his fools coat, shallbe as well esteemed & placed in as near rooms unto the magistrates, as these most excellent artistes shallbe.  
Well, I will say no more, but if that noble man Galen, were alive, who doth say in his first book de methodo medendi, that drunkards and riotous persons, were more regarded, than men of knowledge and learning, and also how that Cooks, Carpenters, Smiths, and many other occupations did run from their Arts, and took upon them the art of medicine, I think if he were now living, and in our Country, he would not a little meruaille, to see what a disordered company there is now at this day, which useth this Art: useth this Art, nay, abuseth this Art, most wickedly and ungodly, to the great dishonour of our country, & to the destruction and infamy of this worthy Arte. What shall I say, that these people be suffered, nay, rather maintained, in this unhappy mischief. For I have known, not only noble persons to maintain them, who have written their letters in their defence, to keep them from punishment, when they have committed most wicked deeds, but also caused a law to be made, that every one might occupy this Art, without any punishment, not only Shoemakers, and Tailors, carpenters, and Tinkers, and such other as Galen doth utterly condemn, and speak against: but also witches, and bawds, conjurers, and a sort of false soothsayers. I will not speak of a multitude of strangers, as pouch makers, and peddlers, with glass makers, and cobblers, which run out of their own countries, and here become noble Physicians and chirurgeons, such as now is most in estimation, and ruleth all the roast in our Country, so that the poor English men, and such as have served in the time of wars, with expenses of their goods, and loss of their lives, yea, and the rest of them that be living, must of necessity serve at all times both by land and by sea, as well in the time of wars as in the time of pestilence: These poor men I say, are constrained to serve, to their utter undoing, and when they come home again, they, their wives, and their children, may go pick muscles, for this jolly company afore spoken off, have taken up all their acquaintance whilst they be serving in the wars.  
Come to any of these strangers, or any of these other people, when the Prince should be served, and one will say, I am a Tailor, another will say, I am a Shoemaker, and the other will say, I am a woman, so that then they will make delays, by means whereof they will not serve. And thus the Prince and the common wealth in the time of necessity, is utterly unserved, for this Company is content to take the living of chirurgeons, and the names too, so long as there is no need of service for the Prince, but then they have new names, and if they be strangers, they will then trudge home again into their own Countries, or else hide them out of the way, or else retain to some noble man, by means whereof, they will be defended from service of the Prince. And thus with this manner of disordered shifts, the Princes with their people, are not only evil served, and sometimes not served at all, but the noble art of Chirurgery is utterly overthrown and brought to ruin, and the true professors thereof at this day, be so few in number, that it is to be wondered at. I have myself in the time of king Henry the eight, help to furnish out of London in one year, which served by sea and by land, three score and twelve chirurgeons, which were good work men, and well able to serve, and all English men. At this present day there are not four and thirty of all the whole company of English men, & yet the most part of them be in noble men's service, so that if we should have need, I do not know where to find twelve sufficient men. What do I say? sufficient men: Nay, I would there were ten amongst all the company, worthy to be called chirurgeons, and let the rest do such service as they may, for if there be need of service, I think their chirurgery shall appear to some man's grief and pain. Thus I leave off, and go to my matter again. My brethren, you that be English men, & profess this noble art, remember I say, your vocation, and be not discouraged, for that that this rabblement doth flourish, & that strangers are had in such estimation, which I know is unto you no small discouraging, but I do not doubt in time, God shall stir up the heart of the Prince, with her Grace's noble Magistrates, to consider the great peril that may grow thereof, not only in the utter loss of so worthy an art, which of necessity must needs be lost amongst us that be English men, except provision may be made, that these worthy Artistes may have sufficient living to maintain them withal, but also to foresee that this common wealth may be served with our natural, true, and liege Country men, and not to prefer Strangers, which cometh rather hither for their own gain, than for any good love that they do bear unto us, and in the time of greatest need doth forsake us. Therefore I pray you remember, that ye be very studious in this art, and diligent and neat in the practising thereof, and also to be modest, wise, and of good manners and behaviour, and that you lack none of these good properties that we have spoken of before, lest when you shall be called for in the time of necessity, to serve Princes, and other noble persons, ye do not only dishonour yourselves and your Country, but this worthy art also. Remember I pray you what great charge is committed unto you in the time of wars, ye have not only the charge of men's limbs, but also of their lives, which if they should perish through your default, either in neglecting of any thing that were necessary for their health, which you ought to be furnished withal, either else through lack of knowledge which ye ought to have in your art: I say, if these de●…ults be in you, and the people perish in your hands, you cannot excuse yourselves of your brother's death. Therefore as you would this art should prosper, remove from it such pernicious occasions as might be hurtful thereunto. For if we shall be bloody murderers, or greedy and covetous catchers, and oppressers of poor people, let us not look for the favour of God, neither yet to prosper in our art, or if we shall be negligent in providing of such necessary things as may be for the help of our diseased patients: either else if we shall lack knowledge for the right use and administration of the same, we shall then be slanderous unto this most excellent Art, and unworthy professors thereof, and in very deed, accounted no better than these rude runagates and butcherly Dogleechers are.  
Remember also the continuance of your art, as our fore fathers have done before our time, which hath left no small number of worthy books for us to peruse, whose diligence thereby, for the continuance of this art, doth most manifestly appear. And like as they have with most diligent study, divine knowledge, & most willing hearts, left these their works and labours unto us their posterity, to be as it were guides, and most sure doctrine to follow: so I would wish that we with careful study and loving hearts, follow their precepts, as loving children ought to follow the profitable commandments of their careful Fathers. And all you that be young men, I request you also, that you be diligent in seeing of other excellent men's works, & not to be too bold & presume to deal with things above your knowledge, but in doubtful & dangerous matters, to desire counsel of the grave and ancient men, who hath more knowledge by long experience, & able to give better judgement than you are, by means whereof the Patient shall not only be the better provided for, but you also discharged of great blame, which might happen, if any thing came to the sick patient: But well, let your honest manners be equal unto your excellent knowledge and practice in this worthy art, see that ye be faithful, trusty, and true, unto your sick patients honest of behaviour, sober of life, & comfortable of words. And also see that ye serve God, and love him, and pray unto him at all times, that the holy Ghost may assist and strengthen you in all your works and enterprises which you do take in hand, so that they may all turn to the commodity of the sick patient, and to the glory of God, promising no health unto them, but thy faithful and painful diligence, for health lieth not in thy hands to give, but in the might and power of the almighty Lord God, unto whom be all honour, praise, and glory, world without end, Amen.  
Thus most loving Reader, I beseech thee to spare me thy good word, for my painful travail which I have taken herein, for the commonwealth sake, and for the furtherance of those that be young men of my Company, and think not that I have done it to teach any learned man, but rather to encourage those that be better learned, to bestow their diligence and travail, either for the amendment of this, or else for the setting forth of some better work. Thus taking my leave, I beseech the eternal God to prosper this most worthy art, and all the true and right professors of the same.   
FINIS.   

Thomas Gale unto the friendly Reader, Salutations.  
MY friendly and well-beloved brethren, when I did consider with myself the great defect and imbecility which doth remain amongst our Company, for lack of learning in the speculative part, of this worthy art of chirurgery, which chiefly doth appertain unto the same. And considering with myself what great ignorance and infamy hath grown to our Company thereby, I have not been a little careful to remove the same things from us. And considering with myself also, that these things cannot be removed but by knowledge, and that knowledge cannot come, but by reading and hearing, and reading is unprofitable, except it be understood. Therefore I have with great diligence collected and gathered together these four books of Galen, called Therapeuticon, & being translated into the English tongue, I have dedicated the same unto you, to that end, that you may with the like diligence & study, receive pleasure, profit, & great commodity, by these books which I here deliver unto you with painful travail, great cares, & charges: But when I did consider these divine & most excellent books, how profitable & commodious the same should be unto you, I say, not only to you, but to the whole common wealth of our Country, & what great honour should grow unto mine own natural Country men hereby, & also what furtherance & increase of knowledge it shall be unto those that profess this art. I neither regarded money nor profit, nor passed for any pains, but yielded my careful study to serve your turn, in this most divine work. And moreover, I thought it my bounden duty, to help to raise up that most famous man Galen, who hath lain so long buried with that foul monster Oblivion, from the knowledge of our natural tongue, so that worthily he hath deserved immortal fame. Now my brethren, there are three special points that are to be considered. The first is, to whom you do minister, and to what end your ministration serveth. The second is, with what things you do minister, and what method you ought to keep in the time of your ministration. The third is, what manner of knowledge ye ought to have that will cure methodically and rightly, by his ministration. To whom this Artist doth minister, it is easily known, for he doth minister to man's body, which is subject unto the art of Medicine, and the end and affect of his ministration, is to cure man's body of such hurts and diseases, as the same body is annoyed and troubled with. The second doth consist in those things that you cure withal, and they be three, that is to say, convenient diet, or as we may term it, convenient government of the sick patient, and convenient medicaments, apt and meet for the disease, and also an apt and convenient person methodically & rightly to use these two. The third is, what manner of knowledge this person ought to have. Galen doth very well describe his knowledge in these books, against that foolish bragging Thesalus, how he would take upon him in six months, to make a man perfect in this art, and yet he himself but a Woolman, or as we may term him, a Spinner and carder of wool, whose foolish stupidity was such, that he would compare with Hippocrates and Galen, and therefore Galen hath written against him in all these books, not only condemning him, but condemning all other ignorant persons, which understand not the principles of this art, and specially other Artists, as Carpenters, smith's, Cooks, Weavers, and women, which doth leave their own honest occupations, wherein they have been brought up, and doth arrogantly and presumptuously take upon them this most worthy art, wherein they be utterly ignorant, and if they cure any thing, it is by chance, and not by method, as you may perceive in his first book.  
There is also another thing to be noted, that Galen doth not make such divisions betwixt wounds and ulcers, as we commonly do, for he doth name all those that cometh with solution, or separation of the skin. Elkos in Greek, that is to say, an ulcer.  
But if you do diligently consider Galens' method, as in the curation you shall find it most excellent, and which is to be understood an ulcer, and which a wound, etc.  
Now there resteth no more but your painful travail and study herein, and every one of you brotherly and friendly, to have conference herein one with another, by means whereof the true meaning shall be the better understood, & you yourselves shall receive it the better into your perpetual memory.  
Thus I take my leave of you, requiring of you no rewards, but true and faithful good will, & loving words, with friendly furtherance, desiring the almighty Lord to preserve and keep you, and send you the knowledge in this worthy Art, to the profit of the common wealth.  
FINIS.   

THE THIRD BOOK of Galen, called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin, Methodus Medendi.  
The effect of the same.  

1 First, he showeth the curation of Ulcers that be not malignant and stubborn.  
2 secondly, he showeth what manner of Medicines the Emperikes have found out to engender flesh.  
3 thirdly, he showeth the curation of a hollow ulcer.  
4 fourthly, he showeth that the Indications ought to be taken of the temperament of the affected part.  
5 fiftly, he showeth that the curation of the similar parts consisteth in the just temperament of the four qualities.  
6 sixtly, he showeth that all bodies require not like medicines, but that weak and tender bodies require most gentle medicines, and that dry and strong bodies require most strongest medicines.   

The first Chapter.  
IF therefore Hiero, the indication which first springeth of the nature of the thing, doth find out what is to be done, then the beginning of finding out remedies, must of necessity be taken of the nature of diseases themselves. For truly it is against all reason, that one thing should show the way of curing, and another that is cured, for each thing can better show of himself, than of another, but this shall be made more evident hereafter. And for because all men do grant the first indications to be taken of the affects, we shall not need further travail herein, to prove that hereof we must take our beginning: nay, rather let us go about to show that it is neither the whole, neither any great portion, as the Methodicians do judge, but rather the least part, and only the beginning. Therefore they themselves do affirm, that the stone in the bladder, (because that it is altogether against nature) doth show that it must be taken away. In like sort Acrochordonas, Mirmicias, Atheromata, Steatomata, Meliceridas, and other of like kind. Also the intestine that is now fallen into the purse of the testicles, and all that are dislocated, because they are in a place against nature, they show that they must be reposed and put in their natural seat. And all these truly are so far from any cunning, that they are manifest even to every private person, for they will bid that the member which they perceive dislocated, to be put into the joint again. Also Achrocordonas or Warts to be taken away, an Ulcer to be brought to a Cicatrize, and a fluxible belly to be stopped, but by what means those things may be done, truly they do not know. And this is it which ought to be known of the Physician: wherefore the indication which is taken of diseases, is only the beginning, (and as I may term it) the place from whence the way of curing proceedeth, being yet no portion of the art of Physic, or no great or proper part, but such a one as is common to every vulgar person: therefore he is worthily called a curer of diseases, that can of himself find out those things, by which may be performed that which is of the first indication showed, which if he do it by experience, than he is to be named, an observer, and an Empiric. But if he do it by a certain reason and method, than he is to be called a Logician, Methoditian, and Dogmatist. Now there cometh to the Physician a vulgar person, (I must repeat this thing again) willing him to put the member into the joint, or perhaps to unite and form a broken bone, or to have Meliceris taken away. But by what ways, any of these things are to be brought to pass, that to find out, is certainly the office of the art of Physic. And the Emperikes do boldly contend, that all things are to be found out by experience, but we truly do affirm, that they are found out partly by experience, and partly by reason, seeing that neither experience only, neither yet reason, can find out all things. Notwithstanding we think it not good to set out a confused and mixed doctrine, but Experience by itself and Reason by itself, that thereby it may easily appear of what force each of them is.  
And now truly we have determined to speak of that invention which springeth of Reason: now therefore have we any method following, how we may find out every of the forenamed remedies? I mean to take away that which is altogether against Nature, and that is dislocated, to put in his proper place, and to unite the solution of continuity, shall we require experience hereto? I truly am fully persuaded, that there is a method, by which thou mayst find out things required, whose original is that, which every disease doth show to be done. For the solution of unity, requireth unition: and the fracture of the bone, called in Greek, Catagma, in the fleshy parts, an ulcer: like as also a wound and ruption, called Regma, and convulsion, named Spasma: for a wound truly is a certain solution, left in the fleshy part of wounding. A ruption and convulsion, be solutions made without wounding.  
The first is division of the fleshy parts, the other is of the nervous parts, & all these show that there must be made union, but whether in all it may be performed, or that it cannot in many, that only behoveth the Artist to consider, for no common person doth know how that the Diaphragma, or the small intestines, can attain the scope, of which they give indication: also he is ignorant that the foreskin called Periputium, and the thin part of the cheeks, be of like condition. Furthermore, whether carries in the bone (the Greeks call it Teridon) may be cured, like as erosion in the flesh, he understood not. Again, whether a fracture will grow together like as a wound, or doth further require to be adconglutinated with Callus, he perceiveth not whether there is to be hoped the growing of Callus in fractures of the head, or else is otherwise to be cured. Further, he is more ignorant whether there is any hope of recovery in wounds of the heart, lungs, stomach, and liver. And to conclude, no common person knoweth any thing beyond the first indication. Therefore the first work of this art is, to consider whether we may perform that we take in hand, or not, and this is known two ways, neither can the third be added or known. The first is, by experience, which requireth long use & practise: the other is, by the nature of the thing itself, for this doth set out both the substance of every part, and also his action, use, and situation, with which things proceeding, he shall not only foresee what cannot be cured, but also deliberate of inventing remedies for that which may be cured.   

The second Chapter.  
THerefore it is manifest that we must begin of simple things, and truly there is nothing more simple than the wound in the upper part of the flesh: therefore the cure of this wound, in that it is only a wound, is unition, but if it be with hollowness and putrefaction, there is a double scope, in as much as the effect is double, that is to say, an ulcer, which is, solution of unity, and hollowness which springeth of the lost substance of the part, in which kind it cannot often chance, that thou shalt fulfil both the scopes aforesaid, as if not only the flesh, but also the bone under it is perished, for such hollowness cannot exactly be filled, but you may bring it to a cicatrise, but this is the cure of the ulcer, and the hollowness remaineth notwithstanding uncurable: Therefore this thing it behoveth to know, either by experience, or else by reasons help. But Thessalus useth not these, neither putteth he to a third, & yet is not he ashamed to trifle, but let the pass, & rather let the Physician who followeth Thessalus, teach us how to cure a hollow ulcer in the fleshy part, nothing being hurt under the ulcer, he answereth, by applying medicines which do engender flesh, they call them sarcotical. Well said, a great facility, peradventure you may better term it, stupidity, when he thinketh sufficiently to have answered the question, by naming a sarcotical medicine: for if we know this sarcotical, what do we further require, show us I pray thee what sarcotical is, that thou wilt use: I suppose that thou wilt answer, Olibanum, or Iris, or Aristolochia, or Eruifarina or Panax, for I will first make mention of dry medicines: now go to. By what means hast thou found these medicines? thou answerest by Experience, what is it then that thou hast added hereto? for every person doth know, that that which is hollow, must be filled, but experience hath taught of what things, and by what medicines that should be done: truly Thessalus knoweth not that medicine, neither as an empiric, neither as a logician: as an empiric because he will not: as a Logician, because he cannot: for I truly do understand, that he knoweth this medicine as an Empiric, for seeing there are two instruments of every invention, that is to say, Experience & Reason, he which doth know that is invented, and yet can give no reason thereof, doth show himself to have found it by experience, therefore that he may understand how greatly he hath erred, let him a little give audience unto us, for I will have to do in few words, with the professor of only Experience, for it is meet that he also do utter by what means he hath found out this drying medicine that doth incarnate, which he nameth Cephalicin, and that is compound of Iris, and Aristolochia, and Eruus, & Olibanum, and Manna, that is to say, the dross of Olibanum. There is also another medicine, which besides these that are rehearsed, hath the rind of Panax, and another medicine to, which is mixed with washed Cadmia.  
Now let him tell me how these medicines be found, but what skilleth it (saith he) to ask of that finding of them out, is it not better to use those things that are found out right? And this at the first they answer, afterward they say, that these medicines be found out by dreams, in the mean time by chance one medicine was put to another, afterward one was bold to use them mixed, but yet they show not the success of their boldness. Therefore these be manifest trifles. The third way of invention, truly is reason, or some proving every one of those simple medicines separately, to be sarcotical, afterward beholding that sometime it doth not make flesh, he findeth out by reason, that every one of those agreeth not to every nature, for unto whom Aristolochia doth not fill the ulcer with flesh, there Olibanum hath, and where Olibanum hath not profited, there Iris hath done good, for I suppose that to be reasonable, that all men are not affected to all things alike. And when this came first into reasoning, it was thought good that many medicines of one kind should be mixed together, that there might not want a meet medicine for every nature. And friend, the action of every substance doth not remain in mixed kinds, so that in every kind of body, there might be present that should help the disease, for if they could find out the nature of the body, or the force of the Medicine applied, peradventure there should not need such variety in them, in as much as they should alway readily find that one medicine that should agree to one body.  
Now for as much as they are ignorant in both, they do crookedly mix all together, studying to make one medicine that might agree to all natures, and I suppose this reason of compounding medicines to be found out of the first Physicians, and you receive it as an ancient invention, notwithstanding I suppose that it is not so far from the true medicinal method, as it is reasonable to be emptied into another, for if they do not first think of that method, whose composition standeth in medicines like of kind, and not of that which is of contrary, by and by you shall find in the mixture of these medicines, some one that may be profitable to the sick, and peradventure not one: contrariwise, seven or eight which shall not need, so that the medicines shall more hurt that profit.  
These things I say, if he doth not remember, I will account him more ignorant than to know the thing itself, for oil being put into a hollow wound, is most contrary of all other medicines, for if thou wilt that way cure, thou shalt by use find the ulcer to be filthy and stinking, but if the time also of the year be hotter, or the man hath Cachochimia, or by nature is apt unto rumes, or offend in his diet, it is to be feared least that part do putrefy, in which the ulcer is made. In like sort, if thou dost use wax either alone, either dissolved in oil, for they truly do make the ulcer putrefy: but if thou do put in Aerugo beaten fine, they shall by no means putrefy, yet it bringeth great pain and corrosion.  
Furthermore, it doth eat and provoke inflammation, and if thou use it more largely, it will also make convulsion, therefore seeing that neither oil, nor Aerugo, nor wax, can fill an hollow ulcer with flesh, it is manifest that none of those which professeth only Experience, will mix them together, yet I truly will mix them, yea, in due weight, not only these, but a thousand other medicines, which be not hurtful to a hollow ulcer, for if they hurt not with the same faculties, but as it were with their contraries, truly they are unlike and immoderate to fill an hollow ulcer: notwithstanding like as of too immoderate temperatures, there shall be one made temperate, that we have set out in the way of compounding medicines: therefore it is not hard to make a medicine of oil, wax, and Aerugo, that shall make flesh, for if thou dost know that the same ulcer is moderately to be dried, and dost not understand the wax or oil doth not dry, neither that any of them, or both mixed together, can fill a hollow ulcer, nor that Aerugo alone can moderately dry: therefore if thou dost mix all these together, thou mayst make a medicine which shall moderately dry, what the quantity or proportion of every one of them should be, that I have now set out in my books, which be entitled, the composition of medicines, and now also if it be needful, it shall be declared in talk hereafter.  
But first we must drive from these our books following, this Thessalus, but first declaring unto him, how much he hath erred from a truth, for unto any that is wise, that which is now spoken, doth sufficiently show what the method of curing aught to be, but with these we need not talk. Therefore it is necessary that we dispute yet with those, taking here our beginning.  
Every hollowness that is against nature, doth require to be filled, wherefore also that which cometh in the fleshy part, and that filling in the end, of finding out remedies, which we desire. And that thou mayst find those remedies, which do fill, thou hast need of much reason and manifold indication, and exact, reasonable, and particular method, for thou hast often seen ulcers hard to cure, not to be cured, neither of those which profess experience, I mean those which abound in remedies, neither of those, which claiming reason to themselves, for these Thessalians, whom they name, Methodicians, being indeed most far from a method, as the Ass to the Harp, be unmeet to hear this speculation, much less cure, they find out by reason, that which is right. Thou hast seen many times in the like ulcers, the Emperikes to go from one medicine to another, when truly no reason did show them the way, because they have tried many things which may fill a hollow ulcer, the same as they call it, Idiosyncrasian, that is, properties of bodies, in which every of them are seen to have force, neither can they discern, neither yet remember. Therefore now also, not knowing whether to go, but trusting in the proof of many particulars, whatsoever they find by the way that may profit, they go from one to another, following Fortune rather than Reason, which may help in the invention of remedies, like unto these, although they will not be these Dogmatists, which are not able by reason to understand the natural principles of bodies, but of these Thessalions void of method, what dost thou yet speak? Therefore those which cure by right method, do find apt remedies for every kind of ulcers, as also convenient diet, they do most apparently declare by the things itself, how much it profiteth, and how great light it doth bring to the art of curing, the Treatise of nature itself declareth: for I have not once declared unto you, how that sometime they which go from one medicine to another, do let slip and neglect that which is profitable, and that with some one of their remedies, which they have used, the same ulcers have been cured, therefore they have worthily despised the faculty of such remedies, which because of the untimely use, they have seen, not only the profit, but much for to hurt, and that in the first use it hath done no evident thing. Furthermore, thou hast seen no less the grievous pains of the eyes to be healed, either with bath, either with drinking of wine, either with foments, either with letting of blood, either with purging, unto which these common sort of Physicians have applied no other thing, than these medicines which are made of Opium, and Mandrake, and Henbane, bringing great danger unto the eyes, inasmuch as they taking no other thing away for the present but the pains itself: these do kill the sense, as thou hast known many, by the use of these medicines, when they have been too much applied, never after to have come to their natural state, and that first their eyes were dim, and they have hardly seen, after to be vexed with suffusion (which is called Hipochysis) or with too great dilatation of the ball of the Eye, named Mydriasis, or with Tabes or Corrugation, called Rhetiosm.  
Thou hast known also, being with me from sixteen years of age, never to have seen under any master this work, but to have excogitated it by reason, and how long time I did consider that Aphorism, of unalayde wine, or bath, or foment, or letting blood, or purging, taketh away the pains of the eyes. And what trust I had by the rest of Hypocrates labourers, that there was nothing in this Aphorism, either false or might not be brought to pass, & that was it which stirred me to search, until (going Hypocrates way) I found by what means I should discern, when and how, every of the forenamed should be used. By which reason I made manifest to many, which have seen the like things, of how great force the medicinal method is, and how great occasion of evil they are, which have not observed the old art of Physic, have builded new sects, and now truly, although from the beginning I have refused it, yet by entreating, you have compelled me to take all this whole work in hand, which I pray the gods may be profitable, by others truly I have small hope, aswell for the contempt of good letters, which now do reign, as also for the admiration of riches, estimation and civil power, unto which whosoever do turn himself, is not able to find the truth in any thing: But these things shall be determined as pleaseth the gods, and we now for our power, shall restore the Method of curing, which was found of the ancient Physicians, being now neglected: repeating again the disputation which we have begun of the hollow ulcer, and of the first invention of those things, which doth fill an ulcer with flesh, let that suffice, which hitherto we have said, and let us grant if they will, unto the Empirics all that they say. And for the use of things found out, I have often showed to thee in themselves, and now nothing less, I will go about to demonstrate by reason, how these Empirics, cannot by certain reason, go unto another medicine, when they have nothing profited with the first, and that rightly chanceth: for when as they know not the cause, of the unhappy success of the first medicine, neither can declare the like in the second, and when they are ignorant of the cause, wherefore the first medicine doth not his affect, neither are able to understand, why it taketh no place, this thing truly being not known, they cannot reasonably go to another, when as they cannot in the same medicine perceive the like cause.   

The third Chapter.  
NOw therefore let us set out Hippocrates way, and the true method of curing an hollow ulcer, surely it behoveth to begin thus, that is, of the substance of the thing, therefore seeing that an hollow ulcer that is our scope, that the flesh which is lost may be restored, it is needful to know that the thing which engendereth flesh, is good blood, nature as I may term it, being the workman and author, notwithstanding it is not sufficient to name simply Nature, unless we consider also whose nature, and where. For it is manifest, that Nature itself is the engenderer of flesh, of those bodies that be subject, whereas flesh is to be made, and surely it is declared, that the nature of every body doth consist of the temperament of hot, cold, moist, and dry: therefore it is manifest, that the just temperament of these, in those parts whereas we shall restore the lost flesh, is as it were the workman. And first of all, in every hollow ulcer, these two things are to be considered, whether the body being subject, be in just temperature, that is to say, whether it be according to nature. For we have declared, that health of similar bodies, is the just temperature of the four qualities, and whether the blood that floweth to the part be good, or else but indifferent, for if either of these do offend, there are truly many affects against nature, notwithstanding there is now put to us but only the hollowness in the fleshy parts. Therefore let us imagine the part to be sound, and the blood which floweth to the part, to be free from fault, either in quality or quantity, surely these things being, as is said, there is no impediment, but that flesh shall prosperously grow, and that without the help of any outward medicine, for both causes which engender flesh, being present, and nothing outwardly hindering, than it cannot be, but that flesh must be engendered.  
But in the first engendering of flesh, there must of force spring a double excrement, as we have showed in our commentaries of Nature, that there followeth every mutation of the quality of the nourishment, an excrement gross and thick, and another thin. And these excrements chancing ever through the whole body, that which is thinner, is invisible, by persperation, notwithstanding it is forthwith visible, as often as the natural heat diminisheth, or that he useth more large diet than is meet, or that there happeneth to the creature more vehement motion. The other excrement is the filth, that is sent to the skin. Furthermore, in ulcers, the thinner excrement is called Sanies, in Greek Icor, the groser is named Sordes, and the ulcer is made moist by the thinner excrement, in like sort as by the grosser it is made filthy, and for that cause it needeth two kind of medicines, that is to say, exicatives, to expel or dry that which is moist, and mundificatives, to purge the filth.  
Now then, seeing that nature ceaseth no time, truly there can be no time found, in which both these excrements may not be gathered together in an hollow ulcer: Wherefore there shall be no time in which thou shalt not use both kinds of medicines, that is to say, which shall exicate and mundify.  
And now we have found out of what kind the medicine ought to be, but that is not sufficient, for it is needful to invent some particular, which is to be applied to the ulcer. Now by what method, and how shall they be found out? forsooth by the same which is set out in our books, of the faculties of simple medicaments, for we have showed in them certain medicines desiccative, certain humective, certain refrigerative, and certain to make hot, yea, and certain by conjunction, to make hot and dry, or to refrigerate and moist, or to heat and moist, or to refrigerate and dry, and that there is in every of them a difference, more or less, but in multitude infinite.  
Notwithstanding they be contained within limits to their use, which do easily comprehend them in the first order or degree, or second, or third, or fourth, now of what degree, shall that medicine be, which is meet to engender flesh, which must both moderately dry, and also mundify? truly of the first degree, for that medicine, which surmounteth this degree, doth not only consume the abundance of the humour flowing to the part, but doth also devour the blood flowing, letting the part to be restored consuming the flesh, or the matter whereof the flesh groweth: surely it is declared that such be Olibanum, and the meal of barley, beans & Eruum, and Iris, and Aristolochia, and Cadmia, and Panax, & Pomphilix, and we have showed that all these, differ among themselves, more or less, and that some of them abound only in simple qualities and other some in compound. For Aristolochia, and Panax, do dry more than the rest, and also by nature are more hot, barley and bean flower, doth much less dry than these, and have no heat at all.  
Olibanum, doth moderately heat, but doth less dry than these, in so much as in certain bodies, it drieth not at all. The meal of Eruum, and Iris, and Aristolochia, and Panax, are in a mean. But now let us repeat again, that we have profitably touched.  
Olibanum, in bodies of moist nature, is able to engender flesh, but in dry natures he cannot, for it is needful to consider, that there is a two fold difference of the first indications, that which is according to nature, showing the conservation of itself, & further doth also require things like to itself, and that which is against nature, declaring the taking away of itself, and also requiring things contrary: for every thing perisheth or is overcome of his contrary, and in his contrary. And truly the Ulcer, how much it is to moist, doth so much the more require medicines, which doth dry. But the nature of the body how much it is more moist, so much the less it requireth a medicine which doth excicate, wherefore if there be any ulcers in which there is like humidity, because they are in a body of drier temperament, truly it is requisite the more to be excicate: that which is in a moister temperature, doth so much less need dry medicines, as there is difference between nature and nature. For it behoveth the flesh that is engendered, to be like that which was there before. Therefore whereas the flesh is drier than in times past, it is convenient that the new be made drier, so that it ought to be the more largely to be dried, & how much the more it shall be dry, so much the more shall the medicine which shallbe applied, have a dissicative virtue: but in a moist nature, there is so much less need of a medicine dissicative, how much the flesh is less dry. Therefore like as Olibanum, hath such temperament concerning the nature of man's body, that is agreeable to a temperate & mean nature, but it doth somewhat more largely dry. These that be moister in like sort, as it is to moist for them that be most dry, so that of right Olibanum maketh matter, both in certain Ulcers and also natures, & doth not engender flesh, and in certain it doth engender flesh. Therefore if thou dost mark, thou shalt find the success answerable unto reason, for in a moister nature it may engender flesh, in a drier it cannot. Dost thou not therefore perceive of how many Theorems, or intentions of curing, he hath need, that will cure an ulcer by a right Method? for after that it is found out, that the fault is in moisture, altogether it showeth forthwith, that theridamas must be prepared a dissicative medicine: but for that there are of drying medicines, some that drieth more, and some less, that which is expedient must be taken, partly of the diversity of the ulcers, & partly of the nature of the sick. Therefore he that will rightly cure an ulcer, must not only consider the nature of the body, but also to have learned, all the speculation of medicines diligently, and also to know the signs of bodies, which are of dry or moist temperament.  
Now therefore consider what great rashness is of pronouncing these Methodicians, which think that they have done sufficiently to the curing of an hollow Ulcer, if they understand that it must be filled with flesh. Truly the way of curing consists not in this, but in finding that out which shall fill it with flesh, but that shall fill with flesh (quoth he) is already found by experience: then confess that which shall cure, to be found out by experience, neither do they vainly boast, neither extol the Method, although experience is condemned, yea, of the Empirics themselves, which is without certain limitation: for they writ in their commentaries of medicines, in this manner. An Emplaster for those that have soft bodies, and for children and women, & they know how that Olibanum in such natures can engender flesh, and fill hollow Ulcers, so that there be no other accidence: notwithstanding where such bodies are moist, and because of their moistness require moderate drying Medicines, or that there is some other cause of the success, they cannot tell. Again they shall find an other medicine written for old folks, and another against those Ulcers which will hardly be brought to a cicatrice, and hath the sides swollen, called in Greek Oxthothe, and they write in all their commentaries curative, many other seperatives, for which as near as we can invent a convenient medicine, to the property of curing nature, for separations in every Art, go about to divide that which is proper, from that which is common, and how much any doth divide or part more things, so much he cometh nearer unto the property, but the proper thing itself, cannot exactly be either written or spoken: and for this cause those Empirics which were most diligent in their Art, as also well near all the dogmatistes, do acknowledge that there cannot be left in writing any exact curing, but that which wanteth concerning the conjecture of the nature of the patient.  
Some of them affirm, that it is to be added or considered of the proper use of every Physician, other some by reasoning artificially, but yet none of them was so rash to profess, that he had one medicine which might engender flesh, in every hollow ulcer, for truly thou shalt not find in authors such a Medicine that will cure every hollow Ulcer, but that the medicine is to be changed, according to the humour and temperament of the patients member.  
Therefore we leaving here the impudency of the Methodicians, go to, let us hear what the Empirics say, who do judge that sometime is to be added or considered in the finding out proper remedies for the patient, by the proper use and exercitation of every one, for as we have after said, there is not in physic any thing, or any remedy, which is not in fine difficil, but in every thing his quality cannot be hidden, for either it may be spoken, written, or perceived. For in an ulcer, moisture and filthiness, may be showed, but the quantity in neither may be showed, although we studying to go nearer unto the thing itself, naming it, we say small, and plentiful filthiness, or thin and gross, or very much or little, and indifferent, and competent, or else calling it otherwise in like sort, whereby we may come nearer, to show the quantity.  
Now therefore I will have thee diligent to attend, that thou mayst know how much it is better, to do every thing by a method, rather than by experience only, be it so known that this or that medicine, hath virtue to fill an hollow ulcer, in those whom we name of moister complexion, as an observer or empiric, in those which have soft flesh, and to women and children, & that he hath not now, any thing profited with such medicine. Therefore we will seek out the cause, why it did not profit, and will reduce this, unto one of these two, for either the medicine hath dried to little, or else to much, the signs of which, be Sordes, and Sanies, for if there be more Sordes, in the ulcer, and that all the ulcer is moister, the medicine hath dried to little, but if it be clean and without moisture, it hath dried to much. Therefore forthwith we may know the measure also of the excess & effect, by the manner of the signs, and we shall afterward make our medicine, which shall be applied, so much the more or less drying, but the Empirics truly if any medicine applied doth not make flesh to grow, he verily beholdeth, but yet being ignorant, whether that springeth because his medicine drieth to little or much, he cannot go unto another medicine. In like sort truly, both Erasistratus, and Herophilus, being as I have showed half dogmatistes, shall ill cure an ulcer, for they attempt to cure only those affects by reason, which are proper to the organicke members, but an ulcer as we said, is common both to similar and also instrumental parts, therefore so far forth as it is in the similar parts, so far forth they will cure it Emperiquelie.  
Also, if they prove to cure those ulcers, whose substance is utterly perished, or else is unperfect & diminished, in these also it followeth necessarily, that they may manifoldly err from curing reasonably: for if that is lost by any similar substance, it is necessary that he who will look to the restoring of this again, be skilful of universal nature. But of these we shall hereafter speak, in the mean season I suppose it to be most evidently set out, that every one cannot rightly cure an ulcer, and that the first indication, of all which is manifest to every private person, is the least part of curing. For it is necessary that by demonstration he hath learned, how that heat and cold, moisture and dryness, be qualities active and passive. And further to know all those things which we have written in our books De Temperaments, or else where, in other volumes belonging hereto.  
And hitherto our talk hath been of the hollow Ulcer, we only curing the hollowness itself, for it is not yet set out what is the proper curation of an ulcer, but that shall also be performed after the same method, because it is taken both of the temperament of the affected part, and also of the faculty of medicines, and surely both these do depend of the Treatise of Elements, for if that be granted, that in a method the four qualities are causes of generation and corruption, it shall not be lawful either to have begun, either to proceed, or to finish a method: for truly it belongeth to the Treatise of Elements, that thou mayest show the qualities, to do and suffer naturally. Therefore that we heretofore have showed, is now confirmed in this present talk, that no Physician can consider of any similar parts, without natural knowledge or speculation, (but there is only set out of similar parts.)  
Here now our talk doth somewhat insinuate, that neither in the instrumental parts any can find out the perfect cure, which have not attained the speculation or true knowledge. But this shall be more evidently set out in the work.   

The fourth Chapter.  
But now it is time to go to the very cure of an ulcer, which is alone or simple, the ulcer truly shall be alone, if there be neither affect or accident present, but if the part ulcerate be not molested with flux, nor visited with ill juice, neither out of his natural temperature, neither is there any hollowness, or yet loss of skin, for this thing a good sort of Physicians do let slip, not understanding how there remain two affects in the part, after the hollow ulcer is filled with flesh & made plain, the one being the loss of the substance of the skin, the other, of the solution of continuity. Therefore as often as this one thing cometh, that is, solution of continuity, whether that be of the over skin, the Greeks call it Epithermia, or whether it be of the skin called Thermia, or it be the affect of the flesh under it, which is called an ulcer, it doth only require to be adglutinated, for if the sides of the skin be perfectly joined together, there shall be nothing in the midst of a contrary kind, like as in the ulcer which is now filled, and is made plain, for in this the sides of the ulcer touch not, but the skin of all the exulcerate part is porished, which ought forsooth to be restored. But in that wound whereas there is division made with any edged tool, there is only agglutination required, & not also the generation of skin. Therefore as often as we purpose to find out the cure of a simple ulcer, we in this talk presuppose that the fleshy part is divided, without loss of any portion of the same, for it wanteth a broad skin, which we have called in Greek Epithermia, which must be made by inducing a ciccatrize. Therefore it is necessary both to regenerate this, & also to unite it together, & so there be two things unto which thou must look as in an hollow ulcer, because there is a double affect in both. But peradventure some of them will say, how is a plain ulcer known from an hollow? if there be both a double affect in either, & also a double scope of curing appointed, that is to say, the multitude of the lost parts, where in an hollow ulcer, not only the over skin is perished, but also the skin itself, yea, and sometime no small portion of the flesh. In an ulcer filled, there wanteth not flesh, but yet outwardly there lacketh his covering, but we will show hereafter what the cure is of those kinds of ulcers, now let us understand what is the due cure of an ulcer, in that it is only an ulcer, & hath no other affect joined with it, therefore for that here is only division put forth, it behoveth to join the sides that are divided, and not only to join them, but to make them also to endure surely, they which are joined shall remain together two ways, when as some of themselves doth so remain, other by the help of other things, of themselves they only remain, which doth grow together and close by the help of other, those which are gathered together, and so holden with any glutenous thing, but those that grow together must of force be naturally soft. Truly such is both the flesh itself, and also whatsoever cometh of flesh, but whatsoever are hard & dry, their parts cannot grow together, but doth require some glue or band, whereby the sides joined may so remain. But the cure of such bodies shall be set out hereafter. Here let us proceed with our talk begun, of those which may be united, searching out also the cause of joining & closing, for like as in hollow ulcers there must be flesh engendered, so in a simple ulcer that the sides may close. And nature truly is the cause, that if thou dost exactly put together the sides which are separated, they will close together without any outward labour, and now there springeth another scope for thee, to consider the bringing of the sides together, beginning with which thou shalt find out, with what thou shalt bring this to pass, for thou shalt close them together which are separated, either with a roller, with two ends put about, or with stitching, or hooks, which the Greeks call Agkleras, or with some of these, or else all, it is necessary that the roller which is put about be not too soft, or will be broken like Alga, (the Greek writers do call it Vrovothes, that it may safely hold, neither yet so hard, that in compressing it may offend, then let not thy rolling or binding be so lose, that it cannot do good, neither yet so strait, that by compressing it may cause dolour. These things if thou shalt observe, without doubt the ulcer will close, if that it be free from all juice or flux, or intemperateness, or inflammation, or any other fault. But if for the greatness it cannot be that the parts divided may from the bottom be exactly joined, neither being able with stitching, neither with splints, neither with rolling to come unto them, or that there is Sanies now gathered there, or some dolour annexed, such an ulcer cannot close together by the only joining of the sides, when as that that is pained, causeth somewhat to flow more, yea, and although that which floweth be according to nature, yet the strength of the part which are méekned, both for the dolour and pain, and also through the wound, cannot bear that which is just, but are burdened, as though it were the contrary, and hereof springeth superfluous Sanies, yea, and it is marvel if there followeth not inflammation also, if there be Sanies collected in the midst of the sides of the ulcer, without pain, or that there be any mean place betwixt, which is void of Sanies, but yet is filled with the air, the Ulcer cannot be adglutinated by closing together the parts divided, when as the Sanies do devour the union, and the void places which are betwixt the parts to be joined, do let the frontes of the inward sides to touch. Therefore at the least that those parts of the ulcer may close, they require Nature's help to be filled with flesh, and surely these are so little, if the sides of the ulcer be rightly joined, that it may be done in one day, or in two at the most. Therefore for this time it behoveth to use some desiccative medicine, which may dry the part, that it may consume the Sanies, if any there be, or if any shall flow into the void places, to keep it back. Now therefore thou shalt cause me to call to remembrance the medicine which doth incarnate & moderately dry, that we may know whether the glutinative medicine ought to be drier or 〈◊〉: truly the incarnative medicine if it should consume all the blood which floweth, it should by that means take away the matter itself whereof flesh springeth. But truly a glutinatine medicine either needeth not at all the generation of flesh, or else very little. Wherefore it behoveth it to be more desiccative than that which must incarnate, so that by this reason, there is but a small difference betwixt these medicines, but yet by another reason there is great difference, in as much as that which doth incarnate, ought eftsoones also to have a virtue abstersive, whereby it may not only dry the abundance of moisture, but also may take away all the filth: Aglutinative truly neither may mundify, neither purge, but to bring all the whole substance together. And medicines which be called Abstersive and astringent, hath such faculty, for these surely have faculty to constrain and stop, and not to mundify and purge whereof it followeth, that when we study to incarnate, we must chief fly an astringent medicine, because it fixeth the filth more straitly than may easily be loosed. Therefore wine is the best medicine for every ulcer, in that it is an ulcer, and if it be not added that it is an ulcer, I suppose thou wilt understand.  
For it is only added for remembrance sake, lest any should think, not as defining any thing necessary, so that if thou showest thyself mindful of all those things, which in the former book are set out, of naming every thing, and also of the subjects, there is no cause that hence forth I shall define such things unto thee, it shall be abundantly for me, if I only in every of them separate the simple effects from those that are compound, of which things I have somewhat before spoken, and now nevertheless shall speak, not so much truly for the things itself, as that many Physicians deceived by the word, think hollow and unequal, new and old, filthy, and clean with inflammation and without inflammation, to be differences of ulcers.  
Therefore it is necessary to make distinction, which be the proper differences of Ulcers, and which be complexions of other affects, but of this a little hereafter. Truly the wont doctrine of the old Physicians which I would were now in use, is altogether natural, for they show the cure of every simple effect, but of them all, that doth chiefly Hippocrates, for the curative method shall best proceed, if we shall speak severally of every simple by themselves, & after show another method of all compounds, as if there were two diseases in the order of diet, retaining and flowing, as Thessalus supposeth, when as we had spoken of the cure of either of them severally, we must do in like sort of these both joined together. So in like sort I suppose, because there is one kind of all ulcers, in that they are ulcers, and also one other kind of inflammations, in that they are inflammations, it behoveth to set out the cure of an ulcer by itself, and the cure of an inflammation by itself, & after to join both cures together, which thing if we shall do, truly we shall find by the method declared, that every ulcer ought to be dried and bound, but yet not mundified, the hollowness in the flesh also to be dried and mundified, but yet not to be astringed.  
Also after the same manner which we spoke of in hollow Ulcers, we shall for the portion judge Nature, whether it be soft and lose, or hard and dry, and impact, for the first, how much moister it is, so much less need it hath of desiccatives, the last how much drier it is, so much the more it requireth vehement desiccatives, and medicines astringent, the empiric I suppose, will here make mention of children, and women, and delicate bodies, and will account young folks Plowmen and Mariners, of contrary sort, but seeing that he understandeth not that the medicine doth profit children and women, though the moistures of their complexion and another, agreeth in like sort, with Plowmen and Mariners, because of their dry temperament, neither can he guess exactly the cure of every body, neither yet find out the cause of error, whereby it doth come to pass, that he knoweth not how to go to an apt medicine, when that which he first knew by experience doth little profit.  
And thus we have briefly spoken of glutinative medicines, and here followeth another method pertaining to the preparation and composition of them, for by and by we apply to an hollow ulcer what we list, whether it be a medicine dry or moist, for we may strew it in every part of the ulcer, or else anoint it, but in wounds we cannot so do, where there is a great deepness, for as soon as thou hast joined the sides of the wound, thou canst not touch the parts which are in the bottom divided. Therefore it is to be considered, whether the medicine be moderately dry and astringent, but also whether it may come to the bottom. Cerussa and lethargy be moderate drying and astringent, but if thou dost strow it upon the wound like as ashes, thou shalt not profit, for the virtue of the medicine that is so dry, cannot come to the profundity, therefore there is required some moistures, or else of some moisture medicine, that it may be plaster like, but these belongeth properly to that speculation, which showeth the composition of medicines, and not to that which showeth the reason of curing. But if we shall need it unto this matter, we shall touch it in our work hereafter.   

The fift Chapter.  
NOw will I turn again to the ulcer which requireth to be cicatrised, of which a little before we made mention, & the end of these also whereto we draw, is of the like kind that an hollow ulcer is, for it behoveth to regenereate somewhat that is lost, and not only to unite that is divided, but the which is here to be regenerated, is after an other sort than in an hollow ulcer, seeing that the matter there is blood, but here it is flesh, for that which is hollow is filled by engendering flesh, whose beginning is blood, and that ulcer is cicatrised that is already filled by engendering skin, which is made of the flesh subject, and surely the flesh which may engender in an hollow ulcer, may be like to that which is lost, but the skin which shall be restored, cannot in all points be like the which was before, but a thing like the skin, which also may supply the office of the skin, but yet is not the skin in deed. And the cause truly wherefore the skin perished, cannot be again engendered, like as flesh and fatness be, is to be sought out of natural problems. But we must here learn both how to imitate nature, and also the use of the skin, and of this thing we will now show the method, and for that our purpose to cover the flesh with some natural coverture, for that is to cicatrise an ulcer, either we must regenerate skin, or make the upper part of the flesh like unto skin, but skin indeed cannot be engendered, therefore let us attempt that which may be done. But what way shall we do this? forsooth by alteration for we labour that some part of the flesh may no longer be flesh, but may be like skin, but by what way sayest thou, shall it be altered? forsooth by the help of some medicine, whose quality will alter, and here against my will in this place, cometh the talk of elements, without which, neither can there be found a medicine which can cicatrise, much less any that hath virtue to incarnate and glutinate, therefore because the skin is both drier and thicker than flesh, if we shall dry and bind the flesh, we shall also make it like the skin. And thus thou hast the sum of the medicine which doth cicatrise, but this truly is not sufficient, for glutinatives be also dry and binding, there if thou dost mark the substance of things, thou mayst find how these differ from them, but for because in the agglutination of ulcers, we must dry that which floweth, so that the sick part may be free from superfluity in making a cicatrise, we do not only consume that which floweth, but also the moisture contained in the flesh, truly it is convenient that the medicine which doth cicatrise, be a great deal drier than that which ●…th adglutinate, when he that will adglutinate hath his scope, that he do consume the abundance of the moisture, which is according to Nature, he that will cicatrise, doth not take away only this, but also some part of that which is according to Nature.  
Therefore unripe g●…s, and the Pomegranad rind & the fruit of the Egyptian spin, are moderate desiccatives, Calcites● & aes Victum, & aeris, Squamma, & Misi, & Fissum Alumen, be a great deal more vehement, and chiefly Misi, & Chalcitis, but aeris, Squamma, is more gentle, and yet aes Vstum, much more than this, and if thou dost wash it thou shalt have a medicine less corrosive, surely this also belongeth to the speculation of compounding medicines, which in order next followeth the Method curative, for to know the faculties of Medicines. That truly must go before the curative Method, and we have hereof entreated in an other place, but the composition of medicines must follow, for where universally it is commanded either to dry or make moist, or to make hot, or refrigerate, and that it must be done either moderately, or vehemently, or lightly, we have understood the faculty of every simple medicine, it is convenient to consider this by itself, and alone, and also how any may mix them profitably to his use, and by this means there is a double knowledge of medicines, one that showeth their virtues, an other of their composition and preparation, but we must return to that which yet remaineth of the Method of Ulcers.   

The sixth Chapter.  
THere resteth as I suppose to speak of that superfluous flesh, which the most part of Physicians call in Greek Hyposarcosin, surely this sickness is of the kind also of those which be in quantity or magnitude, call it as it please you, by either name. Of this sort, was hollowness, of which we have already entreated. Therefore like as that we call an hollow ulcer, is not one affect, but that the hollowness and ulcer are two, so the ulcer that hath supercrescent flesh, is not one disease, but the supercrescent flesh and the ulcer be two, the magnitude which is against nature, showeth the first indication, which we have named the way of finding out remedies, that is to say, the taking away of that which aboundeth, & this is performed by the only help of medicines, and not by nature's diligence, for it is contrariwise that it was in engendering flesh, and agglutination, for they be judged natures work, we only removing by medicines applied, those things which do hinder her, but the taking away of supercrescent flesh, is no work of nature, but is done by medicines, which do vehemently dry: surely those medicines are next to those which do vehemently mundify, and also to those that do ciccatrise, in so much that through error, many take that medicine which taketh away flesh, for that which doth mundify, or for that which doth ciccatrise. And that we go not from our example, if thou dost apply to a moist nature Misi & Chalcitis, thou shalt find that it will rather take away flesh than ciccatrise. Wherefore, if we in the want of other medicines, be compelled to use these, in making a ciccatrise, putting but only the point of our probe in it, being beaten into most exact lightness, in after applying to the parts which require to be ciccatrised, as it were in most fine flower. But if we intent to diminish that which overgroweth, than we put it in more largely, truly Aerugo, can take away flesh more than these, in so much as it passeth the bound of ciccatrising medicines, but if thou dost burn them, like as they shall be less sharp, so shall they be found more apt to make a ciccatrise, but if thou dost also wash them, they shall be yet more gentle. Thou remember'st one I think, which without reason did cure a filthy ulcer, with that notable green medicine, mixing Honey with it, after many days past, he finding the ulcer as filthy as before, he void of knowledge, neither understanding what to do, for it chanced that the filth was not purged, but also some part of the flesh under it, was diminished and dissolved, because the medicine was to vehement, (like an egregious Physician) he added more Honey continually to the medicine, whereby it might more vehemently mundify, as though the medicine before applied, had not sufficiently done it. It came to pass contrary, for how much the more he made his medicine sharp, so much the flesh subject was consumed, so that the filth in the Ulcer which sprang of the dissolved flesh, the Physician imputeth it to the medicine, as though it had not wrought, and his ignorance was not only in the curative method, but also in judging, for if the ulcer be found to be in like sort, most filthy and moist, of either medicine, truly the hollowness is made greater by the vehement dissolving medicine, as also the ulcer is seen to have swollen lips, and to be red, and vexed as it were with inflammation, and sometime also the patiented feeleth manifest corrosion by such a medicine, but that medicine that doth less dry than is requisite, doth neither corrode, neither yet doth any of these things rehearsed. I think it therefore evident by this, that an Empiric, although he useth most distinct experience, cannot artificially, where things prosper not, go to that which cureth by a right method, which I now do institute and begin.   

The seventh Chapter.  
FOR the Method which the methodelesse Thessalians do profess, thou dost know to be nothing but the bare name, void of all effect, which seeing there is such and so manifold a method in curing an ulcer, which they neither use the differences of Emperikes in finding out remedies, neither as Dogmatists, taking indication of the nature of things to be done, but propounding that which the common people know, they think to have declared a certain method of curing ulcers, that is to say, that an hollow ulcer requireth to be filled with flesh, the ulcer filled to be brought to a ciccatrise, that which aboundeth with supercrescent flesh, to be taken away, that which is filthy to be purged, that which is clean, to be either adglutinated or cicatrised. So far wide be they, that they know not how to moist nature's medicines, less drying are convenient, as unto dry complexions, those which do more exicate. Therefore that which hath appeared most manifest in all our whole disputation, we must again repeat, that we may be to him most attentive, & that all other may understand how much they have erred that do corrupt the method of the old writers, I will begin with that ulcer which requireth to be filled with flesh, putting that one for example, because of it I have last made mention, and after this I will speak together of the universal curation, therefore I suppose one thing to be manifest, not only to them which consider by reason, but also to them which also follow experience, that every nature doth not require like medicines, but that those that be weaker and more delicate, require more gentle medicines, those that are more strong & drier, do in like sort require more vehement: so truly standeth the case in those where a Cicatrize was to be made, and also in those which needeth agglutination, for no delicate bodies forsooth can in any wise suffer a medicine to vehement.  
In the like discourse of our talk, it is evident that both the nature of the Patient is to be considered, and also that there is a proper curation for every man, and yet furthermore, the third thing, that is to say, because there is an ineffable property of every nature, neither comprehensible by the most exact knowledge, he is the best Physician of every particular patient, which hath gotten the method, whereby he may discern natures, and also conjecture which are the proper remedies of every one. For it is an extreme madness, to judge that there is a common curation of all men, as these most foolish Thessalians do think, and for that cause they suppose, that all the Theorems of Physic are ordained, that is, they are such as skilful men do and perform, a far knowledge of themselves, and that the art is a certain knowledge of communities, and not properties, as though they should cure a universal and not a particular man, therefore like as in all other, even at the beginning they err, so they err also in this, for the general or common man is not cured, but every one of us having another complexion and nature. But these truly think there is a common cure of all men, I truly judge contrary, for if I knew how to find out exactly every private nature, I would think myself to be such a one, as I conceive in my mind, was Aesculapius.  
But forasmuch as that is impossible, surely I will go as man may do, and I have decreed to exercise myself, and do also exhort others to do the same, and the empirics as much as they can, to learn those things that are common, so to draw near to those that are proper, but yet how much they are wide from the perfection of the thing, it is before spoken. For these notes for children or women, or old folks, or those that have soft flesh, and white, and such like, are not to be put as they think, for sure differences, but rather how the body is affected, in moistures and dryness, and it is convenient as much as may, to allow the Empiric Physicians both for many other things, and also for that they go as near as they can, to the property of the sick. For after all their other separations, which they make, they add also that which is taken of custom, as though hereby they shall find remedies, which are more proper for the patient. But we will speak hereafter more largely of custom, when we shall prove the difference of custom, invented by the old writers, for the knowledge of the property of the patients nature.  
These with the rest, the Empirics receive, and also do confess, that the Physician which visiteth the patient, shall better cure him, than he who hath not seen the sick. Yet for all that, when as they have added all these things, they will not as yet, say that they have a sound and skilful knowledge, of the proper curation of the patient. But that most impudent Thessalus, only understanding that an hollow ulcer must be filled, affirmeth the Theorems of Physic to be constant and firm, although as before is said, all men know at the least this thing, not only they which now be after this Thessalus, as another Aesculapius, was borne, but I suppose also those that were before Deucalion, and Phoroneus, if these were reasonable, and beside, if they knew how a hollow ulcer is to be filled with flesh. Further, they were not ignorant, that he is a Physician, which knoweth those medicines, wherewith such an ulcer is to be filled with flesh.  
But if these medicines be invented by experience, it is most certain, that we must cure Empericklye, but if they be found out by reason, than we must cure reasonably, for truly he findeth not out one medicine, and useth now an other aptly, but if this our strife is with the emperikes, that truly which I began to say, true Physic itself doth make conjecture of the nature of the patient, I suppose the common sort call it in Greek Idiosyncrasian, and all they confess it to be incomprehensible, and therefore they leave the true art of Physic to Aesculapius, and Apollo. Surely all this knowledge standeth of a double beginning, for an observation, the Empirics take the beginning of those things which manifestly appear, the Logicians truly of the Elements themselves. For that another medicine hath profited other, very children do now well near understand, and reason which is grounded on the Elements, doth also confirm the same. For if thou dost make xv. differences in the complexions of men, by reason of excess and defect, and that only in moist nature, truly it shall also be necessary that thou knowest xv. differences of medicines, which thou wilt use, of which some dry more, and some less, whereby thou mayst find that agreeth to every nature, and if also in dry complexions there be put other xv. differences, and thou require other xv. medicines also to these, thou shalt have in all xxx medicines, which shall agree to thirty. natures, which only he can rightly use, which hath diligently exercised himself in the temperaments of bodies. Whether therefore, if all the body be of a drier complexion, shall it be cured by medicines which do more exciecate: if any part of the same be drier by nature than the rest, shall it require less drying medicines.  
Also whether is it here evident that what part hath a drier temperament, requireth drier medicines, that which is more moist, less desiccatives. And all this truly these methodlesse Thessalians do let pass, which think one medicine to agree with every part, truly the Empirics how much in this thing do they excel these Thessalian Methodicians, so much are they inferior unto true Methodicians and Logicians, although they in deed being taught by us, have also one medicine for Ulcers in the eyes, another for those in the ears, or joints, or flesh, or only skin, but that in those they cannot go to an other medicine, it may easily appear by that we have heretofore spoken.   

The eight Chapter.  
NOw seeing that we have sufficiently spoken of these things, let us again return to the beginning of our disputation, and let us mix with an ulcer, all such affects which are complicated with it, beginning first with intemperatures. If the exulcerate flesh, either before by any occasion, or in the time of the ulceration, be made either more hot or cold than is meet, it doth require a remedy which doth not only moderately dry, but doth also make hot or refrigerate, so much as the part affected is gone from his natural state, when as it cannot come to pass, that either there shall be flesh engendered in the ulcer, or the hollowness filled, or agglutination to be made, or to ciccatrize well, except the flesh subject be according to nature, neither was it spoken in vain, that these are the works of nature, but filthy ulcers may be mundified, they that are supercrescent diminished, the flesh not keeping her natural state, for that they only are the works of medicines.  
Wherefore thou must have the more regard of the just temperature of the ulcerate parts as often as thou wilt either incarnate, or glutinate, or ciccatrise, the motions of nature are to be observed, which every of these rehearsed, do follow, but otherwise they shall not be observed, except the part be found according to nature, as if there were inflammation.  
With an ulcer, no man will attempt either to incarnate, or conglutinate, or ciccatrise, before the inflammation be expelled, so in like sort I suppose, that if there be only intemperateness without inflammation, we shall not hope for any of the foresaid, before this be cured. Therefore hereof springeth again a certain indication of the finding out of medicines, which were before comprehended, for all they were siccati●…, but they did differ among themselves, by reason of excess and defect, & it is not before defined, how forsooth they should make hot or refrigerate. But the Method as it were, enforceth to search out also this thing. But it behoveth to mark, not only whether it do exciccate, but also, whether it do greatly heat or refrigerate. Wherefore thou shalt eschew the use of Altercum and Mandrake, and Meconium, although they excicate, as much as is meet for an ulcer, because they unmeasurably refrigerate. Resin, and Pitch, and Asphaltus, although they do moderately exciccate, yet they be moderately hot, therefore no man will use these alone, neither otherwise than mixed with other, which do gently refrigerate, making of all one temperate medicine. But if these things are thus, as truly they are, it is convenient also to mark the temperature of the air, for this being as a certain medicine coming outwardly to our bodies, if it be to hot or cold, it hindereth the cure. Therefore diligence is to be had, that the medicine doth help the excess of it. Therefore Hypocrates useth medicines of colder faculty, in the hot times of the year, and in cold times hotter medicines.  
And here truly thou art not ignorant, how a certain dull methodician did confess that he did mark how the air about the patient was affected, in heat and cold, and yet not to suffer the times of the year to be regarded, as though the names itself, of the times of the year, did either profit or hurt, and not their temperament, or that the old writers for this cause had not respect to it. But I think it abundantly showed, that who so will by a certain method cure an Ulcer, he must of force both come to the first Elements, and also consider the times of the year, and the temperaments of bodies, not only in the whole, but also in every part.  
Again, we must repeat that, that hath been spoken of indication, which is taken of moist and dry, for like as the moist nature requireth moister medicines, and drier natures drier medicines, so here the hotter nature requireth hotter air, the colder requireth colder. For that in those which are against nature, and those which are according to nature, there is a contrary indication. For those that are according to nature show the like, those that are against nature, contraries. If we will conserve them, these must be of force removed.   

The ninth Chapter.  
ANd thus I suppose that I have clearly taught that he who shall well cure an ulcer, must consider the complexion of bodies, times of the year, & natures of parts, also that the first indication curative is taken of the only effect, but for all that the remedies cannot be thereby found out, except we first do ascend to the elements of bodies, and way the patient's temperament, not only of the body, but also of the sick part, and considering with these the temperature of the air, which truly do both pertain unto the present state, and also unto regions, that there are together in one curation contrary indications, & how to use them it shall be set out here after more largely, notwithstanding now also it shall not be from the purpose, to speak also in this place thereof in few words, for I do think no marvel, although the patient's complexion be moister, and yet the part affected to be drier, or contrariwise that the part be moister, & the temperature of the whole body drier, in like sort than, the part is of contrary temperament, in hotness & coldness with the whole body, therefore like as if the whole body were in mean temperature, which we have called best, we should not need to alter any thing in medicines, touching the nature of the Patient, so whereas the body is soon drier or moister, or hotter or colder, than is requisite, it behoveth so much to increase the force of medicines, as the body is declined unto natural intemperateness. We have not forgotten to think what natural temperatures is, & what is against nature, for we have spoken of that inother our works, but chiefly in the book which is entitled, of inequal temperatures, admit therefore that the whole complexion of the sick body is more moist, and for that cause require medicines less desiccative, & that the affected part is in the number of those which are more dry, such we have said be the parts less fleshy, as about the fingers & joints, also the parts about the ears, nose, eyes, & teeth. And to be brief, whereas there are many cartilages, & coats, & ligaments, & bones, & nerves, for here is no fat or flesh, or but very little, the indication within these is here taken of the nature of the part, is contrary to that which is taken of the nature of the whole body, wherefore if so be that how much the complexion of the Patient is more moist than is requisite, so much the part affected is more dry, we shall neither add, neither yet subtract from the medicine, but we must use such a medicine as we would apply to the ulcer, made in the part of mean temperature, and where the body is moderately temperate, but if the part be so much the more dry than is requisite, as the temperament of the body is moister, we must so much increase the dryness of the medicine, or the temperament of the part, exceed the temperament of the whole, as if the exulcerate part exceed in dryness four parts the just temperateness, & that the patient's nature is three degrees moister, it is manifest that the part which is now ulcerate, requireth a medicine one degree drier, than where as the part is temperate, it is evident that all these are taken by conjecture, and that he shall best conjecture, which is exercised in reasoning of these, & truly in all such there are together at one time contrary indications, neither shall I need to speak also of those indications, which are taken of hot & cold, because they may be understood by the which is spoken. Truly in other, the indications are separated by times, in which there are finished, & it behoveth also chiefly in the beginning of the curation, that one to cease, & the other to do his part, example, if an ulcer be with hollowness & very filthy, there is a three fold affect, against nature, the ulcer, the hollowness, & the filth, the order of curing in purging the filth, because the ulcer cannot be any thing adglutinated or filled with flesh before it be clean, the cure of the hollowness hath the second place, for if we shall either adglutinate or incarnate, or to speak briefly, cure the ulcer, we cannot fill the hollowness: imagine therefore, that not only these three do infect the part, but also inflammation or Erisipelas, or Gangrena, or some intemperatives, either simple or compound, whether or no it is manifest, that the ulcer cannot be filled with flesh, before that this be taken away, it is before said, that generation of flesh cometh of that which is sound under, but new flesh cannot grow, of that which inflammation infesteth, & is intemperate, & to conclude that which is sick, therefore there is of them to be considered a three fold end in all such conjunctions, one as it were taken of the cause which is to come after, another hath the reason, without which not, the third is named such as do enforce and accelerate. For the just temperature of the flesh, is as it were the cause, which maketh that is ulcerate to grow with it, and filleth the hollowness. The pureness & clearness of the ulcer hath the place, without which not, for the filth letteth, this doth prolong the cure, the hollowness hath the place to the ulcer, without which not, for if the hollowness be not filled, the ulcer cannot be cicatrised, therefore if thou dost regard these, thou shalt find the order of curing, as if inflammation & hollowness, & an ulcer, & filth, be found together in the part, we must first cure the inflammation, secondly the filth, thirdly the hollowness, & last the ulcer. And truly in the rehearsed, both the order and the invention of things to be done, is taken of these, but the indication of that which enforceth or accelerateth, is not here reckoned, in other truly it is, for that affect is first of all to be cured, whereof there first followeth peril to the man, yea, & not only first, but only it, as if the head of a muscle be pricked, there followeth convulsion, which cannot be remitted by the help of convenient medicines, for thou shalt heal the convulsion, the muscle being cut overthwart, notwithstanding thou hast corrupted some motion of the part, in like manner when there immoderately floweth blood out of a vein or artery, if thou cuttest the whole vessel overthwart, although thou canst not cure the Ulcer, yet thou hast taken away the peril, which should have come through the flux of blood. Now we are constrained after to cut a nerve overthwart, as often as we see either convulsions, or madness, or both, being great, and hardly curable, to follow after wounding. In like sort, where luxation chanceth in any of the greater joints, we cure the ulcer, but leave the luxation incurable, for if we would cure also this, convulsions would follow. The third end to put before our eyes of curing is, unto that which enforceth & accelerateth, and is contrary to the other two rehearsed, neither is it all one, to consider any thing as the cause, or as that which hath the place, with out which not, or as that which enforceth and accelerateth. But we have said, that which enforceth is such sometime, that it leaveth the other affect uncurable, and also that both we make the affect, partly in the puncture of a nerve or tendon, or profusion of blood, of the vessels, and partly in the muscle whose head is wounded, for whereas the luxation is with the ulcer, we make not the affect, but leave only that uncured which is made. But we shall speak more exactly of these hereafter.   

The tenth Chapter.  
AT this present it pleaseth us to go to the difference, and to comprehend briefly our propounded talk, that we overpass not any indication of inventing remedies, if any yet remain. Therefore they do call as differences of ulcers, an ulcer without inflammation, & a rotten ulcer, and a devouring or corrosive ulcer, & an ulcer with Gangrena and Erisipelas, and a Cancerous ulcer, & an ulcer with pain, & an ulcer void of pain, & such like, if any coming forth setteth out the empiric curation, & thinking no other thing, nameth them differences of ulcers, we will not contend with him, for we have said a thousand times, that it behoveth not to contend about names, but if he goeth about as it were, to show any artificial thing of indications, he is to be taught that all the rehearsed affects be compound, & that there are other differences of a simple and sole ulcer, & to which there is no other affect joined, for if there be division with any edged thing, if the form of that which did wound be imprinted in the part divided, there shall truly be so many differences of ulcers, of obliqne, right, retort like a bristle crooked like an hook, and so being every way, and all these differences be of the figure. Again, there are a thousand other differences of the magnitude, for an ulcer both is, and is also said to be bigger or lesser than another, also great & little, also a short & a long, a shallow and a deep, and in every of these, both that it is more or less, such a one whether it be in the difference of space, or magnitude, or quantity, or call it after what manner you will, but if this so be, then truly an ulcer equal or inequal, shall be with the profundity of division, for if it chance that the thing being cut in length, the higher part of the division may go in deeply, the lower part to be in the upper part of the body, or contrary, the higher part of the wound to be in the upper part, the lower to be deeper, also these, that is to say, to be diwlsed in some part, or total, and to have been cut, and where that wound went overthwart under the skin, the one part of the ulcerate part to be seen, the other to be hidden under the skin, and that to be in the higher parts or lower, or sides, all these be differences of ulcers. Again, of the time there are other differences of ulcers taken, as an old or new ulcer, of small or long time, and in all these, the reason of more & less is to be numbered. And these differences are taken of the nature of the ulcer most proper, which are taken of the substance of the thing, for those that are taken of the figure and magnitude of division, and that either in length or deepness, or in both dimensions, also in these with equality or inequality, these that come outwardly, and hath the place of that without which is not, also of the time in which the ulcer is made, for so one is called a new, another an old ulcer.  
Also of that that either part or all, is not seen or seen, also of the generation, for that is all cut, or all broken, or part cut, and part broken, and if thou wilt perceive the differences of the place in which the ulcer is, as in the end of a muscle, or beginning of a muscle, or midst of a muscle, or that the skin is ulcerate, or that the ulcer be in the liver or belly, they be forsooth differences of ulcers, not taken of the proper nature of them, but of the places in which they are, but when any saith the ulcer is not infected with inflammation, or pressed with supercrescent flesh, or hollow, and thinketh that they be like those which lately I rehearsed, he must of force be deceived in the curative method, for in Greek Phlegmon Elcos, by the form of speech hath the like figure of interpretation with a little ulcer, but yet that which is meant thereby is not alike, for deep and hollow when we speak of an ulcer, we show these proper differences, but Phlegmon is not at all the difference, when as the part may be infected with inflammation, yea, whereas there is no ulcer, so that I think it lawful to change the form of speech, if thou wilt say, an ulcer with inflammation to have come to any man, thou shalt go nearer than to the nature of the thing, and shalt interpret it more clearly, but not if thou shalt say, some with bigness and some with littleness, to be made, for thou mayst speak more evidently, and after the nature of the thing, if thou shalt say he had a great ulcer, and a little, so that if it may be done, that the form of speech be changed, both more convenient to the nature of the thing, and more manifest to the hearers, we shall not leave of, whereby it may less be done, for the way to fly deceit in things, is that, to use defined speech, therefore what method may we appoint, in such there is to be noted a certain precept, and as it were, a scope, whereby the diligent may easily discern by and by, whether any speaketh of the difference of any affect, of the joining of another affect.  
Therefore let this be to thee a difference, that which may severally and by itself stand, that shall never be difference of any other affect, therefore magnitudge, littleness, equality, inequality, time, and figure, be of the number of those which happen to other, but an ulcer, & inflammation, & Gangrena, and corruption, may stand severally and by themselves.  
There are certain affects of our bodies against nature, as chance necessarily to affects, for unto all these it followeth necessarily that they be either little or great, or equal, or inequal, or new, or old, or they appear evidently, or they are hid & not seen. To be infected with inflammation, is not of the sort which happen to an ulcer, as neither to begin to putrefy, or infected with Gangrena, all those be in the number of diseases, for they are affects against nature, & corrupteth the action. Again, there are other as it were, differences of ulcers spoken of, as a tormenting ulcer & a filthy ulcer. But here also is some compound showed, but after another sort than was spoken of an ulcer infested with inflammation or a rotten ulcer, for here inflammation and putrefaction be affects, their dolour & filthiness be of the kind of accidents: in like condition when we say, Cachochimon ulcus, that is, an ulcer infested with ill juice, or an ulcer vexed with sluxe or corosion, the cause is coupled with the affect. And hereby it is manifest, that the first & simple imfirmities void of composition, be as it were the elements of the curative method, which is now instituted. Wherefore the rather I have numbered all such infirmities, in our commentaries of the differences of infirmities. Truly all is one, whether thou call them the first or simple, when that which is first is simple, & that which is simple is first, & therefore elementary. There is an indication taken of the differences, although not of all, for a new or old ulcer showeth nothing, although some think contrary, but these deceive themselves, not otherwise than in the order of diet, where they affirm, that there is one indication in the beginning, another in the augmentation, another in the vigour, & another in the declination, of which seeing hereafter I shall more largely entreat, there is no cause why here I should make more words, yet for all this I will here add the shall serve the time present. They think that a new ulcer, when as it is free from any other affect, & hath no accident joined with it, doth show another curation than an old ulcer. But that is not so, for in that it is only an ulcer, and no other thing, it is such a one as hath no hollowness, or dolour, or filth, and is free from every other affect, doth only require the cure of an ulcer, whose end set by us, is either unition, or agglutination, or coition, or continuation. For I have a thousand times said, that thou mayst call it as thou pleasest, so that the thing itself be not changed, therefore this kind of ulcer, whether it be new or old, requireth alway the same curation. That difference which is taken of the time showeth nothing proper at all. But if the ulcer hath hollowness deeply hid under the skin, it behoveth to consider whether it be in the higher part, that the matter may readily flow out, or in the lower part, so that it is there stayed. The cure of that ulcer where there is no flux, is like the cure of other. But it behoveth that we make certain issuing out where there is none, and that is two ways, either the hollowness being cut in the pendent place, only opened, both the nature of the parts, and also the bigness of the ulcer shall show, when as either of them must be done, for if the places themselves make the cutting dangerous, and the ulcer shall be great, it is more convenient to open in the pendent place, but otherwise it is better to make incision, and whereas there is an issue, let the rolling be begun above, and end beneath. We have heretofore spoken, that the difference of ulcers which is taken of all the wounded parts, is very necessary to show the cure, but the indication was of similar, this which I now speak of, is as it were of instrumental, truly we will in the books following speak more largely of that indication, which is as it were of similar bodies, or as of instrumental. Now we must go to the proper differences of ulcers, and define of it, whether it be overthwart, or right, or deep, or shallow, or little, or else great. Ulcers made overthwart, for that their lips do gape more, and are asunder, do require to be more diligently joined, & therefore we must use both stitching and hooks. Those that are made in the length of the muscle, if thou bind it with a roller of two beginnings, thou shalt not need either stitching or hooks, but if thou wilt otherwise bind it, use thou either stitching or hooks. Few stitches shall in this suffice. And thou shalt cure great ulcers with vehement desiccative medicines, if thou remember'st that which before is spoken. The medicines which do moderately dry, will abundantly heal small ulcers. Deep ulcers be ever also great, therefore they must be rolled with two beginnings, and the lips of it be speedily adglutinated, and those which are both very deep and also long, as they are great two ways, so do they show a double indication, therefore they require vehement siccatives. Neither join thou the lips to soon together, and roll it with two beginnings, and take deep stitches.  
In like sort, if there come many differences together, of which every one hath his indication, it is expedient to use them all, so that they be not contrary. But if they be contrary among themselves, we have heretofore showed how it behoveth them to be denied of these, but we will more largely set it out hereafter. And now it seemeth good in this place to end this third book: In the fourth, which shall follow, we will dispute of those affects which for the more part accustom to follow ulcers, and with these there shall be set out the curations of inward causes.   
FINIS.   

THE FOURTH Book of Galen, called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in Latin, Methodus Medendi.  
The effect of the same.  

1 The right method of curing malignant & stubborn Ulcers.  
2 What Ulcers be hard to be cured.  
3 The method of curing an ulcer difficile to be cured, by the reason of the intemperancy of the flesh.  
4 The curation of an ulcer, when as the part is exulcerate, with a tumour against nature.  
5 The method of curing another affect, when as ill humours do flow to the particle.  
6 How a man may know in certain diseases the original cause.  
7 The opinion of Thessalus in the curation of malignant ulcers.  
8 That of time no indication ought to be taken, contrary to the opinion of Thessalus.  
9 The curation of malignant ulcers, according to the sentence of Hypocrates.  
10 That an ill affect coming to the ulcer, ought first to be cured before the ulcer be taken in hand.  
11 The curation of those affects that flow to the ulcer, according to the sentence of Hypocrates.  
12 What indication ought to be taken of the situation and figure of the parts.   

The first Chapter.  
WE have said that there is one kind of disease that is called solution of continuity, which cometh into all the parts of the body of mankind, howbeit it hath not one name in them all. For solution of continuity in the fleshy part, is called an ulcer, in the bone a fracture, the Greeks call it Catagma, in the nerve, a convulsion, the Greeks call it Spasma. There be of the same kinds of Solutions, which the Greeks call Apospasma, Regma, & Thlasma. Thlasma in the ligament, Apospasma & Regma in the veins and muscles, because of any violent stroke or grievous fall, or any other great motion. The solution of continuity, called Ecchimosis, in the Greek, cometh most often with concussion and ruption. Sometime solution of continuity cometh by opening the orifices of the veins, in Greek named Anastomasis. Also it cometh of that which is called of many Diapedisis. Other solutions of continuity happen of Erosion, in Greek called Anabrosis. But it is a disposition already meddled and composed with an other kind of disease that consisteth in the quantity of the parts, as before hath been showed, when as we did entreat of hollow ulcers, which do proceed of two causes, that is to say, of Exition and Erosion. It is manifestly known by what means exition cometh. And if erosion abound inwardly, it cometh of Cachochimia, if outwardly, it is done either by strong medicine or fire, it behoveth then, as is said before, to take diligent heed, and discern the simple diseases from the compound, for to a simple disease, a simple remedy is convenient, and to a compound disease, a compound medicine.  
Also we have said before, what method must be kept to cure compound diseases, yet notwithstanding it is not enough to know the generality of the said method, but to be exercised in all parts thereof. Seeing then that in the same is need by manner of speaking of sundry particular methods, because that every kind of disease hath his own method, then that which resteth of the curation of ulcers, must be performed in this book, taking the beginning here.  
Every ulcer is simple and alone, without other dispositions and affects with it, or it is with some other disposition, or diverse, whereof some have not only stirred up the same ulcer, but hath augmented it. The other are, without which the said ulcer cannot be cured. Of them we have spoken here before, we shall speak in this present book of the dispositions which augmenteth the ulcer, in the which lieth double counsel of curation, that is to say, either to take the said dispositions all wholly out of the body, or to surmount the incommodity that aboundeth in it. The which thing may be easily done, if the disposition be little, but if it be great, the ulcer may not be cured, until the same disposition be taken away. Wherefore we must diligently consider, what the said affects and dispositions be, and how many in number, in taking our beginning, as is said before. Every ulcer is by itself alone, or with hollowness, the the flesh being subject be natural, and that there be nothing betwixt the joining of the lips, that may let the conglutination thereof, which oftentimes happeneth either by hair, a Spider's web, matter, oil, or such like things, that may let the joining together.  
And these things are as Symptomata and accidents of the said wound, which if they be present, may hinder the curation, but if they be not, they let not, but the disposition of the flesh, is cause of that which followeth. For with the same flesh, and by the same, lips that were asunder are closed, and the hollowness filled.  
It behoveth then that the said flesh be natural, because that these two things may be well and commodiously made perfect. Then it is natural if it keep his own temperament, which thing is common to all other parts, for it behoveth that the flesh subject be wholly temperate, as well to close the ulcers, as to fill them with flesh. But is that enough I pray you? Must not the blood that cometh to it be good also, and moderate in quantity? I think this truly to be true. For that blood which is corrupt, doth so differ from agglutination and filling the flesh, as also sometime to exulcerate and erode the body. And if it be overmuch in quantity, it engendereth excrements in the ulcers (as we have before spoken,) and hindereth the curation. And also there be three kinds of ulcers which are difficile and hard to be cured. The first aboundeth by the untemperature of the flesh, being subject. The second by the vice & ill quality of the blood coming to it. The third, of a great measure and quantity of the said blood. Ought not the division to be made thus or otherwise? That is to say, the cause wherefore some ulcers are stubborn and difficile to be healed is, for the mistemperance of the flesh exulcerate, or else for the gathering of humours unto the ulcerate part. Yet again the mistemperate flesh ought to be divided into two differences. The first is, when the flesh being subject is out of his nature only in quality. The second is, when with the evil quality it hath tumour against nature. The flowing of humours is divided into two differences, that is to say, into the quality and quantity of humours.  
Sometime diverse of the said dispositions are mixed together, and sometime all. But the method for to cure them, ought not to be given all together, but each one by himself.   

The second Chapter.  
AND if the distemperance of the flesh be dry, moderate it with bathing and wetting in temperate water. But at all times that this remedy shall be used, the end of the bathing and wetting shall be till the particle come ruddy, and rise in a lump. Then cease the bathing and moisting, for if you bathe it any more, you shall close the humour again that was loosed, and so you shall profit nothing. Likewise the moistening faculty of medicines ought to be greater than is accustomed in a whole part. If the flesh be more moist than natural habitude, you must have regard to the contrary, for the faculty of medicines in the case ought to be desiccative, and to use no water. But if thou must wash the ulcer, take wine or Posca, that is to say, Oxicratum, or the decoction of some sharp herb. Likewise you shall cool the pride of the flesh that is too hot, and heat that which is too cold, you shall know such intemperatures, partly by the colour, and partly by feeling of the diseased patient. For sometimes they confess they feel great heat in the particle, sometime manifold coldness, and so delight themselves in hot or cold medicines. And sometime appeareth redness, and sometime whiteness. But to distinguish these things, it is not the duty of this our proponed work, in the which work we show not the method to know the affects, but to cure them, in such wise that by consequence of words, we be come unto the said method, to know the affects. Again let us return to our purpose.  
If any parts are ulcerate with tumour against nature, first the tumour must be cured. What ought to be the curation of all tumors, we shall say hereafter. Presently we shall entreat of that which is joined unto unkind ulcers. But when the lips of the ulcers are discoloured and somewhat hard, they must be cut unto the whole flesh. But if such affect is like to proceed, further deliberation must be had, lest that which doth seem to be repugnant unto nature, shall be cut out, or in longer space to be cured, & without doubt in such a case it is good to know the patients mind. For some had rather to be long in curing, than to suffer incision, and other are ready to endure all things, so that they may the sooner be made whole. Likewise here shall be spoken of the ill juice which floweth to the exulcerate part, and in as much as it is a malignant and a wicked humour, it shall be spoken of hereafter in his own place. When as therefore the humour which floweth to the ulcerate parts, is not far of, nor doth abound in quality or quantity, it shall be then convenient to direct it, and to restrain the flux which cometh unto it, and also to cool the heat of the parts that be near the ulcer. Furthermore, you must behold the ligature or rolling at the ulcer, and leading it to the whole part, as Hippocrates commandeth in the fractured bones. Also that the medicines that are ministered to the said ulcers, must be more stronger than they that are applied to a simple ulcer. And if the flux of humours will not stay with convenient medicines, than you must seek further the cause of the said flux, and take it away. If the flux come by weakness of the member that receiveth it, the said weakness must be cured. And such curations also shall be proper for the ulcerate part. But if the cause of the flux be through the abundance of the blood, or of the ill disposition of all the body, or of any of the superior parts, you must first take away the said causes. The weakness of the part, forth of which abundance of juice doth flow, cometh whole of the intemperancy, & not altogether. Whereof it followeth, that the ulcerate flesh is only intemperate, and not weak and feeble, & sometime it chanceth both the one & the other. For the great intemperancy is the cause of the imbecility of the affected part, the which intemperancy is cured as is aforesaid, in refrigerating the heat, humecting the dry, warming the cold, & desiccating the moist. And if the place be too cold & moist together, the medicines must be in warming & drying together, & so of the other intemperances, in putting away every quality the surmounteth by his contrary. The reason is: Every thing the behaveth itself well, is according to nature, not only in living things, but in plants, & also in all other things there is an equality, which the Greeks call Simmetron, & without excess of all vicious humours. For the thing where nothing can be taken fro or put to, neither any part, or any quality, it is all perfect in one equality: contrariwise, the thing that must have taken fro it, or else somewhat added to it, is not in a natural & perfect estate. Wherefore it is not possible to cure rightly, but in taking away that which is excess, & putting to it the which lacketh. In another place we must speak of the overmuch or lack of things, but when any quality is over much, it is necessary that the other quality contrary to him, overcome him again, and the corruption of humours or intemperancy, be removed in restoring the said quality that wanted, for in cooling that which was too hot, thou shalt restore that which lacketh, & diminish that which was too much abundant. Thus it is necessary that the curation of the things that are put far from their natural habitation, by some intemperancy, be made perfect again by things of contrary virtue. And thus the flesh or any part thereof, wherein is flux of humours, because of weakness, aught to be made in this manner, (as is said before) and when the intemperancy is cured, then proceed to the cure of the ulcer, first curing the intemperancy, as if it had come without the ulcer: By the which thing it is manifest, that all such curation is not proper to the ulcer, but to the intemperancy.  
Likewise if any flux of humours happen to the ulcerate parts, as well by the occasion of any particular member, as of all the body, whereunto the blood or any ill humours do resort, first, remedy must be had either to the particle that is cause of the flux, or else to the whole body. Thus than we shall cure first the varices, that are often resorting unto the ulcered place, before you cure the ulcer, and then afterward you may the easilier cure the ulcer. Likewise in them that have a disease in the spleen, or in any other notable part, first it behoveth to cure the said part, and then after to proceed to the curation of the ulcer, howbeit none of the curations hereof is proper to the ulcer, but some other affects or dispositions, that either engendereth the ulcer, or that nourisheth and conserveth it.   

The third Chapter.  
But now I think it time to define that there is no indication of outward, or (as they term it) of primitive causes of curation, but the indication or curation to have his beginning of the affects itself. But those things that ought to be done particularly, are found out either of that which the indication showeth, either of the nature of the affected part, or of the temperature of the air, or other like things, but to speak briefly, no indication may be taken of things that be not yet come. But forasmuch as we ought to know the affect, that is not manifest unto us by reason or wit, we are often constrained to inquire of the extreme and primitive cause. For this occasion the vulgar people supposeth, that the said primitive cause is Indication of curation, which is altogether otherwise. As it appeareth likewise in those, where the affect may be exactly known. For if Ecchymosis, or an Ulcer, or Erisipelas, or putrefaction, or Phlegmon, be in any part, it is a superfluous thing to inquire the efficient cause of these diseases, except they be remaining. For in so doing we shall cure that thing which is already finished, and shall prohibit the efficient cause to proceed any further. But if the said efficient cause which produced the effect, hath no longer biding there, than we shall remove away the affect. For to put away the cause that is not there, it were impossible. For curation appertaineth to the thing present, as providence to the thing to come. For that thing which doth not now hurt, neither is to be feared that it will hurt hereafter, is out from both the offices of the art, that is to say, from curation and providence. Wherefore in such things there ought to be no searching of any indication, neither yet to cure, nor to provide (as is said before) notwithstanding the knowledge of the primitive cause, is profitable to us in things unknown. Nevertheless the Emperikes take sometime the primitive cause as part of the course of the disease, that the Greeks call Sindrome, wherein they have observed and experimented the curation, as in that that hath been hurt with a mad dog, or venomous beasts.  
Thus doth also some Dogmatists, which doth affirm to cure such diseases by experience only, without rational Indication, for they take the cause primitive, as part of all the Syndrome and universal course: but the primitive cause serveth nothing to the indication of curing, although it be profitable to know of the nature of the disease, to them that have not known the nature of venomous beasts, by use and experience, and thereof taketh indication curative, truly the outward cause of curation being known, doth nothing profit to the indication, but to the knowledge of the present affect. For put we the case that we know that the venom of a Scorpion is of a cold nature, and for that cause, as of a cold thing, I take Indication for the remedy, howbeit the case is such, that I have no sign, whereby I do understand that the body is hurt of a Scorpion: it is manifest that if I do know that the body is hurt of a Scorpion, that then I would enforce me to warm all the whole body, and also the part affected, without abiding for any experience, in taking mine indication of the nature of the thing. We have declared in the book of Medicaments, wherein it behoveth them to be exercised, that will take any profit of these present Commentaries, no such faculty can be found without experience. Truly it should be a gift of felicity, if any having the sight of Litargerium, Castoreum, or Cantarides, forthwith to understand their virtues: For like as in all things is committed error, as well by those that exceed, as by those that lack, so here (as the Proverb is among the Greeks) this Thiapauson, that is to say, they differ among themselves. Also they affirm, that the virtue of medicines is not yet known, and that after so great experience, & the other that suppose and say, that the said virtues be known only by experience. The first speaketh undiscreetly, if that be a thing imprudent, to affirm a thing impossible, & the other be altogether stupidious, sturdy, and foolish. But for this present time we will say no more, because I have spoken more plainly in the third book of Temperaments, & also in the books of Medicaments. Nevertheless for the knowledge of diseases, some primitive causes are profitable, but after that the present disease is altogether known, than the cause primitive is totally unprofitable.  
Now we have declared that it doth not become us to meddle and confound both the doctrines together, but the Emperikes aught to be spoken by themselves, and the rationals by themselves. We must now call to mind, because we have purposed in this present Commentary, to entreat of the doctrine Rational, although to some things that we do say, we do not add absolutely that all be not true, but only after the sentence of the methodical sort: but that every man ought to add and reason that thing by himself. And at this time we have said that there is no cause primitive, which is profitable to the Indication curative, although it serveth well to the knowledge of the disease. And we confess that the cause primitive is part of the Syndrome, and of all the Emperikes course, that they cure all diseases by reason & by experience. But in all that we shall say héereafafter, it is not necessary to add such words. Then let us return to our first purpose, in taking the principal indication certain and undoubtful, whereof we have also used here before, as we have said, that the disease that requireth to be cured, judgeth the end whereunto the Surgeon ought to intend, and of the same all other indications are taken. Wherefore we have begun to speak, that the said indication hath no manner of affinity with the cause primitive: for put we the case that any ulcer be come of a flux in any part, than it is manifest that the said ulcer proceedeth of corrupt humours, for nature is accustomed so for to do in diseases, when she purgeth the body, and sendeth all the corruption to the skin, in such sort, that the skin is ulcerate, and all the body purged.  
What is then the curation of such ulcers? certainly as of other ulcers, wherein no corrupt affect or disposition is, which the Greeks call Cacoethae. But if it be so, it is evident that no indication is to be taken of the cause which hath excised the ulcer, but if the vicious humour remain, some indication might then be taken of the said cause, for otherwise it should be an absurd thing, that that which is no more remaining, should require curation, or if he should show curation where there is no need. Wherefore it is a strange thing, and wholly against reason, to say that the indication curative ought to be taken of the cause primitive.  
And for because that the said Indication is not taken of the same cause, it is evident, that it must be taken of the cause present.  
But what is such an Indication? forsooth if a man will properly define it, it is a thing which appertaineth to providence, (which the Greeks call Prophalacticae,) but if any will abuse the word, it is called Therapeutica. But for as much as of the ulcers themselves, certain be simple, and certain be hollow, (if a man will diligently mark and consider) the curation of them is brought to pass in eschewing and foreseeing those things which be hurtful unto nature. And when we would bring any thing to good success, we had need of Nature's help, as in closing of an Ulcer, and regeneration of flesh, in the which things the chiefest care and regard appertaineth unto that part of the art, which is called Providence, but it is called vulgarly healing.  
And therefore this part of the art that is named Providence, is divided into two kinds. The one is that which doth remove away the disease present, the other which withstandeth the disease, that it may not come to his fullness. Therefore the younger Physicians here do not understand, that their disputation and contention consisteth only in names, wherefore if they were studious in things, they should find out that there were two differences of the functions and actions of medicine, that is to say, the disease already come, or to withstand those that are not yet present. Then there is no man but he will confess, that to cure or to heal, is no other thing, but to take away the disease that is present, whether it be done away by the work of nature or by medicines, but providence is a thing that letteth the disease, that he may not come, & truly they which do cure the ill humours which come to the ulcer, do minister the art of medicine by reason and method, in purging and taking away those things which do hinder the course of Nature. And these two manners of curing are properly called in Greek Prophilactica, (for they let, as it was said before,) that the filthy matter engendereth not in the ulcer, neither yet overmuch moisture, which may hinder the curation.   

The fourth Chapter.  
IT is but in vain truly, thus carefully to strive about the name, but it is more convenient (in my judgement) to give some good method to cure the ulcers, such as I have spoken of, as well in the book going before, as in this. But I do much marvel at the dullness of Thessalus, writing thus of the curation of ulcers, the which are called Cacoethae. The communities of ulcers that continue long time, and that are uncurable, or else return again after the matter induced, be very necessary, in likewise as in ulcers that may not grow together & be closed, it must be considered what is the cause that letteth and procureth the said growing together, the which cause ought to be taken away. But in them that renew the ciccatrise again, it behoveth to keep the same ciccatrise, that is to say, in strength, (for so we have translated To metafuicrinen) and in comforting the suffering member or all the body in common, and in ordering it, that it endure not lightly, by the remedies appropriate thereto. And when Thessalus had propounded such words in the beginning of his book of Surgery, he writeth afterward more plainly of this matter: The ulcers that endure long and may not be healed, or that renew and come after the ciccatrise, give such indications, that is to say, if they come not to ciccatrise, it behoveth you to let the union and coming together, & to renew the ulcerate place again. And after that you have made it like unto a fresh wound, it must be healed as a bleeding wound. But if the said cure profit nothing, you ought to mitigate the inflammation, & make as much diligence as you can. But the ulcers that come to a ciccatrise, and open again in their accessions & exulcerations, you ought to cure them like unto them, where there is a fresh inflammation, & afterward you ought to apply upon the said ulcer a plaster of mittigative things, until the ire and fierceness be abated: after this is done, you ought to dress the ciccatrise, and then make the parts about it wax red, in wrapping it about with a Malagma made of mustard séed, or with some other medicament, that may change the said parts, & make them less subject to diseases. And if they cease not with these things, you ought to have cure of all the body, in strengthening it with diverse exercitations, gesting, and vociferations, in commanding them that keep him, to such things as these be: That is to say, in manner of living, by diminishing or augmenting, by degrees, in beginning, & vomiting, made by Raphanus. You shall also use white Eliber, and all other things which we use in diseases that be difficult to take away, which are subject to reason and manner of living. This is the saying of Thessalus.  
Now it is time to consider the stupidity of the man, (I say the stupidity) if he think he hath said well, and the boldness of him culpable to say nothing, and by this means supposeth to deceive the Readers. But tell me Thessalus, what is the Indication curative that is taken of an old Ulcer? Truly I never found out curation of the old Ulcers, nor of the new, not by time, in what disease so ever it be, but of the affect that I purposed to cure. But if we altogether regard time, as if the Indication curative were taken of it, the second day we should give an other indication than the third, & likewise to give the fourth day another, than the fift, and so of the sixth, & all other days following.  
For by this means we shall no more consider the affect of the disease that we go about to cure, and the Indication no more to be taken of them, whereby we could never think of a stranger reason: how then are the communities of ulcers necessary, that continue a great while, seeing that the time itself can indicate nothing at all. For when an Ulcer is with erosion that cometh of all humours, we shall not take an Indication of it after four ●…neths, but that which we have taken at the very beginning.  
And for a truth, that I may not permit such an ulcer to abide so long time, but at the first I will take away the cause thereof. But I cannot conjecture what may show the time more than the number of days, except Thessalus will say, that to have knowledge of such an ulcer, we must tarry the time, but in such a case he showeth himself altogether foolish. That is to say, if he confess openly that he knoweth not the first affect, which hath inveterated the ulcer. Furthermore, he must plainly also confess the Indication curative to be taken of the disease, and the knowledge of the disease to be taken of other things. But be it so, that time serveth somewhat to the disease, nevertheless the Indication curative is not taken of time. But to what purpose serveth it, if any Ulcer be inveterate, to do away that which letteth the coition, & to renew the place which is pained. For thou foolish fellow, if for the malign flux which the Greeks call Cachoethae, the lips be affected in such sort, what shalt thou profit if thou do cut them, before thou hast provided to stop the flux? Truly thou shalt but make the Ulcer wider than it is, as some do that cure ulcers after the same manner as thou dost. For the cause remaining, which before made the ulcer hard and flinty, thou shalt do no other thing in cutting away the lips, but enlarge the ulcer. For those which thou cuttest shall be made hard, & come again as they were before. Although that prudent Thessalus hath not added this thing, that the parts of the ulcer which are hard, stony, and discouloured, aught to be cut away, but commandeth by an absolute sentence, that those things which hinder the closing of the ulcer, aught to be cut away and to be renewed. But if truly he had counseled to take away the causes that hinder the agglutination of the ulcer, and that this reason were ancient and old, I would not accuse him, for it is commanded almost of all the ancient Physicians, which do write of the curation of ulcers, by a certain reason and Method, that those causes which do excite the ulcers ought to be cut away, even truly, as of all other diseases.  
For truly I do think it expedient, that the efficient cause remaining, which exciteth the ulcers, ought first to be taken away. In other diseases, it is not expedient, but chiefly there the curation must be taken in hand, where the efficient cause remaineth. And if the said Thessalus hath not spoken of the causes that let the conglutination, and hath only spoken of the lips (as he hath said afterward) it appeareth that he is ignorant of more than he knoweth, of those things which appertaineth to the curation of ulcers. But it is possible that this alone is the cause which hindereth the cure of the ulcer. And it may (as it is aforesaid) be the cause that intemperancy, which is without a tumour against nature, be in the ulcerate parts, and also that it be joined with a tomour, the which doth not require that the lips should be altogether cut away. It may also be the cause that Varix, which is above it, or that the milt which augmenteth it, or some disease in the liver, and beside this, the weakness of the affected part be nothing else, but a manifest intemperancy.  
And besides this, a vicious humour in the body, which the Greeks call Cacochimia, and the chiefest of all the causes which may be to the ulcers an incommodity. Truly great abundance of humours, which the Greeks call Phlethora, resorting unto the ulcer, doth hinder the curation. But if Thessalus be of that opinion, that the lips only must be taken away, I say, that of many things he knoweth but one alone, which is so evident, that the shepherds are not ignorant thereof, for if a shepherd saw the lips of an ulcer, hard, flinty, wan, black, or a leadie colour, he would not doubt to cut it away.  
Then for to cut away is an easy thing, but for to cure by medicines is a greater matter, and that requireth a true method. Nevertheless Thessalus never knew how the lips might be cured by medicines, for all men confess that he hath swerved from this part of the art, and as he himself hath showed, it seemeth that he had neither experience nor rational knowledge of medicines, which is a manifest thing by the book that he hath made of medicines, before rehearsed. But of this one work consequent, we shall entreat of those things which he hath not writ●…n well.  
And now we do intend with deliberation to speak of the curation of inveterate ulcers, of the which he hath before entreated. Certainly it had been better to have called them Cachoethae, and not inveterate, & then to declare their nature, disposition, and cause of their generation, and the curation of either of them.  
And first to know the common curation of all ulcers, for as much as they be ulcers, of the which I have written in the third book, next after the particular and proper cure of either of them, afterward the kind of the efficient cause, as I have spoken of in this present book. And although Thessalus hath done nothing of all these things, yet he doth think that the ulcerate place must be renewed, when it is made like unto a new wound, to cure it as a bloody ulcer, what is he that is exercised in the works of the Art, that understandeth not evidently, that such a doctrine hath been written by him that never cured ulcer? Is it possible that a man may cure an inveterate ulcer, as you may cure a bloody wound, and after he hath made it like unto a fresh wound, shall it be in drawing of the ulcer together by rollers? or joining them by stitches? or neither by the one or by the other? but by convenient medicines? What is he that knoweth not, that an ulcer called Cachoethae is caved or hollow, seeing that it is made by corrosion? Is it possible (O fool and impudent Thessalus) that a caved ulcer may grow together, and be adglutinated, before the cavity be filled with flesh? is not that to cure an ulcer as a green wound? then hast thou thyself written in vain, that hath taken indication to cure caved ulcers, not with closing, but with the filling of the cavity. But if every ulcer called Cachoethae were not hollow of itself, yet when it is made bloody in cutting the lips away (as thou commandest) than of necessity it is made hollow, and requireth great space betwixt the lips: even in such manner that I cannot see how thou mayst make them conglutinate together as a bloody wound: for if thou assay by force and violence the lips that are so far a sunder, of necessity there cometh Phlegmon, which letteth the said lips to close together. The which thing I suppose, that Thessalus understandeth not. For he saith after these words. If the ulcer be not bound, thou must mitigate the inflammation, for it is necessary that they be not bound, but because that the same is given of Thessalus, and that we pass over so soon without any curious examination, it is evident to every one that he followeth not the community which he himself hath given. For if we take that which letteth, we shall take nothing of the community of inveterate ulcers, for as much as they be such. But put we the case that it be so, and let us try what followeth. Thessalus writeth in this manner.  
The ulcer that cometh to a ciccatrice shallbe cured, in the excess, an ulcer in such a manner shallbe cured as they that have been lately grieved with inflammation. Then after, he saith, you must cause the redness to come to the parts that are about it, by a plaster that he called revolative, which is made of mustrad seed. What sayst thou mad fool? if thy flux be bitter and hot, must the place be made red with mustardséede, even in such sort, that all the part shall receive flux by the same medicine; that is to say, that it be all ulcerate and red? For the old writers made the parts that were weakened with abundance of cold humours, hot again with warming of them, and making of them red, but thou usest rubification in all ulcers, yea and that without making of any difference. And thus if the ulcer be not cured either by the weakness of the part, or by the making of the flux greater, than thou turnest to another manner of curing. For after that thou hast inflamed the part with Mustered seed, & hast profited nothing, than thou turnest again to the curation of all the body. Yet as I suppose in my judgement, all the countries be ordered & established, in such things, as well by reason, as by experience, that they know, that all the body should be first purged of those superfluities, before they do minister any hot or sharp medicines unto the grieved part. For all those medicines that be hot, draw unto them from all parts of the body, like unto Ventosis or boxes, and if you do not first purge the body, thou shalt leave matter to flow unto the weak place, that may be drawn by the sharp medicine, which thing both the Emperikes and also the Dogmatists confess, and also the ancient writers have esteemed it so. For in as much as Thessalus hath made mention of them, it shall be no strange thing to allege to them as witnesses, that it is not lawful to cure the eye well, before all the rest of the head, neither the head before the rest of the body. Such was the sentence of Aristotle and Plato, in the cure of diseases: likewise of Hippocrates, Diocles, Praxagoras, and Plistonichus, but Thessalus opinion is not so, but cometh first to the composition of Mustardseed, and then he hath sollicitated and troubled all to body, without showing of any thing wisely.  
For when as it is lawful first to purge all the body, and then forthwith to feed it with wholesome meats, than Thessalus cometh, and useth for these things, vociferations, exercitations, gesting, and change of living, by certain circuits and acts, than he cometh to the vomit made with Raphanus, and for the whole conclusion, he doth minister Eliber. Truly he himself doth promise to heal all diseases, even after this sort, very easily, but I cannot understand how that any hath been cured after this manner, either in long space of time, or by unprofible labour.  
Now then like as we have seen by use & experience, put we the case that there be one to be cured of a malign Ulcer called Cachoethae, put we the case also, that there is an other that is in good health, except a scratch of his arm, or of, any other place, by mean●… whereof there is an ulcer or a pustle, then within a little while after there cometh an itch to the party, and after the pustule is breken, there cometh a disclosed ulcer, with unequal fretting, & that such things be come in four days.  
To this purpose let any of Thessalus sect answer me in what manner we should cure such an ulcer, I call it altogether Cachoethae, and therefore I will consider what is the disposition and affect of all the whole body. For I will first find out of what kind of humour this doth come, as well by the Symptomata of the ulcer, as by the signs of the body, then forsooth I will purge the said superfluous humour without tarrying any longer, lest the patient get any disease stubborn or disobedient to be cured. But the sect of Thessalus, that observe his precepts, will tarry until the ulcer be old, because it may return to the wondrous and marvelous community of inveterate ulcers, as if it were not much better to give the community of froward ulcers, I do not mean those that be veterate, shall make manifest the curation.  
Afterward the said Thessalions would do one of both these, either they would cut the ulcer, and make it as it were fresh, and so bring the parts to agglutination, or else they would first use the Malagma that is made of mustard-séede, and if neither of these profit, they will have their refuge to the vociferations, gestations, and other exercitations, and also to the manner of living that changeth by circuities, and after they will move vomit by Raphanus, and if the ulcer be not cured by such things, than they minister Eliber, and if the Eliber do nothing profit, they send the patiented into Libya for change of air. Thessalus ought to have added this word, after this excellent and singular curation of rebellious ulcers.  
For of a truth the Thessalians stand in vociferations, gestations, and other like things, as if they should cure the evil habitude of the body, (which the Greeks call Cacexia) and not the vice of the humour (that the Greeks call Cachochimia.) Is it not marvel if they confess that they know not the ulcer Cachoethae, as soon as it is made, and that they will tarry till it be old, and that often they use ciccatrise, and open again many times ere they understand what they do, and how they counsel those that have the fevers to pass the fit, which shall come the third day, or not, they truly have very well known the contemplation of the crise, and can foresee by it the chief increasing of the disease. But what chanceth thereof most often? truly it followeth, that the patients abide in their beds, and consume through their default, which might have been cured the second day. Of a truth we have not only seen this chance, once, twice, or thrice, but vi. C. times, and when the first fit was past, we washed the sick persons that had the fever, which thing we have seen done of our predecessors & masters. And consequently we have suffered them to live without fear in their manner accustomed, as they the should no more have the fever, whom wise Thessalus, which invented the first diet, that is to say, not to eat in three days, hath dried and consumed only through hunger. Then as I conjecture, he would feed them a little on the fourth day, and so nourish them by little and little, in such wise, that they the had but once the fever, should scant go about their customable business.  
Truly he consumed his patients always in their diseases, the which truly very easily might have been cured.  
For when an ulcer did swell at the beginning, Thessalus did suffer it to run a year and more, and tarried often so long till the said ulcer oftentimes produced cicatrice, when as before it might in few days have been cured, and also he would often open it, to see if it were malign and stubborn to cure. Then after that he began the curation, he purged not forthwith the body, but first of all used his Malagma of Musterdséede, and then his gests, vociferations, & certain manners of living, and then his vomit of Raphanus, and last of all Eliber.  
What is this I pray you then for to linger a whole year? (Now by the living God) it were a great madness if we should prolong a month to know if the ulcer be malign, and then take in hand the curation, when as the patient in vi. or seven. days, at the uttermost, may be cured. But what necessity was it to speak of the community of ulcers inveterate, seeing that nothing may profit the curation thereof? Truly it were good leaving the community Indicatrice, to write of the curation of ulcers, I do not mean inveterate, but such as be stuburne and rebellious in cure. For sometime it happeneth that ulcers and diseases be contumatious and stubborn to cure. How be it Indication curative is not taken of this contumacy and rebellion, but it is the disease that giveth the first indication of curing. And of the first indication, the remedies, as I have declared, are found out. For the way to cure by method, is the which we use, in following the ancient writers, if so be that method is a universal way, which is common to all particular things.  
Herein Thessalus truly is beguiled, for he thinketh that all the knowledge of them, which do any thing by method, is very method, which is not so. For it behoveth that he which doth any thing by method, have notice and knowledge in the like and unlike. Nevertheless the knowledge of like and unlike is not method: for neither Aristotle, nor yet Plato, affirmeth that which Thessalus dare falsely allege. But now it is not convenient to prove & confute such matters: wherefore I will return again to the Method curative, and truly I will show unto you the principle of method in all curations, and also I will declare unto you how the way in all particular things is like, which leadeth from that principle to the end. Wherefore, although in all diseases there seemeth a proper method of curing, nevertheless there is in all things one common gender, for it behoveth to begin always at the indication of the disease, which we take in hand to cure, & then we must way and consider, if the cause which excited the disease, be already ceased, or augmenteth the same disease. If the said cause be eased, than we must come to the method, whereof we have here declared: by the which method thou shalt learn the remedies of an inflammation, and of a Fever, and also how I will shortly entreat of the curation of all diseases. For if nothing be done, thou shalt not take pain to inquire the precedent causes, but shalt begin only at the disease. But if any thing be done presently, thou shalt take two indications of curation.  
Now I cannot but marvel at the sect of Thessalus, not because they miss in such things: but because they use these names, Dispathies, Metasincrisis, imbecilities, firmitudes, & other such names. And if you ask them what such names mean, they wots not what to answer. Also if you ask what that signifieth, which they call in all inveterate ulcers, in Greek Metasuncrinem ten texin, they answer neither prudently, nor yet with consideration. If so be that it were an ancient name usurped by any of the greeks, peradventure by these things we may understand what things they have written, and for what intent they have spoken the same. But because it is a point of their foolishness, & impudency, to say that it is come of the Hipothese of Asclepiades, like as their other decrees, therefore it were a thing most convenient that they interpret their own dreams. From whence there is a notable saying among the Greeks: Sincrinestai, Ta somata, cai Thiacrinestai, which meaneth thus, mingle and divide bodies, as though it were lawful to usurp such little bodies, which they call Atones, & pores, passages individable and vacuate, or finally the insensible and inalterable things to be the first elements, even as they truly do daily usurp. Furthermore, Thessalus in his canon, when he confirmeth the principles, addeth something beside that, which was written by Themison, & Asclepiades, & as far as he understandeth, he writeth not obscurely, but he hath not imitated Asclepiades, altogether in Simitry: that is to say, that health consisteth in competent and comoderation of small cundites or passages, and that curation is no other thing, but a return to the first simitrie, or comoderation of the said conduits. But Thessalus supposeth that all the state & condition of the said conduits must be changed, & by this opinion doth proceed the name of Metasincrisis, which may signify in effect Metaporopoieseseos in Greek, that is mutation of the state of small conduits & pores, but it did not become him to use the names of dogmatists in place where he commandeth to eschew the uncertain & dark names.  
Then his disciples answereth, that he must not be hard as a dogmatist, when he useth this name Apheloes in greek, that is to say simply. For of a truth, some of his disciples are accustomed to defend him in this manner, in revocing us to another name that is Aphelian, which we translate simpleness, the which name truly I cannot tell what it signifieth. For if he send us again to another name more foolish, which the Greeks call Vioticos, the which as they expound doth signify likewise so unto the common people: truly it were as good to say, Apheloes not exactly or well, but without Art or knowledge, for they which be of speech most lightest, use names of arts, under some sense, that hath no foundation, & when they are demanded what they mean, they know not. The which thing those Thessalians confess to be their manner and custom, when we do object any thing against them. And for a truth, they will also confess, that they understand not perfectly, what Metacincrisis is, if it be spoken of the mutation of the small conduits, which the Greeks call Poropoia, in deed it should have some understanding, but yet many ways frivolous and foolish. For our bodies do not consist of little bodies called Atoms, and of little passages, or pores: but if this were true, it should not be possible to show in what manner, mustered might change or alter the state of the same pores, & if any of them should show the truth, yet we would not agree unto their sect, because they promiss that they will be content with their apparent communities: therefore let them not use these names, neither let them hinder us no more in our matters. For it is lawful without the name Metasincrisis, to say in other words the curation of inveterate ulcers, as the Empirics do.  
Also we have declared in the second book, how they talk of this word Atonias, that is to say, imbecility, & yet know not what it meaneth. For if they use this name as the Empirics do, than it should signify nothing else but that the actions are not kept: for if they say that certain faculties, do govern living creatures, which we & all the ancient writers do affirm, but yet notwithstanding they repugn against the precepts of Asclepiades, & also they propound uncertain things, to the which the authors do not agree: they touch the truth a little, yet they command to eschew it.  
But tell me true Thessalus, what meaneth this word Metasincrisis? if thou say that it betokeneth to change the pores, thou art deceived, and supposest uncertain things. But if thou sayst that it is a great matter to cure the particle grieved of the body, as the man, thou sayst no more than the Emperikes, except the name. For they do know that men are made whole by medicines, but they know not the cause or reason, by what means the remedies restoreth health. For none of the Emperikes can tell, if the faculty of the medicaments changeth the pores, or if it maketh a Simitrie, or if it altereth the quality of the Patient's particle that is grieved. Howbeit the Emperikes are discreet men, if they say that they know only one thing, that is to say, if they have noted and observed the times, how utility hath followed, when the medicament of mustard hath been ministered to such ulcers, and in what time. Nevertheless they speak not of method, neither yet repugn against it, neither be displeased with the notice thereof, nor dispraise the ancient writers, neither Hippocrates, but rather praise him, and affirm that he hath said all things well. But Thessalus doth not only despise Hippocrates, but all the other ancient Physicians, neither doth he understand that he hath written all the precepts of rebellious ulcers, without reason, imperically. For if he had written them well, than it should have been counted a work most profitable. But it appeareth not that he hath done so, seeing that he perverteth the right order of remedies, and useth his remedies to the grieved part, before he hath prepared the body. For this is an argument of great ignorance, seeing that almost it is a principle in chirurgery, that all the body must be purged of the evil excrements, before any strong medicine be applied unto the affected part. For who is he that will judge either by reason or experience, for there is no other third thing to judge by, in what art so ever it be, nor in any part of life, he shall find that it is agreeable to reason, for a man to minister strong & hot medicines to any particle of the body, before he hath purged the body of all annoyance, & prepared the same to health: for the said medicine draweth the excrements and superfluities from all the body, like as boxing or Ventosis doth, & it doth so fasten to the affected part, that it may be scarcely removed. Therefore it must be asked of these Thessalions, from whence this opinion cometh to Thessalus, to write fables as concerning the curation of rebellious ulcers, seeing that none of the Emperiks, nor yet Rationals, have written so before this time. For neither Thessalus himself, neither any other of his sect, dare affirm, that the order of such remedies, either doth agree with experience or reason. For neither can they give Indication of time, neither yet of the affect of the disease. Yet for all that, Thessalus is not all together ignorant, because he judgeth, that the cause the hindereth the ciccatrise must be considered and taken away, & because also that he judgeth, that this must be done not only in ulcers, but also in all other diseases, (as the ancient writers do admonish.) But they answer nothing to the purpose, for they say always, that we do not understand them, as if they knew perfectly the thought of Hippocrates, and of all the ancients. And they affirm the Thessalus hath a good opinion, when he saith, that there is a community of inveterate ulcers, & that Hippocrates understood it so, in his book of Ulcers, which writeth in this manner. It is profitable that the blood do flow continually from the inveterate ulcer, when so ever it seemeth needful. It were not far from my purpose, if I should speak of the judgement and opinion of Hippocrates, though I have not promised that I would so do in this place. But that which I will say, shall be of the interpretation of the wit & knowledge of the ancient Physicians, the which truly as yet have given no sect, but studying with simple & pure mind, to invent some thing profitable to man's health. It is well perceived therefore, that they have found some thing by reason, and some thing by use and experience. Then did they write their inventions, many times without giving reason thereto, and sometime they did, and if they did give any reason, it was to profit the readers. For if they intended to be profitable to their successors, and when as they knew reason of inventing things, then diligently they set it forth, and where they thought it obscure, they thought it superfluous to rehearse, and therefore let it pass. Now it is well known unto all men, though I hold my peace, that the ancients have loved no verbosity. For that cause afore recited, not only Hypocrates, but also all the other ancient Physicians, sometime not making mention of the middlemost, speaketh of the third thing. For if the first be a sign of the second, the third of necessity must follow after the second,  
And thus oftentimes omitting the first and second, they spoke of the third. I have oftentimes declared how the ancients, and chiefly Hippocrates, have written after this manner. But he that will know and perfectly understand the manner of curing, aught to be exercised in their style and manner of interpreting. For this I will entreat of that which I have purposed.   

The fift Chapter.  
FOr those Ulcers, which (after medicines to them ministered) be not cured, those the Physicians call in Greek Cachoethaes, but we call them malign and rebellious to cure. But we have spoken in the book aforesaid, what the curation of ulcers is. Therefore in these kinds of ulcers that be malign, we may use these names indifferently, that is to say, we call them Cachoethae, inveterate, or Diuturnus. In like manner the affect of the disease called Cachoethae, that is to say, stubborn and rebellious to be cured, that maketh some thing for our purpose to know, nevertheless the said diuturnity of the said ulcers, because they come again, or be of long continuance, & wax old, have no convenient indication of curing, but that must he considered, because the ulcerate part is ill affected, that ill affect being once known, the cure is manifest.  
But thou wilt ask, how can this be done? truly if thou wilt heal the ulcerate part affected, thou must first take away the abundance and corrupt vicious humours from all the body: for in cleansing away the same, the diuturnity is taken away, but the finding out, which is profitable to us, cometh not first of the diuturnity, but of the ill disposition & malignity of the humour, by means whereof these three things following, must chief be considered, that is, the sign, the affect, and curation. The sign is the diuturnity or continuance of the ulcer, the affect, is the vicious humours repairing to the ulcer, and the curation is the taking away of the said humours. By this means you shall find that the ancient Physicians many times after the first, made mention of the third, leaving the middlemost, as Hippocrates did, when he said, it is utile to cause the blood to flow out often of inveterate ulcers. But it is inutill, that the indication curative should be taken of the diuturnity of the ulcer, but of the ill disposition of the blood. For a little after he saith thus: the vice and evil blood hindereth greatly the cure of the said ulcers. Also putrefaction of the blood, & all things that cometh by transmutation of the blood, letteth also the curation of the said ulcers. And afterward he speaketh of ulcers that come not to a cicatrise: The ulcers truly (saith he) may not be closed together, if the lips and parts that are round about, be swart or black, with rotten blood or Varises that causeth the flux, if you cure not the said parts that be about it, they will not come together. And afterward he writeth of the cure of Varises, and then maketh mention of the purging of all the body, as well in wounds as in Ulcers, where fear of danger or putrefaction, in Greek called Sphaselos, doth remain, and beside in Ulcers called Herpes and Esthioninus, that is to say, which do erode and eat the skin. And thus Hippocrates is wont to call those ulcers, after this sort, wherein any ill humour doth cause erosin. And thus when he speaketh of them that ensueth, he saith in such words: In every Ulcer whereas chanceth Erisipelas, all the body must be purged. And finally, if you read diligently the book of ulcers, you shall find that he taketh Indication always of the affect of the disease, & if he have any consideration of time, it is only to know the affect. And that it is so, you may know it in the beginning of the said book, which concludeth thus: You may not minister any moist thing to Ulcers, what ulcers so ever they be, but wine. Then showeth he the cause, (and saith,) Dry ulcers are nearest to health, and moist the contrary, then after he saith, it is an ulcer for that it is moist, but if it be dry, it is whole. Therefore in all his cure, in as much as he hath constituted the end of all the cure of ulcers to be dryness, it ought to be considered. Then he findeth out the particular things, admonishing us many times of the same end, writing in this manner: Every wound that is divided with a cutting Instrument, receiveth medicines in the beginning that aught to be applied to raw and bloody wounds, the which Medicamentes in Greek is called Enaimon, which is, drying, and letteth the wound to come to suppuration, for it is more drier by the reason of the blood which floweth out of it. And again Hippocrates saith, All ulcers that are well purged, they come sooner to dryness and ciccatrize, but if any superfluous flesh do grow, it is by the reason of some contusion. And again he saith, if that any of the wound cannot consode together, the moistness is the cause thereof. In all these sayings, Hippocrates admonisheth us of the first Indication curative of all Ulcers: for of a truth, the curation of an Ulcer, for as much as it is an ulcer, is moderate dryness, whereof the demonstration hath been given in the book going before.  
For the curation of an ulcer that is conjunct with another affect, whereof the cure ought to proceed, is not like to a simple ulcer, for the first curation of such a one as is conjunct with any other affect, shall begin first of the same affect, and then at the ulcer. For if there be either Phlegmon or swart colour, or Ecchymosis, or Erysipilas, or Oedema, in the ulcerate part, first you must begin the curation, at one of the said affects. Nevertheless all men know well, that sometimes these Ulcers are not well cured, but are made greater, for that the parts round about the Ulcer, is affected either with Phlegmon, either by bruising, either with some other tumour, which should have been first taken away, before you had proceeded to the cure of the ulcer. And for a certainty, it is not possible to heal the ulcer, if the place where these be, be not first cured. And therefore Hippocrates putteth us in memory of those things which he hath spoken of in the beginning of his book, and also of those things before especified, and of those that be present he writeth thus.  
Every wound that is divided with a cutting Instrument or sharp pointed, receiveth Medicament called Enaemon, and also a medicament desiccative, that may let the filthy matter. But if the flesh be contused or cut with a blunt weapon, remedy must be given in such wise, that it come soon to suppuration. For in so doing, it shall be the less molested and grieved with Phlegmon. And also it is necessary that the putrefied flesh, which hath been contused & incised, come first to suppuration, and afterward new flesh to be engendered. By these words Hippocrates showeth manifestly, that all the affects of the ulcerate parts ought to be desiccated, except those where Pus will suddenly breed. And so he going forward, saith, that Pus cometh through some putrefaction. Furthermore, that all putrefaction cometh through moistures and heat, and therefore the Cataplasms made of Barley meal (seeing that they are hot and moist) we will minister it to all diseases, where it is expedient to engender Pus, for the Barley meal with water and oil, and likewise bread with oil, or a fomentation of much hot water, or the Malagma, called Tetrapharmices, and to conclude, all things that moist and heat, engender Pus. And if in the parts where Phlegmon is, there ariseth pulsation, in such wise, that there is no hope of the curation of the said parts, without Pus or suppuration, all the ancients truly apply the said medicines, and not before. The which things Hippocrates showeth plainly in the words before rehearsed, whereby he commandeth to use dry medicines to the wounded parts, where there is contusion, but they that be with contusion, must be quickly brought to suppuration.  
Moreover, when he saith, that all ulcers which be not well mundified, & begin again to increase, in them there groweth supercrescent flesh, but those that are mundified as they ought to be, cometh soon to ciccatrize, for in them there groweth no superfluous flesh, except there be contusion. Of a truth, when he speaketh of contusion, he calleth to mind that which he hath said before. That is, all ulcers require dry medicines, except those be contused. For if you do apply to the parts where as Phlegmon is, a Cataplasma that is hot and moist, it is not done by the first and principal reason, that is as a remedy to the affected part, but to mitigate the accidents. For the remedies of Phlegmon are of desiccative virtue. Hearken now what Hippocrates saith: the Cataplasms for Oedema and Phlegmon, aught to be made of Verbescum sodden, the leaves of Trifolium, & the leaves of Piretron and Polium sodden. All these medicaments have virtue desiccative, as we have made mention in the book of simple Medicaments.  
And to be short, the curation of the parts where Phlegmon is, is done by kind of these remedies, which doth remove altogether the affects. And if the said remedies have left any thing remaining that will come to suppuration, it is needful than to have another medicine which is more strong, to make it sooner to come to suppuration, or if the skin that be about be thin, and that thou wilt that the Patient shall be sooner eased, you must make incision. The taking away of Phlegmon, is by mitigation of Barley meal, & not curation, for that fighteth only against the disease, but of these differences we will speak hereafter at large.  
Now I think we have manifestly showed, how that Hippocrates hath commanded that all ulcers shall be desiccated, and that he hath confirmed it to be the proper end of curation. But now in as much as the indication is taken of the affect, and not of time. If any desire to have greater persuasion, let him diligently read all the Books of Hyppoorates, that he hath written of Ulcers, for he shall perfectly understand, that there is one Indication general of all Ulcers, which we have showed in the book precedent, and there is no Indication to be taken of time, but of the affects of the ulcers, as Phlegmon, and other such like accidences, as before is especified. And seeing now we are come to the place to speak, it is a thing most true, that Hippocrates hath been the inventor, not only of that which we have said before, but also of all other things that are to be known, to him that will cure an ulcer well. It appeareth truly that he hath invented the reason and the manner to cure simple ulcers, and also the kinds of the affects which consist in dryness. For either the ill humours resort unto the grieved part, or else they resort no more unto it. If they come no more, than it is requisite to help and secure the grieved part, that is, if it be pale, black, or red, it must be scarified, that the evil blood may come forth, then afterward because that I may use his words, you must lay thereon a Sponge more dry than moist. For I do think, that there is no person so ignorant, but will think that a dry sponge ought rather to be applied than a moist, and also to use desiccative medicines. And then if it be requisite for to draw blood again, do as you have done before, until the time that health be altogether recovered. And if the lips of the ulcer appear hard and stony, they must be cut away, the which thing is spoken here.  
But if the ulcer that is round, be somewhat hollow, you must cut it according to the roundness which is swollen, which swelling the Greeks call Apostema, either all the roundness, or as much as necessity requireth, according to the length of the member. Also it is written of all Tumours against nature, that are joined with an ulcer, how they ought to be cured. Likewise of the Varises, for they be the occasion that the ulcers be so stubborn, and hard to be cured, if that any humour of the said Varises do repair unto the ulcer. And in like manner when the flux of an humour cometh from all the body, he commandeth that all the body shallbe purged, without taking any indication of time. Truly it were a ridiculous thing that so many and contrary Indications should be taken of one community. For put we the case, indications to be taken of tyme. But if we grant that time giveth a certain indication, it is necessary to ask what indication it giveth, and comprise it in a sum, as Thessalians doth, which taketh indication of a body that is bound, that that may be unloosed again, and that body that hath a lax, is to be stopped. Likewise in ulcers that are filthy, mundification is to be required, and those that be hollow, to be filled with flesh, and those that be equal to be ciccatrized, & that which hath superfluous flesh, to be taken away. Thessalus himself is author of these: but now let him show that there is any indication proportioned to the time of the ulcer, as there is in all these that we have rehearsed, which is not possible for him: for he biddeth that they should be cut, and a Malagma, made of Mustardséede to be applied unto it.  
I pray you what reasonable indication hath he taken now of time, which taketh and usurpeth this vain word Metasincrisis, and after that he provoketh vomit by Raphanus, and then when he findeth no other remedy, he useth Eliber, and when these nothing profit, he sendeth the patient like a wise Physician into Libya, for change of air, the which things shall be more plainly spoken of hereafter, when we shall show that indication in what disease so ever it be, shall be taken of time. Yet for all that it shall be good to know the diuturnity of the disease.   

The sixth Chapter.  
But I will return to Hippocrates, whom I do greatly marvel at, not only for his diligence, but also for all other things, & chief for that he hath not forgotten that which is to be considered of all Physicians as touching the indications of all diseases. That is to say, the indication which is taken of the greatness and magnitude of the affect, which not only the Methodicians have permitted (this is to be marveled at) but also many of the Rationales, yea, and of the Empirics, although it be after another sort. For when they say that they have considered the evacuation in the course of the blood, they confess then manifestly, that they have no regard of other things that appear in the affected part, for to come to such evacuation. But I do not say thus, that purgation is evacuation, the which is no indication of the course of the blood, but for because we must sometime have consideration to the letting forth of blood, although there be no course of blood present, which may flow to the grieved part: for when the disease is very strong, there is none which understandeth the art of medicine, but will let blood. And truly the Empirics themselves, let blood when any is fallen from an high place, or when there is any part sore bruised & hurt with any wound, though the patient were whole and sound before, and without superfluity of blood. By the which it appeareth, that it is not the flowing of the blood to the affected part, which giveth indication, but the magnitude and vehemency of the disease & the force of the strengths, excepting yet from our talk, children. As for example. If a man be whole and sound, and without any manner of hurt, and having abundance of blood, it is not necessary because of his abundance to take his blood from him. For there is no indication to be taken of the blood, for because the man is whole, for to such men fasting doth profit, & small eating, and sometime Purgation or bathing and Frications may suffice. Letting of blood is not necessary to such, as the Empirics say.  
Likewise Purgation is not good in the only abundance of humours, for even as letting of blood is done either for abundance of blood or for the magnitude of the disease, so is purgation given either for the abundance of ill humours or for the force of the disease. As touching letting of blood we have spoken of in another book, and shall do again hereafter. But in this present book I will speak of purgations, for they that be diseased, require them, not only because it doth evacuate the noisome and superfluous humours with the which the body is grieved, but also putteth forth and cleanseth the excrements within the body.  
And for this cause Hyppocates as well in his other works as in that he hath written of Ulcers, considereth the vehemency and strength of the disease, whereof he taketh Indication of purging, and saith thus.  
Purgations of the belly is profitable to many Ulcers, and also to wounds of the head, of the belly, and of the joints, and where there is danger of the rottenness of the bones, or where stitching behoveth in wounds, or where erosions be, or where Herpis & other affects be, which hindereth the curation of Ulcers, and also where rolling must be used.  
By these words it is apparent truly, that Purgations are profitable both to wounds and Ulcers, at all times when they be great and grievous. For not only the said affects, but other be made great and grievous, three manner of ways, that is, either through the excellency of the afflicted part, either else through the greatness of the affect, or else because the said affects are Cacoethae (that is to say, hard to be cured.)  
Hippocrates hath made mention of all these things particularly, when he did entreat of wounds of the head and belly, and of the excellency and dignity of hurt parts. I think it is manifest to all men, that he must be understood, not only the lower belly, but also the superior, for in dividing the Trunk of man's body, which is betwixt the neck and the legs, is two great capacities.  
The first is contained under the Thorax, and above Diaphragma, and the second under Diaphragma, unto Os Pubi, or to Peritoneum, which covereth the inward part of the belly. And for certain, those wounds which hath pierced within the Thorax or within Peritoneum, is very dangerous, chiefly if any of the inward parts be wounded. Likewise there are very few, but they do know that the wounds of the joints are Cachoethae, and are hard to be cured: Which things the Emperikes understand only by experience, and they that have studied, and have attained to the knowledge of man's body, understand these things by the nature of the hurt part. For in tendonie and sinewy parts, where bones are void of flesh, there is great danger of pain, waking, and privation of rest, and also of convulsion. Such wounds as these be, and such as be stitched, that is to say, those that are so great that they need stitching, or at the jest, of binding or rolling, requireth purgation.  
We have declared in the last book, that all the greater wounds ought to be joined together, either by stitching or by binding. Likewise the ulcers where there is danger of corruption of the bones, are oftentimes joined with great inflammations. Also they that proceed of ill humours, be Cachoethae, and with erosion. Also Herpetes come of choleric humours, and all other old ulcers come of such like cause. Wherefore in all the ulcers before especified, Hippocrates commandeth to purge by the belly, and afterward he addeth these words. In all ulcers whereto Erisipel as is come, the body must be purged in that part most profitable for the ulcer, so that the purgation be made either by the upper parts or else by the lower, which difference he hath set forth in the book of Humours, where he commandeth to turn away the humour to the contrary part. As for example. There is a great flux that cometh to one part of the body where there is an ulcer, it behoveth to make another in the contrary parts, and thereof he speaketh in the said book.  
Wherefore if there be as yet a great flux which doth runue to the sore part, we shall make revulsion to the contrary part: that is to say, if the ulcer be in the upper parts, by purging downward, and if it be in the neither parts, by purging the upper ventricle. But if the flux be new stopped in such sort that is fixed in the member, it is expedient to drive it out by the next parts, seeing that the passages be the next places, seeing that the access and attraction of purging medicines is more easy and prompt, to remove those things that be near, rather than those things that be far of, the which reason belongeth to another part of the art, which entreateth of purging medicines, therefore hereafter it shall be declared and made perfect.  
Now I will show the force, or if you will call it the magnitude of the disease, to be appointed for a certain indication of taking away blood or giving purgation. And also that Hypocrates, was the first inventor of the said indication, I will speak in the books following of diseases, and in this book I will speak of ulcers. I have already spoken of Purgations. For seeing that every disease is grievous three manner of ways, it is either for the excellency and nobleness of the part, or for the magnitude of the affect, or for the frowardness of the same affect, called in Greek Cacoethia. Hypocrates hath made mention of all these things where he speaketh of Purgations. But some perchance will say, How then? doth not Hypocrates, council us to take away the blood for these causes above especified? By my judgement he commandeth them thus, but in few words, and that not without demonstration, as he and all the ancients were accustomed to do. Thou shalt understand that it is so, if that thou wilt read again his words, that are these. In every fresh wound, except it be in the belly, it is expedient to let blood flow out of it, more or less. For by that means the wound shall be less grievous, the inflammation less, and all the places about it. But if thou shalt remember hereafter those words that he writ when he did entreat if ulcers and also those things that he hath propounded in all his other books, that is to say, how that a Physician ought to be an imitator and follower, not only of nature, but also of those things which shallbe profitable, when they come to their natural state. Then thou shalt plainly understand the mind of Hypocrates, and also how that blood ought to be drawn when wounds be great: but if out of such wounds blood doth not flow, especially when as it is a thing most convenient, than thou must add and supply those things that be needful and necessary. The matter that followeth, he conjoineth it with that which is abovesaid.  
Also it is profitable that from inveterate ulcers, blood do flow, and also from the parts which are about them.  
But forasmuch as he hath said before, that blood should flow from every green wound, except that he made mention now of inveterate ulcers, it would seem to some that he did entreat only of green and fresh wounds. Therefore he did well add this, (that is to say) how that it is a thing most meet to draw blood from inveterate ulcers.  
Wherefore now seeing that the doctrine which we have taken of him is true and firm: that is to say, how a flux beginning at the contrary parts, aught to be drawn, & how that which is already fixed in the party, aught to be purged, either from the pained part, or from the part next unto it: therefore it is now easy for us to conclude of the detraction of blood, how that in the beginning it ought to be done in the part far of, and then in the ulcerate parts.  
Furthermore, if you do add unto these which I have before spoken, how that Hypocrates, counseleth to evacuate the superfluous humour, and that detraction of blood ought to be used when it surmounteth, and that a medicament ought to be given, which hath virtue to purge humours choleric, Melancholic, and Phlegmatic: Yet have in remembrance all these words, how that none of them is the curation of ulcers, no not so much as of an ulcer, but rather of Cacochimia, that is conjunct with the ulcer, or of Plethor, or of Phlegmon, or of Herpis, or other like dispositions: Neither yet be not forgetful of this thing, that is to say, that none of the accidents of the ulcer giveth such proper indication, as magnitude. In the book precedent, we have entreated of ulcers, wherein we have declared all the differences of ulcers, how many, and what they be, & what is the indication of either of them. Howbeit, I have not sppken in the said book, how the indication of purging is taken of the vehemency of the disease, because it should not be to much prolixity & demonstration. Neither in the said book, I have connixed the curation of all the body with the ulcers, but yet I have declared in this present book, in as much as it was agreeable and utile for my purpose.   

The seventh Chapter.  
But the firm and perfect demonstration of this kind of Indication, which is taken of the vehemency of the disease, shall be showed hereafter. In like manner, the indication which is taken of the age, & that which is taken of purging humours. Likewise the Indication which is taken of the afflicted parts, shall be declared in the books which follow. But as yet we have only made mention of the curative Indication that may be taken of the nature of the said parts, that is to say, of temperance & substance. But truly we have nothing touched the Indication, which is taken of the situation & figure of the parts. Therefore we will speak of the indications that be profitable for the curation of Ulcers. The part truly that hath sharp and quick senses, aught as much as is possible to be cured without dolour or pain. But the Anodinon of such remedies is spoken of in the Book which entreateth of the simple medicaments.  
But he that hath but small senses, and those that be not quick, may (if the disease require) suffer strong medicines. But we must have regard and consideration to the strength of the principal member, whereof we will more copiously hereafter declare, when as we shall have occasion to speak of Phlegmon. But if it be not a principal member, surely without danger you may minister unto it such medicines as mitigate and assuage, the Greeks call them Calasticke, whereof we will plainly and more at large declare hereafter. At this present we will declare the indication which is taken of the situation and figure of the parts, and then we will finish and conclude this fourth book. For this cause have we excogitated and invented certain medicines that must be given to him that hath his ventricle ulcerate, the which medicines must be drunken at once, but to him that hath his throat ulcerate, they must be ministered at sundry times by little and little, because of the passing which bringeth great utility to the ulcer, neither they must be ministered so, & in such case, as to him that hath his ventricle ulcerate.  
Likewise we have declared by the situation and figure of the said part, that such medicines ought to be made grosser and thick, & more clammy than the other, because that the throat is a passage of things that is eaten and drunken. And for that cause remedies which may conjoin & clean on every side of it, is most convenient, and not such as are thin and easy to slide away. For the thick are always about the parts, and the clammy do cleave unto it. Likewise ulcers that are in the thick intestines, have more need of medicines which are cast out by the fundament, in as much as they be next unto it. But the ulcers that are in the thin intestines, because they be farthest from the fundament, require both medicines, that is to say, those that are received by the mouth, and those that are cast in by the fundament. Now truly the common indication of all the interior parts is, that we ought to choose things that be most familiar to the nature of man, be they meats or medicaments, and to eschew those things which be contrary unto it.  
Although to Ulcers which be in the outward parts, the use of such medicaments be not hurtful, as Aerugo, aes Vstum, aeris Squamma, Cadmia, Pomphilix, Litarge & Cerussa. Yet they ought not to be ministered to the ulcers of the inward parts, of whose nature we have written in the book of temperaments, and in the book of simple medicines.  
But if we go about to glutinate the ulcer, and bring it to a ciccatrise, we must choose glutinative medicines, & such as will not cause erosion. But if we will cleanse the ulcer, we must use things abstersive, and such as will absterge it moderately, as raw Honey, which of all things for this purpose is the chiefest.  
But as touching adstingent potions called Austerae, and other such like aliments, they be known unto all men. This word Auster, is called Stiphos in Greek, that is to say, little astringent, and that which is lower or bitter, is called in Greek Striphnon. But the medicines which may be taken without danger, are spoken of in the book of Medicaments. Nevertheless I will show some form of wholesome Medicaments for the inward ulcers, which are these, namely, Hipocystis, Balaustium, Cytini Punicorum, Galla, Malicorium, Terra Samia, Lemnium Sigillum, Rosarum Succus, Acacia, & other or like kind, which be profitable for inward ulcers, and you must minister the said medicaments with some decoction of adstringent things, as of Quinces, Lentiske, or the tops of Rubus, or of Vines, or green mirtills, or with adstringent Wine. It is now manifest, and I think none is so ignorant, but will judge that he must eschew drinking of wine if there be Phlegmon, or else there is no danger.  
In like manner it is evident that the said Medicaments must be prepared & received with decoction of moist things. Also you must mix gum Tragacanthen in those medicines which are for the ulcers in Gula, you must use Gargarises in the Ulcers that are in the parts called Fauces and Paristhmia, but if the ulcer be in Aspera Arteria, called Trachia, than the Patient must be laid upright, and keep the medicine long time in his mouth, in losing all the muscles that be in that place, for in so doing some part of medicament will flow by little and little to the grieved part. For when the said Aspera Arteria is in his natural state, or in good health, than we may easily know when any potion passeth through it. For like as we must take heed when as it is in good health, lest any flux fall that way which may hurt it: so in like manner we must beware when it is grieved, lest any thing do fall that way which may provoke the cough: than it seemeth that the Indications of it are taken of the situation and form of the part.  
Also Honey must be mingled in all Medicaments which are ordained for the Ulcer in the Thorax and Lungs. Therefore if we use astringent medicines, they will remain in the belly. Then the instrument which is profitable for the digestion and distribution of the said medicaments over all the body shall be honey. Also it being mingled with the said medicines, shall be occasion of their quick passage over the body, neither shall it any thing anoie or hurt the ulcer. In like manner if there be an ulcer in the bladder & in the rains, honey and such as provoketh urine must be mingled with the said medicines. But I think that it is apparent to all men, though they take not me the author of the same, how that the ulcerate parts may be discerned or known by their substance, action, utility, situation, and figure. The which things truly have been amply declared in the book which entreateth of the signs of the affected parts, but now there is no time to talk of them, therefore I will return to the method of curation. Also I say and affirm, that not only these above rehearsed, but also many other, be the indications of the figure, and situation of the parts. For you cannot well and exactly bind the affected part, before ye take indication either of the figure, or situation, or of them both. Neither can you set the pipe of a clyster well, before ye take such Indication. What should I make mention of Argalia, specially when as you cannot minister it before you perfectly know the situation and figure of the bladder. Then truly by these things it doth manifestly appear, that the affected part giveth indication to the curation. But in ruptures truly, which the Greeks call Regmata, many Indications may be taken to one purpose, and principally the indication that is taken of the situation ought to be considered. For the ruptions that be hid in the depth of the body, require other curations than the wounds which appear outwardly, and for because they be such as be with Ecchimosis, or contusion about the broken flesh, therefore they declare diverse Indications curative. For always the Indications curative do answer to the number of the affects, whereof we will show more copiously hereafter, when we shall speak of Phlegmon, how that the affects that are in the deep places of the body, requireth stronger medicines than those in the upper parts. Then at the least I judge it to be manifest, that it is necessary that the strength of the medicaments that are ministered outwardly aught to be resolved, when the affected part which should be cured by those, is hid in the depth and profundity of the body. Therefore it behoveth to augment the virtue of the same medicaments, so that by the passage thereof it may be staked. Certainly Ecchimosis doth indicate evacuation for the remedy of the cure. Wherefore medicaments that will moderately heat and dry, be most convenient for it. For they that do vehemently dry, truly do resolve and digest more at the beginning than they which dry but simply. But I will speak hereafter somewhat of this disease, which is difficile and serious to cure. But of that which did pertain to the matter we have largely spoken of. Truly those medicaments that moisteth and heateth more than they, which the Greeks call Calasticke. Also those which do somewhat to dryness, which the Greeks call Suntatica, be the chief and principal remedies for all Ecchimosis. But we must take heed the medicines do cleave to the ruptions that are in the deepness of the body, and also that they be of strong virtue, & that they be sharp and such as will digest: and to speak briefly, such medicines ought to be of great force, inasmuch as Ecchimosis is in the deepness of the body and far from the skin. In such affects the use of a cucurbite is profitable, which is an instrument invented of Physicians, to cause ulcerate attraction. And when Ecchimosis is digested by the use of a cucurbit, than you may minister those things which may dry the broken flesh, and conjoin it with ligature, & add that which may coagulate and join the wound together, for Ecchimosis being resolved and digested, the broken flesh shall coagulate together. But if it be resolved, than corruption breedeth in it, and occupieth the space that is between the lips of the wound, so that the ruption cannot close. Wherefore these above rehearsed, declare unto us all causes how small so ever they be.  
For although some hath had rigour, or though the body hath been overthrown by some Fever, so that there bathe not been good concoction, or that it hath been defatigated and wearied, then immediately there shall be pain in the part where the ruption and wound is, because that the said ruption hath been lately joined together, but not so substantially, because of time. Wherefore it followeth that a little thing may easily part them, & fill the place again with superfluous humours. But what engendereth in such wounds or ruptions? nothing but new Ecchimosis, and much like unto the first: That is to say, when the flesh was first broken, except that this Ecchimosis that is new, of more and corrupter matter than that which was at the beginning, which came of blood, and therefore now this is more easily digested and resolved than that which was at the beginning. And thus the which we have spoken hitherto shall suffice for the disputation of Ulcers, & thus we conclude this fourth Book of our Therapeutike method, called Methodus Medendi.   
FINIS.  
 printer's or publisher's device   

THE FIFT BOOK. of Galen, called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in Latin, Methodus Medendi.  
The effect of the same.  

1 The curation of ulcers which chance in the fleshy parts, and then the curation of Ulcers in the Instrumental parts.  
2 Of the ruption of a vein or Artery.  
3 How a flux of blood may stay by derivation.  
4 The Medicaments that will make a crust which doth much to the stopping of a flux of blood.  
5 Of spitting and distillation of blood.  
6 The curation of Ulcers in the pudend places.  
7 The curation of a vein or divided Artery.  
8 The rejecting of blood both from other parts & also from the lungs.   

The first Chapter.  
SEeing that in the two last books we have taught how any shall rightly cure Ulcers, we will by the way show, that all other Physicians which use the art, not searching out the Elements of those simple particulars in us, cannot cure any thing only by reason, but yet lest of all other those which profess Thessalus doctrine. The rest which are by mere experience only taught, suppose, that at the least those Ulcers which are in diverse parts, are to be cured by diverse reasons. But those that follow Thessalus, (as their Captain) for his excellent wisdom, think that every Ulcer, in what part of the body so ever it be, requireth like curation: for if it be hollow, they say it must be filled with flesh, if it be equal, then to be ciccatrized, if there be supercrescent flesh, than that flesh must be diminished, if it be bloody and new, than it must be adglutinated: As though he that knew this, must of force cure rightly, or that this reason were unknown to the common people, when as there is none that is herein ignorant. But they understand not how the hollowness is to be filled with flesh, neither how that which is filled aught to be ciccatrized, or to take away that is overmuch increased, or to join together that which is pure and bloody without hollowness: such works truly are properly appertaining to the art of Medicine, found out by the help either of Reason or Experience, or both.  
Therefore repeating again, let us briefly overrun those things, whereby the beginning of these which are to be spoken, may be joined with the aid of those which we have already set out. We have declared that every Ulcer requireth desiccative medicines, but that which hath hollowness, beside that, it needeth desiccatives, it also doth require abstersives: that which requireth to have the lips joined together, (such is a green wound, called in Greek Enema) doth ask both more drying medicines, and also that be gentle astringent without any abstersion.  
Furthermore, those ulcers which need to be ciccatrized, require not only yet more drying medicines, but also strong astringent remedies, and whereas there is supercrescent flesh against nature, there are required sharp and abating medicines, such of necessity be hot and dry. If any accident be joined with the Ulcer, the Indication of curation must be taken of the nature thereof, and of this all the faculties of medicines also to be had. If there should superfluous matter grow in the Ulcer, it behoveth to have medicines which should take it away, and such have a great deal more abstersive virtue than some incarnative medicines have.  
Also if there be seen more copious moisture, there is need of a medicine more desiccative, but yet not to exceed his kind, and if the medicine should be glutinative, it ought to be drying and astringent, if it shall incarnate, it must be desiccative, and some thing abstersive, and so in all other, as is already declared. Also if the flesh subject should be intemperate, first truly we must cure this intemperateness, that which is drier, by medicines humective, the moist, by desiccatives. Also that which is hot by refrigeratives, the cold, by medicines that are hot. And if by conjunction of two qualities, the flesh be intemperate, it must be cured by ministering a contrary medicine, which hath double qualities, for this one thing is common to all affects against nature, that they cannot come again to their own nature, without such medicines as have contrary quality.  
Furthermore, at this time the causes of these intemperatives are to be considered, whether these be common to all the whole body, or else proper of some parts, which should infest the ulcerate member by society, the Greeks call it Simpathia. First of all truly, the cause that nourisheth this intemperateness, is to be cured, and after that the intemperateness itself which is now made, for this indication, is common to all such as spring of any cause.  
We have also declared that there are diverse indications taken of the differences of ulcers, and also those which are taken of the temparament of the sick body, have a contrary reason, for those Indications seeing they are taken of those things which are against nature, declare that all contrary things must be applied: these Indications because they are taken of nature's self, show that like things must be used, for if how much the part is drier, so much the more it requireth to be dried, that which is less dry, is less to be dried. In like sort truly it is declared in making hot or cold. Neither have we let pass that of the excellency of the member or contrary state. Also to the sharpness or dullness of feeling, there is to be had a contrary scope of curing.   

The second Chapter.  
THerefore we will now consider that which remaineth of the curation of this kind of infirmities, we call this kind, for more evident doctrines sake, solution of unity, neither is it any matter, if thou call it solution of continuity. This kind doth not only happen in the similar and simple parts, but also in the compound and instrumental, but yet there be other indications of remedies taken of the similar parts, then of the Instrumental of which they that follow Hippocrates method, know both, because they know the natures of both parts. But those that follow Erasistratus and Herophilus, have but one Indication, that is to say, that which is taken of the Instrumental parts. Wherefore they have no certain method in these, which follow whatsoever indications are taken of the body, or sickness, hot, cold, moist, or dry, but yet they are not ignorant of the Indications taken of the form, position, excellency, quick feeling of the part, or those which are contrary. That which we say shall be more manifest if we set out the the parts themselves. Therefore because already abundantly we have entreated of those Ulcers, chiefly which happen in the fleshy parts, it is time to speak of them which chance in the vein, and artery, and nerve, and not of these absolutely by themselves, but as they are in the instrumental parts of man. Wherefore if any hath a great artery or vein wounded, & there followeth presently great flux of blood, and the wound in the vein will hardly be glutinated in the artery, it can more hardly be done, as many Physicians suppose, but peradventure cannot be done at all. Therefore we must again speak of either of them, and first of the flux of blood, and next of agglutination. But for that such fluxes are caused by Anastomasin and Diepedesin, as we presently declare, it shall not be from our purpose, for that they both have a common cure, to make mention of them in this place, although they seem to be another kind of disease, truly the blood floweth out of the vein or artery, the mouth of them being opened, or their coat divided, or as I may term it, strained or sent out in manner of sweat, surely the coat of them is divided either by wounding, or contusion, or ruption, or erosion. Anastomasis happeneth, both through the imbecility of the vessels, and also through the plenty of blood which breaketh to the mouth of it with violence, & furthermore by any thing coming outwardly, having a sharp quality.  
Diapedeses cometh when as the coat is made more thin, and the blood attenuated, and furthermore, it may come to the mouth of any of the small veins being opened. Therefore we must speak of either affect by himself, and first of all of that division which we have said to come of erosion or wounding, or contusion, or ruption, so that those things which do wound are edged tools, and apt to cut, those that make contusion are heavy and hard, those that cause ruption, do it by straining, the same doth also the vehemency of any action, the abundance of ill juice or humours, not in respect of the strength, but for that it is not contained in his vessels.  
Also any heavy or hard thing falling from above, entering in, for any such thing when the vessels or veins are empty, or else containing but a small substance entering in it, if it hath an object which is hard, it causeth contusion, if the vessel be full, it bruiseth it, before it maketh contusion. When that which happeneth is like, as if thou didst fill a bottle or bladder, and didst let a stone fall on it, or else violently didst strike it against a stone, truly the like to this is that which happeneth to falls from above, for look what respects the bottle hath to the stone, the same hath the man unto the ground, and whosoever breaketh any vessels of the lungs, with great and most vehement clamour, must refer the ill received, unto the violence of the action. In like manner he which hath broke any vessels (that is to say, any vein or artery) by bearing a great burden, or by going about to lift it on his shoulder, or else to lift it up with his hands, & so much the rather, to whom it happeneth of most swift running, or most strong leaping, or otherwise, any part being violently extended. For it is like as if one should stretch out a rope, or leather, though many vessels are broken because they contain not the blood in them, chief when it is flatulent, as may appear both in hogsheads which full of must, do oftentimes break, & also in other of most strong bodies.   

The third Chapter.  
AND if the vessel be ruptured, either of wounding, clamour, fall, or contusion, the cause of these truly do cease, but if it come of abundance, it may again happen that the vessel may be ruptured, the efficient cause is yet remaining, & also in this affect, the abundance truly is to be evacuated, than the blood to be suppressed, and after the ulcer to be cured, but where as the efficient cause is ceased, there the blood is first to be stenched, and after the ulcer is to be cured. How therefore, will we stench the blood? truly by stopping the ruptured vessel, the blood that was carried by it being averted and conveyed to another place, for if the blood should be carried to the place unto which it did in the beginning flow, and that the mouth of the vessel be in like sort open, the man truly being vexed with the flux, shall sooner die than the flux of blood shall cease, surely the wounds will be closed, if the sides which are divided be brought together, or that the mouth of it be stopped, and the sides of the wound closed by the help of our hands, if we may come to it with ligature, or such remedies as are cold and astringent. Neither is it lawful to stitch the wound of a vein or artery, as they affirm, who say that no Indication is to be taken of the substance and nature of the wounded part, the mouth of the vessel shall be stopped, the blood being then congealed, the Greeks call it Thombros, and also by things outwardly applied on both sides about, may be put upon it, and also in many wounds the skin itself, or what else we mixed with it, such are linaments, in Greek called Motos, & those medicines, because they have a clammy and gross substance, do stop the pores, the Greeks name them Emphlastica, as also medicines which make a crust, which the Greeks name Escharan. The old Physicians despised these in such like wounds, as it were a great jeopardy. These also are done, not only by the fire itself, but also with medicines having a fiery faculty, and the mouth of the vessel is stopped by these medicines, the blood truly shall be averted and turned to other members, both being drawn unto the next parts, and also by revulsion to the contrary, the Greeks call that Parochetensis, but this Stuti Paces, and these also be invented of Hippocrates, being verily the common remedies of all immoderate evacuation. Derivation is made unto the next parts, when as that which is voided is evacuated by the nostrils. Also revulsion to the contrary parts, is when as it draweth downward.  
Again, that which floweth by stool, that is derived by the woman's shape, but revulsion is upward, for so truly Nature is wont to do. To the woman, saith Hippocrates, which vomiteth blood, her natural sickness following is a remedy, & for this cause if her terms abundantly break out, or that blood by any way floweth out of the matrice, thou shalt draw it upward by fixing a great cucurbite or box under the paps. For this also is invented of Hippocrates.  
And by like reason the bleeding at the nose is stayed by great cucurbites fixed under the ribs, and if it floweth out of the right nostril, than the cucurbite is to be set upon the liver, but if it cometh out of the left nostril, than set cucurbite upon the spleen, but if the blood floweth out of both nostrils, then fix the cucurbits upon both liver and spleen, but if the patiented be not yet helped, open a vein on the cubit that is right against the flux, and when as thou hast taken a little blood away, stop it for an hours space, and then take again more blood, and so again and again, according to the strength of the Patient. In like sort, because it is a common way of curing, thou shalt bring all other fluxes both to their contrary parts, and also make derivation by the next places, for that which floweth by the stool, to evacuate by urine or the matrice, and that which floweth by urine must be voided by stool or matrice. And of the fluxes of the Eyes, Ears, and pallet of the mouth, the next dorivation is by the nostrils, revulsion truly of all these higher parts, is ever to be made downward, and also of the lower parts upward. Also from the right side to the left, as also from the left side to the right. In like sort revulsion of that which is within must be made outward, and of that which is outward in like sort inward, therefore friction of contrary parts is done chiefly by those medicines which do heat.  
Also strait ligatures are to be reckoned among those remedies which bring to the contrary parts, and so also is the shutting of the natural pores set in the opposite place, but by what medicines that shall be done, the matter thereof is set out in our books of Medicines. But it behoveth to entreat of all Fluxes in the Books following. Now we must return unto the flux of blood, and the band put on the vessels that flow, are to be accounted among stopping medicines, and also our fingers, which do close and press the vessels.  
There is also another ligature hereto appertaining, which the Greeks call Epideses, although it goeth not round about the member, as a band doth, but joineth the gaping lips of the wounded part by his embracing, & also holdeth such things as are put upon the part, and is numbered among closing medicines. Besides all these rehearsed, the apt situation of the wounded part, is accounted among the remedies which stay the flux of blood.  
Surely the situation shall be apt, if it be directed unto these two ends, that the part be free from dolour, and be directed upward, for if the part hang down or is pained, it will not stay the flux, but will cause it, if there be none. Therefore he that knoweth these things, if at any time he shall stand by him out of whose wound blood floweth, (for first I will entreat of these,) let him put his finger upon the mouth of the vessel gently, straining it and compressing it without dolour, for so he shall at once both stay the blood, & also make it congeal in the wound, but if the vessel from which it floweth, be deep hid, let him then surely both know the position and magnitude of it. And furthermore, whether it be a vein or artery, than put it in a hook and life it up, and a little wryth it, but if the blood will not so be stayed, if it be a vein let him without binding, assay it, to stench the blood with some of those medicines which have power to stay blood, truly the best are those Emplastique which are made of Rosin fried, and the finest wheat flower, and Gipsum, and such like, but if it be an artery, thou shalt stay the flux with one of these two, either by binding it, or by cutting a sunder the whole vessel, and sometime truly we are also constrained to bind the great veins, and to cut all these overthwart, and this necessity happeneth in those where as the flux issueth out of the deepest place, & chiefly by those parts that be strait and principal, for so is part of the other part drawn back, and the wound is hid and covered of the parts lying on it, but it is more safety to do both, that is, to bind the root of the vessel, and also to cut of that remaineth, I call the root of the vessel his former part, which is nearer the liver, or the heart, this in the neck is the lower part, in the arms and in the shanks, from the higher part, & so in all other parts, & as thou mayst learn by the anatomy which these methodelesse Thessalians do not allow.   

The fourth Chapter.  
THese things being done, the wound is first to be filled with flesh before thou take away the band from the vessel, except the flesh engendered doth fill the place about the cut artery, but the there is some wide space, the affect doth follow, which the Grecians call Aneurisma, wherefore I counsel thee to use rather those kind of medicines which stench blood, for that through their clamminess they stop the pores, the Greeks call it Emplasticon, than those which make an asker, because the wound after it is sooner and with less danger filled, for it is danger in the other, lest there be made presently a new flux of blood out of the vessel, if the crust falleth of. Therefore that medicine that I will now set here out, is the best that I know of all other, which I also use without peril in fluxes of blood, of the coats called Membrana, of the brain, one part of Franconcense mixed with half one part of Aloes, after when thou wilt use it temper it with so much white of an Egg, as it may be thick like Honey, & put to these most soft hairs of an Hare, and then apply it largely both to the vessel, and also to the ulcer, binding it outwardly with a soft linen roller, and let the roller go four or five times about the vessel that flowed, & then go toward the root of the vessel in those parts, I mean, which may be rolled toward the root, you may in all parts of the body except in the coats or membranes of the brain, this being done, if thou wilt lose it the third day, if the medicine do cleave hard to the ulcer, put another upon it as it were a lineament moistening that which is made of hairs, and roll it again as thou didst the first, but if the linament falleth away of his own accord, then gently pressing the root of the vessel with thy fingers, that nothing flow to the wound, take this away, the hand hanging down, and put on an other. In this wise shalt thou cure the vessel until it be defended with flesh, and from the beginning to the end, keeping the part upright, keeping herein a measure in this figure of situation, for you must beware lest that dolour chanceth, and stir again flux, for there is nothing that doth more provoke flux, and increase inflammation, than dolour.  
This medicine (as I have said,) I use many ways, sometime to the Aloes, the double weight of Franconcense, sometime equal portion of both, sometime the Franconcense to be a little more than the Aloes, or else a greater portion, but not double, and sometime putting in the stead of Franconcense, Manna, for Manna is a medicine that is more restringent than Franconcense, and Franconcense is more Emplastique than manna, and it is manifest that in hard bodies there must be the more portion of Aloes, as in soft more of Franconcense, so shall the one of them be more astringent, and the other by his clamminesse and grossness, cleaving more to the small pores, which they call Emplasticoteron, therefore where thou wilt study to make the medicine more Emplastique, it behoveth that thou use those Franconcense that be tough, and as I may term it, more Rosin like, such truly is softer and whiter, and when it is chawed as Aloes and Manna, is not made smaller, but defendeth the parts, cleaving together like Chiamastiche, but these are proper to that treatise, which showeth the composition of medicines, which we could not but somewhat touch in this book, for either we must never have made mention of any particular example, but have been satisfied with universal methods, or if particular should be put to us the preparation of them was to be touched.  
But as we before have said, it is convenient that we be here pleased with one or two examples, put out of those remedies which are invented by Method, and this thing I will still remember. But let us turn likewise, to that again, that in speaking we have little finished, and I have made the longer mention of these medicines rehearsed, because I am persuaded that it excelleth all other, and I marvel if it shall chance any man, to find a better, therefore I used it always in the Pamnickles or Membranes of the brain, and also in wounds of the neck, yea, of the jugulane veins themselves, which the Greek writers name Sphagitadas, insomuch as it also stayeth flux of blood in them, and that without binding, neither, in joining these, that thou make to much haste as certain foolish chirurgeons do use, but compress with the one hand the lower part of the vessel, or griping hold it with the other hand, apply the medicine to the wound and gently press it to the wound, until it cleaneth being congealed, after bind it from above backward, and not as in the joints from below upward, for it behoveth to make your rolling toward the root of the vessels, and to repress that which floweth. There are many other medicines which have an emplastique faculty, yea, without grief, but there is none that doth so incarnate.  
It is chiefly to be regarded in this case, that the medicine falling of, that flesh be engendered about the vessel. But those medicines which make an asker, when the asker falleth of, they leave the part more bare than for their natural state, for the generation of the asker is (as I may term it) of the parts subject round about, half burnt, for what manner a thing these quenched coals are that they provide against winter, such are the askers being relics of the adust flesh, so that how much of the part is burnt to an asker, so much truly it loseth of his natural flesh, therefore all that wanteth of the part where as the asker falleth away, and so is s●…ne bare and without flesh. And there hath followed to many a flux of blood, that could hardly be stenched, after that the asker hath fallen of, wherefore who so will in these also minister all things by a method, he will long before consider all these ways, wherewith blood is stenched, and choose that which is with least danger, not omitting the other ways as often as necessity requireth, for I have found great necessity of using medicines, making an asker, and also of hot irons, whereas the flux of blood sprang of erosion, of any humour which did putrefy, as also in that affect where all that doth putrefy is taken of it, it is most safe to burn, as it were the roots of it, or else to use medicines which make an askar, and by this occasion we come to that necessity both in the privy members, and also in the fundament, because those parts both for their natural heat, and that they be the conduits of Excrements, they putrefy of a small cause. That scope which thou tendest unto, for those medicines making an askar, must not only be hot, but such as hath with it also joined & astringent faculty, such is perceived to be Chalcitis, and Misi, and Vitriall, whether thou usest them crude, or raw, or adust. Those that are made of unflaked Lime are more vehement than these, but yet Lime hath no astringent virtue, therefore the askars fall sooner, of which are made with these, but those that are made with astringent Medicines, do longer cleave to the bodies, which thing truly is very profitable, for that flesh groweth underneath it, and is made as a certain covering to the vessel that floweth.  
Wherefore it behoveth us not to be rash, as many be in taking of the askers, whereas is peril of flux of blood, except it be in those affects, whereas through the putrefaction we are compelled to apply to the body hot irons. All Physicians, I know not by what reason, call that affect in Greek Nemon, of the Verb Nemomai, which signifieth to feed or devour, because this affect proceedeth by eating the sick parts, unto those that are found devouring some part of them, so that they call it not of the substance of the thing showed, but of an augmentation. The plenty of matter of all Medicines which have this faculty, are set out in their proper Commentaries, I call them proper, whose Titles are De simplicibus Medicamentis, and also De compositione eorum.   

The fift Chapter.  
THerefore seeing we have set out the sum of this method, whereby thou mayst cure such fluxes of blood as are in the upper part, we are bend to set out the Treatise of those fluxes which come out of the depth of the body. The blood that floweth out of the vessel, either is stenched for that it floweth no more to the part, because the division is stopped, or else through both, which I suppose to be most sure. But the blood is let to flow to the part; either through binding, or when as it is diverted to the contrary parts, or is derived to the part adjacent, or by refrigeration, either of the whole body, or else of the affected parts, so that cold potions have often stayed the flux of blood, as also cold things in fomentations outwardly applied. In like sort Oxicratum and sour Wine, and any other, that have either astringent virtue, or only refrigerative faculty. And the division is shut, if that which is divided, be drawn together, or closed, or else stopped Truly it is drawn together both by restriction, and refrigeration, and ligature, and binding, but it is stopped either inwardly or outwardly, inwardly by the blood congealed, which the Greeks call Thombros, outwardly, both with this, and also with Linamentes, Sponges, Askars, and with such medicines, as through the clammy and gross substance do stop the pores, the Greeks call them Emplastica, and also with putting the foresaid medicines to the hurt part. How every of these shall be done, it is already set out. But the fluxes of blood which break out of the deep parts of the body, cannot be stopped either by binding or ligature, no not with hot irons, and to be brief, neither with such things as we go about to touch the divided body with, or else the part, but rather with revulsion and derivation to the parts which 〈◊〉 next. Also meat and drink which have an Emplastique faculty, and by astringent medicines. Of these thou half plenty in their proper volumes, what Indication is taken of the parts that happen to the common Indications curative rehearsed, as it were an overplus in every affect, for we use sometime Instruments according to the property of the part, some to the matrix, other to the Bladder, and other to all the thick Intestines, for we make mirtions of some profitable Medicines into the Intestines by a Clyster, and into the matrix, by those which the Greeks call Metrenchitas, as into the Bladder, by pipes directly pierced through. And truly the fluxes of blood by those parts, are rare, and yet sometime they chance. And although they are not dangerous by the profuston itself, yet when as they long continue, they are not void of peril. For we did see blood flow out of the matrix four days, neither could it be stopped by any remedy, until we stayed it, using the juice of Plantain, for this medicine is most profitable to such fluxes of blood as come through erosion, unto which I do use to mix in this case some more vehement medicine, and sometime an other which is proper for the affected part, which thing is ever to be done, and to be received in all fluxes for the chiefest document.  
For in these fluxes of the matrix, Bladder, and Intestines, the quantity of the profusion is to be esteemed, that we may take it as the first or second indication of curation, and yet by the way, not neglecting the cause of the whole affect: for if any great vessel be broken or vehemently opened, and doth gape, we need astringent Medicines, as Balaustium and Hiposistes, and Rhoes, and Omphacium and Acacia, and unripe galls, and Malicorium, but if it be a little vessel that is rupturned, or but a little opened, so that the blood be not much which floweth out of it, Aloes and Manna, and the rind of the Pine tree, and Sigella Lemnia, and the fruit of the Egyptian Spine, and Saffron, and Lapis Haematites, and such like, be profitable medicines given in red and sour Wine, but if thou canst not get any such Wine, nor Plantain, nor Nightshade, (for they are also good) we may boil in water the sprigs of Rubus, and of Caninus Rubus, and Mirtus, and Lentiscus, and ivy, and to conclude, all such as have an astringent virtue, whether it be root or fruit, or rind, or bud, and by like reason the decoction of astringent apples, and chiefly Quinces, Mixtiles, and Meddlers, is a convenient remedy.   

The sixth Chapter.  
AND if there happen a certain flux of erosion, the Greeks call it Anabrosin, it is not for the more part abundant, but small, and flowing by little and little, therefore you must use the Trochisce of Pasionis, or Andronis, or Polyeida, or else of our invention, which have in kind the same force, but more stronger. These cease the erosion, if regard be first had, (as is said) to the whole body. But if the flux be too abundant, we must use those medicines which are most vehemently astringent, until the vehement force be broken, then mix the Trochisce with them, and after you may use the Trochisce alone, with any of the forenamed juices or decoctions.  
And truly the medicines which are outwardly applied to the part, whether they be astringent, or cold without astriction, these I do not always allow (as many Physicians do) for they seem to me to do contrary altogether to that which ought to be done, to keep the blood within, and fill the vessels which are in the deep parts. We did see some of those which did cast forth blood out of his lungs, to be manifestly hurt by refrigerating the breast, so that some of them did vomit blood, because their belly was refrigerated, in like sort, some of them that blead in the nostrils, were worse by refrigeration of the head. Therefore I counsel not ever, or without difference, or in every time, that the places which are about the part whereas the blood floweth, to be refrigerated, no not until thou hast first turned it to the other parts. As for example: in flux at the nose, when thou hast used (as I said) letting of blood, or frictions of the joints, or binding, or fixing cururbites under the ribs. But thou shalt not forthwith use to the forehead and head refrigerating medicines, but first revulsion to the contrary parts, fixing in the top of the hinder part of the neck a cucurbite, or boxing as it may be termed, for there is a double eversion of the flux of blood at the nose, both that which is to the lower parts of the whole body, and that which is made to the hinder parts of the head, because the nose is placed both in the higher and also in the former part, for that part which is low, is contrary to that which is higher, and that which is behind, to that which is before. But of flux of blood, we have hitherto abundantly spoken.  
It is evident that the affect named Dyapedeses, is to be cured with astringent and refrigerative medicines, and if it chance at any time through too thin blood, you must use gross diet. What this same diet is, we shall hereafter set out, and we have already after a sort set it out in our Book, which is entitled, De Attenuante victu. Now we must return to the curation of the forenamed affects.  
Therefore the Ulcer which is in the vein, if it be in the over part, hath the like curation to an ulcer in the flesh, of which I have disputed in the two books going before this. For if it come of a green wound, thou must make it close with medicines called Enaema, or if they come of erosion, you must discern them first by reason, and what is spoken of the curation of rebellious ulcers, to prove that by diligence they may be healed.  
Also when as thou wilt use binding, or medicines staunching blood, or hot irons, that is the scope of curation, that thou dost incarnate the places about the lips of the Ulcer, and that thou usest all together the said medicines, which are set out of us in the method of hollow Ulcers.   

The seventh Chapter.  
WE have now said, that the artery being wounded, seemeth to many Physicians impossible to be closed. And that do some of those affirm, who be professors of only Experience, and some using this reason. For they say, the one coat of the artery is hard and cartilagious, but such bodies cannot unite together, when as the ability of uniting is only of soft bodies, as may appear in extreme things, never stone joining to stone, or shell with shell, and also in ourselves, for neither Cartilege with Cartilege, or bone with bone doth grow together, for broken bones truly do not cleave together by unition, but are joining together by Callus, the Greeks call it Poron, as it were with Glue. Therefore we will also begin first with our Experience, and put before your eyes those things that we have seen in women and children, both the arteries to be conglutinated, and also to be compassed about with flesh, and that in the forehead, ankle, joint of the arm, and wrist, such a like thing happened in time passed to a rustical young man, when in the spring time he would be let blood, which our Country men have in great use, but when the Physician who should open the vein, had bound the man's arm, it happened the artery to rise bounching up, and the Physician opened it in stead of the vein, truly the Orifice was very small, the blood strait ways issued out yellow, thin, and hot, and that as it were leaping, pulse like, and the Physician truly, like as he was a very young man, so was he little exercised in the works of the Art, though he had opened the vein, but when I with another of the ancienter Physicians that were present, did behold that which had chanced, preparing a medicine of the kind of Emplasters that staunch blood, I did both diligently join the division, and also by and by laid the medicine on, and upon it bond a most soft Sponge. He which had cut the artery, marveling of our strange doing in this case, I told him what we had done, after we were out of the lodging of him that was let blood, and we commanded him that he did not lose it, we being absent, and that he should not go about it until the fourth day, but letting it remain as it was, only moistening the Sponge, after we unbinding it the fourth day, we found the Incision conglutinated, and we bade him apply the same medicine again, and bind him in like manner as before, and then after many days to lose it, and so the cut artery of this man was healed.  
Among all other, I never saw none cut in the cubit, but Aneurysma followed, to some greater, to other lesser. But how Aneurysma ought to be cured, we will hereafter in his proper place set out, whereas the curation shall be set out of tumors against Nature. Now let us finish our disputation begun.  
Surely the nature of the Artery showeth difficulty of conglutination of the harder coat, but yet not such as may not be overcome, neither yet is it so dry and hard as a bone or cartilege, yea, it is a great deal more soft and fleshy than they are, so that we need so much less to despair of the unition of the division, when both the division is little, and the man's body naturally soft. It seemeth that Experience only doth also subscribe to Reason, when as I have seen it glutinated in children and women, by reason of their moisture, and softness of their bodies and in one young man, whereas is said, the Artery was but little divided. And although an Artery be harder to cure than a vein, yet there is no contrary use of medicines in both, yea, they be all one in kind, varying only by reason of excess and defect. For the Artery doth require so much more drying medicines than the vein, how much by his proper nature he is of drier temperament than the vein.  
But if thou wilt engender flesh about both, they both require like medicines, for flesh is in like sort engendered in compassing the veins and arteries, as is showed in filling of hollow Ulcers. And the veins and arteries that are in the matrix, bladder, or intestines, seeing that they require medicines like in kind, when as they are exulcerated, they also require Instruments, whereby Injections may be made, Metrenchitas, that is, Clysters from the matrice, and a pipe bound right through, and a Clyster. And to these Ulcers which are in the intestines, you may make injections of the liquid medicine, blood warm, contained in a bladder, unto the end of which is annexed a right pipe. The substance of the medicines shall be varied according to the form of the Instrument. Neither is it meet to pour into these Instruments gross medicines, but they require moisture, and therefore for the more part moderately hot. Therefore dry medicines are more apt than those that are named Liquid, because they are easily mixed, either with the juice of Plantain, or any other of like kind. Such be Saffron, and Pompholix, and Aloes, and those that in Greek are called Cephalica. In the first time of engendering flesh, which is presently after the suppression of the blood Terra Lemnia, is an healthful remedy.   

The eight Chapter.  
BUT the Ulcers that are in the lungs, are more hard to be cured, and truly in some the cure is not only difficile, but also seemeth not to be done at all, as well to them that follow Reason, as also to them that profess Experience by Reason, so that among the inward parts, it is thought to be continually moving, whereas those ulcers which are to be cured, require rest and quietness, as Experience showeth, because they never saw any cured that was so affected. And peradventure we may doubt of Experience. For it is meet that we begin here for knowledge sake, for we have seen one, for the he cried loud, another falling from an high place, and another stricken in wrestling, not only presently most grievously to cough, so that also with the cough some to vomit one or two pints of blood, and some other more, of those that were in this case. Some of them were altogether without dolour, and some complained on their breast.  
Furthermore, the blood in those that complained, was not cast out altogether, neither was it much and less red, or hot, as that which came a far of, but to those that were void of grief the blood came gushing out, and much in quantity, being red and hot, manifestly showing that it came not far of. Surely, the transsumption of the blood, from the breast into Aspera Arteria, bringeth a great doubt, but of those Physicians, who suppose that it cannot be sent out by the cote, which investeth the lungs. And peradventure they would have affirmed, that the blood could never be voided by the mouth, out of the breast.  
Many of those that were affected, felt present dolour, & other having an inflammation, which after did supperate, showed a manifest token that the affect was in the breast.  
But now being confounded by these signs, they grant that it cometh from the breast. But while they seek another way, yea, by the cote of the lungs, they are constrained to bring out many, and that absurd things, although as I suppose, they see most evidently in them, whom the Greeks call Empios, the matter itself, which they confess to be in the midst space, betwixt the lungs & the breast, to be spit out from the lungs. We verily have used to them Melicratum, which was injected into the breast, to be spit out from the lungs, in those where was so great an Apostume, that part of the bones was putrefied.  
Surely at Rome, we have seen such affects amongst the Romans, to have after remained in the breast, so that of force we were feign to cut out the affected bone, and in many also the Pannickle, which within is joining to the ribs. This being found putrefied with the corrupt ribs, we are accustomed in this cure to use Melicratum, to be put in by the ulcer, the patient inclining himself on the affected part, to cough, and sometime hastily to blow his nose, and in the mean time with an instrument that draweth out matter, the Greeks call it Pyulcon, to bring out the Melicratum, that remained, this being done when as we trusted that we had voided out both all the matter, and also the Sanies, by & by we injected Medicines, so that in these affects, if thou leavest in the cured space between the breast & the lungs, any moisture, thou shalt presently cause the same to be cast out with coughing. Truly we do marvel of those that doubt of the way by the lungs, why they do not rather doubt how gross blood issueth out of the Callus of a fractured bone, for the blood which issueth, is more grosser than that which is natural, and the substance of the skin is a great deal thicker than the pannickle investing the bones. Therefore as we said, when as any vessel of the lungs is broken, either with falling, or with loud crying, and that without grief there gusheth out much blood hot and fresh, by coughing, you may understand that the wound is in the lungs, the cure must be taken in hand after the manner that we often have done, and that many times with good success. Therefore we must command the patient that he use not great respiration, and furthermore, that he always use silence.  
Furthermore, the inward vein of the cubit must be opened, from which twice or thrice afterward thou shalt take blood, because we may divert it, then rub and bind all the the joints, as we are wont. These things being done, thou shalt first give him to drink Oxicratum, delayed, and blood warm, that if in the inward part, there be any congealed blood being resolved, it may be spit out, and thus do twice or thrice in three hours, then give him some medicine which both hath an Emplastique virtue, and is also astringent, and that first with delayed Oxicratum, or with the decoction of myrtles, or such like astringent.  
Again, at night give him this medicine in like sort, suffering him not to eat any thing if the affect be vehement, but else give him of some supping, that shall be sufficient, and it shall chiefly profit, if the patient be strong, if that the next day a little blood be taken out of the divided vein, and so to continue in diet and medicines, as is aforesaid, unto the fourth day, the breast in the mean time, if it be in Summer, being moistened with oil of Roses, in Winter, with Vnguento Nardino. And if thou wilt use an Emplastique medicine, thou hast an excellent one of our making, which boldly thou mayst also use to other wounds, it is made of Aspaltum and Vinegar, and other which are accustomably mixed to those medicines, which Physicians call Enaema Barbara. But if thou cure a woman with child, or him that hath soft flesh, the medicine that is called Diachalciteos,, is very convenient, whose virtues I have declared in the first book of Composition of medicines. And by this way we have cured many, unto whom we came presently as they felt pain, for this is the greatest thing, unto which it behoveth thee to be greatly attendant, whether presently upon the rapture of the vessel, thou beginnest the curation, that thou dost adglutinate the green wound before there that be inflammation, for if inflammation flow, there is after small hope of agglutination, but yet you may prolong the time. And the cause that such ulcers can hardly or not at all be cured, is, that when the inflammation is cured, the matter and Sanies of the ulcer are to be taken away, but in the matrix or bladder, they are void of their own accord, when as the Patient lieth groveling, and also we may cleanse them. But in the lungs neither of these are to be done. Therefore in all ulcers which are in it, all the purging that is made, is only by coughing.  
But if we command all quietness and small respiration, and to speak little, that the wound may adglutinate, what hope can there be of curation to them that cough, but the cure is to be despaired of, for that through respiration this member doth continually move, and those that have been before our time do judge it so, by the vacuation of the matter and Sanies. But if any is presently cured by this way, the wound will close, and if inflammation do come, the cure is both hard and uncertain, when as the matter & Sanies, cannot be expelled out of the places of the lungs, and that the cough do stretch the parts affected. But those that are brought out of the breast, have a triple advantage more than that which is evacuated out of the lungs. For the substance of Aspera Arteria, which is altogether dry, & void of flesh, is not found in any part of a living creature. These that falleth in the like, are wont to be broken, if any other vein or artery be ruptured, the Aspera Arteria remaining sound, the translation of the blood is by opening of the mouths, called in Greek Sunanastomasis, so that in such, the blood which cometh out, is neither hot, nor red, nor yet much, and these affects at the first seem small, not inducing fear through the great evacuation, but truly they are hereby the more perilous, for the blood congealed about the ruptured parts, which cannot easily pass through Aspera Arteria, letteth agglutination.   

The ninth Chapter.  
IN like sort the wounds of Diaphragma, which are not outwardly, being in the fleshy parts, are found to adglutinate, for all his motion, but those wounds that chance in the nervous parts are incurable, yea, truly the curation also of those that are in the fleshy parts is difficile and hard, if that they be once inflamed, and this is not only in Diaphragma, but also in all the parts contained within Peritoneum, because in it Sanies floweth, but we must give diligence to dry them by all ways possible, both by those medicines which are outwardly put in, but also by those that are taken in at the mouth, small wine to be given with these medicines, which is called Diasparmaton, and that which we have in price, which also we use in the breast that is wounded through, named Diacassia, but both these and also most medicines, which are outwardly applied to such wounds, are spoken of at large in the Treatise of medicines. Here we only set out the methods, which show the way of remedies. Wherefore if at any time, we add any particularly, thou must suppose we do add it only for perspicuity sake.   

The tenth Chapter.  
THerefore let us again repeat the former methods, & show how much the general curation of all ulcers, is particularly to be changed, according to the several parts of man. And hereof we shall chief learn that which was purposed in the whole work, that is, to err so little as may be, in curations, as an appendix of their audacity, which call themselves Methodicians, who if you will credit me, I accustom not to speak of flattery or hatred, they being of all other Physicians most void of Method do condemn. In that at the least they writ, not only of all the ancient Physicians, but also Hypocrates, himself, author of all methods. But the Empirics truly, say that all things which have showed to have been found out by indication, be known to them by experience.  
Now seeing that there is not a third instrument of invention, besides indication, and experience, these using neither of both, yet think themselves worthy to be called Methodicians: therefore let them follow us, and now at the least, let them show one way of curing all ulcers, in every member. Let us hear these good fellows, by what way they will cure an ulcer, and what indications are taken of it, whether there is any other than the ulcer which is plain, to be ciccatrized, that which is hollow, to be filled with flesh, the green wound, to be adglutinated. But how shall I find that which will ciccatrize, and that which will incarnate, and that which will adglutinate, travel not say they, they are already invented, but I can not tell whether rightly, or whether all be found out, it may happen those that are found out, to be of the worst, but the better are not yet invented, or else those which are invented be nought.  
And hereof it cometh that certain ulcers cannot be cured, either in longer time with dolour & needless famishing, neither dare any of them go to a new experience, before he be persuaded that he hath rightly condemned the former way of curing, as in these ulcers of the lungs, which can not be known at all without the knowledge of the anatomy, and of the actions also which they utterly abhor. But for this present let us grant that these Thessalians know the ulcer that is in the lungs. But whether shall we in like case as we have granted this to them, also grant that they know whether it is filthy, or pure, or equal, or hollow, or full of Sanies or matter, or else that they do know it by divine inspiration, or that they have seen these by dreams, or shall we grant that, that without the knowledge of these, every medicine is to be applied, I verily judge that the matter in filthy ulcers is first to be purged, and those that be hollow and pure to be filled with flesh, and then again the matter and Sanies which is about the Ulcer, to be purged, and then ciccatrise to be made.  
But truly I know now how these have cured such ulcers, for Thessalus hath nothing at all written of these, lest he should bewray either his ignorance, or else inconstancy, for either they speak of these, that which is either not with reason, or that which is false, or if any will speak truth, it behoveth that he take indication of those ulcers, of the substance of the part, the situation and form. For admit that they know to discern the ulcer in the lungs, filthy or pure, with inflammation or else without: grant we also unto them, although of a less thing, yet of this they calling not the invention to themselves, that such an ulcer is to be mundified with the green medicine of Macherion, or Isis, all is one. Let them answer me, if the ulcer be in the lungs, what will they do? will they give any of this green medicine to be taken inwardly, it is altogether ridiculous, but let them say which way they know that medicine to be carried into the lungs, but if they might know that, nevertheless the ignorant knoweth not whether it reserveth still that virtue which it had, being outwardly applied to Ulcers, but admit that both they know this, and that it keepeth his force still that it had, being outwardly applied to ulcers, and that it doth purge the filth, yet can they not understand whether it provoketh coughing when as notwithstanding, except the filth should be expelled by coughing, there is no need of a mundificative medicine. But we will also grant them this thing, but yet they cannot deny, but that they use a contrary cure, in the Ulcer of the thighs, and Ulcer of the lungs, for they cleanse the one with water, and mundify the other by coughing.  
Again, imagine the ulcer of the lungs to be compassed with gross matter, will they also then give the green medicine, or rather command the patient to lick Honey, but let them tell whereby they sound this, truly I will not answer that because it hath a certain faculty of extenuating or cutting, when as they do fly most willingly from searching out such faculties, but it is not meet that they should use Honey, as the Empirics do, who by many observations in the like case, have found Honey to profit, first because they despise experience, then for that the Empirics do confess that they know not what affect is in the lungs, in such like concourse, notwithstanding to have by experience found out that which may profit, but it is not enough for Thessalus to cure that which he doth not at all know, but he proceedeth of the indication of affects. But if we truly shall grant as before, that he knoweth all things as well as ourselves, yet can he not escape that, but that the way of curation is changed in divers parts of the body, for it is not one way of curing to make injection, with Mellicratum, into the matrice in a filthy ulcer, or to give Honey to be eaten, or to wash the ulcer with a sponge, but these yet be but of small account, the other of great, let us imagine an old Ulcer to be in many parts, without inflammations, as in the eye, ear, nose, mouth, thigh, belly, matrice, fundament, and privy members, let it be also, that the same Ulcer is either plain or wanteth a little hereof.  
Let these Thess. which have never separated these, answer us how they will ciccatrize it, forsooth with Diacadmia, for that can well ciccatrize an ulcer which is in the thigh, but can that also ciccatrise that which is in the ear? I will declare to you a thing perchance incredible, but yet known to the Gods. I once found one of these most sapient Thessalians curing an old ulcer in this sort, when as the ear of the man did putrefy, & worms grew in it, for that it was to soon ciccatrised with Diacadmia, notwithstanding suffering him many days to use the like medicine, was because the ear did daily more grievously stink, and was filled with matter, we see him presume a more incredible thing than before, for he supposing that in the depth of the ear, there was inflammation, he used Tetrapharmacon, which truly must more increase, the putrefaction of the part, because it cannot exicate the ulcer, but maturate the inflammation, & when as he had used this medicine one day, to cure the affect, and thou mayst know it to be most repugnant, by and by there was a great deal more matter, and an intolerable stench, wherefore the friends of the patient would not suffer the Thessalian, to touch any more the ear, & he truly of impudency and foolishness, would not only put in some of the Tetrapharmacon, but outwardly also apply a relaxing emplaster, but when as the kinsfolk of the patient drew him away, suspecting the patient to be in great peril, I desired them that the Thessalian might have the curation one day longer. For the next day after, the matter was more abundant, and the stench most grievous, which day I did assay, whether I might change the mind of the Thessalian, lest he should kill those that were sick: ye forsaken sect, so far void of all method, might yet save some hereafter, though they be few, than I began with the fellow in this sort, whether or no said I, seemeth it unto thee, that there is an inflammation in the inward part of the ear, & therefore thou usest relaxative medicines, and he did stoutly vouch it so to be, and also that it could not be otherwise: whether or no said I, hast thou seen at any time an Ulcer joined with inflammation to be cured, with most sharp Vinegar and Glauces? Never in my life saith he, for if any do use the Trochisce of Andro dissolved in vinegar, he may peradventure cause convulsion: Ergo (said I) if one useth another medicine more stronger than the Andronian Trochisce, in most sharp vinegar, and that to the care, which is a part so near the brain, and his coats, whether thou being judge, shall he make convulsion, and especially if there be inflammation, these things seemed to be true both to him and to the company present, wherefore in the respect of the state of the parts, which require such as may chiefly exiccate, but now being made tender with the curation, I would use such a medicine.  
Now for that thou hast abused them many days, it is not meet at once, or at one brunt, to turn them to the contrary, for it is lawful for thee and Thessalus to contemn custom, as well as the nature of the parts, but thou mayst not so do, but the first day I will use Vinegar with Glaucium, the second day the Trochise of Andron, and the third day I will go to a more vehement medicine than the Trochisce of Andro is, and using this three or four days, if then I shall perceive the Ulcer to require a more vehement medicine, I will nothing doubt to use it, & outwardly I will apply it to the part of the head, where the ear is infected, now surely as thou dost a relaxing Cataplasm, but some one medicine that can vehemently exiccate, such a medicine as is made with Salicen, or else apply Andronean Trochisce with Vinegar, or some other that doth more dry, for seeing the part which we cure is most dry, it behoveth most strongly to dry it, for that the affect itself may be cured, it showeth that the contrary must be applied to the part itself that it is most like unto, and so as I have said, I wrought and cured the man without any more vehement medicine. But to certain other which require more stronger medicines, whereas the Ulcer had infested the ear one or two years, we applied a medicine more vehement than these rehearsed, and that was Scorta Ferri, beaten and seared through a most fine Searce, and after brought as it were unto fine flower, and ofter boiled in most strong Vinegar unto the thickness of Honey, it is certain that there must be a great deal of Vinegar in the mixture, but as I have often said, thou must seek thee plenty of medicines in other of our Commentaries.  
Now we have finished that belongeth to a method, for seeing the place of hearing is most dry, it doth require medicines that may most vehemently exiccate, which we may not apply to any other part, but to the ulcerate part, peradventure the Collirium made of Dialibanoton, unto the nose.  
Also it behoveth to use that which is more drying than in the eyes, but yet not so much as to the ears. Wherefore all the Trochisce rehearsed be profitable, and also the medicine ascribed to Musa, and other of the like kind. All Ulcers of the mouth if the be moist, requirey vehement exiccatives, as Diaphrigis, both alone, and also mixed with Honey, or Wine, or oxymel, and further, that which is called Iris Anthera, and these either dry, either mixed with Honey. Also Mulsa is a medicine for these profitable. Also the juice of Rhois and Omphacine, and other which do strongly dry. What do I tarry in rehearsing these matters? But the simpler Ulcers of the mouth may aptly be cured by medicines which do moderately dry, as these, which for that they are in continual use, are called Stomatica, such medicines be Diamoron, and of the fruit of Rubus, and of the juice of green husks of walnuts, and yet more than these, that which is made of Must and Cypress, and those Ulcers of the mouth that are very moist, near unto the bones, so that the bones be in danger to be putrefied, these because of the nature of the bones which is dry, requireth most vehement desiccatives, therefore I do always make fine the Trochisce aforesaid, and put to these medicines dry.   

The xi. Chapter.  
furthermore, we have before set out the kind of medicines meet for the bladder, matrix, and Intestines, and lungs, which you must use in every of them, taking the kind of the medicine of the substance of the sick part, but first considering the affect, and taking the way of using them, of the form and situation, and hereof sprang clysters, for the mouth in Greek called Otenchitas, and Clysters for the matrix, named Metrenchitas & Catheteras, and the Clysters for other parts. Ulcers in the stomach, breast, and lungs, are cured by those medicines which are eaten and drunken: the Ulcers in the Intestines are two ways cured, for those that are next to the stomach, are cured by those medicines which are eaten and drunken, and those which are lower in the intestines, are cured by injections made, when neither that which is ministered by low by Clysters, can come to those Ulcers that are near unto the stomach, neither that which is received at the mouth, can in full strength come to the lower parts, and so the Ulcers in the breast and lungs, are more hardly cured than those in the stomach, for that they are further off, and there the strength of the medicine somewhat abated, and for this cause the medicines received at the mouth, aught to be stronger than those which are presently applied to the Ulcer, and for that cause the Physicians have excogitated most strong and cutting medicines, whereas they will purge the matter in the breast and lungs, yea verily, such as would ciccatrize the Ulcer if it were in the stomach.  
Also that this is thrown out by coughing, that is taken of the form of the parts, because these have no such passage, as the matrix, bladder, ear, nose, and mouth, and hereof cometh it, that the stomach may be purged two ways, upward by vomit, and downward by the stool, for this kind of Indication is taken of the Instrumental parts, inasumuch as they be instrumental, like as those that are to be exiccated, are taken of the nature of the similar parts of the affects themselves again, such as in Ulcers, because our disputation was of them, but that they are to be dried, as is before set out, and also if they will purge matter in the stomach, they cannot without danger provoke vomit, for if there be phlegm fixed in it, to cleanse it by oxymel and roots, but they shall more safely use dejection when it is perlllous, lest he that vomiteth should tear that is ulcerate, and should attract some ill juice from the parts adjacent, and for this cause the Ulcers of the lungs are most hard to be cured, because thou canst not purge them but by coughing, and if thou provokest the cough, thou tearest the parts, so that the ill by mutual success, cometh to a circle, or as we may term it, made worse, for those parts which are torn, do again make inflammation, and secondly the inflammation must be maturated, and the matter again requireth to be purged, so that of all these the cure is made difficile, both for that those medicines which are convenient, cannot touch the Ulcers, as they may in the stomach, and that in the mid way, they lose well near their virtue. And further, because by respiration they are moved, and are rend by coughing, wherefore when as any vessel in the lungs is ruptured, if it be not adglutinated before there cometh inflammation, know thou that afterward it is incurable.   

The xii. Chapter.  
But the ulcers which are in the inward cote of Aspera Arteria, & chiefly which are near Larinx, or else in it these may be cured, and we have healed diverse which were so affected, truly we find the curation of these ulcers, by this occasion, in the beginning of this great Pestilence (which I pray God may once cease) a young man who had been sick now nine days, all his body broke out full of ulcers, which happened well near to all that escaped, & that day he coughed somewhat, the day following when he had bathed him, he forthwith coughed more vehemently, and therewith voided a little crust named Ephelcis, and the man had manifest feeling of an ulcer in Aspera Arteria, that is in the neck near unto jugulum, and he also opening his mouth, we looked in his throat, if that there were any ulcer in it, but we could see none, and truly the patient should manifestly have felt it, by the going down of the meat and drink, if any had been there, and we also to be more certain, made him take certain things with Vinegar and Mustard, but none of these did bite him, and yet he felt dolour and pain in his neck, in which place he was so vexed, that he was constrained to cough, we persuaded him all that we might, that he should resist it, and not cough, which thing he did, and that with the more ease. For that which did irritate was little, and we by all possible means, gave diligence to ciccatrize the Ulcer, applying outwardly medicines exiccatives, and he lying upright, we gave him moist of those medicines, which are good in such like ulcers, bidding him to hold it in his mouth, and by little and little to let it flow into Aspera Arteria, he so doing, said he felt manifestly the force of an astringent medicine above the Ulcer, whether that the force of it by transumption was sent thither, or whether the medicine itself in form of a dew floweth through the Artery, as it were strained to the Ulcer, the patiented himself was void of the knowledge in Physic, being of the number of those which cure by use, and exercitation imperically.  
Therefore he said that he felt both the medicine flow into the artery, and that it also sometime provoked coughing, but he did much strive and stayed the cough, and he of his own accord, being taken with the sickness at Rome, remained three days after the nine days were passed, after taking ship first he sailed through a River to the Sea, the fourth day after he came by shipping to Tabia, and used the milk, which hath a marvelous virtue, and not without cause commended. Of which somewhat to speak, the time itself giveth occasion, and not only of that milk we will speak which is at Tabia, but also of all other milk, neither must we only help those which are in Italy, but all other Nations as much as we can. Wherefore touching the milk in Tabia, there do come many things touching his praise, both the place itself being of sufficient light, and the air compassing about being dry, and the healthful fodder for the cattle, and this also may any do by art in other places, if any show the herbs and shrubs, in an hill somewhat high, which may make the milk both astringent and healthful, of which we will hereafter show examples. But yet thou canst not also make the air ambient, in like sort therefore thou mayst choose the likest there as thou art.  
The air shall be most like where there are such things like it, the height of the hill moderate, thirty furlong from the Sea, or somewhat more, the place itself toward the Sea, for Tabia is in the lowest strait which is betwixt Surrentum and Naplis, but more one the side toward Surrentum.  
Furthermore, all that side of the hill is of good bigness, stretching in length to the Sea Tirrhenum, this hill doth a little bend toward the West, neither goeth it wholly toward the South, therefore this Hill doth keep the strait free from the wind which bloweth from the East, Eurus subsolanus and Boreas, there is joined to this in the lowest of the strait, another big Hill, which the ancient Romans in their Histories, and those also that be now diligent, call Veswium, now Veswium is a a famous and new name, and known to all men, for the fire sent out of the earth in it, which thing doth not as I think, help to the dryness of the air, and that beside the fire, there is not in all the strait either standing water, marish, or flood of any account, this Veswius Hill is toward all those winds, which blow from the North toward the Eastuall setting of the Sun, and much ashes cometh from it, even to the Sea, being the ashes of that burnt in the hill, and of that which yet is burned, all these make the air dry: surely there may be the like dry hill in other parts of the earth found, that is not far from the Sea, neither yet so big, that it is subject to the violence of winds, nor yet so low, that it shall receive easily the vapours of the fields. Beware also that it be not toward the North, so should it be averted from the Sun, and if it may be in a temperate place of the world as that is which is at Tabias, it should so much profit, let the herbs in the Hill be these, Agrostus, and Lotus, and Poligonon, and Melissofillon, the shrubs, also Lentiscus, Arbutus, and Rubus, and Hedera, and Cetisis, and such like, and so hast thou the hill prepared. The cattle that do feed on the Hill at Tabias', are Kine, and the milk of these beasts is as thick as the milk of Asses is thin, and I truly lest there should be any kind of milk that might profit, wanting of Kine thick milk, of Ass' thin, and of Goats that which is a mean, I did put in to feed, both Kine, Asses, and Goats, the old Physicians would have a woman giving milk, to those that are consumed with Pthoe, to stand and give them suck, unto whose mind I agree, both for that it is natural, and also for that they would have it taken before it were refrigerated of the ambient air.  
Furthermore, let this be to thee a great precept, that those that shall have need to drink milk, that the beast standing present, they drink it presently as it is milked, putting Honey into it, whereas it curdeth in the stomach, or if thou wilt have it spéedelier to pass into the belly, add some salt. And the young man that had an ulcer through the Pestilence in Aspera Arteria, was cured of it, and many other after him.  
Another young man of xviij. years in age, when as he was vexed with Catarrhus many days, first with the cough he voided blood fresh, but not much, after that, a piece of the pannicle which outwardly covereth all Aspera Arteria, ascending unto Larinx, it seemed to me, conjecturing both by his thickness, and feeling of the patiented to be the inward tunicle of Larinx, but this hurt not his voice, and this also though in longer time, it was perfectly cured, but those which come to this affect through the Pestilence, seemed to be very easily cured, for that his whole body was here purged and dried, for that many of them did vomit, and all were made laxative, so that those which escaped were purged, they had black Pustules abundantly through the whole body. In many they were ulcerous, but in all they were dry, and it was manifest to many that beheld them, that they were the dregs of the blood, which putrefied in the Fever, which as it were like certain ashes, Nature did thrust out to the skin, like as it thrust out many other superfluities, but there is no need of Medicines for these Exanthemata, when they fall off by themselves in this sort, those that had the upper part of the skin ulcerate, the crust of the ulcer fell off, and the part under it was almost whole, and after a day or two was ciccatrized, others whose skin was not ulcerate, the Exanthemata itself was rough and scabby, and fell away like a certain scale, and after were cured, therefore it is no marvel though those that have Exanthemata in the lungs, be cured because of the dryness of the Ulcers, the which before we have showed, that the purposed scope of curation in all Ulcers, that in these Ulcers springing through the pestilence, was here present, for they were all dry and rough, and many of them like to a scab, and many like Lepria, therefore seeing that Experience testifieth with reason, and that the curation of ulcers have this one end, that is to say, to be exiccated, you may save many of those that casteth forth blood from the lungs, as we ourselves have done.   

The thirteenth Chapter.  
NOw we have before declared how those shall be cured, that have broken any great vessel of the lungs, either through falling from high, or that they immoderately did strain them in crying, or did bear a burden above their strength, or any hard or weighty thing outwardly have fallen on their breast, but how they may be conveniently cured, which putteth forth blood, through Catarrhus, we shall now declare, putting for more manifest doctrine, a like example, of that the curation which was done to a noble woman at Rome, when as she heard such like talk, as we right now had of those, that rejecteth blood out of the lungs, & that she had spit out in the night, somewhat either through Catatrhus, or through coughing, presently she sent for me, promising herself to be obedient to all things, I would command her, for she had heard before that time, some that if one applied not presently strong medicines, and that before the Ulcer was inflamed, all was in vain, and that this was the cause of their destruction, which rejected blood, therefore we thought not good to let her blood, because through the dryness of her body, she had abstained four days from meat. But commanded that she should use sharp clysters, then with some hot medicine, to rub much the thighs and hands, and after to shave the head, on which I laid the medicine that is made of Stockdoves dung, and after three hours, I bathed her, not touching the head with any fat things, thus I covered the head with a convenient cap, and for that time I nourished her with supping, after which, I gave her some of the Austere fruits of Autumn, and when she went to bed, I gave her of Triakle four months old, and being no elder, it hath yet the juice of poppy, somewhat strong, which is more dull in that which is old, therefore it provoketh sleep, and drieth fluxes, & doth a little make thick, and the Catarrh perfectly gone, it did manifestly appear both by the kind of respiration and noise, that once the lungs needed purging, by provoking the cough, but that pleased me not. At the lest the second day, but keeping her in all silence, and rubbing also the joints, and binding them, I commanded all the other parts of the body to be rubbed, the head except, which yet was hot by ●…e medicine, again at night, I gave her of Triakls as much as one of our country beans in quantity, and this was not so much by a great deal, as that she had received the day before, after that she had also slept well this night, the third day betimes I gave her largely of boiled Honey, and kept her in quiet, and the day increasing, I as before did rub all her body, and gave her to eat a Ptisan with a little bread, the fourth day betimes, I gave her treacle, that was old, mixed with Honey largely, and putting on the woman's head the same medicine, which did vehemently dry and heat, she being bathed & moderately nourished, I began the first day to purge the lungs more vehemently, and after that again and again, I used the syrup called Diatapsias, and I set all the study about the body, ingestation, frixion, walking and abstaining from bathing and in diet, that was both moderate and also of good juice to nourish. This woman was perfectly well, having no need of milk.  
another young man, when as he had cast up half a pint of blood, through coughing, which came through distillation, but to the refrigerating the instruments of breathing, presently I let him blood. And the same day twice I took away blood, and of that same vein, again the day following, I took blood twice, but using the day before: both rubbing of the joints and binding, at night we gave him our medicine, called Diasparmaton. The second day after the other taking away of blood, I applied to all his breast, a cerote called Diathapsia, taking it away again at night, lest that it should to much heat. The third day again I laid it to three hours, and after bathed him. I did nourish him in manner aforesaid the third day, the first two days with supping, the third day first with the juice of Ptisana, after forthwith with some flesh which was of easy concoction, and simply prepared.  
I gave also at night, the second and the third day, the medicine Diasparmaton, because it doth induce sleep, and take away pain, and hath power to exiccate, and when the members of respiration were in their natural temperature, and all the body empty, and that there was no suspicion of inflammation about the mixtured place, I began to purge him, after that drinking treacle of twenty years old, I sent him to Tabias, and in this sort I cured all those which came to me the first day.   

The xiv. Chapter.  
THose that came after two or three days, the ulcer was not cured in them all, but in certain, as many as had inflammation so great, that they had a Fever, of these there was none perfectly cured, but following orderly, all the helps, that the ulcer might be dried, they did so much that it increased no more, but being dried, and indurated with Callus, they lived longer. And those that have an ulcer in the lungs, coming through erosion of ill juice, they seem all to me to be uncurable, of whom some have said, that they feel their spittle as salt liquor, and that the malice of ill juice, require a long time or it be corrected, and in time one of these two must of force follow, either drying the ulcer to make Callus, and so the affect to remain incurable, or else not drying, it doth putrefy, and also devour the parts about it, and so in time the lungs to putrefy further, among those that had ill juice, & thereof did cough, yet not rejecting hitherto blood, by these our providence were made perfect: at the first it doth behove to be most careful, that neither the cough, neither that any thing floweth out of the head into the lungs, he shall fly that by a three fold remedy: first by purging, next by taking Diasparmaton, and last, by having regard to the head.  
That which shall purge, must have diverse faculties, to purge diverse kinds of excrements, of which sort are our Pills, which are made of Aloes, Scammony, Colocinthis, Agarice, Bdellium, and gum Arabice, they will also suffice, which are made without gums, & after if need require, use to purge black choler. The head shall be provided for with the cerote called Diathapsia, & these are at the first to be done. After the Patient is to be nourished with meats of good juice, friction, walking, and bathing, we will show the method of these in a convenient place of our work, and surely these are such as have most need of milk, and those that neglect it, of all other are incurable, but as concerning letting of them blood, know that those which seem to have a little blood, being brought, as is said, to some better juice, thou may let blood, and again restore in like sort. Also to purge, and again restore, and then again if need be, to let blood, and especially whereas the mass of blood, is as it were a vicious and gross skin, but those that are strong, and have much blood, must by and by at the beginning be let blood.   

The xv. Chapter.  
THere is none of all these, which I have either now, or before declared, that I have invented or used, according to Hippocrates way, which is not examined and approved by judgement, but also tried by experience, in which we suffered the perils of the error. They shall have profit by the use of them that have regard to the works of the art, for some of their talks are true, and some sophistical, but what speak I of Sophists? when as there are some Physicians of estimation, which have set out whole volumes of rejection of blood, and have written many small rules right well, making no mention of any principal remedy, understanding by little and little, those things which rightly admoveth the sick to get his health again, in those that are not altogether desperate, and are cured by letting blood and purgation, and those things which strengthen the head, and we shall hereafter speak more diligently of letting blood, when as we shall show the curation of ill juice. Therefore we must not begin, as many physicians judge, with small remedies, neither must we think as they do say, that these small remedies are first to be proved, and then if they do profit nothing we shall apply greater, this opinion is true in such diseases as are without danger, but it is furthest from reason, to begin with small remedies, where the patient must die, if he once have Pthoe. For like as all other things are rightly set out of Hypocrates, so also is that Aphorism rightly said, that unto extreme diseases, principally extreme remedies profit, by what opinion therefore was Erasistratus so mad, so slow & dull in the beginning of such affects, but after when occasion was past, to be so diligent, for being persuaded by a most fond reason, he never doth let blood, when as blood is required, nor purgeth any man, or yet doth exicate his head. From which things if the patiented being in danger of that Pthoe, keep and abstain himself, although all other things be rightly done, I think he doth nothing more, for he refuseth to let blood, and doth only use to divert it with binding of the joints, whereby as he himself saith, there may remain plenty of blood against the time of inflammation, and that we be not for want of it, to nourish the patient, but peradventure some will say: sir how Erasistratus? If after the ruptured vein, the inflammation occupieth the lungs, there is no cause why thou shalt hope to cure the man, for considerations which I have set out before. Wherefore he shall now no more need this travel, being betrayed, or deceived, by thee at the beginning, for he doth like to a governor of a ship, when through his negligence, the ship is cast away, he giveth to some one of the passengers a board in his hand, and persuadeth him so to save his life, but Erasistratus, perchance did suppose, that an inflammation was in the number of those, that necessarily follow a wound. Notwithstanding if he so thought, he was in great ignorance, when any man may behold great wounds without inflammation, to be glutinated, of six hundredth, such as daily do fight a combat, so that the second, or fourth day, they be in safety, and we have cured many of those, who had some vessels of the lungs ruptured, by falling, crying, or stripe, before that any inflammation sprang in the ruptured vessel, and if he do affirm any of these, to have inflammation of the lungs, he doth repugn with his own decrees, affirming both that, and the principal covering, which is next to the heart, to have inflammation, and also to be free from a fever, also the inflammation being broken the man to void out nothing. Therefore again, let him hear of us, that the Ulcer can not be adglutinated, if the lungs be inflamed, and that if inflammation cometh, of force he shall have a Fever, and that when the inflammation is broken, the patient shall with coughing void matter.  
Therefore if one hath never a Fever, or cough, nor voided no Sanies, from the ulcer, and inflammation, by what reason is there in the lungs of this man any inflammation. Therefore both this principal remedy is unjustly of him condemned, & also he letteth slip purging, without making mention of it, it is no medicine of affect, set out of him against any of the forenamed kind of griefs, but if the head send down flux, it shall be kept in the same state, or if that cough followeth, through intemperateness of the members serving respiration, that shall also so remain, so that Erasistratus, shall be like unto the Image maker, who, when the parts were perfectly made and finished, he left the Image without eyes, for to what beauty I pray you are the other parts, when as thou wantest thine eyes. Afterward a God's name, seeing so excellent men have erred, that famous man Thessalus, which doth not at all know the art, judgeth himself worthy to be called a Methoditian, and we see now almost all his disciples to let blood, not only to many unto whom blood letting is not profitable, but also to those kind of remedies which ought to be judged hurtful, especially, if they should stand in their own suppositions, and also to those that are strong, which reject and put forth blood, either by vomiting, or coughing, but how shall these hang together, that both they bid to let blood, where there is rejecting of blood, and that in their Commentaries they writ the remedy, herein to agree with adstrict diseases.  
Now therefore let them call themselves no more Methodicians, but Empirics. If setting apart reason, which they think to be right, to use only experience, to the finding out of remedies, are they not in these most clearly found neither by reason, neither by any Method, to do any thing. Much more when as they say the parts are unprofitable, to the finding out of the cure.  
But if any doth call to mind those things which we have taught, of the Ears, Nose, Eyes, Mouth, Breast, and Lungs, also of that we have said, of the matrix, bladder, and stomach, he shall find them to err, all the way, such one was he, that to the inflammation in the secret parts, he applied the Macedonian medicine, and with this also a relaxing Cataplasm, even that notable one, that is made of Bread, water, and Oil, also another like to him who used the same medicines to the place exulcerate.  
But we will speak of such, when we shall dispute of inflammations, but those Ulcers, which are in the yard, or fundament, without inflammation, require no relaxing Cataplasm, but a Ciccatrizing medicine, not only of that nature, that may ciccatize the Ulcers in the flesh, but that they may so much the more exciccate, as these parts are drier than the flesh, yea, and that which thou mayst more marvel, the Ulcers which are in the end of the yard called Pene, are more to be dried, and those which are in the neck of the Bladder, called Cole, and those which are without the end of it, called the acorn or Glans.  
But the Ulcers in the foreskin are to be less dried, and yet less than these, whatsoever are in the skin which covereth. Therefore when as one of these Methodlesse Physicians (I mean these Thessalians) could not cure a moist Ulcer, in the acorn, or Glance, with Epulotike medicines, that is with such as do make a ciccatrize.  
He chose me of counsel, & when he heard of me the part required a more drying medicine, because it was of drier nature, he did forth with believe me, but being of force constrained to use some of our medicines, the ulcer was cured in. 3. days, and it did well appear that the Physician rejoiced, not so much in the health of the patiented, as he was sorrowful he was trained up in ill kind of doctrine, for the medicines used of us which is made of Paper combust, cureth these kind of ulcers, like as Dill and Gourds, being combusted and strewed upon the grieved part, and used as before, and other like which in like sort do vehemently dry, & if there be any such ulcer, void of moisture, to such only Aloes is a convenient medicine, it must be sprinkled in, but dried and made into most fine powder, and it doth also cure well the ulcers of the fundament, with dry Cadmia, washed in wine and dried, hath the same virtue, and lethargy is of like faculty, next in virtue is Molibdena, and Pomphelix, doth less induce dolour than the rest, and is not to any of them inferior.  
If the ulcers be moist, both the rind of the Pine tree alone, and also Lapis Hematites, be very good, and if there be any deepness, when as thou wilt raise flesh, put to any of the foresaid medicines, so much Manna, as shall suffice to incarnate withal, neither doth this Methodlesse sect, know any of these, so much as by dreaming, seeing they suppose that every wound, in what part of the body so ever it be, require one curation, neither how it behoveth to cure certain wounds, as those which do happen to Abdomen, of which in the book following we shall entreat, with all those which yet do remain.   
FINIS.   

THE sixth BOOK of Galen, called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in Latin, Methodus Medendi.  
The effect of the same.  

1 The curation of the Nerves contused, and the tendons vulnerated.  
2 The curation of wounds which are in Peritoneum.  
3 The curation of the inward wounds of Peritoneum which reach to Abdomen and Omentum.  
4 The curation of the affects which chance to the bones.   

The first Chapter.  
I Nothing doubt but that there be many, unto whom I do seem prolix, in that I have hitherto set out, how by a method one kind of disease may be cured. It is truly meet, that they do not so much impute the length of them unto me, as unto these, who little understanding such things, as Hippocrates most truly hath written, do unjustly go about to reprehend them, who as I have showed, do not know how to cure rightly an ulcer, much less then, that which is greater, and that one kind of disease, in which an ulcer is numbered. It skilleth not whether you call it solution of continuity, or unity, which now is showed, and the method of curing it, in what member of the body so ever it be, keepeth the common Indications, which are taken of the affect, but those that be taken of the parts will have other affects. When this happeneth in the fleshy parts, it is called an ulcer, and hath indication of curing, which is common to all affects against nature, that is, the affect itself, which as it is an affect, is to be taken away by his contrary, as division by unition, for the generation of this affect consisteth in division of unity, and therefore in the bone it is called a fracture, in Greek Catagma, in the nervous pannicles Spasma, in the muscles, a ruption, whose differences are before set out, yet to this disease when as it happeneth in a vein or artery, it hath no proper name, but borroweth sometime the name of an ulcer, sometime of a wound, and sometime of a ruption, but we have often said, that he ought not to be so careful for the names, whose scope is, to find out the knowledge of things. Therefore neglecting names, let us rather hast hither, seeing that health to the patiented cometh not of exquisite imposition of names, but through convenient remedies: again, let us call to mind this most impudent Thessalus, which setting out no method of curing an ulcer, supposeth that he hath showed them all, for very idiots do know, that an hollow ulcer must be filled, & a simple wound adglutinated, yet doth not the vulgar people know by what method he may find medicines, wherewith that which is hollow may be filled, or that which is simple may be adglutinated, & that is put out to be considered of the Physician, in which one excelleth another, for as we have heretofore said, who that is exercised in the curative method, shall both find out remedies, and also use rightly such as are already invented.   

The second Chapter.  
ANd that we may now set out any thing that may hence forth agree with that is before set out, let us feign one to come unto us, who hath only his skin pricked with a needle, if this man be such a one, in whom ulcers will easily be healed, if thou let him go to his accustomed labours without medicine, yea, the member being also bare, he shall taste of no ill, but if he be such a one in whom ulcers will hardly be cured, than the member will first ache, then have a pulse, & also inflammation, but the Empiric shall learn the nature of the patiented, by examining & questioning, we truly by such examination, using all these things which are found out by experience, & nothing the less by those signs, which we take of the natures of good & ill juice. And furthermore, of those which be of quick or dull feeling. Moreover, of those which are burdened with fullness, or have but little juice, being not ignorant that he shallbe oppressed with inflammation, which is either Plethorique, or have evil juice, the Greeks call them Cacochymci, or is of quick feeling, or vexed with some of these, or else with all, & that he that is contrary shall feel no hurt, & we beholding these things, will not put to adglutinative. Such are many of their medicines which are called Enema, & be presently applied to green wounds, but a soft medicine and gentle, & that shall assuage dolour, but when as there is a great division, there we must bend our study that the lips of the wound, may be united and closed with desiccatives, and where the division is made with a needle or steel, there regard must chiefly be had, that the part be not vexed with inflammation, and hereof it is manifest, that the indication of a green wound set out of Thessalus, doth hitherto teach us no more than every private person knoweth, for it is no great matter to know what behoveth to be done, being a thing naturally grafted in all men, but to know how thou shalt perform it, that only doth belong to Artists, for if any should build a ship, we all know (yea, being no Shipwrights) in what place the things which govern the ship are to be placed, in what place the stern must be, and where the beak should stand, and all the rest, yet all these profit us nothing, being ignorant how the ship is to be builed. In like sort, he that goeth about to build an house, is not ignorant, that the foundations of the walls are first to be laid, neither that the walls set on these, or that are to be erected, aught to be directly right, neither that the roof must be set on these walls, neither that the windows, doors, and other parts of the house must be accordingly placed, but what doth these things help to the building of a House, insomuch as he being ignorant in the art of building, knoweth not how to build it. Therefore it seemeth sufficient unto Thessalus, of all other men most sapient, touching an artificious knowledge, to understand what ought to be done, but we have showed in these Books before written, that this is but a certain beginning of those works which are looked for of the Artists, being no proper part of the art, but such as is common to all men, for the first indications in every art, are naturally grafted in all men.  
Wherefore if this be sufficient to make Artists, what letteth but we may build ships, and make matter, and all men may readily make shoes, and garments, and houses, and also to be Architectistes, Musicians, and Rethoritions, but it is not so, neither is he a Physician, that knoweth how that there must be made natural union in the wounded part, but he which understandeth with what things that may be done, although that this is not enough, if he knew not how to use them, but he only is a Physician, who knoweth all the way so far, until he may attain his desired scope. Therefore it happeneth to these methodlesse Disciples of Thessalus, that presuming great things above their might, they attain not unto those, which otherwise they might. For when one lately was wounded with a Style in the hand, in such sort, that all the skin being divided, some of the nerves under was pricked, a sapient Thessalian in the beginning applied an emplaster, which he often used with good success in great wounds, he thought (I suppose) that every wound had one curation, but an inflammation following, he applied a Cataplasm, which is made of wheat flower, and so rotting the member, killed him within seven days. Neither can it be numbered how many have perished by convulsion, happening into their Peoman hands. Whereby if God will, this Thessalians decree may be kept, and every green Ulcer is like to be healed, and that the parts affected giving no indication. But the true method is not as this methodlesse method of Thessalus, but even now, and that after so great Physicians, there may be found, not only better medicines than have been, but also a universal way of curing, for no man using presently at the beginning those medicines which we have invented, sell into convulsion, for I truly noted whereof a nerve was, and how there follow of necessity greater dolour than in other parts, because it hath sharpness of feeling, and that also of force there followeth inflammation, except one did assuage the dolour, and let the generation of inflammation.  
Therefore it seemeth reasonable to me, that the wound of the skin be kept open, and without glutination, whereby the matter may flow out of the wound, and then to unburden the body of all superfluities, and chiefly to be careful that the wounded part be free from dolour, so I have excogitated not a few medicines, which being applied to the wound, doth marvelously serve both uses, both to mitigate dolour, and to make way to the coming out of the matter, and it shall be more sure if the skin be wider cut, and that the body be emptied by blood letting, if the Patient be strong. And if the body be full of ill humours, presently purge him, and warm water, (although it doth much mitigate other inflammations,) it is most hurtful to wounded nerves, seeing their substance is made of a moister matter refrigerated and congealed, and all such constitution is resolved, and doth putrefy by those things which do both make hot and moist, therefore I kept those which were thus wounded from warm water, judging it meeter to foment the place with warm oil, because that I have also showed, that oil being applied cold, doth stop the small pores, but if it be hot, it doth digest.  
Furthermore, I fled also crude oil, called in Greek Omotrives, and that which had an astringent faculty, & those which was most thin, as Sabinum, which if it be two or three years old, is the more profitable, for because that which is old, doth more digest by evaporation than that which is new, and how much elder it is, so much it is able to digest, but yet it doth less cease dolour in medicines. All my whole scope was to have their faculty attenuated, and moderately heating, and which might exiccate without inducing of dolour, seeing that this only could draw the matter from the bottom, the part being thereby neither contracted nor yet bitten. Truly I first used Turpentine and Rosen both alone, and mixing with it also a little Euphorbium, I used it alone in Children and Women, and generally in soft bodies, but with Euphorbium in hard bodies: in like sort also Propolis, both alone, and softening it also with Euphorbium, and if it were more hard with some thin oil. I use also in hard bodies Sagapenum, mixing it with oil and Turpentine, and after the like sort also I use Apoponax, even as I do Sagapenum. Also Lachrima, Epreniaca, is not unprofitable, if one make an emplaster of it, in such sort as we have made with Euphorbium, but we have not approved this by experience, as we have done all the other, for it behoveth that the invention of remedies which cometh from a true method, doth go before, and then experience for the more certainty to follow this, and we hope that by the same Method. Also Sulphur which hath not touched fire, nor is stony, but of thin parts, shall profit him that is wounded in the nervy parts, mixing so much of it with thin oil, as that it come to the thickness of Sordium, or as you would say, rotten matter which cometh out of a sore, and in strong and hard bodies thou shalt profit if it be as thick as Honey, for that is also allowed by Experience, we have also excogitated, to apply to this wound washed Lime mixed with thick Oil, which if it were washed with the Sea water, it would more profit, it is best to wash it in the dog days, and if thou dost wash it three or four times, the medicine is the better, but in what manner such medicines are to be prepared, thou shalt understand in our Commentaries which we have set out of the composition of Medicines. And it is here sufficient for me to show that I have invented both these, and many other medicines against the wounds of Nerves, seeing that I never saw them used under any Master, neither yet see them set out in any of the old Books of curing, or in the Books of the faculties of the ancient Physicians, but I took indication of the nature of things, which I think to be the office of the Physicians which useth a Method.  
But this wonderful Thessalus, when he never yet invented one medicine, doth affirm, that even now the matter of them to be known, but the matter of many medicines, which we have excogitated, is not only unknown to Thessalus, and the Physicians before his time, but unto those which hath been since, until this day. For I in times past being called unto one, which was made rotten of these methodelsse Thessalian Physicians, and beheld that he would apply that Cataplasm which is made of Wheat meal, having no other medicine present, I asked of a certain Potter, neighbour to the patiented some lée, and by boiling it in Barley meal, and not in oil and water, as he did the Wheat meal, I applied it. After which, in like sort, the meal of Eruum boiled, I applied it to the nerve, the inflammation being inflamed and rotten, by the good cure of these Thessalians, I delivered the Patient from the same putrefaction. But of these wounds which putrefy with inflammation, we will largely dispute in a convenient place of this work, and that is now said is sufficient for wounded nerves. And truly among those medicines which we have found out, many do use that emplaster which is made of Euphorbium, Wax, and molten Rosen, and so to make a composition thereof, and some suppose it to be my invention, but I made it so at the first, and peradventure some mixed with it Flos Salis, or such like things, which might alter the choler, and not diminish the virtue of the medicine, but through ignorance one may add such like things, that shall change the virtue of it. But we made it of Wax, Rosen, Turpentine, Pitch, and Euphorbium, putting in one part of Wax, of Turpentine, and Pitch, of each, half a part, so that the quantity of these two, may be more than the Wax, or you may mix the one of these with the Wax, and also in the scarcenesss of Turpentine, you may aptly use Humidum pineam, that is to say, moist Perrosen, and also to put into these Abietenam, but Scrobilina, is only meet for hard bodies, wherefore it is not to be mixed for soft bodies, therefore if thou dost mix Humidam resinam, then put that in thy Euphorbion beaten and seared, to the other being melted, let the weight of it be the twelfth part of the wax, or a little more, when as thou determinest to make the medicine stronger, but if it be dry as Fucta is, than the Euphorbion desireth a little oil, wherefore I beating it with oil, and making it to thickness of Honey or Sordium (which is thick matter) the other after the melting being cold, I do mix them, stirring them together.  
Also I often mix in making the medicine so much water as may quite evapour away and be consumed, in melting the mixed simples. But all this kind do most appertain to the treatise of compounding medicines. Now it sufficeth as before we have done, to put for examples sake, a few particularly, showing what the kind of medicine ought to be, for thou shalt find in our work, De simplicibus medicamentis, a copious matter of medicines, and you must prepare them, as I showed in the work of their compositions. Wherefore it is sufficient to have declared thus much, and to pass forth to other things.  
The curation of the wounded Nerve, doth require medicines which may provoke a moist heat, and do strongly dry, and that also by the substance of their making, hath power to attract, and is of thin parts: truly the curative method, doth not only profit to the invention of medicines and diet, but also to the use of these which are invented, for like as before we have declared, so now also we do affirm, that he which goeth about to find apt medicines for an Ulcer, without a method, cannot use the least of them rightly. For he is able to cure by a certain Method, who understandeth how much the application of the medicine, hath either dried the affect, or made hot, or mitigated, or increased, for he only doth know how to add unto those which he used at the first, or to take away from them. For when one had applied at the first to a wounded Nerve Dia Euphorbion, or that he had luckily before made proof of it, he showed me how the third day that the wounded part had dolour and inflammation, marveling that the medicine did nothing profit, I then asked the patiented, whether the first day when the medicine was applied, he felt not a soft heat, as it were of the Sun, and he denied to have felt any such thing. Then again, I asked the Physician, how long he had that medicine by him prepared, and when he had cured with it, he answered, that he had it a year, and had cured with it two children, and a young man, & when I demanded of the body of the young man: he affirmed that it was white, and soft, when I heard these things, perceiving that there lacked Euphorbium, for this young man's temperature.  
I demand the Emplaster, and also Euphorbium, and taking of both, so much as I thought sufficient to mix them together, I bade him soften the medicine with his hands, & so beat the Euphorbium diligently, and these being done, I bade him mix them together, and I making somewhat hot, Oil of savin, which was old, and foment therewith the wounded part. And opening lightly the puncture which was close, I did put the medicine into the hole, and willed him to abstain from meat. I bade also the Physician, that when he did take it away at night, that he should use the oil in like sort as he had seen me. And these being observed, the day following the affected part, was found void of dolour and inflammation. And all they that were present, understood that to be most true, (that we often say) the medicine can do no great thing, except there be one, that can rightly use it. For the right use is that, which proceedeth by the same Method, which we have often set out in the books going before.  
All the use of medicines being referred unto it, cold, moist, & dry, as unto certain rules, which Method these Methodlesse followers of Thessalus, are not able rightly to follow, neither yet Erasistratus, or any other Physician, which hath not sought out the Elements of bodies, or hath put out other things than those which we have here comprehended.   

The third Chapter.  
But if the Nerve be not pricked but cut, you must consider in what sort it is wounded. Whether it be cut overthwart, or in length: and also how much of it is divided.  
Let us first put for an example that there is so great division of the skin, that the bare Nerve doth appear, and that this Nerve is cut in length, and not overthwart, thou shalt not apply to this Nerve any of the rehearsed medicines, which are made of Euphorbium, or sharp medicines of like kind.  
For the bare nerve cannot now abide their force, as when the skin was betwixt it and the medicine. Therefore use thou in this case washed Lime dissolved in much oil, and also Diapompholix is very profitable dissolved in a great quantity of oil of Roses, and it shall be the better, if both the Oil of Roses, and also the oil to be without Salt, for all the scope of curing the Nerve being bare, is to exiccate without biting, and truly there be few medicines which can so work. Therefore in this case in the Summer let him be washed in healthful fresh water, let also the Pompholix be, (as is afore said) washed, because it hath many other simples, which are not washed. For all medicies' which consist of metals, aught to have all these washed, if they shall exiccate without mordication.  
That is also an healthful medicine, which is made of Honey Plaster wise, being made of the best Honey, and this be resolved in oil of Roses, which in all respects is the best, and void of Salt, yea, and the Wax also which is put into such medicines must be washed in like sort. If thou puttest in any Turpentine, it behoveth that thou wash it, and so much the sooner if thou put any other Turpentine in, for the sharp and biting Sanies is washed and purged away by all medicines which thou dost wash. But if he that is wounded be strong in body, and void of superfluous excrements, in him it is requisite to use more strong medicines. As I once did, when as a young man studious in Philosophy was wounded in the breast, having a good strong body, and burnt with the Sun in the Summer season. The Trochifce of Polida dissolved in Soap, and afterward made warm, being put over hot water, I applied it as a Lineament. For that first of all we must have regard that nothing be cold which toucheth the wound. For because the affected part is most sensible, and also the chief of the principal parts are continual, and of temperament cold: by which all occasions that is grieved is with cold, & sendeth also his greiefe to the brain. But if it be of these that come into the muscles, it causeth also convulsion. For we have showed in our anatomy, that the muscles are the instruments of voluntary motion, and the like convulsion shall be looked for in the tendons, by the same causes, but when as I had applied the foresaid medicine to the wound of this young man, and had covered much of the parts above the wound, with the same I did continually foment with hot oil the parts about the arm pits, neck, and head, and opening a vein, the first day I took some blood from him, and the fourth day this young man also was well, insomuch as the ulcer looked wrinkled, small, and shrunk together, notwithstanding I thought good to continue with the same medicines until the seventh day, after which day he was perfectly well. Truly you may foment this wound with oil, and chiefly as we have said, when it is cured, for oil is of contrary nature to the Trochisce, and maketh the Ulcer filthy, neither is there small difference to apply oil to a bare nerve, & where the skin covereth it.  
Therefore the matter is to be wiped away from the wound with a probe, having soft lint rolled about it. You may if you will, wet your Lint in Sapa, lest that thou touch the Ulcer with dryth: with Sapa, that is, Sirium, called also with us and in Asia, Hepsama, therefore dipping thy lint in this, and after pressing it out, thou shalt mundify the Ulcer, and let this Sapa be warm the first days chief, but if all things do prosperously succeed, thou mayst wet it also without danger with sweet Wine, for all sweet wine is void of all biting quality, such is the wine called Thereum and Scybelites. And next these is, Carginum, what Wines so ever are sweet and yeolowish, such is Falcrun being unprofitable, for all these are sharp and unmeasurable hot. And the ulcer coming now to ciccatrize, white and thin Wine, and that which will not abide the mixture with water, neither sweet smelling, is better than sweet wine, and thou shalt eschew the use of water to a wounded nerve, and also a relaxing Cataplasm: next unto the use of these Trochisces, is the use of Diachalciteos, which we openly use, this must be melted in Summer with oil of Roses, but in winter with the Oil of savin, we have described this medicine in the first book of compounding medicines, the Pastilles, or Trochisces, or call them how you list of Polyda, are known to all men, which if you have not, you may take the Trochisce of Andro, or Pasio, or else our own, which is stronger than the rest.  
And we have declared that to strong bodies, strong medicines are convenient, as to tender bodies, gentle medicines: this right Method have I invented, and experience doth confirm it, but Thessalaus with his sophists, sitting in his high throne, shall be had in reputation among brute people, as Cercidas saith. While he confirmeth by his reasons, that there is one curation of green wounds, neither this to require any Indication to the nature of the parts, yet one of so great same in his learning hath excogitated, a marvelous cure of wounded Nerves, for presently he cutteth them a sunder, giving the wounded man no warning thereof, although in this he goeth from his sect, for it had been better to cut a sunder the wounded muscles and arteries, & veins, or any other thing, but not the Nerve, otherwise that thing which they fly, they are found to do, that they may take a contrary indication, for the difference of the parts: but let us leave them, and entreat of a Nerve wounded overthwart, in which there is greater fear of convulsion, inflammation coming of Fevers, which are not cut, but those which pertain to the cure of the Ulcer, are like also to these. Yet it behoveth more largely to take away blood, and use more thin diet, and to keep him altogether quiet in a soft bed, and to foment largely with hot Oil, the arm pits, neck, tendons, ligaments and head, & if the wounded Nerve be in these, that are in the legs, like as we used Oil to the arm pits, when the wound was in the hand, so in these the flanks are largely to be fomented with Oil, and so to ascend, by the whole spin, to the neck, and head. And the contused Nerves, whereas the skin also is contused and wounded, require the same medicines which is used in drying the wounds of the Nerves. But yet such medicines as may further draw & constringe or bind the parts divided by contusion: but those which are contused without the like affect of the skin, aught to be fomented often with hot Oil, which have power to evaporate, and to have like regard to the whole body, as I saw this to happen, and did speedily cure it, fomenting it with oil, but have often seen the Nerves, to be contused with the skin, and the wrestlers for the custom of the accident, being taught by use, have a Cataplasm made of oxymel and bean flower, which truly is an healthful medicine, but if dolour also cometh with contusion, it doth behove to put in molten pitch, and boil them well together, and so to apply the medicine hot, and if thou wilt make it more drying, put in the flower of Eruum, and if thou wilt have it yet more drying, put in Iris ilirica, the regard to be had to the whole body, it is common to these, as if the Nerve be all cut, there resteth after no peril of convulsion, but yet the part shallbe weak, it hath the same cure, that the other Ulcers have, although the Thessalians know but one: therefore we have abundantly entreated of Nerves, but how we shall cure the inflammation that cometh to them, we shall set out when as we shall entreat of Phlegmone.   

The fourth Chapter.  
seeing that the ligaments (called in Greek Syndesmous) be of like kind to the tendones, they can suffer the force of most vehement medicines, because they do not come to the brain, and be void also of feeling, for all the Nerves come either from the brain, or else from the marrow in the spin of the back, the tendones also as we have showed their substance, is compounded of the Nerve, & Ligament, they so far forth spring from the brain, as they participate of the substance of the Nerve. But yet are less vexed with convulsion than the Nerves.  
But the ligaments forsooth, seeing they spring of the bone, those that are round, are like unto Nerves, but differ from them much in hardness, yet in that they are white without blood, and not hollow, and divided into Fibers, they are like the Nerves and tendones, so that they which are ignorant in the Anatomy, when as they see the round ligaments and tendones, they take them for Nerves, and chiefly they which understand not that they are harder than the Nerves, but where they are broad, there they know them to differ from Nerves: But they cannot discern them among themselves, but thou which knowest the natures of all their parts, and also their form, and in what place they are, in the whole body, and in what part of the body it happeneth a wound to be made, thou dost presently understand whether it be a Nerve that is wounded, or a ligament or tendon.  
If the ligament wounded be such one, as goeth from bone to bone, it is chiefly without danger, and that thou drying it with all kind of desiccatives, shall not any thing hurt the patiented, but if it goeth into the muscle, how much it is less dangerous than in the Nerve and Tendon, so much the more it ought to be feared, if it be not rightly cured, and none of these can be brought to pass, by a method of these Physicians, which deny the indication that is taken of the part, to be profitable to the curation of Ulcers, neither yet of such as do confess this, if they be ignorant in the nature of every part, which as we have showed, consisteth of the temperament of Elements. But although these know no other thing: yet at the least they understand that they are showed of the constitution of the instrumental parts.  
Thessalus, truly and his Disciples, are also very ignorant herein, as if Abdomen were now presently wounded, so deep, that some intestine came forth, they know nothing at all how it ought to be put in, and if Omentum fall out, whether it is to be cut away or not, or whether it is to be trussed up or no, or whether the wound must be stitched or not, or if it be stitched, in what wise it ought to be done, neither should we have understanded these things, if we had not learned by reason of the Anatomy, the nature of all the parts therein contained, which truly to declare, is a thing necessary, not only for the better understanding that shall follow: but also for probation, the skin is most outward, of all this, and is ended in a thin pannicle called Membrana, within the skin, as it was in the mid place there is a double nervous thinness of the Muscles, which the Grecians call Aponeurosin, stretched out in manner of coats or membranes, many Anatomists are ignorant, that they be two, when as they so cleave and join together in such wise, as it requireth labour to separate them, and also for that they are most thin: next these immediately followeth two right and fleshy muscles, which stretch from the breast to Ossa pubis, and all these rehearsed, clean and grow together, and that which is made of these, the Grecicians which have set out the way, when the stitching of Abdomen, aught to be made, called Gastroraphias, named Epigastrion, that is to say Abdomen, that which is next these, is called Peritoneon, and they thought it to be one simple body, but falsely, seeing that it is made of two bodies, both which are without blood and Nervous, but one of these Nervous thin pannicles belongeth to those muscles, which go overthwart: the other being very thin like a cobweb, is the true Perotineum, and Abdomen, is such a like thing in the midst of itself, the parts of it which are distant, and on both sides, as it were four fingers breadth, at the side even from the skin have the oblike muscles, the former which came from the breast, the next which ascend from the intestines, & after these muscles, that which is overthwart. Under which is Peritoneum, therefore there is less danger in this place, than in the midst, seeing it hath no such thin coat or pannicle, and that they call Aponeurosis, and that stitching may hardly be made in the midst, because that chiefly in this part, the intestines goeth out, and may hardly be put in, and the muscles that did constrain and draw them, be the right and fleshy muscles, which I said came from the breast to Os pubis, therefore of force the intestine cometh out through two causes, as oft as any of these be wounded from the parts which are on the side, because that is gathered together by the muscles, which are there from the middle parts, because the muscle which should contain them is not strong enough, & that the place is very apt for coming forth, & if the wound be greater, then of force more Intestines must fall out, and are more hardly put in again.  
Furthermore, for another cause, small wounds are hard to be handled, for except that which cometh out be presently put in his place again, it is inflamed, and riseth in tumour, so that it cannot be put in by so strait an hole, therefore in such wounds, the mean hole is less dangerous, and it is truly necessary to know these things: than it followeth next, that we consider how one shall most conveniently handle these kind of wounds, for Thessalus precept, which thinketh these wounds to be glutinated with medicines called Enema, doth serve so little to the purpose, that I think it more manifest that it should be unknown to any, having his wit, therefore first of all, seeing we must do that that the Intetestines which are fallen out, be put in again into their place: secondly, that the wound be stitched: thirdly, that thou apply a convenient medicine, and last to regard that most worthy to be affected.  
Go to now, let us speak of the first, seeing therefore there is as is said, a three fold difference of these wounds in bigness, let us attempt to take of every of them a proper Indication: admit that in the beginning the wound be so small, that the Intestine which fell out being inflated, cannot again be put in, whether or no in this, is one of the two necessary, either to get out the inflation, or to enlarge the wound, the first is better, I suppose, if it may be done, & thou shalt do this no other way than by removing the cause which brought the inflation, but what cause is that? truly the refrigeration of the air ambient. Wherefore the cure must proceed of heating things, therefore it shall be convenient to heat the Intestine with a hot Sponge put in hot water, and afterward expresseed out, and in the mean time to prepare austere Wine, made hot, for that doth more heat than water, and strengtheneth the Intestine, but if the inflation of the Intestine ceaseth not by this means, thou must cut so much of Peritoneum, as is enough to put in the Intestine convenient Instruments, for this Incision, are Springotoma, (that is to say, such as serve the Incision of Fistulas. Knives which are double edged, or have sharp points, are to be refused: the convenient placing of the Patient is, when the wound is made in the lower part, if he lie upward, and when it is in the upper parts, if he lie backward, in both these one thing is to be regarded, that the Intestine which is out, be not pressed of those that are within, and that shall this way be done, as if the wound be in the right side, to bend the body to the contrary part, if in the left, then to the right side, in such sort, that the wounded part alway be higher than the rest, and this is profitable also both in great and mean wounds, for that is a common advice in all.  
But the reposition of the Intestines into their place, when as they are fallen out in a great wound, doth verily require a perfect minister, for he ought to compass outwardly all the whole wound with his hands, and to press inwardly, and to gather together, and to leave the place bare, to him that stitcheth it, and also to compass moderately that which is stitched, until all the wound be stiched.  
Now we will next teach the aptest way of stitching such wounds in Abdomen, because it behoveth that Abdomen do close and join with Pentoneum: you must begin from the skin, and thrust the needle from without inward, and when as it hath gone through both the skin, and the muscle called Rectum, leaving that Peritoneum which is under it, thou shalt from within thrust thy needle outward by the rest of Peritoneum, and so by the rest of Abdomen, putting the needle from within outwardly, and when it hath gone all through this again, this Abdomen is to be thrust through from without inwardly, and when thou hast left that Peritoneum which is under, and come to the contrary part, thou shalt also thrust this through from within outwardly, and with all the Abdomen, that is, next after this begin here again, and stitching it with the Peritoneum of the contrary side, and again putting it through the skin, next the needle is to be put in that part inwardly, and stitching that Abdomen, with the contrary Peritoneum, and again going through the skin, and thus again and again till it be done, and until the whole wound be stitched, the space betwixt the stitches ought to be most small which pertain to the keeping fast of those parts, which be under, but this smallness is not sure enough to the strength of the skin, and keep it from breaking, which is the spaces betwixt the stitches, wherefore eschewing the excess of both, let us choose a mean betwixt both, and this also is, as it were a common thing in all wounds, that is, the substance of the thread itself, wherewith we stitch, for that which is too hard, must of force tear the skin, that which is to soft is presently broken, in like sort if thou dost thrust thy needle through the edges of the wound, the rest of the skin being most little, is constrained to tear, when it is violently brought together, but if thou goest far from these, thou leavest much of the skin unglutinated, and although these things be common to all wounds, yet they are especially to be eschewed in the stiting of Abdomen, and the stitching of Abdomen ought to be done this way rehearsed, for if any do suppose that he may make Peritoneum to close with Abdomen, but it will scarcely grow with him, because it is nervous, or else as many use, which join them together that be naturally of affinity, as Peritoneum to Peritoneum, and Abdomen to Abdomen, and that shall be in this sort, it behoveth to begin of the Abdomen next us, & from without inwardly, to thrust a needle through it only, & letting pass both sides of Peritoneum, of the contrary part, from without inwardly draw the needle through both lips, after put that back again, and thrust it from within outwardly, through the contrary Abdomen, this way differeth from the common and usual stitching, which at once thrust the needle through four sides, because it altogether hideth Peritoneum under Abdomen.  
Now let us speak of medicines, truly those aught to be of the same matter that they are, which are named Enema, which we have in the books going before showed, to unite the wound of other parts: ligature outwardly, is chiefly here necessary: the last part of the curation in these, differeth much from the other, for the space betwixt the flanks and arm pits, aught to be wholly covered with soft Wool dipped in Oil moderately hot, and yet more sure, if thou put in by a Clyster into the Intestines some such like thing, and if any of the Intestines be wounded, that which is outwardly to be done, must be performed in manner aforesaid, but that which is injected must be austere, and red Wine blood warm, and so much the rather, if it be pierced through to the inward parts. And the thick Intestines are easily to be cured, as on the contrariwise those that be thin, be hard to be healed, yet jeiunium is altogether incurable, both for the bigness & multitude of the vessels, and also for that his coat is very thin and nervous.  
Further, because this Intestine receiveth all the pure colour, and is next the liver of all the rest. And thou mayst boldly cure the wounds of the stomach, which are in the lower fleshy parts, for it may happen to take good success, not only for that these parts are thick, but also for that the medicines which do cure, do easily rest in this place.  
But the wounds which are in the mouth of it and in Gula, enjoy but only the medicines which touch them in the going down, & the sensibleness hindereth also the cure of those which are in the mouth of the stomach. But it is easier to learn the way which he used in curing of the wounds in the stomach, than other deadly wounds, for I took not in hand to write these works, for that intent I would not any man should not read Hippocrates books, but for that he seemeth to me first to use a convenient way, and yet not wholly to have finished it, when as certain things are not yet limited, and we may find other which are setre forth of him obscurely and unperfect, therefore I have studied to open all those things clearly, and to make distinction where they were smally divided, & to supply where as wanted. Therefore whereas any hath first of all exercised himself in these our Commentaries, let him apply himself to the reading of Hippocrates Books, and let him both read his book of Ulcers, and also that which he wrote of mortal Wounds, then truly he shall receive great help of these our Books, and also shall understand that none of the Mothoditian sect, which challengeth to himself this glorious Title, but in very deed be furthest from a method, can rightly cure an ulcer or wound, and also that none of the Emperikes, which think to exercise the art, little knowing the Elements or temperaments of the similar parts of man, for these know not the rational cure of the similar parts of man, because they only take their Indications of the organike members, wherefore a few words hitherto uttered, against these Methoditians, of those wounds which happen in the Stomach, we will convert our style to other things. Peritoneum being wounded, Omentum doth presently fall out, which whether it be similar or no, or of which it is made, or what action or use it hath, they do not understand: therefore it is worth the travail, to hear what they will do, whereas that part which is fallen out of his place being swart and black, whether will they cut it off, or put it again within Peritoneum? Surely either they shall understand all together by Experience what is to be done, or else take Indication of the nature of the part, but both these flieth from them, both that knowledge which is ministered by Experience while they extol a method, being the reverend name of their sect, and that which is taken of the nature of the part, for that they know not his substance, nor action, nor use of it, while they abhor the Anatomy, as a thing unprofitable, therefore they know not whether it be any of the parts necessary to life, or else not necessary, although these are not the least to be known, neither whether through the affect of it, any of the principle members shall be molested: or otherwise also, whether any of the vessels or parts within it contained, may kill the man by flux of blood, neither whether that which is black being cut away, that which is sound may be tied, whereby the flux of blood may be eschewed, or whether that may be to any, dangerous, for that Omentum, even at the first sight, seemeth nervous, so that one know the nature of it perfectly, he durst not for fear of convulsion bind it, but since these wonderful Methoditians know not of these things, they cannot tell what is to be done when as Omentum is waxed black, but I think we know, which understand that the use of it is not so great for man, and that his substance is composed of the thin pannicles, arteries, and veins, we will eschew the flux of blood, and will not fear by consent, that the nerves shall be affected, wherefore we will bind the part that is above the black, and cut that away that is under the band, and will foresee that the ends of the band hang in the lower end of the stitching of Abdomen, whereby we may easily take them forth when as they are thrown from the wound coming to suppuration.   

The fift Chapter.  
AND hitherto it is abundantly spoken of the other parts of the body, now therefore there remaineth to speak of the bones, when as to these also, that disease of which we entreat, doth happen, which we call solution of unity or continuity, & when as this disease falleth to this part, it hath a proper name given to it, in Greek Catagma, very usual to them that can speak Greek, for Apagma is the proper name used of Physicians, being out of use to the common people, they use thus to name it, when as the end of the bone in the part, where it is to be joined with another that is broken, but of the fractures themselves, what part so ever of the broken been, are utterly separated, they say in Greek that they are named Caulethon, & it is evident that such division is overthwart, and another division made more by the length, in which the parts of the affected bone be not altogether separated asunder, but are cloven right forth, which kind they accustomably do call Schiducedon. There want not some of the later physicians, which so ambitiously interpret by proper names all the differences of fractures, that they call some Raphanidon, that is made to the figure of a Radish, not being satisfied with this talk, to say that the bone is diversly fractured, but Hippocrates was not of this mind, but as near as he could, using the most accustomed names, refusing not to interpret by Oration, not only these differences of Fractures, but also those which happen in the bones of the head, which if I had done also in every affect, I should have made this Treatise short.  
Now for that he hath showed the way of many, which must be considered, but have not begun or defined, what is particularly to be done, it is necessary that we tarry in them no longer than is meet, but repeat briefly those which he hath set forth perfectly. And we will also add demonstration to those, which he hath smally defended by reason, and we will define certain things which are left vndefined, and place them in order which want order, & last of all, we will give light to these things which are obscure. But if I shall in every one add his words, our book shall be as long as a large Commentary.  
And peradventure some here will condemn our Prolixity, when as they shall complain thereof without cause: In the third and seventh Book, in these it was necessary to add many places out of Hippocrates book De vulneribus, whereby I might show other Physicians what it is to write by a certain method, the curation of ulcers and wounds: but his doctrine set out in his book of Fractures, who is so dull that will not receive it all as clear & most profitable, but if any man doth say that he doth a little marvel thereat. To this manner of saying may most aptly be repeated, Hos unum atque alterum, permit to be sure.  
Therefore it seemeth good time now, to show the true method of curing a Fracture, with the nature of the things prescribed, taking our beginning from hence, because there is solution of continuity of the parts of the broken bone, their unition is at the fore first scope, whereto he must bend him that will cure them: but if this seem impossible to be done, because of the dryness of the affected parts, there remaineth another scope: that is, that they may be adglutinated by the help of another thing, which thing is a certain humour, coming betwixt the ends of the broken bones, as it were a Glue, and to joineth them fast together, which if that be found not to be done, thou mayst call the affect uncurable: and that such an hard bone as is in young men, striplings, and men, and much more in old persons, cannot grow together, I think it evident to all men, for truly that bone only will be united, which is very soft, such are the bones in Infants, but some doth greatly hope, that the parts of a broken bone separated, may again be adglutinated and knit by some other substance or glue coming betwixt.  
It is showed that every part of the body doth attract to himself his own and like nourishment, which if it be true, then surely the convenient nourishment of the bones is grosser and more earthly than any other nourishment in the whole creature: so that it is not repugnant to reason, neither a thing impossible, that of this same proper Element, which aboundeth and groweth in the edges of the Fracture, may by his coming betwixt the bones close them together, for to Use showeth, and Experience consenteth to that hope which reason doth give: therefore it is hence forth to be considered by what means this thing that groweth in the fractures, how much, and what manner a one, may comfort. For it is evident that we require not what manner a one, but such one as observeth in both, a mediocrity: wherefore, this simentrie, both in quality and quantity, being found out. Furthermore it is requisite to seek out by reason, whether we may attain to them both or not: but the time when this shallbe done, is no less necessary to be sought out, whether presently as the fracture is made, shall we make unition, as in wounds, or that this be not a time convenient, but a more apt must be found, surely, thou being instructed, by the nature of the thing, mayst find out this as well as all other. Therefore what is the nature of the thing? Forsooth the broken bone comprehended under some of the rehearsed differences of fractures: go to now, let us see whether any thing may be taken of every difference which serveth to the curation, beginning with that fracture which is made overthwart, named Cauledon, the parts of the broken bone, do here so lie, one besides another, that they lay not directly even, wherefore it is manifest, that first they be brought directly even, to that end they may the better grow together, then to do some of the things that follow: truly that shall follow if one using the example of the whole part, doth draw the bones that are a sunder, to the contrary part, of which is taken most sure indication, of the transposition of them. For truly, it may happen that the transposition of the member shall be made forward, backward into this and the part. For it is meet, that whatsoever are backward, be brought forward, and yet nevertheless, the other part of the broken bone, is to be moderately thrust to the contrary: Contrariwise, that which is forward, is to be deduced backward, & the other part by little and little, to be brought forward.  
In like sort the consideration of those which are wressed to the right side, is if they be brought to the left side, and again those which are in the left side, if they be changed to the right side, always drawing the other part, moderately to the contrary: but there is no small danger, lest in bringing the parts, by contrary motion, same of the shivers, which stick out, be broken, neither are both the ends even as those which are sawed asunder, and if they be broken, the ends of the broken bone, cannot exactly be joined, and that for two causes, for if the pieces fall betwixt the two parts, they let the parts to touch, which are form right, or if any fragment falleth outwardly, neither so shall there be perfect conjunction of the bones, which thou hast framed in such wise, as they shallbe like their first union, for that only happeneth when the shivers of the bones, be put again in their own places. And if they being broken do perish, there must of force be a void space, betwixt the bones united together, in which Sanies being collected, and in space putrefying, doth corrupt also the whole member. And for these causes, the bones which are a sunder, aught to be drawn right out, and this cannot well be done, except first they be stretched backward, the Greeks call it Antithasis, therefore it behoveth to make this Antithasis, of bones, either with thy hands, if the member be little, or with bands put about the member, or else with such instruments, as Hypocrates, hath taught, and when as they have enough drawn back, and that they be out of doubt, lest they in bringing together should touch themselves, than put them right and loosen the bands, and let the muscles of the parts to be in one, and in the mean while help thou with thy hands, and if any thing doth leap up, amend and form it, and next this, whereto thou must bend, is that the member doth remain unmoved, lest any of the parts which thou hast placed, be moved, for so of force they must again separate.  
And if thou commit it to the patiented, that he look to the quiet rest of the member, peradventure waking, he will regard it. But sleeping truly he will move it, but that the bones form may keep their situation, not only the man sleeping, but sitting and rising: when the bed is made, it behoveth to bind the fracture, with a safe Ligature, which may exactly keep the parts of the broken bone together.  
But for that lose ligature suffereth the bones to move, that which is too strait by compressing, doth bring dolour, let us give diligent heed, that eschewing both discommodities, we may enjoy both commodities, which we shall do, if we eschew extremity, so that we shall not make the ligature so strait that it compresseth, neither yet so easy that it be lose, and if every member were of equal thickness, than the broadest roller were most commodious, because it should embrace all the broken bone of every part equally and continently. But seeing it is not so, although to the breast thou usest a most broad roller, thou canst not so do in the joints and neck, but in such, a narrow roller is better, for that it will not wrinkle, and that it toucheth the skin of the whole member, about which it is put, but if it holdeth the Fracture with a few folds, it is not without danger.  
Therefore how much sureness wanteth through the narrowness, so much must be added by often rolling about, and by deducing it toward the sound parts, but seeing all rollings which do constipate and coarct the flesh without dolour, hath that property to press the humours out of the parts where they are first put on, and doth put and fix them in those in which they end, I think it reasonable to begin the ligature upon the fracture itself, and so to proceed unto the rest of the member, for he that doth otherwise, putteth the blood to the affected part, but if he begin upon the hurt part, and endeth in that which is whole, such ligature shall not only be void of hurt in these, which we have said, but be also profitable, for that it suffereth no inflammation to arise about the Fracture, of which principally regard must be had, and it is to be feared least great inflammations follow, both of the stretching into the contrary part, which we use in forming rightly the member, and also that the causes which make the Fracture, do first hurt the flesh, investing the bones by constipation and contusion, neither marvel I if some such thing, like an inflammation happeneth to the portion of the bones, when as such as are not rightly cured, are manifestly seen to be more moist than nature requireth, where we see a wound with a broken bone, neither cometh carries of the bone, in Greek named Sphacelus, any other way, which is corruption of the whole substance of the bone. Therefore thou shalt not be negligent, but expel thou all the superfluous moisture from the parts which are about the fracture. Therefore thou mayst begin upon the affected part, and bring the roller about twice or thrice, and proceed then toward that which is sound, for verily he that thus doth roll, shall defend the flux of blood to come from the whole parts, to those which are affected, and doth also put out from hence that which is here already collected. Séein then that there are two parts, which may both receive any thing of the affected part, and also send unto it. Forsooth they which lie upon it are most ready unto both, as well for the multitude, as also greatness. But the extreme parts for the contrary cause, can receive or send but little, neither can minister much, either to the affected parts, either receive of them again.  
Wherefore when as Hippocrates made the first two ligatures, with the first he did not expel that was in the affected part, to those that are above, and also doth expel that which floweth from them with the roller. For with the first rollings about, which he doth make upon the fracture, and by deducing it to the lower part, he thrust some matter thither, and letteth that none shall flow from thence.  
The rest of all the involvings, with which he will have the roller to go from the lower parts upward, that they may in the same place with the first, both repel to the higher parts, and also preserve flux from these, wherefore the two first rollers do defend and strengthen the Fracture, neither suffer they inflammation to arise. Notwithstanding these alone are not sufficient to both these uses, so that Hypocrates did devise for their defence a remedy, that splints be applied with the last rollers, which might also strengthen these: and he commandeth to use some one medicine, which is against inflammation, lest there should follow inflammation, such a medicine is Ceratune humidum.  
Therefore all these are invented (as we have said) by reason, and also the figure of reposition, & this also hath a two fold indication, the first dependeth of the common knowledge only, the other which is taken of the natural constitution of the members to be cured: the first indication showeth that such figure is to be chiefly chosen, which is most free from dolour and grief, so that there follow no inflammation to the part, and that the patiented be best able to remain longest in this without moving. The second indication which is taken of nature, willeth that the arteries, veins, nerves and muscles, be most rightly placed. And these indications do agree. For the rightest figure of every part, is free from dolour, and that which of the rest is most free from dolour, is most natural to the part, for to the arm, the figure which is cornerwise in Greek Eggonios', for the leg that which is somewhat less stretched out. Furthermore, not only the natural habit is profitable to every member, not only in avoiding of dolour, but also the custom seemeth much to profit: and this is the way of finding out the figure, in which the member is to be kept, which also differeth not in seeking out the figure, used in extending the parts a sunder, called in Greek Diatasis, and also when the parts of the broken bone, are brought into their natural place: for it is convenient that both thou dost extend the member in the most right form, and that which is furthest from dolour, and also that thou formest it into his natural habit, and much more that thou roll it in the same figure, and also placing it to rest: for the moving thereof doth not only provoke dolour, but also doth wrest the bones by moving the member being in one figure, and to change it to another, for except I have forgotten those precepts which we have written in our books Da musculorum motibus, it is necessary, that whereas the figure is altered, there some of the muscles to be strained, and to be made round as they were contracted, and other to be lose and relaxed.  
Therefore of force where they are extended, there they are compressed of the roller, and by the compression, do suffer pain and dolour. And where there is no extension, there the ligature is lose and slack, and so the fracture wanteth his stay: and for because of all these, we must study that we do both extend, and form the member, and also roll and repose the member to rest under one, and the self same figure, and there is no precept left unset out, which belongeth to the first work in Fractures.  
Thou shalt (as Hypocrates commandeth) lose the roller the third day, lest there should arise dolour and itching in the member, unaccustomed to be so covered, and also that the perspiration of that which is now fixed in the member be not letted, by whose occasion there doth not only fall thereto, an unhappy itch, but also the skin to be ulcerate and corroded, with the sharpness of Sanies: wherefore we must pour in so much of temperate water, as shallbe sufficient to take away this Sanies. And if thou wilt again do as it is aforesaid, thou oughtest to do it the seven. day.  
All things now are apparent, so that nothing hindereth, being free from inflammation, and somewhat gentler, than for natural constitution. Then it shallbe lawful to apply splints, and roll it more wider asunder, for it was not without danger, to use splints before the inflammation was passed.  
But now when as it is ceased, & that need is to strengthen the fracture, surely you shall use them with much commodity. And you may also let the rollers remain longer time, the parts having no need to expel Sanies: Furthermore Callus in Greek or Poron, shall so luckily follow when it behoveth to the generation of it, (as it is afore declared) some of the proper nourishment of the bone to be gathered together and grow. Therefore this is now to be consumed away from the lips of the fracture, or else to be evapored, for else truly it shall make solution of continuity, neither shalt thou let it slip, so long time, that thou knowest not how the fracture goeth forward: for we have often seen, that when the bones were vehemently dried, Callus hardly did grow.  
Wherefore it is meet to pour upon these a little warm water, the third or fourth day, leaving when as the flesh riseth in a red tumour, and we must leave herein, before it beginneth to assuage. Contrariwise, when as we will digest any thing, we shall not leave of, before all the tumour be vanished which sprung of the perfusion: and whereas the abundant moisture is, and let that Callus doth not better grow, there we shall go about with convenient ligature to exicate, as is before said, and with perfusion of water, which must be altogether little, or much: for it shallbe but little, when it ceaseth, and before any thing floweth to it: & the humours which be about, be digested, and doth dissolve those which are deep fixed. For it is expedient so to lose & dissolve these, which are to be expelled by rolling: for a great deal of water doth more digest than attract.  
Surely it is evident, that in that ligature which doth expel, the ends of the rolls are less to be coarcted, but whereas we must nourish, there the ends must be straighter, and the other involvings more lose.  
Now seeing we have found out not only what time we must help the generation of Callus, but also by what manner, now there resteth, to set out the universal order of diet. For in the beginning, they ought to use most thin diet, as we will prove when we take in hand the proper curation of inflammations. Furthermore, we will declare that sometime it shallbe expedient to let blood, and also to purge, but what time Callus is engendered, the body is to be nourished with good juice, which may much nourish, of which there accustometh to follow, not only good juice, but that which is also tough, of which principally Callus is made: for seeing that it cannot grow of a serous and thin moisture, & that it can speedily grow, of that which is gross and brickle, and void of fatness, but yet in time waxeth dry, it is made friable, and apt to break.  
The bigness of Callus, shallbe such, as it were a safe band to the bones, & yet not compress the muscles, for that Callus which is to little, is not sufficient for the bones, & that which is to great, bringeth dolour to the muscles: so that diligent heed must be had to increase it, if it groweth to little, and to let it if that it doth increase to much. And thou shalt do these both by the quantity of the perfusion, and also quality and quantity of meats, and also the faculties of medicines, which are to it outwardly applied, but we have before spoken of perfusion and order of diet of medicines, and such as have an emplastike substance, & do moderately heat, they do both bring forth Callus, and also increaseth them. But such medicines as have a digestive faculty, do diminish those Callus which are now great, but if thou studiest that neither Callus shallbe increased, or diminished, but art content to let it grow further, use thou some of those medicines, which are applied to green wounds, which because they do moderately dry, they cause Callus moderately to coagulate and grow: and this is sufficient touching overthwart fractures.  
Now of those that are in length, the cure is in all points as the other, but yet the ligature must be straighter made in the fractured place, and that which is a sunder, must be inwardly thrust to those which are diversely fractured, and chiefly with a wound, as it doth commonly happen to these. Hypocrates, willeth that splints bowed like a saw, and dipped in red and austere wine, chiefly in summer be put about it. For if any doth use either Oil, or Serot, they do putrefy, because the affect being goeater than the rest, do more dry than they require to be dried. And let all the medicines as he commandeth be drying, but yet considering the mean of excication, he willeth such medicines to be of the kind of Enema. But if any shall at the beginning use an Enemon medicine, let it be such a one as is apt to be poured in, and all other things are to be done after his precept, not only in these rehearsed, but also if the bare bone requireth to be cut with a saw, or that thou shalt take away some fragment, or that it behoveth to minister to nature expelling it, what so ever Hypocrates, doubted of those instruments which the legs are to be laid in, called Solenas', whether they are to be used or not, all men do know that I judge the reasons laudable, and Glosconum, which is invented of the later Physicians, we do account it as worthy of praise as any other, & do use it, when, in the time of engendering flesh. Yet it seemeth that Hippocrates knew not that, although otherwise he was not negligent in excogitating instruments which should be profitable, but the instruments in which the legs are placed, was rightly devised of them, that by one axle-tree which was placed in the end of the instrument at the lower part, caused by a double extension, a contrary endeavour to the whole member, & the one of them which extendeth the member right out, is called in Greek Eutigporos, the other which extendeth it first upward & afterward backward, is called Translative, in Greek Metaleptice, both are done by bands or cords, & that band is most aptest to this use that hath two ends, for this being put about the member, the arms being put about the axle-tree of it, maketh the first extension, called Eutigporos, and when as the band is put about the parts of the broken member, it maketh the translative extension, called Metaleptice, the arms of him being moved first upward, & after backward, for these are also to be put about the axle-tree. Furthermore the arms with the bands being put about, & as it were bowed, the extension which is made from the higher parts to the lower, aught to be done by the pulley or vice, which are placed in the sides of Glottocomon, thou mayst call this instrument Solena, with his adjection, Solena Machanicum, or Glottocomon Mechanicum, but we shall more largely speak of instruments, when we set out the cure of luxations, where also we will no less speak of the variety of ligatures which are to be put about. Now seeing I have made mention of Solena Mechanicum, which doth much profit the leg, but when it is reposed & otherwise put, or when as the patiented changeth his bed or goeth to the stool, it shall be good, because nothing shall want to the Treatise hereof, to commend much Glottocomon, of which they make the one side, & also the table in which they place the foot, to be movable, for that it may serve to the bigness of every member. And this shall be sufficient to understand of the other fractures, with these which Hippocrates hath commanded.   

The sixth Chapter.  
HIppocrates truly hath written a whole book of those wounds which happen in the head, in which he hath set out all things which herein are to be done, & we having finished this work, will go about to explicate his works at this present. Truly for that in these Commentaries we have added more than the he hath spoken, and defined that he left vndefined. It behoveth that we speak first of the hollow cutting instruments, called Gneliscus, next of Phacotus, after of the narrow cutting knives, and last that we entreat of the use of medicines, therefore there are some fractures of Cranium, which cometh to the second table called Diploen, some to the inward part of the bones, some are simple fractures, some are contusions, and some the marks of those wherewith the stripe was made, remain the simple fractures, which come to the second table, those need the narrow knives before spoken of. It is requisite both to have many of them, & also differing in bigness, least the should want which is most apt for the purpose, and the bone affected being made bare, as the manner is, you shall first use the broadest knife, next another which is narrower, & so the rest orderly, until you come to the narrowest, and this is to be used in the second tables. Afterward both these, & so to the end it must be cured with drying medicines, which for that cause are called Cephalica, & those are made of Iris illiriaca, and meal of Eruum, and Manna, & Aristolochia, and the rind of the root of Panax, and to conclude, all such medicines as mundify without corrosion, for the generation of flesh is the work of nature itself, & there the patiented in that behalf hath no need of the art of medicine, & that the flesh which doth engender may close, & cleave about to every part of the bone, the shall chiefly follow, if there be no filthiness upon it, neither yet any oil or fatness, therefore this one thing which the Physicians help to the production of flesh in the hurt patients, the all the place be dry, & every part of the affected bone pure, & all these are common of all fractures, when as the flesh beginneth to grow of the fractures which come to the coats of the brain, if it be only a simple fracture, the narrow knives before remembered must be used, but if the fracture be with contusion, the which is contused must be cut out, first piercing it through with Teribles or Trappons', and after with knives, or at the beginning with Cylciscos', as need doth require. But the which is done with Teribles, is dangerous, because while they more boldly use it, they do often hurt Dura matter, which is the next bone. Also that which is done by Cicliscos' is not without fault, when that it doth immoderately shake that which requireth rest. Therefore it liketh me best, if the fractures be great, & the bones fractured vehemently, to use Cicliscos', for with small incision thou mayest make space with lenticuler Exciscories, & if the bones be sure and firm, they must be pierced through with a Terrible. And certain because they should not err, have devised such Teribles as cannot sink down, and for that cause are named Abaptista, there goeth round about a circle, a little standing out somewhat above the sharp end of the Terrible. Truly it is convenient to have many such Teribles serving to the thickness of every Cranium, for to a thicker Cranium a longer Terrible is convenient, I do call it so, whose space from the point of the Terrible, & the circle extant compass it, is longer, & to a thinner Cranium, a shorter Terrible: & this also is that which hath a less space betwixt the point & the ring the goeth out. And truly whether I shall call these more dangerous or surer than the other, but they use those that are called Choenicidas, but use thou with good success Cicliscos', if thou be not skilful of those things which may deceive thee, neither yet more fearful than needeth, first those that are broader, than those which are narrower, until thou come to Dura matter. But that bone which must be cut out, is not to be made bare round about with the Ciclisce, but on that part chiefly where the fracture is most grievous, for besides other, the pannicle itself doth most speedily separate from the bones that are vehemently affected, so that there is no fear of touching that which is already separated, for if thou hast once made one part bare, & settest thy knife, which hath in the end a blunt and light form of a lentle, which is like a pease, and the edge erected in length, when as you have set the broad part of the lentle upon the pannicle, strike it with a mallet, & so then thou shalt divide Cranium, for doing thus, all things come to pass as we would have them, for one cannot wound the pannicle, yea, though he did it slipping, touching it only with the broad part of the lentle, which if it doth any where cleave to Cranium, the roundness of the lentle doth without danger take that away, for the instrument itself called Lentle, cutting Cranium followeth at his back, it going before, so that thou shalt not find out another way of piercing, which shall be less danger, or yet more speedy. For thou wilt chiefly praise this in most vehement Fractures, which many of the later Physicians do call Eupei somata, and Camaroseis Eupei somata are, when in the midst they endeavour, or to take a piece of the bone forth, the coat or Membrana remaining bare, Camaromata which have the same part exalted, wherewith he did take away the fractured bones from the part affected, are such as most speedily cut an hole out, when as the end of the Instrument called Lentle doth easily enter in, and those which are far gone from the natural habit, we shall prepare with an Instrument called Ostagran. Some of the bones which are vehemently crushed, being lifted up and turned to that part chiefly, that we may put in the instrument called lentle, which done, all things after that needeth, follow with security and speediness, that thou mayest almost rehearse that famous saying, in which all things are well, Dimidium facti, qui bene caepit habet: that is, he which hath begun a thing well, hath half brought it to pass, for here thou hast not the half of the whole, but rather the whole, or else but little less, when as thou hast put in the Instrument called a Lentle. And this is the best manual tractation of fractures in Cranio, called Chirurgia.  
Now I will hereafter show how much of that is to be cut away that is affected, that which is vehemently fractured, is to be all taken away, and if certain fragments come out further from it, as sometime it is seen to happen, it is not expedient to follow these to the end, being assured that hurt or damage shall follow to them that have it, if all other things be rightly done, we doing so not once or twice, but often have had our desire. And the Indication of doing things, is here also taken of the nature of the affected parts, for the ligature which in other fractures reason hath found out, to keep back inflammations, thou canst not use to the head. Therefore thou canst not stay that which floweth, neither expulse out of the affected parts that is in them contained, without which remedies, none of the other bones can be conserved sound. For imagine that in the arm, the bone is broken unto the marrow, and that none afterward do vind it as it becometh a Fracture, it must follow necessarily, that not only the matter which is gathered outwardly under the skin and muscles, but also which is in the marrow, doth both first and principally corrupt the marrows itself, & also with it the whole bone. Seeing that when all things are rightly done, this doth sometime chance. How then may not such things happen to the head, seeing that it cannot have the ligature which is due to Fractures, and also the matter sinketh down in such sort, as all lieth upon the coat or pannicle in other Fractures, when it is well rolled, it is so far, that it suffereth no superfluous moisture to be gathered in the affected bone, that it maketh the member leaner than for his natural constitution. The way that is excogitated by ligature, cannot both so exact the fractured bone & the parts about it, that they shall neither be inflamed, or yield any matter, neither is there any medicine, which in other parts can without ligature, as we have said, keep the fractured bone dry, & free from superfluities. Wherefore we had need first to make bare some part of the Fracture, whereby we may mundify & wipe away the Sanies from the coat, and when the time of inflammation is past, and all is exactly dry, then to incarnate and ciccatrize the place. Our talk is not here naked & void of matter, as the Sophists which knoweth not the works of the art, do demand why the fractures of the head hath no Callus, they have (O good sirs) a Callus, and you be so mad that you do assign causes of that, which are not as though they were: we in times past did see the bone of the fore part of the head broken, which next followeth, this is called Os temporis, in which it happeneth that the commissares are joined as it were like scales, in it there was most long and manifest Fractures, which I nothing touching, but cutting out the bone of the fore part of the head did cure the man, that he now hath lived many years, but if I had in like sort let alone the bone of the fore part of the head, the coat under it would sure have putrefied, than the fracture to have engendered Callus, for if no Sanies should flow inwardly from the affected parts, it should have been needless to have cut out the bone, therefore they (as their manner is) do trifle, for I truly in another having the like fracture, did think to let the higher bone alone, and to take out that which was in the sides, whereby the Sanies might flow out. But when I did mark both the thickness and the hardness of the bone, I did judge it better to take out the bone, than for regard of the flux to finite vehemently the brain, and I also thought that it might happen, that if there were a great hole in the side, that the brain might perchance come to this part. Further, there, & that not in one place is in the sides a springing of nerves, and that of no small quantity, when as in the high bones of the head there never springeth the least nerve of all, and I being by these things warned, did abstain from taking out the bone that was in the side of the head, and it ever had Callus, and if it were rightly cured, and now truly there resteth, that we seek out what is our principal scope of all, both medicines, and eke of all our diligence, when as the bone is perforated, whether that which is most delicate, and answerable to the pleasure of the Patient, which now the most part use, or else that which is hereto repugnant, that is, that which is done by most vehement exiccative medicines, which Meges Sidonius doth praise, and a certain Citizen of ours doth always use, insomuch that he forthwith applied to the bare coat or pannicle an emplaster called Isen, and upon this outwardly oxymel, truly this old man was sufficiently exercised in this part of the art, but I did never see any other use them, neither yet durst I do so. Notwithstanding I can thus much witness with Eudemus, for that was the old man's name, they rather escaped which were of him cured, than of those who used delicate medicines, and I had also gone about to try the like way of curing, if I had continually remained in Asia, but seeing I have bid at Rome, I do follow the manner of the City, committing the greatest part of such works to those whom they call chirurgeons. But judging the nature of the things itself, I conceive that such certain determination to be confirmed by our experience. The auditory cunduit which stretcheth not only unto Dura matter, but also toucheth the nerve which goeth from it to the brain, this although it be so near, doth abide, as it is said, most vehement medicines. Therefore it is no marvel, if after the perforation of Cranium, Dura matter, before it is much molested with inflammation, doth desire most strong medicines, having naturally as it were a dry substance.   
FINIS.   


Thomas Gale unto the friendly Reader.  
IT is requisite that every one that useth this art of Medicine, in the curation of diseases or sicknesses, not only to know the divisions & natures of the same, but also to know the names, by meanas whereof, every one of the same may be known from another, and chiefly in this part, for the better understanding of tumors against nature, wherein Galen hath taken great pains, not only in their true divisions, but also gathering together their most apt and ancient names, given unto them by the old writers. And if any names did lack for such sicknesses, as reigned in his days, he did devise most apt and convenient names for the same. Aristotle saith, whosoever is ignorant in the terms of his art, that he is ignorant in the whole art. Therefore it is necessary for those that profess so noble an art as chirurgery is, not only to know the names of sicknesses and diseases, but the name of every particular medicament, as well simple as compound. And also to know all other strange terms appertaining to this art. Wherefore Galen in this book of tumors against Nature, hath taken great pains, not only in setting forth of their names, but of their true divisions, natures, and dispositions, with their figures, forms, and humours, by which they do grow and are maintained, without which knowledge no Chirurgeon can either rightly cure, either else understand the nature of those things which he doth take in hand.  
Therefore I have thought it good to set before your eyes this most worthy book, which Galen hath written, of tumours against nature, wherein he hath most excellently set forth not only the most apt names, but also the humours, that the same tumours do spring of. For like as he hath declared, in his method of curing, the diversity of wounds and ulcers, with their natures, forms, and properties, and also with their accidents, symptomata, and causes. Yea, I say, not only with these, but also with the knowledge of the temperaments, natures, and qualities of every medicament, proper for their remedies, with their true divisions and names, to that end, that every one of them, may be exactly and perfectly known from other. And for the better understanding hereof, I have added in the end of this book, of Tumours against nature, an other book of Galen, of the names of medicines, which be proper for diseases, which I have thought very meet and convenient, for you to understand, to that end, that you may be accounted men of knowledge in your art, not only to be accounted so, but to be so in deed. Thus taking my leave of you, I desire you most heartily, to be studious herein, and so being, you shall encourage me, further to proceed, in other things of this art, which may be much for your profit. And thus I commit you to the almighty Lord, who illuminate you with knowledge, of this most worthy Arte.  
Your loving brother to the uttermost of my power, Thomas Gale, master in chirurgery. An. Domini. 1563. Mense Septembris. 25.   

Claudus Galeni de Tumoribus preter naturam.  

OF those things which chanceth to man's body, one thing is that which the Greeks do call Oncos, which we name a tumour or swelling, for so do they term that thing which is a swelling or a distension, in length, breadth, and deepness. Also sometime that bigness which is above nature's constitution, they do call Oncos. These do not only chance unto them that be sick, but to those that be whole also. For corpulent persons, and women with child, are more bigger in breadth and thickness than according to nature, and yet they are not affected against Nature, as we have said in other places. The other tumour is that which is according to nature's constitution, (or as we may term it, a natural tumour in the brawns of our arms, and cause of our leg) which is in a mean betwixt those that be according to nature, and those against nature. For corpulent bodies & also lean bodies, are not against nature, but the one is above nature's constitution, and the other under, and so both these dispositions are called not natural. But that tumour which cometh of the dropsy, and leans in a consumption, both these are against nature. But now in this present book we do purpose to entreat of those tumors which be against nature, which doth not only occupy the whole body, but also may chance to any part thereof, so that it be always determined, that the agrevation of this unnatural constitution be against nature, and the end of the same to be the hurt of the natural action. But we need not to speak much of these tumors, for that they be commonly known unto all men, not only to the Physicians, but to all other persons.  
The other tumors which groweth of immeasurable fatness, and flesh, and also women being with child, do make those which are above nature's constitution. And we considering all other tumors, which are according to nature, and necessary for the making of our body, (as in the brawns of the arms, and cause of the legs, etc.) All other tumors which doth exceed that, which is above nature, and those which be natural, we account against nature. And taking our beginning at the first of them, called an inflammation or Phlegmon.   

Of Phlegmon or Inflammation. Chap. 2.  
THe Grecians use to call that an inflmmation, which cometh with great tumour or swelling in the fleshy part, strained and stretched forth, resisting with pulsation & dolour, hot and red. The cause of these accidents, is not only unknown to the multitude of the common sort, but also unto many Physicians, (or as we term them, those that useth the art of Medicine) for diverse of them, not seeking out diligently, do simply pronounce that which seemeth good unto themselves, mistaking the thing. But consideration must be had herein, if you will proceed in this matter. Therefore there is never any great tumour that chanceth in any part of the body against nature, except the same part be affected with one of these two things: For either it is made flowing, increased, and stretched forth through over much hotness, either else it taketh some new substance outwardly. And when this flux doth happen, & is stretched out with swelling, it is turned into spirits, and being refrigerated, it doth easily turn again into his accustomed swelling.  
But we see no spirits in the inflamed part, neither yet the part inflamed being refrigerated, do not always come again into their former constitution. And it is manifest by incision also, that there is no spirits therein contained, for if the inflamed part be cut, much blood will run out, and all the place seemeth evidently full of blood, like unto a wet Sponge: But yet you shall see no spirits come forth, either presently or yet long after, and the colour of blood is altogether inseparable. There is no part of the body that is red, but blood and flesh, neither is the multitude of flesh the affect of inflammation, for although the multitude of flesh be in the body without multitude of blood, yet the tumour truly shall be bigger than natural, and the colour shall be healthful, and not serve from his accustomed nature: for in any thing which naturally increaseth, the colour is not augmented, for than should Snow be made more white, Pitch more black, and Gold more yellow. And the increasing of substance differeth manifestly from alteration, for things increase according to their quantity, and altereth according to their qualities, but colour showeth the quality of the substance, and not the quantity: Therefore the multitude of flesh differeth from an inflammation, and for that cause, the bodies which abound with blood, be most troubled with inflammations. Now, seeing that sometime in wounds there be great inflammations, and yet there floweth forth thin and watery humours, the place itself round about it appearing red, it is therefore herein, that the thickness of the flesh or member wherein the wound is, to be of a mediocrity, and not unnaturally swelled, that it may suffer the matter more easily to come forth, and that it may the more easily contain the blood, which is necessary for the nourishment hereof: But you shall understand, that matter or Sanies, how much it is more thin than blood, so much it is grosser than spirits. Wherefore if the wounded flesh doth permit matter to flow out, it must of necessity suffer spirits to pass forth also. And so these spirits being evacuated, the tumour and inflammation should cease, for truly it so happeneth often times, in those parts, whereas spirits are aggrevated, the part once cut, all the tumour vanisheth.  
The generation also of inflammations in wounds, is a witness thereof, for in the beginning, when wounds are new, there floweth multitude of blood, which being stopped with things refrigerative, or else the member itself being refrigerated, it is stayed. It is also stayed by compression with our hands, or with ligatures, the blood being congealed in the edge of the cut part, and so retained, doth wax thick as it were a clod, or as we may term it, a congealed thing, for they only differ in this, that the clod or congealed blood should be a sensible concression of blood, gathered together in the wounds stayed in the small passages of the cut parts, making the blood gross. And when the blood is gross, and the sides of the cut part more strait, the blood is retained, and the sanies put forth. All these be the greatest conjectures, that the inflamed part abound with blood, and that the heat should be more than natural, but yet not so hot, that with heat only without flowing and stretching, it should make such a tumour, for hereof are many considerations to be had, for then in burning Agues, how much the heat were more vehement, so much the greater should the tumour be in the inflamed part. The second conjecture is taken of the substance of the blood, for it is not congealed of cold, as Pitch, Rosen, and Wax is, but is always by nature more hot. For those when as they are made hot, they turn to the contrary, and become thin, but blood by nature being hot, the tumour may well be somewhat greater, but yet not so much, by the reason of only heat, to raise up any great quantity in the inflamed part, but Pitch, Rosen, and Wax, coming to so much extremity of heat as doth the inflamed parts, they are made some thing bigger, and these things being considered, beside that which we have spoken, is no small conjecture, that the tumour of the inflamed part, cometh not only of flux, for there is no small alteration in the heat of the blood, which causeth the tumour to be bigger. And let that which appeareth to be, to the an apt conjecture.  
For in blond there is not as in pitch, rosin, and war, being vehemently made hot great confusion, but it keepeth, being boiled on the fire, his accustomed tumour, or is very little increased. And I have declared above, that inflammations, being refrigerated, the tumour did not always seize, for a vehement and great inflammation, in which there is a flux impacted, although you do vehemently refrigerate it, yet you do not seed the tumour, but make the part of a leadie colour, and turneth the affect into Scirrhus, by the reason of the cold medicine. And some inflammation as we have said before which hath a flux joined with it, may easily be cured, with things which do refrigerate, and be astringent, & chiefly, when it is little. But the flux, being firmly rooted, (or as we may term it confirmed) than neither astringent, nor cold things helpeth, for it doth require them evacuation. Therefore, the ancient Physicians, invented medicines, not only to discus, dissolve, & drive away with their hotness, but also did invent to scarify the skin, and so to evacuate the blood sensibly.  
All these are great tokens, that the inflamed parts, are full of blood, and yet this inflammation, is not presently at the beginning, but by proses of time, the powers being stopped, and perspiration lasted, this is brought to pass.  
Therefore of necessity, the blood so remaining, it doth putrefy, for all things hot and moist, gathered in hot & moist places, doth readily putrefy, if they be not speedily, evacuated, either else refrigerated. Wherefore, if the heat, which cometh of putrefaction, surmounteth that which it had before, that is easily known, by the inflammation of the part, and the blood gathered unto the tumour. Notwithstanding, although the veins, which for their littleness, did not appear at the beginning: yet than they will appear. These cometh not only of inflammation, but also because they are filled with blood.  
Therefore they come to that bigness, that they may be most manifestly perceived, and that chiefly in the eyes, privy members, and women's breasts, and that the flesh, who being inflamed, seemeth to abound with blood, both the colour, and the tumour doth declare the same. Wherefore all the flesh is compared like unto wool, or a wet sponge, which you may more perfectly understand, when the matter cometh forth, for then the inflammation having passage, the truth is perceived.  
And I truly suppose, the skin to be distended, and lifted up, with those humours that are gathered together in the tumour, and in time, the tunicles and vessels, which be underneath, taketh some part of the flux, like as the upper skin doth, which covereth the inflamed part. Yea, also the nerves, and tendons, by profess of time are inflamed, and some time the disease cometh of these, as they chance to be wounded. But yet universally, there is nothing according to nature, in the inflamed part, when as it hath long remained so, for the flesh, with all the rest, is infected with the flux, in so much, as some times it cometh to the bones. And some time, the same affect itself springeth of the bone, but the matter being avoided, the skin is made loser, when that which was between, is run forth, as we have said in the administration of the anatomy, and chiefly, where we have made divisions, or declaration of the arteries. But where there be inflammations, all these parts are filled with blood, flowing out of the vessels, which are dispersed into every part of the flesh, as it were a dew.   

Of Apostumes which cometh to suppuration. Cap. 3.  
WHen as through proses of time, nature getteth the victory, then is all the flux concocted and turned into matter, and so put forth of the fleshy part, by the expulsive virtue, which doth cast forth hurtful things. Therefore, where as there is any manifest hole, as it were a conduct, prepared for the excrements to be purged, this place being open, part runneth out, by pus or matter, and part doth breath out sensibly. But where the skin which covereth the aposteme, is gross and hard, such is the skin in the utter parts of the body, there the matter is still retained, and doth divide the upper flesh from that which is under it, and so in process of time, by his acramonie and sharpness, it corrodeth through and runneth forth, if that by scarification it be not prevented. But oftentimes it cometh to pass, nature being overcomed of the flux, that the blood is not turned into matter, but into some other certain mutation; sometime into one, and sometime into another.  
The ancient Physicians do commonly call all these by the names of Apostumes, and principally these which be in the profound and deep parts. But many would not have all these which turn into good matter be called by the name of Apostumes, but only those which turneth into corruption, like as they call all these which come to suppuration in the lungs, by the name of Impiema, and other some Diapiema, and also like as Impiestem, and Diapestem, and many would not have them so called. But when there is any such thing amongst the little pannicles, that they call Impyerna, and him that is so grieved Impius. But some other Physicians would have those called Impius, in whom there is matter gathered between the breast and the lungs. Wherefore I have said, we must so far forth regard the names, as the thing signified may be made more evident. For we must labour that the thing itself of which we do speak, may be made so manifest, that no part thereof be left unknown, for all these are preparatives to the method of curing, by which method we do cure the dispositions themselves, and not their names. Therefore you bearing these things in remembrance, we will proceed unto those which remaineth, and are necessary to be spoken of.   

Of Sinus or hollow Ulcers, and the cure, when it is difficile and hard. Chap. 4.  
WHen as putrefaction doth separate one part of the body from another, or separateth those things that be contained to their subjects from the same: this matter being evacuated or let forth, so that the parts separated cannot take their accustomed constitution and unition, this affect is called Sinus. And if this be not speedily cured, there doth grow a certain hardness by length of time, which is named Callus, neither can it be adglutinated to the part subject, but by convenient diet, and medicaments which be exiccative, for other ways the part shall seem to enjoy perfect health when it is not so. For if any man useth a right diet, and hath his body free from superfluous humours, Sinus is removed and chanceth not. But if the body do abound with superfluous humours, the same may resort again to the grieved part, and cause the same Apostume which was before, which might have been easily evacuated. Then you must cure the same as you did before, with abstersive and scarifying things, and medicaments that may keep back humours. But this Apostume shall not be so grievous, by a great deal, as the first was, for so much as the parts which were divided, are not joined together again, and that the humour doth quickly and speedily fill the same, insomuch, that Sinus (as we may term it) doth easily receive the flux again, and as it doth quickly receive it, so doth it speedily evacuate the same, having an apt way for the flux to avoid at. But if the parts were adglutinated and joined together, than the Apostume would be grievous before it were broken. The generation of an Apostume cometh not only of an inflammation called Absessus, but sometime also it cometh by the means of other humours, which by process of time corrupteth & separateth the parts that were joined together, from their subject parts. Wherefore it cometh to pass, when these Apostumes be cut, that there doth not only appear in them all kind of humours, but also sound bodies, and strange things, for there are sometimes found in these Apostumes, things, like unto mire or dirt, to urine, to conieled things, called Grumos, juice of Honey, slime, bones, stones, nails, and hair, and some time like living things, all which, doth spring of putrefaction, as it may easily be perceived.   

Of Fistula, Atheroma, Steatoma, and Meleseridis. Cap. 5.  
THere is also a narrow, and a long Sinus, which is called Fistula, and is cured like as the other Sinus is, and cometh again to apostemation, through the superfluous flux of humours, even as we have said in the other. Atheromata, Steatomata, and Melesirides, are of some men, accounted among Apostumes, and some suppose, them to be of an other kind, but the natures of them, are manifest by their names.  
For in Atheromata, is things found like unto pottage, or like to a pultes. In Meleserides, like unto Honey. And in Steatoma, like unto fat or suet, and all these for the most part, are contained within a Membranus film or skin, and are called tumours against nature. Besides these, there are other, as Carbunculus, Gangrena, Herpis, Erisipelas, Scirrhus, Oedema, Cancers, and inflammations, all which the Physician that doth intend to cure them, must not be ignorant of, but he must be diligent in considering their differences, as well as of their generation and substance.   

Of Gangrena and Carbunculus. Cap. 6.  
WHen the blood of Gangrena and Carbunculus, doth wax so vehement hot, that with inflammation, it burneth the skin, than they come with crusts, and blisters, and goeth before the ulcer, like as it were brent with fire, and they bring with them, most sharp fevers, and peril of death. These ulcers in a Carbuncle, do always appear black, or else in colour like ashes, but not as an inflammation, for the colour of an inflammation is red, and these decline somewhat more to blackness, than those do which be of blood, or those which be refrigerated with cold. For those tumours are more swart, but these are glistering like unto bitumen, or pitch, in so much, as they come of black choler, for the malignity that is in Carbunculus, springeth thereof. Therefore, it must needs follow, that from the beginning, either else in the vehement boiling, the blood be presently turned into melancholic humour, by the reason of vehement adustion.   

Of Cancers. Cap. 7.  
OF black choler, without boiling, (that is to say, melancholy) cometh Cancers, and if the humour be sharp, it maketh ulceration, and for this cause, these tumours are more blacker in colour, than those that cometh of inflammation, and these be not hot, but the veins in these, are both more fuller, & more distended forth, than those which be inflammations. For less matter goeth out of the veins, into the fleshy parts, which compasseth them about, through the grossness of the humour, which breedeth the Cancers, neither yet are the veins so red, as they be in inflammations, but showeth themselves according to the humour, that they be filled with.   

Of Gangrena, which cometh after great inflammations. Cap. 8.  
THere followeth after great inflammations, that which is called Gangrena, and this disease is a mortification of the affected part, and if it have not speedy remedy, the grieved part doth utterly perish, and some time it taketh hold of the other parts which be joined to it, and killeth the man.  
For the mouths of the veins, and all the powers of the skin, are obstructed and stopped, through a most vehement inflammation, and the natural perspiration, being deprived, the affected parts are easily brought to Gangrena, & mortification. And first of all the flourishing colour of these parts, which are infected with inflammations, are extinguished, than the dolour and pulse doth cease, not for that, the evil disposition is assuaged, but because the sense itself is mortified. In great inflammations, the pulse, and sense, is not separated, for the ancient writers do say, that there is a sensible motion of the artery, in the inflamed part, whether it be with pain, or without. Therefore in accidents of inflammations, some suppose, that it must be without pain. But this controversy is about the name, which is no great matter, for it is better for us to know the generation thereof, not regarding the name: For in bodies according to nature, the motion of the artery, is sensible to us without pain, but in inflammations, it is sensible with dolour and pain. For the artery when it is delated, smiteth the body, which is next about it, & with the beating thereof, we feel pain, by reason of the inflammation: And when the film, or pannicle that covereth the artery is inflamed both the artery which beateth, and also that which is smitten, doth double the pain, and thus of these, we have spoken sufficiently.   

Of Erisipelas, Herpis, Oedema, and Syrrhus. Cap. 9  
NOw we intent to speak of choleric fluxes, and it hath grown now of custom amongst the Physicians, I know not by what means, that whether we name choler simply, or choleric humours, we understand it to be yellow, pale, and bitter choler, and not sharp, and black choler, for they name that with an addition, joining the colour of the humour with the name.  
Therefore, when any choleric flux, which we do name exact choler, chanceth to rest in any place, it doth ulcerate the skin, but when it is mixed with watery humours and bloody, it is of less sharpness, and causeth the part grieved, rather to turn into a tumour, then into an ulcer, and this tumour is called Erisipelas, and that which is ulcerated, is called Herpis, these are known, both by their colour, and by their heat, which showeth the humour that they are engendered of. Again, according to the sharpness of the humour, they do differ, for that which cometh of the sharper humour, is called Herpes Estiominon, for so doth Hypocrates name it. But of the other which is less sharp cometh Herpes milaris, which many have called so after Hypocrates, because it maketh risings in the skin like unto the seeds of Milium. It seemeth unto me that this flux hath some phlegm mixed with it, and that the other to come only of exact choler, and therefore it cometh with erosion, the affect apprehending still the skin, whereof it taketh name. And where blood and choler is equally mixed together, the form and nature of it is in a mean betwixt Erisipelas and inflammation. But if either humour exceed in quantitite, the disease taketh his name of that which doth abound, as they call that where choler doth surmount blood, Erisipelas' inflamatorie, and where blood surmounteth, they call it Inflamatio Erisipelatas. The like interpretation is also used in the mixing together of other humours, as Inflamatio Sirroidis, and Sirrhus inflamatori, and Oedema inflamatori, and Inflamatio Oedematosa. These four are they which oftentimes are made affects, and chanceth through the flux of humours, I do mean Phlegmon, Erisipelas, Oedema, and Sirrhus. Erisipelas is a choleric flux, and cometh of choleric humours. Phlegmon, (or as we term it,) an inflammation, cometh of blood. Oedema cometh of thin and watery phlegm. And of gross and glutinous phlegm springeth one kind of Sirrhus, and the other kind of Sirrhus cometh of the dregs of blood.  
There be also two kinds of these, after Hypocrates, and both they come of black choler, which we call melancholy. Of the one springeth Cancer, and of the other cometh a kind of Sirrhus, but it differeth in colour from that Sirrhus which cometh of phlegm, and both these are named Tumours against nature, they are hard and without pain, and the generation of them both, sometime from the beginning, doth come of the ill curing of inflammations, as well in Phlegmon, as in Erisipelas and Oedema, when as they are too much refrigerated.   

Of Ecchymosis and blackness which cometh after bruisings. Chap. 10.  
THose which are called Ecchymosis or blackness, be very near in kind unto Sirrhus, and it happeneth chiefly unto old men, when as their veins are bruised. For of a light occasion this cometh unto aged men, as I have said before, and some of these colours are in a mean betwixt black and red, and are called swart. All these come of blood shed out of the veins, sometime when the film or pannicle is bruised, & sometime when the end of the veins are opened.   

Of Aneurisma and Spaselus. Chap. 11.  
WHen there is an orifice made in the artery, that affect is called Aneurisma, and it chanceth when the artery being wounded, the skin which is above cometh to a ciccatrise, but the separation which is in the artery remaineth, being neither conglutinated, nor brought to a ciccatrise, neither yet stopped with flesh. These affects are chiefly known by the pulse and beating, which the arteries do make. And also all the tumour vanisheth away when the artery is pressed down, the substance which made the tumour, runneth back again into the artery, when it is so compressed down, which substance of blood we have showed more at large in another place, to be nothing else but thin yellow blood, mingled with subtle spirits.  
And truly the blood which is in them, is more hotter than that which is in the veins. And Aneurisma coming by reason of a wound, casteth forth blood in such a sort, as may hardly be stayed. But in Oedema the matter is not so, for if we press the affected part with our finger, it giveth place, and there remaineth a hollowness, neither is there any pulse felt in this affect, and Oedema is more broader a great deal than Aneurisma, except some congealed blood engendered of Aneurisma, which maketh Spacelus, for so do I name all corruptions of the sound parts, so that it is not only in the flesh, but also it corrupteth the bones themselves.  
Gangrena is also a mortification of the sound bodies, but it is not so of the bones, & it followeth after great inflammations, and is one kind of Spaselu● or Syderatio, and hath a proper and peculiar name beside the general. Now that we have sufficiently defined these, it is time that we speak of melancholy fluxes or tumours.   

Of the settling of Melancholy. Chap. 12.  
WHen as black choler lieth in the fleshy parts, being very sharp, it eateth through the skin, and maketh an ulcer, but when it is not so sharp, it maketh a Cancer without ulceration. And we have declared before, how that the veins swell more in this tumour than with an inflammation, and what manner of colour it maketh. There are not only Cancers engendered of this tumour, but many other tumors consist of the same humour. All these bodies which are vexed with these affects, are nourished with the evil ivyte, either of cholerik or melancholic things, either else of some virulent and naughty humours coming of great putrefaction or corruption.   

Of Phagedena, Scabie, and Lepra. Chap. 13.  
THose ulcers which eateth and devoureth the found parts about them, are called Phagedena, for they name Phagedena, compound of two things, that is to say, of the ulcer itself, and of the tumour joined with it. For Herpis also eateth that which is about it, but it is only an ulceration of the skin, and Phagedena doth not only eat the skin, but the flesh also which is joined to it. Now to name other Ulcers, as Telephia and Chironia, etc. it were superfluous, for it is sufficient for us to call all Ulcers commonly Cacoethaes, that is to say, malignant.  
Also Scabies and Leprosse be melancholy affects of the skin, even like as the same humour maketh a Cancer when it is in the veins and fleshy parts.   

Of Elephas, named Elephantiasis. Chap. 14.  
ALso Elephas is a melancholic affect, and hath his generation of melancholy blood, and in time the blood is made more black, and many of these are full of ulcers, which are of evil smell and grievous to behold, and when this affect springeth first, it is named Satyriasmon, because they are like satires in countenance. And we do call them so, when there appeareth risings of the bones, in the temples and other parts of the body. Also there are such bone risings, which are named Exostosis, like as the natural distension of the yard not ceasing, some name it Satyriasmus, and other some call it Priapismus.   

Of Achoris, Myrmecia, Acrocordon, Psydrax, Epynectes, Furunculus, Bubo, Struma, and Hernia. Chap. 15.  
THere is also a little ulcer in the head, which you must conjecture to grow of salt & nitrous phlegm, and out of it floweth matter, not very watery, neither yet so thick as honey, or as it doth in those which are called Favi, for those are with a certain tumour, and full of holes, and as it were with an humour flowing like unto Honey, and these tumors are very little, and not like unto the other. And there are lesser tumors against nature than these, which also happeneth unto the skin. Myrmetia, and Acrocordon, Psydrax, and Epinictes, be affects to all men known, and so is Furunculus most manifest, and it is gentle, being only in the skin, but if it be deep in the fleshy parts, it is malignant, like unto Phyma, and Furunculus differeth from Phyma only in hardness, both these affects are inflamed, beside the third which is called Bubo, the fourth, which is named of many men Phigethlon, doth differ from Phyma, both in heat, and quickness of generation.  
There be some also which chanceth only in the flanks, and arm pits, which some suppose to be Phygethlon, because it cometh with an inflammation, in those glandulus parts, these affects, when as they are made hard, are called Choeras, that is to say, Struma, like as the hardness of the testicles, are named Sarcocele, and like as the watery humour, gathered in the purse of the testicles, is called Hidrosile. In like manner, when Epeplon, which we call Surbus, falleth out, the disease is named Epiplosile, and when both these, that is to say the intestines, and Surbus falleth down together, it is named Enteroepiplosilen, the later Physicians call all tumours of the testicles, by the name of Cele, that is to say, harnia, or ramix. And like as all that is now spoken, showeth the sickness of those parts which we have spoken of, so Cirsocile, being a newer name, showeth the affect of which it was now derived.   

Of Varicis, Rupturies, Inperitoneum, and Hidropsie. Cap. 16.  
VAricis, the ancient writers, name all veins which are delated and swelled, & not as the Athenians suppose, that Varicis, should be only in the legs, by the reason of their weakness, and chiefly when the body aboundeth with gross blood, which may fall unto them.  
Also the inward rimme of the belly, called Peritonium, either being wounded, or ruptured, and not joined together again, causeth a soft tumour in that place, which if it chance in the flank, it is named Bubonosile, but if it happeneth in the navel, many Physicians call these Exomphaloes, and there is no such disease of Peritonium, but of necessity, the Naruus apendix of the muscle, must suffer.  
What this apendix is, I have showed in the administration of the anatomy. Therefore these affects are of the overthwart muscles, & that Harnia, which is in the flanks, is of the oblike muscles, the film or apendix of those which are in that parts, being either broken or dilated with peritonium. There are also other tumors, which belongeth to this place, that cometh by the hurt of the entrails, the affects which engendereth these tumours, are spoken of amongst inflammations, and other Sirrhus' tumors, with other like, as those that have dropsies, where there is gathered a multitude of water, as in that which is called Ascitis, and of wind, which is named Timpanitis, and that which cometh of phlegm, which is called Anasarca, or Leucophlegma. etc.   

Of Epulides, Parulides, Thimus vua, Tonsilla, Parysthmia, Polipus, Vnguis, and Stapheloma. Cap. 17.  
THere are also, other tumours, which have proper names, as Epulides, Parulides, Thymus, and such like, which are fleshy branches, or buds, growing forth, like unto a grain. Vua Paristhmia, and Tonsilla, are nothing else, but inflammations. Vua, is an inflammation of Gurgulia, which we call the vuila. Tonsilla, of those kernels, which be opposite (we name them the Amigdalines) Paristhmia, is in the parts of the jaws, or nigh unto the throat. It seemeth, that of these parts Hypocrates did not understand all these inflammations of Gurgulia, to be Vua, but one only kind, in which, the end of Gurgulia is like unto the seed of a Grape. Also Polipus cometh when as either inflammation, or Phyma, or any branch thereof, call it what it please you, for this affect, is always in the nostrils, & they are inflamed, chiefly because of the place. Encanthis, is also a tumour against nature, & breed in the corners of the eyes, but yet in all his kind, he is not against nature. Vnguis, is also a branch, growing outward in the eyes, to the tunicle or membrana: which is dilated of Sircumossale, and cometh to corona. Those that are called Staphiloma, some only by position, some by disposition, be against nature. We have in an other place, spoken of all such affects, as are in the eyes, & therefore now it is time, to finish this book, seeing there is no other kind of tumours against nature, which we have not spoken of.    
FINIS.   

AN EPITOME Upon Galens three books of natural Faculties, very necessary for the Students both of Philosophy and Physic: set forth by Master james Silvius, Physician.  
FAcultas is a certain cause Effectrix, place● in the temperature of a part, in the beginning of simples.  
The faculties governing our body, in the which our life consists, are in number three, Natural, Vital, and Animal.  

In time Nature use 

1. Natural, is in the liver dispersed by the veins into the whole body, being the third and lowest.  
2. Vital, is in the heart, distributed by the arteries into the whole body, being the second and mean.  
3. Animal, is in the brain, and carried by the nerves into all parts, endued with the fence of feeling and voluntary moving, being first and chiefest.   Indignity, place and fortitude.   
We must first entreat of the natural, as the nourisher or pillar of the rest, as we proved in the order of reading or teaching Galens' books.  

The natural faculties which be first & principal, are 

Generatrix, Engenderer  
Auctrix Increaser  
Nutrix Nourisher.   which are called powers Vegetable. Arist de animal. lib. 2 cap. 4.   

The first two falties. 

1. Actio. 1. The very motion active is a substantial form in Materia, or production to substance, or proceeding to form. And that is either of all or of part, as generation of humours in a living creature, of blood through moderate heat: of both kinds of choler by immoderate heat, of phlegm and melancholic humours, by a slow heat, and that cometh of some meat more, of some less, in all temperatures. And these humours are either natural or unnatural.  
2. Opus. 1. A thing made and finished by action, as all parts the body fashioned in the womb, and by generation complete, unto the which perfection of parts, the seed being rightly once conceived Generatrix, is the chief and principal worker.    
Two other faculties. 

1. Alteratrix. The which generally be hot, cold, moist, and dry, in their first and element all faculties, and doth change the seed blood, & menstrual substance into a man, in which is the qualities of feeling, tasting, smelling and seeing: for it is necessary that out of Alteratrix, bones, veins, nerves, and all other parts be made, but particularly she doth work upon that substance, by faculty, making bones, nerves, veins, etc. For of the four elements mingled, doth grow the particular faculties alteratrix, whereof is made the substance of every similar part: and so many faculties of alteration, ther. be in living creatures or of planets, as there are found similar parts in them.  
2. Formatrix. This faculty very artificially and with great cunning, and for some cause, doth fashion the matter which is changed, so that it may have an apt figure, for placing, composition, hollowness, wholeness, soundness. Apophyses, Epiphyses, and other things necessary, pertaining to the constitution of the bones, natures, veins, arteries. etc. The which constitution is meet, for the action and use of the part, that after shallbe created, that nothing be lacking, nothing superfluous, which otherwise might be in better sort.    
Auxiliares, or helping facultiez as they were hande-maidens. 

Nutrix. Nourisher.  
Austrix. Increaser.   This do not only serve for the increase of the young, being once engendered, but also from the time, that the seed is conceived, for it is meet that the seed be augmented by nutrition, that it may suffice to constitute, so many and such parts as be necessary. The male seed is first nourished with the female, and afterward with a small & halituouse portion, of the blood of menstruum.  
Facul. auctrices nourishers. 

1. Actio. Is an increasing, that is to say, an ampliation of the found parts (which were engendered) of a living creature, in length, breadth, and deepness, keeping the proper form and first continuity, as it is said in the 1. li. cap. 5. De generatione.  
This is the work of nature only, when as these things which are extended to us, or pulled from us, or are amplified in one measure only, or not in all together, than this faculty beareth rule from the birth, unto the flourishing age, and as I said, helpeth the faculty Generatrix in the womb, and is only in a living body.  
2. Opus. The small parts of a living creature borne into the world, which are brought into a reasonable bigness, and the body being little made great.    
Auxiliares or helping faculties. 

Alteratrix. changer.  
Coctrix. Digester.  
Nutrix. Nourisher.   Of the which we will entreat hereafter more at large.  
Facul. nutrices. 

1. Actio. That is nutrition or the perfect assimulation of nourishment, with the thing nourished, that is, when that thing which floweth, as the form of nourishment is put unto, fastened, & made like unto all the sound parts of the nourished body, without any ampliation, for the juice or humour when it falleth a Vasis, even as certain dew, so is it dispersed through all the part which ought to be nourished, and by and by it is put or joined unto it, and after having gotten sufficient dryness and clammy humour through natural heat, it is glued and fastened, it increaseth, cleaveth together, and is united in one. The which cometh not so to pass in Anasarca Hidrope, when as the nutriment being more watery, and not so clammy, by reason of the abundance of thin & watery humours, falleth from the sound parts of the living creature, & at the last it is made like unto the part which should be nourished, when it is nutriment in deed (other are nutriments in power more proper, and remove.) The which is not in Leuce. 1. Vitiligo.  
2. Opus. All the parts enduring with nourishment so long as is possible.  
Attractrix, which draweth unto the part convenient quality and juice. This faculty, like as the rest, being found in some instrument, as in the stomach, reins, womb, milt, bladder, purging medicines, and Alexiteries, is easily transposed into the other parts.    
Auxili. facult. helping facul. 

3. Retentrix. The reteiner of the same until digestion be done.  
Coctrix. Digester in altering, and that maketh it like.  
Expultrix. Expeller of that which molesteth the part, in quantity, quality, or both.     
But we will entreat of these four faculties as most principal hereafter more at large.  
1. Attractrix. The drawer of convenient quality and juice into every part to nourish the same (the which is common unto all parts that draw unto them such nutriment as is most proper for them, sometime through strait pores, as in the stomach, and sometime only by the temperature of the part, as almost in all the other parts, or else to the voluptuous delectation of the part, whereby the mouth of the matrix doth draw the seed of man to the very end, and whereby the gall doth separate and draw yellow choler from the liver, but in the Gall, yellow choler is not engendered, as Asclapiades saith, like as neither, he affirmeth melancholic humour in the spleen, but of him it is drawn from the liver to nourish itself. The reins do divide and only draw the urine out of a hollow vein from the blood, and it is not carried of his own accord into the reins, as though that were the best.  
Neither do the hollow veins draw together and wind about, thrust forth the urine into the obliqne reins, nor into these, which lie right underneath in the sides, to be strained out with all the blood, and because it is thinner than blood, to be transmitted: even as all the Wine runneth into the vessel of the Wine press, and as the congealed milk is strained, the Whey alone runneth, and not the cheese: in like manner the reins do expel the urine into the bladder, through Vreteras, which are growing on the sides of the bladder, and the humour which is received, Asclapiades saith, is resolved into vapours into the bladder, and into the body, having as it were two tunicles in it, the vapours are let pass by ways, uncertain, dark, strait, & such as can by no sense be perceived. And they being once again grown together, do receive their first form, and so out of vapours, humours are engendered, for so he hath deprived the reins and Vreteras of their function. Neither do the part of blood receive pure blood above the reins, but those things which are beneath, do receive the blood from the reins, (unto whom they bring fastened, through pressing will as Serum be carried) being purged and distilled, as certain of the scholars of Erasistratus say: for if Serum were heavy, neither should it be carried of the stomach into the liver, to be distributed, neither into the reins by Cava, neither doth a watery humour run into the reins, and a sanguine humour by Cava backward, like unto oil and water mingled, which when they are poured on the ground, each run contrary way, as other Erasistratians affirm. Nor yet as Licius saith, the urine is the nourishment of the reins. Therefore the reins do draw the urine, for that it is familiar and pleasant unto them, and not by following that which is made empty. For so when no more urine did abound, than was it made empty by Ischuria, that is to say, through suppression of the urine in the reins, bladder, or other passage belonging unto urine, as we have said before more largely. In the Tractice of the stomach and the throat, by their strait passages, there is no Deglutitio by contraction, as Erasistratus saith. In the Tractrice of the liver, there is a distribution of Chylum, out of the stomach and entrails, into the liver, by the veins Meseraica. In the Tratrice of all the parts, there is distrubution of blood out of the liver and Cava, into all parts by the branches of the vein. And not as Erasistratus affirmeth, by the expression of the stomach (for this although it were, so yet by reason of the length of time, it should have small power, for the distribution of blood through the veins) not by the veins contraict about the blood, which they contain, not with that succession unto that part of our substance which is made vacant, and dispersed from our heat, the which thing those that recover from sickness do declare, who if they have not more nourishment flowing and abounding in them, than there is place vacant, they shall never recover their accustomed health, & moreover, the abundance of blood in the body, could never be gathered together upon the liver. In the tracture of purging medicines it may appear, they draw proper qualities, or certain humours, familiar unto them, out of our bodies, as Scamonium draweth yellow choler out of one that hath the janders, Elleborus niger draweth black choler ex Melancolico, Cnicus, Coccum, & Gnidium, draweth phlegm ex Leucophlegmatico: flos aeris, Squamma aeris, aes Vstum, Chamedris, Chameleon, draweth a thin and watery excrement ex Ascitico, and these tumours are not engendered in us of the medicines themselves, making our bodies supple, as Asclepiades doth falsely surmise, denying the faculty attractive unto every convenient quality, whereby Magnes draweth iron, Succinum a little moat, and corn the water laid underneath it in earthen vessels, and certain medicines do pull out splints and arrow heads fastened very deep in the flesh, and also poison of Serpents, which was put in the same.  
Likewise certain medicines draw the poison of Vipers, some the poison of Pastinaca marina, & other of others, insomuch that the poison drawn out, hath been found lying upon the medicine. By the which similitude, the same substance may draw things, other medicines draw not by hook and crook Attomos, joining together, as they met one another with Epicurus, the which he and Asclepiades did appoint to be the first elements of all things.  
Retentrix. The reteiner of proper qualities drawn unto every part, until digestion be perfect, when there is nourishment, but if there be excrements which do trouble the part wherein it lieth, as in the entrails, the bladders, etc. swelling with quantity, or sharp and biting quality, or in both together. The child is retained in the womb, until that through greatness, weight, biting, or that the infant be avoid with sweat, or urine, the Membranae being broken, or through some other urgent cause, it is constrained to be delivered. This faculty like as the rest, is in all parts which are to be nourished, but it appeareth most plainly in those parts which are greatly hollow, as in the stomach, womb, bladder, and is most delighted in these obliqne passages, but in other parts it is more obscure, it is also placed in the temperature of those parts, even as all the rest are.  
Coctrix. The digester of the substance retained in the part, the which substance is so much the rather made like unto the part by alteration, as it is more nearer, & of greater similitude, to the same in qualities, as of blood, flesh is soon made, but that substance which hath less similitude with the part, it is necessary that it be changed flower, & first by all the mean qualities, as of blood, hot, moist, and red, there cannot at the first dash be made a bone, cold, hard, and white: but there must needs be many alterations and changes, in the middle. And for that cause there are two kinds of instruments pertaining to nutrition. The one is that which draweth, carrieth, containeth, and digesteth the nourishment, and as it were a strange burden, expelleth, and beareth it, such are first, Cocturae, Os, Gula, Ventriculus, Intestina, second, Mesaraice, Venae, Hepar, Cava vena, thirdly, all the parts Similares, and of these, Organice, and Vene capillares, the which as the chiefest prepare by alteration the nourishment meet for every part. The other is, that which by drawing the excrement of nourishment, doth divide, carry, retain, and purge it, as are Lain, Rene, Ambae Vesicae, with the passages of the stomach, chief by Crassa intestina, Spincteres ambo, Musculi octo epigastrij. And those muscles which do make the restraint of the breath, and also those which is very profitable and necessary for the siege, and urine, and unto the bearing of a child. Through this nourishing alteration, when as the parts are made, that which remaineth is like unto them, and therefore it is called Assimulatio, but through the engendering alteration, those parts which before were not, are afterwards created.  
Expultrix, the expeller of those things which could not be overcome, digested, or perfectly altered, and that could not be made like unto that which ought to be nourished, when they are grieved, as it were with a strange burden, the part which demanded them, either by concoction or attraction, and when they stretching out in quantity, or troubling with sharp quality, or both, do greatly hurt it. This faculty, is exceedingly delighted with crooked ways, which are these parts, the stomach, entrails, womb, both the bladders, veins, and arteries. Expulsion, which is contrary unto attraction, is often times through one passage, as vomit and swallowing down through the throat: the seed and the increase, through the neck of the privy parts. The distribution of nutriment, & the attraction of purging medicines, & voluntary expultion of the juice, abounding in us, through Mesaraicas venas. These nourishing faculties, are understanded by the name of natural things, for that from the conception of the seed, even unto death, they are in a living creature, and also in a plant, for they help generation, & action, & one likewise furthereth an other, that by nutrition, there may be a certain particular generation and corruption, wherefore these three books entreat almost only of these faculties, unto whom, corruptio, diminutio, & atrophia, are contrary. These faculties with certain instruments, which have action, common unto all the body, are of two sorts, that is, general, and particular. The general are either all present, as in the stomach and liver, or else three of them only, as in the two bladders, for one of them digest, or two of them alone, as in the reins, for neither they digest, nor retain, or at the least very little, by reason that they want great capacity, or else the faculty expultrix, as the entrails, which have for that cause only crooked passages in their tunikes. And forasmuch as these aught to be nourished, as well as the other similar parts. They have four particular faculties, nourishers of them, placed in the temperature of their substance.  
Hitherto we have declared, which are the natural actions, how they be made, and of what parts.  
FINIS.   

 printer's device of Thomas East (McKerrow 209), a blazon or coat of arms MIEUL X. VAULT. MOURIR-EN. VERT V. QVE. VIURE. EN. HONCTE.   

AT LONDON Printed by Thomas East, DWELLING BETWEEN PAUL'S Wharfe and Baynard's Castle. 1586.