A DISCOURSE UPON THE MEANS OF WELL GOVERNING AND MAINTAINING IN GOOD PEACE, A KINGDOM, OR OTHER PRINCIPALITY. Divided into three parts, namely, The Counsel, the Religion, and the Policy, which a Prince ought to hold and follow. Against Nicholas Machiavelli the Florentine. Translated into English by Simon Patericke. printer's or publisher's device OVIBUS RESPUBLICA CONSERVETUR LONDON, Printed by Adam Islip. 1602. TO THE MOST FAMOUS YOUNG GENTLEMEN, AS WELL FOR RELIGION, MODESTY, AND OTHER virtues, AS ALso for kindred, Francis Hastings, and Edward Bacon, most hearty salutations. AFter Solon (right Worshipful young men) had seen Thespis his first edition and action of a Tragedy, and meeting with him before the play, demanded, If he were not ashamed to publish such feigned fables under so noble, yet a counterfeit parsonage: Thespis answered, That it was no disgrace upon a stage (merrily and in sport) to say and do any thing. Then Solon (striking hard upon the earth with his staff) replied thus: Yea but shortly, we that now like and embrace this play, shall find it practised in our contracts and common affairs. This man of deep understanding, saw that public discipline and reformation of manners affected and attempted once in sport and jest, would soon quail: & corruption, at the beginning passing in play, would fall and end in earnest. Therefore Tacitus worthily doth extol the manners of the Germans of his time, amongst whom, vices were not laughed at. For laughters begun of some public shame and dishonesty, will assuredly procure him some miserable calamity. Hereof France is unto all ages and nations a woeful view, yet a profitable instruction at this day. For when the clear light of the Gospel began first to spring and appear, Satan (to occupy and busy men's minds with toyish plays and trifles, that they might give no attendance unto true wisdom) devised this policy, to raise up jeasters and fools in Courts, which creeping in, by quipping and pretty conceits, first in words, and after by books, uttering their pleasant jests in the Courts and banquets of kings and princes, laboured to root up all the true principles of Religion and Policy. And some there were whom the resemblance of nature, or vanity of wit had so deceived, that they derided the everlasting verity of the true God, as if it were but a fable. Rabelaysus amongst the French, and Agrippa amongst the Germans, were the standard bearers of that train: which with their scoffing taunts, inveighed not only against the Gospel, but all good arts whatsoever. Those mockers did not as yet openly undermine the ground work of human society, but only they derided it: But such Cyclopian laughters, in the end proved to be only signs and tokens of future evils. For by little and little, that which was taken in the beginning for jests, turned to earnest, & words into deeds. In the neck of these came new Poets, very eloquent for their own profit, which incensed unto lust & lightness, such minds as were already inclined to wantonness, by quickening their appetites with the delectable sauce of unchaste hearing; and pricking them forward with the sharp spurs of pleasure. Who could then bridle vices and iniquities, which are fed with much wealth, and no less liberty? seeing them not only in play, mirth, and laughter entertained; but also earnestly accepted and commended, as being very excellent. Yet some trod the steps of honesty, which now lay a dying, and practised the old manners and fashions, which were almost forgotten. For although the secret faults of the Court were evil spoken of, yet shame stood in open view; heinous & infamous crimes kept secret corners; princes were of some credit and faith; laws were in reasonable good use; magistrates had their due authority and reverence; all things only for ostentation and outward show, but none would then have feared an utter destruction: For than Satan being a disguised person amongst the French, in the likeness of a merry jester, acted a Comedy, but shortly ensued a woeful Tragedy. When our country men's minds were sick, and corrupted with these pestilent diseases, and that discipline waxed stolen; then came forth the books of Machiavelli, a most pernicious writer, which began not in secret and stealing manner (as did those former vices) but by open means, and as it were a continual assault, utterly destroyed, not this or that virtue, but even all virtues at once: Insomuch as it took Faith from the princes; authority and majesty, from laws; liberty from the people; and peace and concord from all persons, which are the only remedies for present maladies. For what shall I speak of Religion, whereof the Machiavellians had none, as already plainly appeareth; yet they greatly laboured also, to deprive us of the same. And although they have wrongfully banished us our native country, yet fight we still for the Church's defence. Moreover Satan useth strangers of France, as his fittest instruments, to infect us still with this deadly poison sent out of Italy, who have so highly promoted their Machivellian books, that he is of no reputation in the Court of France, which hath not Machiavels' writings at the finger's ends, and that both in the Italian and French tongues, & can apply his precepts to all purposes, as the Oracles of Apollo. Truly it is a wonderful thing to consider how fast that evil weed hath grown within these few years, seeing there is almost none that striveth to excel in virtue or knowledge: as though the only way to obtain honour and riches were by this deceivers direction. But now to turn mine eyes from beholding so many miseries of poor afflicted France, as often as I see or remember our neighbour countries (which thing I do daily) so often do I bewail our miseries: Yet am I right joyful for your felicity; chiefly because God of his great bounty, hath given you a most renowned Queen, as well in deed, as title, even in the midst of so many troubles: For she coming to the crown, even when England was tossed with tempestuous storms, so dispersed those clouds, with the brightness of her counsel and countenance, that no dissension, nor external invasion, hath disturbed your peace & tranquility, these many years, especially so many wars sounding on every side: For she by maintaining wholesome unity amongst all degrees, hath hitherto preserved the State of her realm, not only safe but flourishing▪ not by machiavellian arts, as Guile, Perfidy, and other Villainies practising: but by true virtues, as Clemency, justice, Faith. Therefore goeth she her progress through her realm of England, entertained in all places with happy applause, rejoicing, & prosperity of all her subjects, she being a princess, of both Nobles and commons, by due desert most entirely beloved: Whereas we against our wills, behold our country swimming in blood, and disfigured by subversion, which is a joyful object to the eyes of strangers, yea and those labour most to work her destruction, who should be most careful to rescue & deliver poor France, out of her long calamities: but the Lord will at length behold our miseries. But O how happy are ye, both because you have so gracious a Queen, & also for that the infectious machiavellian doctrine, hath not breathed nor penetrated the entrails of most happy England. But that it might not so do, I have done my endeavour, to provide an Antidote and present remedy, to expel the force of so deadly poison, if at any time it chance to infect you. For when I thought it meet and right (especially in such a confused disorder of matters and times) to impart as well to our Frenchmen, as to other nations these discourses, first written by a man of most singular learning and wisdom, I willingly undertook this labour, which I have performed to the uttermost of my power, and now I wholly refer myself and my travail, to serve for the benefit of public utility: Yet I properly dedicated and inscribed it in your names; both because although I never saw England, yet it might serve as a pledge, to testify my thankful mind towards your countrymen, whose singular courtesy & kindness showed to my brethren, when they were banished for the profession of the Gospel, hath generally bound me to all Englishmen, but privately to you: as also that by way of exhortation, I might inflame you (being most virtuous Gentlemen) to study and follow the contents of this book, but especially the arts and virtues therein published, & almost in every word thereof so highly commended; which indeed is no other thing, than you do already. For the beholding of your ancestors monuments of their virtues (which are both many and famous) doth move you thereunto, more than the directions drawn from all ages and examples here delivered. Therefore my dear friend Francis, amongst so many notable examples of your realm, tread the steps of your uncle, the right honourable earl of Huntingdon, a man most admirable and illustrious, as well for godliness and other noble virtues, as for noble parentage & honour, that you mayshew yourself worthy of your place and kindred. And you good Edward, imitate the wisdom, sanctimony, and integrity of your Father, the right Honourable Lord Nicholas Bacon, keeper of broad Seal of England, a man right renowned; that you may lively express the image of your Father's virtues, in the excellent towardness, which you naturally have from your most virtuous Father: If you both, do daily ruminate and remember the familiar & best known examples of your ancestors, you cannot have more forcible persuasions to move you to that which is good and honest: But I will continually pray God to prosper that good hope, which your parents and kinsfolks have of you, your good studies also, and that he will plentifully bless and beautify you, with all the gifts of his spirit, that you may become profitable members of the Church, your country, and commonweal, and may live long and happy days. Kalends Augusti. Anno 1577. ❧ Greek, Latin, and French Authors, out of which, are extracted the Histories and other things alleged in these Discourses against Machiavelli. Ammianus Marcellinus. Annals of France. Aristotle. The Bible. Capitolinus. Cicero. Comines. Dion. Dionysius Halicarnasseus. Du Bellay. Aeschylus. Eurypides. Florus. Froissart. Herodianus. Homerus. Horatius. josephus. juvenal. Ius & Canonicum. Lampridius. Molineus. Monstrelet. Munsterus. Papon. Paulus Aemylius. Plinius junior. Platina. Plutarch. Pomponius Laetus. Sabellicus. Salustius. Sleidanus. Sophocles. Spartianus. Suetonius. Tacitus. Titus Livius. Thucydides. Trebellius Pollio. Virgil. Vopiscus. Xenephon. A Preface to the first Part, entreating what Counsel a Prince should use. ARistotle and other Philosophers teach us, and experience confirmeth it unto us, that there are two ways to come unto the knowledge of th●●gs. The one, when from the causes and Maxims, men come to knowledge of the effects and consequences. The other, when contrary, by the effects and consequences we come to know the causes and Maxims. As for example, when we see the earth wax green, and trees gather leaves, we know by that effect, that the sun (which is the cause thereof) approacheth nigh us: and we come to receive this Maxim, That the sun gives vigour and force unto the earth to bring forth fruits: And by the contrary also, when we have knowledge of this cause and Maxim, we come to know the effect, & to conclude the consequence; which is, That that sun coming nigh us, the earth bringeth forth her fruits, and withdrawing from us, the earth leaveth to bring forth. The first of these two ways is proper and peculiar unto the Mathematicians, which teach the truth of their Theorems and Problems by their demonstrations drawn from Maxims, which are common sentences allowed of themselves for true, by the common sense and judgement of all men. The second way belongs to other sciences, as to Natural Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Physic, Law, Policy, and other Sciences, whereof the knowledge proceeds more commonly, by a resolute order of effects to their causes, and from particulars to general Maxims, than by the first way: although it is certain, that sometimes they also help themselves, both with the one and the other way. In the Politic Art then (whereof Plato, Aristotle, and other Philosophers have written books) men may well use both these ways. For from the effects and particulars of a government, men may come to the knowledge of Maxims and rules: and by the contrary, by the rules and Maxims, men may have the knowledge of effects. So that when we see the effects of a politic government, which is of no value, and which is pernicious and evil, men are hereby brought to the knowledge of the Maxims and rules which are of the same sort: and by the good and profitable effects, men are also led to the notice of good rules and Maxims. And on the other side, good or evil rules and Maxims do lead to the knowledge of like effects. Yet although the Maxims & general rules of the Politic Art, may something serve to know well to guide and govern a public estate (whether it be principality or free city:) yet can they not be so certain as the Maxims of the Mathematicians, but are rules rather very dangerous, yea, pernicious, if men cannot make them serve and apply them unto affairs, as they happen to come; and not to apply the affairs unto these Maxims and rules. For the circumstances, dependences, consequences, and the antecedents of every affair and particular business, are all for the most part diverse and contrary: insomuch, that although two affairs be like, yet must not men therefore conduct and determine them by one same rule or Maxim, because of the diversity and difference of accidents and circumstances: For experience teacheth us, that in one same act, that which is good in one time, is not in another, but rather hurtful: and that which is convenient for some nations, is not good for others; and so of other circumstances. They then which deal in the affairs of public estate, had need to know not only the Maxims and rules of the Politic Art; but also they must have a wise, quick, and sharp wit and judgement, rightly and discreetly to ponder and weigh the circumstances and accidents of every affair, prudently to apply them to the rules and Maxims, yea, sometimes to force and bend them to serve to the present affair. But this science and habit of knowing well to weigh and examine the accidents and circumstances of affairs, and then to be able handsomely to apply unto them, their rules and principles, is a science singular and excellent, but rare and not given to many persons: For of necess●●● he that will come to this science (at the least in any perfection to be able to manage and handle weighty affairs) had need first, to be endowed with a good and perfect natural judgement: and secondly, he must be wise, temperate, and quiet, without any passion or affection, but all to public good and utility: and thirdly, he must be conversed and experimented in many and sundry affairs: These he cannot have and obtain, unless he himself have handled or seen them handled, or else by great and attentive reading of choice histories, he have brought his judgement to be very stayed and well exeecised in such affairs. We must not then think, that all sorts of people are fit to deal with affairs of public The scope of the Author. estate; nor that every one which speaketh and writeth thereof, can say that which belongeth thereunto. But it may be, some will enqu●re if I dare presume so much of myself, as to take upon me effectually to handle this matter. Hereunto I answer, that nothing less and that it is not properly my purpose whereunto I tend, or for which cause I enterprise this Work: But my intent and purpose is only to show, That Nicholas Machiavelli, not long ago a Secretary of the Florentine commonweal (which is now a Duchy) understood nothing or little in this Politic science whereof we speak: and that he hath taken Maxims and rules altogether wicked, and hath builded upon them, not a Politic, but a Tyrannical science. Behold here then the end and scope which I have proposed unto myself, that is, to confute the doctrine of Machiavelli; & not exactly to handle the Politic science; although I hope to touch some good points thereof in some places, when occasion shall offer itself. Unto my aforesaid purpose I hope to come (by the help of God) with so prosperous a good wind and full sails, as all they which read my writings, shall give their judgement, and acknowledge, that Machiavelli was altogether ignorant in that science, & that his scope and intent in his writings, is nothing else, but to frame a very true and perfect tyranny. Machiavelli also never had parts requisite to know that science. For, as for expertence in managing of affairs, he could have none; since during his time he saw nothing but the brabbling and contentions of certain Potentates of Italy, and certain practices and policies of some citizens of Florence. Neither had he any or very little knowledge in histories, as shall be more particularly showed in many places of our discourse; where (God aiding) we will mark the plain, and (as it were) palpable faults & ignorances which he hath committed in those few histories, which it pleaseth him sometimes by the way to touch: which also most commonly he allegeth to evil purpose, and many times falsely. As for a firm and sound judgement, Machiavelli also wanted, as is plainly seen by his absurd and foolish reasons, wherewith for the most part he confirms his propositions and Maxims which he sets down: only he hath a certain subtlety (such as it is) to give colour unto his moct wicked and damnable doctrines. But when a man comes something nigh to examine his subtleties, than it truth it is discovered to be but a beastly vanity and madness, yea, full of extreme wickedness. I doubt not, but many Courtiers, which deal in matters of Estate, & others of their humour, will find it very strange, that I should speak in this sort of their great Doctor Machiavelli; whose books rightly may be called, The French Courtiers Alcoran, they have them in so great estimation; imitating and observing his principles and Maxims, no more nor less than the Turks do the Alcoran of their great Prophet Mahomet. But yet I beseech them not to be offended, that I speak in this manner of a man, whom I will plainly show to be full of all wickedness, impiety, and ignorance, and to suspend their judgement, whether I say true or no, until they have wholly read these my discourses: For as soon as they have read th●●, I do assure myself, that every man of perfect judgement will say and determine, th●t I speak but too modestly of the vices and brutishness, found in this their great Doctor. But to open and make easy the intelligence of that should here be handled, we must Of Machiavelli and his writings. first search out, what that Machiavelli was, and his writings. Machiavelli then was in his time the Secretary or common Notary of the Commonweal of Florence, during the kingdom of Charles the eight, and Lewis the twelfth, kings of France; Alexander the sixth, and julius the eleventh, Popes of Rome; and of Henry the seventh, and Henry the eight, kings of England: in which time he writ his books in the Italian language, and published them about the first beginning of Francis the first, king of France, as may be gathered by his own writings. Of his life and death I can say nothing, neither did I, or vouchsafed I once to inquire thereof: because his memory deserved better to be buried in perpetual oblivion, than to be renewed amongst men. Yet I may well say, that if his life were like his doctrine (as is to be presumed) there was never man in the world more contaminated and defiled with vices and wickedness, than he was. By the Praefaci he made unto his book entitled De Principe, Of the Prince, it seemeth he was banished and chased from Florence: For he there complaineth unto his Magnifical Laurence de Medicis (unto whom he dedicated his Work) of that he endured injuriously and unjustly, as he said. And in certain other places he reciteth, That one while he remained in France, another time at Rome, and another while (not sent ambassador (for he would never have forgotten to have said that) but as it is to be presumed) as a fugitive and banished man. But howsoever it be, he dedicates the said book unto the said Laurence de Medicis, to teach him the reasons and means to invade and obtain a principality: which book for the most part containeth nothing but tyrannical precepts, as shall appear in the prosecution and progress of this Worke. But I know not if they the Medicis have made their profit and taken use of Machiavels' precepts, contained in his said book: yet this appears plainly, that they (since that time) occupied the principality of Florence, and changed that Aristocratical free estate of that city, into a Duchy, or rather into a manifest tyranny, as will easily appear unto them, which are advertised and have seen how Florence is at this day governed and ruled. Besides this book of a Prince or of a Principality, Machiavelli hath also written three books, of discoursing upon the first Decade of Titus Livius, with (ilustrating the other book of Principality) is instead of a Commentary thereunto. Through all which discourses he disperseth here and there a few words out of Titus Livius, neither rehearsing the whole deed, nor history of the matter, for which he fisheth these words, and applieth them preposterously, after his own fantasy, for the most part forcing them to serve to confirm some absurd and strange thing. He also mixeth herewith examples of small and petty Potentates of Italy, happening in his time, or a little before, which are not worth the recital, but are less worthy to be proposed for imitation: Yet herein is he to be excused, in that he knew no better, for if he had known: better, I doubt not but would have brought them to light, to have adorned his writings, and to have made them more authentic and receiveable. But out of those two books, namely of Principality, and out of Machiavels' discourses, I have extracted and gathered, that which is properly his own, and have reduced and brought it to certain Maxims, which I have distinguished into three parts, as may be seen hereafter. And I have been as it were constrained so to do, that I might revocate and gather every matter to his certain head and place, to the end, the better to examine them: For Machiavelli hath not handled every matter in one same place, but a little here, and a little there, interlacing and mixing some good things amongst them, doing therein as poisoners do, which never cast lumps of person upon an heap, lest it be perceived, but do most subtly incorporate it as they can, with some other delicate and dainty morsels: For if I had followed the order that he holds in his books, I must needs have handled one same point many times, yea confusedly and not wholly: I have then drawn the greatest part of his doctrine and of his documents, into certain propositions and Maxims, and withal added the reasons, wbereby he muntaineth them: I have also set down the places of his books, to lead them thereunto, which desire to try what fidelity I have used, either in not attributing unto him any thing that is not his own, or in not forgetting any reason that may make for him: wherein so much there wanteth, that I fear that any man may impose upon me, to have committed some fault therein: that contrary, in some places I have better cleared and lightened his talk, reasons and allegations, than they be in his writings. And if any man say that▪ I do wrong him, in setting down the evil things contained in his books, without speaking of the good things, which are dispersedly mixed therewith, and might bring honour and grace unto him: I answer and will maintain, that in all his writings, there is nothing of any value, that is his own. Yet I confess that there is some good places, drawn out of Titus Livius, or some other authors, but besides that they are not his, they are not by him handled fully, nor as they should. For as I have abovesaid, he only hath dispersed them amongst his works, to serve, as with an honey sweet bait, to cover his person. And therefore seeing that that which is good in his writings, is taken from other better authors, where we may learn them, better for our purpose, and more whole and perfect than in Machiavelli, we have no cause to attribute honour unto him, nor to thank him, for that which is not his, and which we possess and retain from a better shop than his. And as for his precepts concerning the military art, wherewith he dealeth in his books, which seem to be new, and of his own invention, I will say nothing but that men do not now practise them, neither are they thought worthy of observation, by them which are well seen in that art, as we may see in that which he maintaineth, That a prince ought not to have in his service any strange soldiers, nor to have any fortresses against enemies, but only against his subjects, when he is in fear of them. For the contrary hereof is ordinarily seen practised, and in truth it showeth an exceeding great pride and rashness in Machiavelli, that he dare speak and write of the affairs of war, and prescribe precepts and rules unto them which are of that profession, seeing he had nothing but by hearsay, and was himself but a simple Secrethrie or Town-clerk, which is a trade as far different from the profession of war, as an harquebus differs from a pen and inkhorn. Herein it falls out to Machiavelli, as it did once to the philosopher Phormio, who one day reading in the Peripatetic school of Greece, and seeing arrive & Ci●ero de Orator. Plutarch in Hannibal. enter thither Hannibal of Carthage (who was brought thither by some of his friends, to hear the eloquence of the philosopher) he began to speak & dispute (with much babbling) of the laws of war and the duty of a good captain, before this most famous captain, which had forgotten more, than ever that proud philosopher knew or had learned. When he had thus ended his lecture and goodly disputation, as Hannibal went from the auditory, one of his friends which brought him thither, demanded what he thought of the philosopher's eloquence and gallant speech? He said; Truly I have seen in my life many old dottards, but I never saw so great an one as this Phormio. So I do not doubt but such as have knowledge in the military art, will give the like judgement of Machiavelli, if they read his writings, & will say according to the common proverb, That he speaketh not like a clerk of arms. But I leave things touching this matter, unto them which have more knowledge therein than I: for it is not my purpose, any thing to touch that which Machiavelli hath handled of the military art, nor such precepts as concern the leading of an army. By this which we have before spoken, That Machiavelli was, during the reign of Charles the eight, and Lewis the twelfth, kings of France, and attained the beginning of At what time, and wherefore Machiavelli was received into France. the reign of Francis the first: It followeth that there hath not been past fifty or threescore years since his writings came to light; whereupon some may marvel, why he was not spoken of at all in France, during the reign of king Henry the second, and that after them the name of Machiavelli, did but begin to be known on this side the mountains, and his writings into some reputation. The answer hereunto, is not very obscure to such as know how the affairs of France have been governed, since the decease of king Henry the second of happy memory. For during his reign, and before the kingdom was governed after the mere French manner, that is to say, following the traces and documents of our French ancestors. But since, it hath governed by the rules of Machiavelli the Florentine, as shall be seen hereafter. Insomuch that since that time, until this present, the name of Machiavelli hath been celebrated and esteemed, as of the wisest person of the world, and most cunning in the affairs of Estate, and his books held dearest and most precious, by our Italian and Italionized courtiers, as if they were the books of Sibilla, whereunto the Paynims had their recourse when they would deliberate upon any great affair concerning the common wealth, or as the Turks hold dear and precious their Mahumet's Koran, as we have said above. And we need not be abashed if they of machiavels nation (which hold the principal estates in the government of France) have forsaken the ancient manner of our French ancestors government, to introduct and bring France in use, with a new form of managing & ruling their country, taught by Machiavelli. For on the one side every man esteemeth and prizeth always the manners, fashions, customs, & other things of his own country more than them of an others. On the other side, Machiavelli their great doctor, Cap. 3. De Princ. Discourse lib. 2. cap. 30. lib. 3. cap. 43. machiavels slanders against the kings and the people of France. describes so well France and the government thereof in his time, blaming and reprehending the Frenchmens conduction of affairs of Estate, that it might easily persuade his disciples to change the manner of French government into the Italian. For Machiavelli vaunteth, that being once at Nantes, and talking with the Cardinal of Amboise (which was a very wise man) in the time of king Lewis the twelfth, of public & State affairs, he plainly told him, that the Frenchmen had no knowledge in affairs of Estate. And in many places speaking of French causes, he reprehendeth the government of our abovenamed kings, Charles the eight, and Lewis the twelfth; yea he hath been so impudent, speaking of that good king Lewis, & rebuking him for giving succours unto Pope Alexander the sixth, that he gives him the plain lie, saying he belies himself, having passed Italy at the Venetians request, & yet succoured the Pope against his intention: And in other places he calls our kings, Tributaries of the Swisses, and of the English men. And often when he speaketh of the Frenchmen, he calleth them Barbarous, and saith, they are full of covetousness and disloyalty. So also he taxeth the Almains of the same vices. Now I beseech you, is it not good reason, to make so great account of Machiavelli in France? who so doth defame & reprove the honour of our good kings, & of all our whole nation, calling them Ignorant of the affairs of Estate, Barbarous, Covetous, Disloyal: But all this might be borne withal, and passed away in silence, if there were not another evil. But when we see that Machiavelli by his doctrine and documents, hath changed the good and ancient government of France, into a kind of Florentine government, whereupon we see with our eyes, the total ruin of all France: It infallibly followeth (if God by his grace do not remedy it soon) that now it should be time, if ever, to lay hand to the work, to remit and bring France again, unto the government of our ancestors. Hereupon I humbly pray the Princes and great lords of France, to consider what is their duties in this case. Seemeth it (most illustrious Lords) seeing at this time poor France (which is your country and mother) so desolate and torn in sunder by strangers, that you ought to suffer it to be lost and ruinated? Ought you to permit them to sow Atheism and Impiety in your country, and to set up schools thereof? Seeing your France hath always been so Zealous in the Christian Religion, as our ancient kings by their piety and justice, have obtained that so honourable a title and name of Most Christian? Think you, that God hath caused you, to be borne into this world, to help to ruinated your country, or coldly to stand still and suffer your mother to be contaminated and defiled, with the contempt of God, with perfidy, with sodomy, tyranny, cruelty, thefts, strange usuries, and other detestable vices, which strangers sow here: But rather contrary, God hath given you life, power, and authority, to take away such infamies and corruptions, and if you do it not, you must make account for it, & you can look for but a grievous & just punishment. If it be true, as the Civilian lawyers say, That he is a murderer, and culpable of death, which suffereth to die with hunger the person unto whom he oweth nourishment; And shall not you be culpable before God, of so many massacres, murders, and desolations of your poor France, if you give it not succours, seeing you have the means, and that you are obliged thereunto by right of nature? Shall you not be condemned and attainted of impiety, Atheism, and tyranny, if you drive not out of France, Machiavelli, and his government? Hear if any man will inquire, how it appeareth, that France is at this day▪ governed by the doctrine of Machiavelli, the resolution hereof is easy and clear. For the effects which France governed by the doctrine of Machiavelli. we see with our eyes, and the provisions and executions of the affairs, which are put in practice, may easily bring us to the causes and Maxims, as we have abovesaid: which is one way to know things, by ascending from effects and consequences, to the knowledge of causes & Maxims. And whosoever also shall read the Maxims of Machiavelli, which we shall handle hereafter, and descend from thence into the particularities of the French government, he shall see that the precepts and Maxims of Machiavelli, are for the most part, at this day practised and put in effect and execution, from point to point: Insomuch that by both the two ways, from the Maxims to the effects, and from the effects to the Maxims, men may clearly know, that France is at this day governed by the doctrine of Machiavelli. For are they not Machiavelists, Italians or Italianized, which do handle and deal with the seals of the kindgome of France? Is it not they also, which draw out and stamp Edicts? Which dispatch all things within and without the realm? Which hold the goodliest governments and fermes belonging unto the Crown? Tea, if a man will at this day obtain or get any thing in the Court, for to have a good and quick dispatch thereof, he must learn to speak the Messereske language, because these Messers will most willingly hear them in their own tongue; and they understand not the French, no not the terms of justice and Royal ordinances. Whereupon every man may conjecture and imagine how they can well observe or cause to be observed the laws of France, the terms whereof they understand not. Moreover, plains enough it is, That within these fifteen years, Machiavels' books were as familiar and ordinary in the hands of the Courtiers, as the Breviaries are in the hands of Curates of parishes. And as for the diversity of ancient government (which was ruled in following the traces, fashions, and customs of our ancestors) from the modern and present government, which is founded upon the doctrine of Machiavelli, it is easily and apparently seen by the fruits and effects which doth proceed therefrom. For by the ancient French government, the kingdom was maintained and governed in peace and tranquility under the observation of ancient laws, without any domestic or war, flourishing and enjoining a free traffic: and subjects were maintained in the possessing and enjoying of their goods, estates, franchises, and liberties. But now by the Italian government of this time, the good and ancient laws of the realm are abolished and suppressed; cruel wars and dissensions are maintained in France; peace always broken; the people destroyed and eaten, and traffic decayed; subjects are deprived of their ancient liberties and franchises, yea, and brought into such confusion and disorder, that none knows well what is his own, and what is not; but one plougheth and soweth, and another moweth and reapeth the same. And although this be so true and manifest, that it shall not be needful to show more amply, that the manner of our ancestors government was otherwise, and better than the modern, which at this present is in use; yet for all that, I pretend hereafter upon every Maxim, clearly to demonstrate and by good examples, that our ancient Frenchmen guided and governed themselves by good reason and wisdom, clean contrary from the way of Machiavels' precepts. Yet I mean not to authorize my sayings by the allegation of examples of small potentates Fron whence these discourses are taken. and tyrannizers borne in one night like toad-stooles (as Machiavelli doth) but by the allegations of gallant and notable examples of our kings of France, confirmed and fortified, yea by other examples of good and ancient emperors, princes, and Roman captains, and of the Senate of Rome. For I have chosen those two Monarchies, the Roman and the French, as the fairest and most excellent, from whence to draw true and good examples which are worthy for a prince to imitate, borrowing but few from other precedent Monarchies, as Medes, Assyrians, and Grecians, as less known unto us, concerning the management and government of their affairs, as too far from our time, and from our manners and customs. I have lastly chosen the best and most authentic Historiographers, and especially, them which have written those things which were and fell out in their own time, and of those affairs, the most part of which, they were spectators and actors. Of this sort and order of mine own country Historiographers, were Froissart, Monstrelet, de Comines, du Bellay: and of Romans, Salustius, Tacitus, Suetonius, Dion, Herodian, Lamptidius, Capitolinus, josephus, and certain, which shall be alleged hereafter in their places. I also have drawn out some part of my allegations out of our Annals of France, out of Paulus Aemylius, Thucydides, Xenophon, and many other authors, all which are both authentic and approved, and that also, by prescript of ancient time and long continuance have gained that praise and reputation, to be good witnesses, and that without reproach or diffamation. And for as much as Machiavelli dare say, That the Frenchmen have no understanding or knowledge in matters or causes of Estate, I hope it shall appear clean contrary, not only by the good government which I shall show to have been kept and observed by our ancestors in public causes, but also by the only places and examples which I shall bring forth and allege out of M. Philip de Comines, Knight and Chamberlain of king Lewis the eleventh: who lived even in Machiavels' time, who also understood better how the affairs of a kingdom or Commonwealth should be ruled or governed, than ever Machiavelli knew how to guide and rule a simple town. Yet I cannot but confess, that for the governing and guiding of a tyrannous Estate, Machiavelli hath more cunning, than any other of whom I have read; he so well knew all the points and precepts which were meet and convenient for the establishing of it, as hereafter shall be seen in the handling of his Maxims. Moreover, if in certain places where the matter doth require it, I speak a little Answers to the slanders of Machiavelli. too hardly of Machiavels' Italian nation, I hope, that the good men of that country cannot find it evil; as well because Machiavelli gives me just occasion, having villainously and opprobriously slandered in many sorts our French nation, but also for that I intent not any thing to blame or reprove the good Italian people. And I will not deny, but that amongst the Italian and Florentine nation, there are divers virtuous people, which are nothing less than mere Machiavelists, and that detest and abhor his wicked doctrine: For there is not so bad a ground, which amongst divers and sundry evil plants, bringeth not out some good. Yet will I give a particular praise and commendation unto such Italians as be virtuous, which better appertaineth unto them, than unto the virtuous and goodly men of other nations: namely, that as precious stones and some other drougs and spices are esteemed to be most singular, as they are most rare: so the good and virtuous Italians are so much the more to be praised and commended, because they are rare, and for that it is no trivial and common thing in Italy to be a virtuous and good man. There is also another point which excuseth me, that is, That the force of the truth hath drawn and expressed this confession of Machiavelli, even that he saith, That there is no nation or people in Christendom, that is more vicious and corrupted than the Italian nation; and that there is no province nor kingdom, where there is less care of God and of all Religion, than in Italy. Although as to this last point of Religion, Machiavelli (which in all his books showeth himself a very Atheist, and a contemner of all piety and godliness) meant not to tax nor blame them of his nation, of impiety nor of Atheism, but only hereof, that they are not like the Paynims, which so scrupulously observe their superstitions and ceremonies, as we shall more at large set down in the second part of this Discourse. But from whence comes this impudency unto Machiavelli, to tax and blame the Frenchmen of disloyalty and perfidy, seeing, that he himself also teacheth, That a Prince ought not to keep and hold his faith, but for his profit and commodity; and that the observation of faith is pernicious and hurtful. I will not deny, but that at this present time, many Italianized Frenchmen are disloyal and faith-breakers, having so learned by Machiavels' doctrine: but I deny, that in the time of Machiavelli, (during the reigns and government of Charles the eight, Lewis the twelfth, and Francis the first, or before or long time after) the French nation was contaminated with that vice: as yet there are many good and natural Frenchmen (thanks be to God) which detest all perfidy and disloyalty, and are in no way affected to those exploits, which the Italians and Italianized do in France; but rather do sob and sigh in their hearts, for to see the French nation to be defamed with that infamous and abominable vice, detested and hated amongst all countries and nations. And I hope also, that the good and loyal Frenchmen will endeavour themselves to recover the good renown and reputation of the French nation, which some degenerated and Italianized, have defiled and polluted. But wherefore doth Machiavelli so diffame and disgrace the French nation for covetousness? I do much merveile at it: For until this present time, the Frenchmen have always had this reputation, to be Liberal, Courteous, and ready to do any pleasure even unto strangers, and such as are unknown unto them. And would to God, that the French nation had never been of that nature and condition, to do well unto strangers, without first knowing and trying their behaviours and manner of life: we should not then see France to be governed and ruled by strangers, as it is: We should not feel the calamities and troubles of wars and dissensions, which they do enterprise there, to maintain their greatness and magnitude, and to fish in troubled water: The treasures of France should not be so exhausted and drawn out, by their rapines and most insatiable avarice, as they are. What country or nation is there in the world, that feelcth or can justly complain of the covetousness of Frenchmen? Or rather, what nation is there, which hath not felt of the liberality of the kingdom of France. But contrariwise, we see with the eye and touch with the finger the covetousness and avarice of the Italians, which do undermine and ruinated us, yea, which also do suck out all our substance and wealth, and leaves us nothing at all for ourselves. Some of them are Publicans or Farmers of the king's revenues or Farme-rents: Some, Farmers of the customs and fraights of merchandises and carriages: Some, Farmers of yearly Tributes and Subsidies: and some, of the Princes private rents, yea, of all public and common profits belonging unto the French king, rating them even at what price they will: So that by that means, infinite coin comes into their hands, but there is but little which returneth again to the public or common good of the Prince and country. Others obtain great Estates, Offices, and Benefices, by the means whereof, all the treasure and money of the kingdom of France falls into the hands of strangers. And those Italians, which have no means or occasions thus to deal with the public affairs of the Commonwealth, do hold and keep banks in good towns, where they exercise most exorbitant and unmeasurable usuries, by the means whereof, they do wholly eat and consume poor France, and bring it unto confusion. And although that in Machiavels' time, France was not fallen into that extreme evil and great calamity, as it is now at this present; yet since that time have we sufficiently felt the covetousness of the Italians, in the wars which our kings of France have made in Italy and Piedmont. For the great store of treasure and money that must needs have been sent beyond the Alps, for to satisfy the insatiable and greedy lusts of the Italians, was the cause oftentimes of increasing and raising imposts and tallages upon the people, which by little and little did rise so high, that they exceeded and do exceed many times more than half the revenewe of the poor Plebeian, or common sort of people. But this Italian covetousness, which the Italians did exercise and use in the kingdom of France at that time, by their dealings for to draw our treasure and money into their own country, was but honey, in respect of that which they have exercised, and do still exercise more and more, since that they have passed on this side the Alps, and that they came to domineer and perch all over the country of France, and to hold and possess Offices, Benefices, Fermes, Customs, Revenues, and Banks, as is heretofore said. And therefore it is clearly and evidently seen, that it is (as I may say) against the hair, that Machiavelli and the other Italians doth tax the Frenchmen of Covetousness and Avarice. Unless a man will say, that the Frenchmen are much to be blamed and reprehended for Passive Avarice, which is in them, that is to say, which they suffer and endure of the Italians, who by their Active Covetousness (which they do practise and put in action amongst us) do clip the wool on the back, and suck our blood and substance, as men do with sheep. And in this sense to take it (as we should) it is certain and assured, that Machiavelli blaming us of Passive Covetousness, which we do suffer, showeth us briefly, that we are beasts, which will suffer ourselves so to be bereft and weakened of our wool and our blood (with patience) by strangers. For it may well one day come to pass, that they may be made to disgorge their booties and rapines, and that their great heaps of money, gotten by extortions in France, may turn them unto damage: For as the Poet Sophocles saith: Men must not seek, nor love, of all things to get gain, For he that draweth gain out of that which is nought, Before he profit gets, shall sooner loss sustain: For evil gotten goods are often dearly bought. And whereas Machiavelli taxeth and chargeth the Almains with Covetousness and perfidy, herein may be seen, what an impudent and most wicked slanderer he is: For all men may plainly see, that (neither in their own country, nor in the towns of France, where they dwell for their commerce and traffic) they practise no great and execrable usuries, as the Italians do, but content themselves with a mean and reasonable profit for their money; as of five or eight at the most, for the loan and use of a hundredth: Whereas the Italians do often return their money with the gain of fifty, yea often of an hundredth, for an hundredth. And as for Merchandise and traffic, it is well known, that no other nation is more plain, faithful, sincere and loyal than they are, in their bargains and traffic: For they do not refresh, polish, and deck up their wares, nor do change them and sell one for another; they set not a price of their merchandise more than it is worth, but at the first word they ask, what at the last they will have, or not sell it, without seeking any unmeasurable or extraordinary profit, upon them which know not what the merchandise is worth. And as for perfidy, deceit, and treason, the Almains have them in so great execration and detestation, that they think, there neither is nor can be any greater vice or sin than they are. Yea after a man once hath forfeated and failed in his Faith, contract, and promise, although but in small things and of no great reckoning or value, they will never afterward esteem or account him a good or honest man: So great (I say) is their detestation of all kind of deceit and false dealing. But a man needs not marvel, that Machiavelli dare so impudently lie upon the Almains, for he hath brought forth more strange things than this slander, as we shall show hereafter, both to the good of all others that shall read his writings, and to the manifest and plain laying open of him in his true and perfect colours: For the effecting whereof, let us then now enter into the matter. THE FIRST PART, ENTREAting what Counsel a Prince should use. 1. Maxim. A Princes good Council ought to proceed from his own wisdom: otherwise, he cannot be well counseled. IT is a Maxim and general rule (saith Machiavelli) that good counsel ought to proceed from the wisdom of the Prince himself: and not contrary, that the Prince's wisdom should proceed from good Counsel. For if the Prince be not wise of himself, he cannot be well counseled. For as much as if he be counseled by one alone in the administration of his affairs, hardly shall he find a man of requisite honesty and sufficiency well to counsel him: and although he should find one of such quality, there were danger that he would take away his estate: For, to domineer and reign, there is no honesty or virtue that can keep in the ambition of men. And if an unwise Prince take counsel of many, he must ever make his account to have discordant and contentious counsels and opinions, which he can never accord nor reconcile; in the mean while, every one of his Counsellors will seek his particular profit, without that the Prince can know, or remedy it. AT the first show this Maxim seemeth to have some appearance of truth: but when it shall be well examined, a man shall find it not only nothing true, but also that it is pernicious and of wicked consequence. I am well contented to presuppose, that it is very true and certain, That there cannot come a better and Of a wise Prince of himself. more profitable thing to a people and Commonweal, than to have a Prince wise of himself: therefore, said Plato, That men may call that an happy Commonweal, when either the Prince that raineth there, can play the Philosopher, or else when a Philosopher cometh to reign there: that is to say, in one word, when the Prince is of himself wise and prudent. For in old time, that name (Philosopher) was taken for a person full of wisdom and science, not for a dreaming unsociable man, as he is commonly taken at this day. Of old, that name of Philosopher was attributed for a title of great honour unto the Emperor Marcus Antonius, who in truth was a good and a wise Prince. But to verify that which I say, it is not needful to allege many reasons: for it is evident enough, That the felicity of a public estate, lieth wholly in well commanding, & well obeying; whereupon resulteth and ariseth an harmony and concordance so melodious and excellent, that as well he that commandeth, as he that obeyeth, do both receive contentment, pleasure, and utility. But to obey well, dependeth wholly of well commanding, and it cannot be without it. So, well commanding dependeth of the prudence and wisdom of him that commandeth. Therefore the Emperor Severus being Spartianus in Severo. in wars, and his son Bassianus with him, and being carried in a Litter (because he had the Gout) as he saw his soldiers discontented and mutinous, and would needs have Bassianus his son, their Cheefetaine; he caused all the Army, but especially his Colonels, Captains, and Corporals to be called, and to assemble in one place: and after having made unto them some Remonstrance and Oration, he caused strait to be executed to death all the heads of that mutiny. After, he spoke thus to all the Army, Now know ye, that it is the head and not the feet which commandeth you. And indeed and truth, the good commanding proceeds from the prudence and wisdom of him that commandeth: which remaineth and hath his being not in the feet nor arms, but in a brave mind, well stayed and governed, which is aided and helped with a good natural towardness, a mature and ripe age, and experience. And the Prince which can well command, shall also undoubtedly be well obeyed. For a prudent commandment draweth after it withal, an obedience: because a wise Prince will always advise to found his commandments in Reason and justice, and to the public utility, not to his own pleasure; by which means they that are to obey, shall as it were be constrained by the force of reason and equity, and drawn also by the sweetness of the profit, to yield obedience. But if some by these means cannot be induced to obey (as there are always some amongst many) they will be brought thereunto either by the example of such as let themselves be overcome with reason and public utility, or else by punishment, which is in the Prince's hand. He that will show this by plurality of examples, That prudent Princes have always been well obeyed, and that their kingdoms and countries have been happy, and full of all prosperity; should never have done: but I will content myself to allege only two. Solomon was a King most wise, and a great Philosopher: for he asked wisdom of God, and he gave it him in such abundance, that besides that he was 1. Kings. 4. 10. 1. Chron 9 ignorant of nothing which a Prince should know, well to govern his subjects; yet knew he the natures of Plants and living creatures, and was so cunning in all kind of Philosophy, that his knowledge was admired through the world. This his prudence and wisdom, made him so respected of all the great Kings, his neighbours, that they esteemed themselves happy that they could do him pleasure, and might have his amity: By this means he maintained his kingdom in so high and happy a peace, that in his time, his subjects made no more account of silver than of stones, they had such store. And as for himself, he held so magnifical an estate, that we read not of any King or Emperor that did the like. Charles the wise, king of France, coming to the Crown, found the kingdom Frossard, lib. 1. cap. 132. in great confusion and calamity: For all Guienne, part of Normandy, & Picardy, were occupied by the Englishmen: he saw he had K. Edward of England (the third of that name) his adversary, who was one of the most happy and most valiant princes that ever was in England; and who certain years before had obtained two great victories in France, the one, at the journey of Crecy, against K. Philip de Valois, where France lost eleven Princes, twelve hundred Gentlemen, Knights, and thirty thousand other people of war; the other victory was at the journey of Poitiers, which also the said K. Edward gained, by the conduction of the Prince of Wales his son, and lieutenant General, against john King of France, who was there taken prisoner, with a son of his called Philip, after Duke of Bourgogne, and many other Princes and great Lords: all which were conducted into England: there was made there a great discomfiture of people. By these two battles lost in France the one after the other, in a small time, the kingdom was so debilitated of his forces and goods, as it could not stand: yet for a further heap of mischiefs, at Paris, and in many other places of the realm, at the same time arose there many broils and dissensions. But that good King, Charles le Sage, was so wise and prudent in the conduction and government of the affairs of the realm, as well in the time that he was Dolphin and Regent of France (his Father being prisoner) as after when he was king, that by little and little he laid to sleep all stirs and discords: after he did so much, that he recovered upon the Englishmen almost all which they occupied: and although he was not so brave a warrior as his father king john, nor as his grandfather King Philip, yet was he wiser and better advised in his deliberations, not hazarding his affairs as they did (fearing to be reputed cowards) nor did any thing rashly, without due consideration. He took not arms in hand, but he knew well how and when to employ them to his good. Insomuch, that K. Edward of England seeing the wisdom of that king made his Arms rebound and become dull, and his victories and conquests to be lost and annihilated: Truly (said he) I never knew king that less useth Arms, yet troubleth me so much; he is all the day inditing letters, and hurteth me more with his missives, than ever did his Father or Grandfather with their great forces and Arms. Behold the witness which king Edward gave of the wisdom of his enemy king Charles: which was yet of so great efficacy, that he brought his kingdom into a good peace, by the means whereof his people became rich and wealthy, where before they were as poor and miserable. And not only the people became rich, but the king also himself heaped up great treasures, which he left to his son after him: insomuch, that he was not only surnamed the Wife, but the Rich also. I could to this purpose add here many other examples, but in a thing so clear, the example of these two kings, Solomon and Charles, shall suffice: which two for their great wisdom, have acquired the name of Wife: they both were rich in great treasures, both of them maintained their subjects in peace, both left their kingdoms opulent and abundant, and placed the estates of their Commonwealths in great felicity. It is a thing then plain & confessed, That it is an exceeding great good to a people, Prudence is more requisite in a Prince's Counsel, than in himself. when they have a Prince that is wise of himself: but thereupon to infer and say (as Machiavelli doth) That the government of Prince ought to depend upon his own proper wisdom, and that he cannot be well counseled but by himself; is evil concluded, and such a conclusion is false, and of pernicious consequence. For a Prince, how prudent soever he be, ought not so much to esteem of his own wisdom, as to despise the counsel of other wise men. Solomon despised them not, and Charles the wise always conferred of his affairs with the wise men of his Counsel. And so far is it off, that the Prince ought to despise another's Counsel, that even he ought to conform his opinion to that of the men of his Counsel, which are wise, and ought not stubbornly to resist their advice, but to follow it, and hold his own for suspected: And therefore that wise and cunning Emperor Marcus Antonius, the Philosopher, being in his privy Counsel house (where was that great Lawyer Scaevola, Maetianus, Volusianus, & many other great persons, excellent in knowledge, and honesty) after having well debated with them the matters they handled, when sometimes he took in hand to sustain opinions contrary to theirs. Well (said he) masters, The thing than must be done according to your advice: For it is much more reasonable, that I alone follow the opinion of so good a number of my good and faithful friends, as you are, than that so many wise men should follow the opinion of me alone. Unto this opinion of the Emperor Antonius agreeth also the common Proverb, That many eyes see clearer than one eye alone. Experience also teacheth us, That things determined and resolved by many brains, are always wiser, safer, & better ordered, than the resolutions of one alone. And we see also, that the ancient Dionis. Halic. lib. 2. Romans, and all Commonweals, well governed, as well in times past, as at this day, have always followed and observed that which by plurality of wise men's voices was concluded & determined. And truly, so much the wiser a Prince is, so much the more will he suspect his own opinion. For the same wisdom which is in him, will persuade him not to believe himself too much, and to have his own judgement for suspected in his own case (as all public affairs may be said to be proper to the Prince) and to permit him to be governed by his Counsel. And contrary, because there are no people more presumptuous, nor that think to know more, than they which know little; nor that thinks to be more wise, than they that have no wisdom: if you learn a Prince that thinketh himself wise, this principle of Machiavelli, That he ought to govern himself by his own wisdom and Counsel, and that he cannot be better counseled than by himself; you shall straight find inconveniences: For then shall you see, that he will believe neither counsel nor advise, but that comes out of his own head; and he will say to them that will give him any, That he understands well his own matters, and that he knoweth what he hath to do: and so will bring his estate and affairs into confusion, and overthrow all upside down. And from whence comes this evil government and disorder? Even from that goodly doctrine of Machiavelli, which willeth, That a Prince should govern himself by his own wisdom; and that maintaineth, That a prince cannot be well counseled, but by his own wisdom. The consequence then of this Maxim, is not small, seeing the public state of a country may stagger and be overthrown thereby. Better than it is, that contrary, the Prince hold this resolution, To govern himself by good counsel, and believe it, and have in suspicion his own wisdom. For if the Prince be wise, and his opinion found to be founded upon Reason, they of his Counsel will easily fall to his advice: seeing also, that oftentimes they applaud and like too well the Prince's opinions, scant reasonable. And where. it happeneth, that they take the hardiness to contradict the Prince's opinion, he ought even then thereby to persuade himself, that he strayeth far from good reason, and in that case he ought to hold his judgement for suspected. And contrary, if the Prince be not wise at all (for it is not incompatible nor inconvenient, to be a Prince and to be unwise withal) yet having this resolution to govern himself by Counsel, his affairs will carry themselves better, than being governed by the head. But in all cases I presuppose that the Prince's Counsel is compounded of good and capable men, which have ever before their eyes the service and utility of their Prince, which is no other thing but the Commonweal. For otherwise, if they be wicked, the Prince's affairs cannot but go evil, whether the Prince be wise or unwise. For that being wise, yet can he not see nor know all, but only considereth those things which pass by the relation of his Counsellors. And if they of his Counsel be wicked, they may always so handle matters, that he shall not be advertised but of such things as it please them, as soon false as true, to cause him to incline to their pleasure and will. If the Prince be unwise, yet much better they of his Counsel (if they be wicked) may handle him at their devotion, and in all sorts abuse him. And therefore have the Elders held this Maxim (clean contrary to that of Machiavelli) That it is more expedient to the Commonweal, that the Prince be wicked and his Counsel good, than that the Prince be good, and his Counsellors wicked. But for because the historiographer Lampridius hath touched that point very clearly and briefly, I will here recite and translate his own words: he saith then, in the life of the Emperor Alexander Severus, addressing his speech unto the Emperor Constantine the Great, in this manner. Thou accustomest (Constantine the Great) to demand, What was the cause that Alexander Severus, borne in Syria, hath been so excellent a Prince, seeing that even from the very Roman nation, and from the other Provinces, there have proceeded and come men wicked, impure, cruel, contemptible, unjust, & given only to voluptuousness? I may first answer according to the common opinion of good men, That Nature (which is everywhere a Mother) may in all places & in all nations engender a good Prince: I may also say, That Alexander was a good Prince by fear, for that Heliogabalus his predecessor (which was a most wicked Prince) was massacred and slain. And to touch the very truth, may it please thy piety to remember that which thou hast read in the Historiographer Marius Maximus, That the estate of the Commonwealth is better and more assured, wherein the Prince is wicked, than that wherein the Prince's Counsellors are wicked. For one wicked man may be well corrected by many good men; but many wicked men cannot be surmounted by one good man alone. Alexander had Counsellors, which were venerable and holy persons, not malicious, not thieves, not partial, not cautelous, not consenting to evil, not enemies to good men, not voluptuous, not cruel, not deceivers of their Prince, not mockers nor abusers of him as a fool: but contrary, persons honourable, continent, religious, loving their Prince, which would not mock him, nor be mocked of him, which in their estate were no sellers, liars, dissemblers, and which defrauded not their prince of his honour, but loved him. They entertained not Eunuches and flatterers, which serving for newes-carriers, oftentimes report otherwise than is said unto them: and which hold their master shut up, providing above all things, that he shall know nothing of his own affairs. I know (Constantine Emperor) that he brings himself into great danger, which talketh to a Prince, that is a servant and a slave unto such people: but thou which hast experience of the great mischiefs that such pestilent flatterers bring, and how they deceive Princes, thou knowest how to debase and humble them, namely to force them only to deal with the affairs of the house, and not of the Commonweal. Above all, this is most memorable in Alexander, that he would never receive any alone into his chamber, but the great master of his household, and the great Lawyer Ulpian: neither gave he any man liberty to sell smoke, nor to slander or speak evil of him: especially after he had put to death Euxinus, who often had sold him as a senseless fool. There is more yet, that Alexander spared not his own parents and friends when they deserved punishment, or at the least put them from him when they offended, saying, That he loved better the Commonwealth, than his parents and friends. And that thou mayest know what people he had of his privy Counsel, these were they, Fabius Sabinus, the son of Sabinus, an excellent man, a second Cato in his time; Domitius Vlpianus, a learned man and a Lawyer; Elius Gordianus, father of that Gordianus, which was after Emperor, a man very excellent; julius Paulus, a great person in the Law; Claudius Venatus, a great and worthy Orator; Pomponius, a very cunning man in the Law; Alfenus, Africanus, Florentinus, Martianus, Callistratus, Hermogenianus, Venuleius, Trifonius, Melianus, Celsus, Proculus, Modestinus, all excellent Doctors of Law, and disciples of that great Lawyer Papinian: all which were great familiars, and very private with Alexander. More also he had of his privy Counsel, Catilius Severus, his Parent, as learned as any; Aelius Severianus, a person above all others, of greatest sanctity; Quintilius Marcellus, of whom there is not found in history a better man. Alexander then having all those and many other like of his privy Counsel, all which agreed to do well, how could he then either do or think evil? These Counsellors at the beginning were put from him out of credit, by evil Counsellors which abused Alexander, but afterward having wisely driven them from him, which were worth nothing, he called again his other good Counsellors, and loved all well. And these were they which made Alexander a good Prince: as contrary, wicked Counsellors have made many Roman Emperors as wicked as they. Behold then what Lampridius saith touching this question, Whether it is better to have a wicked Prince, which hath good Counsellors, or a good Prince which hath evil Counsellors: & he resolveth that the Elders have held, That it is much better to have a wicked Prince, which hath good Counsellors: which is contrary unto the new opinion of Machiavelli, who makes no account of a Princes good Counsellors, if so be it the Prince himself be good and prudent: who also saith, That the affairs of a Prince cannot be well conducted, unless he guide them himself by his own wisdom. It is then very clearly seen, that his Maxim is false by the alleged reasons of Lampridius, namely, That many good Counsellors may well supply the want of wisdom that is in a Prince, and moderate his unbrideled and undiscreet appetites; but a good Prince cannot correct so many evil Counsellors, which will feed their Prince with smoke and lies, and will hide from him such things as he ought to know for the Commonweal. This may yet be better showed by the examples of many Princes, which have been Princes of little wisdom have been well governed by good Couns●ll. Capitol. in Go●d. jun. of small wisdom and virtue, and yet notwithstanding have well ruled the Commonwealth by the good and wise Counsel of prudent and loyal Counsellors, wherewith they were served: as did the Emperor Gordian the young, who was created Emperor at eleven years of age, insomuch, that many judged the Empire to be fallen in to a childish kingdom, and so into a weakness and a bad conduction. But it proved otherwise: for this young Emperor Gordian espoused the daughter of a wise man, called Misitheus, whom he made the high Steward of his household, and governed himself by his Counsel, in all his affairs, so that the Roman Empire was well ruled so long as Misitheus lived. Likewise joas king of Israel, came to the Crown a young child, of the age only 2. Kings. 11. and 12. and 2. Chro. 23. of seven years: but he was governed by joiada his uncle, a very wise man: Insomuch, that whilst that good Counsellor lived, the kingdom was well and rightly administered. Charles the sixth king of France, was but thirteen years old when he came to the Crown, & was of small understanding: yet during his minority, the kingdom was well and wisely governed by his three uncles, the Dukes of Anjou, of Berry, and Bourgoigne. There was nothing in their government to be spoken against, but only that they were a little drawing unto themselves the king's treasure, all other affairs were administered well and prudently. Yet true it is, that after the king's majority, they yet entered into the government of the kingdom (because of a frenzy that took the king, which endured more than twenty years) but then their government was corrupted by ambition, covetousness, a desire of vengeance, & envy: yet as I said, during the king's minority they did govern well. The kings of France, Clotharie the fourth of that name, and Chilperic the second, Annals of France upon the year 716, & the three following. were both Princes of small understanding, and indeed had no wisdom to conduct the affairs of the realm: but they had for a Counsellor and Conductor of their affairs, that valiant Lord Charles Martell, that during their reign the realm was well ruled, yea, with many great and excellent victories. In our time we know that the Emperor Charles the fift was left very young by his father and grandfather, in such sort, as during his minority he could never have Du Bellay, lib. 1. de se Memoires. known how to govern his affairs, which were great, and in great trouble in many places: His said father then, foreseeing at his death, that his son had need of a good overseer, which were a good man; ordained for that purpose, to govern him and his affairs, king Lewis the twelfth, praying him to accept that charge, knowing well the sincerity and loyalty of that good king, which for nothing would wound his conscience (as he did not) although he might, for thereby he had offered him great occasions of enlarging his limits. The king then loyally to acquit himself of that charge, gave unto that young Prince for Governor, a good man, faithful, and of good understanding, called the Lord de Chieures: by the counsel of whom, and of certain other good Counsellors, the affairs of that young Prince were much better managed (even in that low age) than ever they were in his fathers or grandfathers time. This good government in that base age, proceeding from good Counsel, gave so great a fame and reputation unto that young Prince, that he was chosen Emperor at the age of 20 years. The Emperor Domitian, beside he was not wise, he was wicked and exceeding cruel: yet he, during his reign, had so good hap to encounter and light upon such Suetonius in Domit. cap. 3. 4. 8. 10. Governors and Magistrates for the Provinces of his Empire, being good and wise men, that whilst he reigned, the Roman Empire was well governed, and there was none but certain particular persons of Rome, which felt the evil of his vices and cruelty. Charles the eight king of France, came to his Crown at the age of thirteen years, and was a very good Prince, but of no great understanding nor wisdom: Annals of France upon the year 1484. yet the Estates that were assembled at Tours, gave him a good Counsel, which they did choose of fit and capable persons; by which Counsel, the affairs of the kingdom were well governed during the king's minority, although there fell out some emotions and stirs of some revolters. I will not here repeat the example of the Emperor Alexander Severus, who very young came to the Empire, and under whom the affairs of the Commonwealth were well governed, by the means of good Counsellors, as is abovesaid. I may also here add many other examples of our kings of France, which were not too spiritual, and yet governed well by their good Counsel. As also there were many Emperors of the Roman Empire, some ignorant and brutish, others voluptuous and effeminate, others cruel, and knowing nothing but to handle iron. As were Philipus, Licinius, Dioclesianus, Maximianus, Carus, Carinus, Gallus, Constantius, Aurelianus, Galienus, Leon, Macrinus, Zeno, justintanus, and many others, which yet made very good Laws, as well for distributive justice, as for the policy of the Empire, as is seen by the Code of justinian; which laws we must needs attribute to their wise and learned men, which were their Counsellors: for none of all them knew any thing, or little (except Macrinus) how to make good Laws. Therefore I conclude this point against the Maxim of Machiavelli, That a Prince may well govern wisely the Commonweal by the good counsel of good and faithful Counsellors, although he be evil provided of wisdom. But here remaineth a difficulty, which is not small, How an unwise Prince may Of the election of good Counsellors and Magistrates. provide good and loyal Counsellors, seeing that Princes that are wise and well advised, are therein often deceived. And upon this point I confess there is nothing harder nor of greater consequence to a Prince, than to guide himself well in the election of such persons, whereof he should compose his Counsel. For there are great hypocrisies and dissimulations, and one seems to be a good man, sincere, and continent, which shows himself another man, when means comes in his hand to corrupt virtue for to make his particular profit thereof. And we see but too much by experience, that the old Proverb is true, Honours change manners. You may see how the most gracious and courteous in all the world, the most affable and officious to every one (that is possible) whilst they are in base degree; after they be mounted into some high degree of honour & dignity, they become rough & haughty, & so much, that to whom before they showed themselves facile and serviceable, they even seem now not to know them, yea, which before were their private friends and familiars: Such people have no good souls, but deserve that their fierceness and pride should disarson and dispossess them of that place unto which most commonly their dissembled humility and courtesy hath advanced them. This vice is reprehensible, not only in a Prince's officers, but also in the Prince himself, who ought not to put pride and fierceness upon that head, whereupon the Crown and Diadem standeth. For hereof is the king Agamemnon taxed and reprehended by Menelaus his brother, in a Tragedy of Euripides, where he saith thus: Most humble waist thou in times past, and kissed each man's hand, Most humane, gentle, affable, to none thy gates did stand Shut up, to highest Honour thou (by such means) soughtst to rise: But now thou Honour hast supreme, why provest thou so unwise, Another man strait to become, and change thy manners all? Yea human duty even to friends, by thee doth not befall. To good men that esteems good fame, this is not covenable, Chamoelion like thy manners changed, thou to be so mutable. This mutability then, of manners which is seen in many natures of men, is the cause that it is so hard for a Prince to know how to elect good men for his Counsel, and that in that point it is very uneasy to teach a Prince how to behave himself therein: yet I will a little discourse upon that point, how the Elders governed themselves in election of Prince's Counsellors, and then we will return to Machiavelli. Upon this I first find, that our ancient Frenchmen have observed three rules, which I think good enough. The first, that the princes of the blood are always of the king's Counsel: for although it may well come to pass, that some one of them is not the most resolute nor best garnished with parts requisite to know well to counsel and govern the affairs of the Commonwealth; yet seeing they have that honour to be princes of the blood, they may not be excluded, unless it be for some great fault and offence: For so there may arise (as many times hath been seen) great discontentments, troubles, and partialities, which often draweth after them wars and infinite evils. The other rule is, that the new king retain always in his service the old Counsellors of his predecessor, which governed well, especially such as have before acquired the reputation, to be good, loyal, and sincere men. The third rule is, that the three estates provide good Counsellors for the king, during his minority, or if by accident he lose the use of his senses or understanding: as was practised in both cases during the reign of Charles the sixth, je bien aime. Which aforesaid rules, as I hope ●one can deny but they are good, and introducted with good reason by our ancestors, so I must needs confess that they are not sufficient in all cases to provide good Counsellors for a Prince. For it may well happen, that a prince of full age may have few or no princes of his ●loud experienced in affairs: and that the other Counsellors which his predecessor left, shall either not be good men, or not capable, or that they are dead, and therefore then he must needs come to an election of new Counsellors, by some other way than by these aforesaid rules. And upon that point it seemeth unto me, that the manner of proceeding, which Lampri. in Alexandro. Alexander Severus the Emperor used to choose as well his Counsellors as his Magistrates, is very good, & meriteth well to be imitated and drawn into consequence. For first, he never provided any persons for an Office, in consideration of any favour of kindred or amity, nor in recompense of any service, but only in consideration of the probity and capacity of the persons. But if any man were presented unto him, which was not of good reputation, as well in knowledge and experience, as in good life, although otherwise he had done good services in some other charge, or that there had been good appearance that he might do well, being of the house & race of wise and prudent people, yet he would not receive him. And the better to be informed of the reputation of persons, whereof he had proffers by his wise friends, he caused to be set up in common streets and great public places, where many ways meet, certain posts to fix bills upon them, whereupon was written certain exhortations unto the people, That if any man had any thing to say against such and such a man (which he named) wherefore they might not be received and admitted to such and such an Office, that he should denounce it. And so made those commands by placards, to the end he might better discover & be advertised of the virtues & vices of persons. For (said this Paynim Emperor) seeing the Christians use (well) this form, to renounce publicly in their assemblies the names of such as they will promote unto the order of Priesthood, why should not we use it also in the election of our Officers and Magistrates, into the hands of whom we commit the lives and goods of our subjects. Moreover, he never suffered Offices and estates of Magistrates, which had power & authority over the people, to be sold; nor that any commerce whatsoever should be made of them: For (said he) necessarily, he that buyeth, selleth; and if I suffer that any man buy an Office, I cannot condemn him when he selleth: for it were a shame for me to punish him which selleth again that which he buyeth. Besides all this, in the election of Counsellors and Magistrates, he did ever suspect such as fought for Offices, and held them for ambitious and dangerous people for the Commonweal. But they which he could know to be good men, and worthy of public charge, and never sought it, these were they which he esteemed most sufficient: and the more they excused themselves from accepting of Offices, so much the more were they constrained unto them. Insomuch, that one day there was one (whereof there was good testimony given unto him) unto whom he determined the Office of Lieutenant General of justice in the town of Rome: But the other excused himself the best he could, saying, He perceived not himself sufficient nor capable to exercise so great an estate. The more he excused himself, the more the Emperor Alexander constrained him, and commanded him to accept and exercise it, and that he would have it so, being contented with his sufficiency. The other, which in no case would accept that estate, found some light occasion to get from the emperors presence for that time, and so fled. When the Emperor knew he was fled, he caused him to be searched diligently, & found him, caused him to be brought unto him, than he constrained him whether he would or no to accept that Office. He had also a good grace in the election of the Senators of the Senate: for he chose not any, without demanding the advice of them which were already in that estate; and inquired of the manners, knowledge, and sufficiency of him or them which were to be Senators. And when it came to pass, that any man by his opinion did bring any into an Office, that was not in all points sufficient, (as it often cometh to pass that they that favour a man, make his manners good, and his knowledge greater than it is) he thus punished them, to bring them to the lowest room of all their company: which was a covenable and meet punishment: for he that by undue and unlawful means will advance another, meriteth well to be put from the place himself. We find in our histories of France, that our kings have sometimes imitated this manner of proceeding of the Emperor Alexander, in his manner of election of Counsellors and Magistrates: For by ancient ordinances which lately were fresh in the public Counsel of Estates of Orleans (but since evil observed,) Offices ought to be conferred upon such as were named to the king, by the other Officers and Magistrates, and by the Consuls & Precedents of Towns and Provinces, which were to make true report of the life, good manners, and sufficiency of such as they named. As for the vent and selling of Offices, it seemeth that it hath been long time tolerated in France. For M. Philip de Comines in his History which he writ of Comines, li. 1. cap. 12. the life of king Lewis the eleventh, saith, That already in the time of that king (when he had war against the lords of the Commonweal) in the year 1464, the Perisians made a great traffic and commerce of Offices, whereof they are more desirous than any others of all the French nation: For (saith he) there are some which will give eight hundred skutes or crowns for an Office, that hath no wages nor stipend belonging unto it: and some will give for an Office that hath a stipend belonging unto it, more than fifteen years the stipend comes to. But it seems unto me, that de Comines toucheth not the white, when he speaks of the cause why the Parisians are so desirous of Offices. For the true cause seemeth to be, for that by the customs of Paris, a father cannot bestow upon one child more than upon another, be they daughters or sons, unless it be in Offices. And that therefore the Parisians, which desire to advantage any of his children above other (as commonly the father which hath many children, loves one more than another) are as it were constrained to buy Offices. And would to God that this custom were yet to invent, and that the Parisians had free dispensation of their goods, and that they had not brought in this villainous traffic of Offices. But a strange thing it is, which Comines addeth, That even in the time of king Lewis the eleventh, the parliament of Paris maintained, that such a commerce and traffic was lawful. But he speaks not of what Offices the Court of Parliament tolerates that kind of traffic. It is not credible, that at that time, Offices of judgement were sold; nor that the Court of Parliament approved such a commerce; but rather that they were Offices of Fines, Ushers, Castle keepers, Sergeants, Notaries, Offices of Waters, and Forests, and such like, whereof the sale was tolerable: but not of Offices of Precedents, Counsellors, Bailiffs, Stewards, Lieutenants, and other Offices of judgement. For it is seen by Annals upon An. 1499. our Annals, that king Lewis the twelfth (who was called the Father of the people) to spare his people, and to pay the debts of king Charles the eight, his predecessor, and to help other great affairs which he had on his Arm for the recoverment of the Duchy of Milan, he was the first king that began to sell Offices Royal, excepting always the Offices of judgement, which he touched not. This was a very good king, and did this to a good end, to comfort and help his poor people from tallages and borrow: Who considered, that it was as much and more reasonable that he should take silver for such Offices (which were not of judgement,) as private persons did, upon whom they were freely bestowed; unto whom it was lawful (as is said) by a sufferance already inveterate of the said Parliament, to sell and traffic them. But since, the fact of this good king hath been drawn into a consequence and an use; yea, the exception of Offices of judgement is clean also taken away, in such sort, that now all Offices indifferently are venal, yea, to him that offereth most to the last penny. And although we may say still, it is to the same end, namely to help the people, yet it is evident, that that end is not sought nor followed. For by the contrary, the people is eaten up even to the bones, by these buyers of Offices, which will needs draw out of them the money of that they bought. And it seemeth according to the saying of the Emperor Alexander, that they have reason: for that which may be bought, may be sold. As for the manner of election of the said Emperor, whereby he preferred to estates such as demanded them not, before such as sought them, our kings have sometimes used that also: as king Charles le Sage, when he gave the Office of Constable to that generous and valiant Knight Bertrand de Guesclin. For de Guesclin Froisart, lib. 1. chap. 290. lib. 2. cap. 49. Annals upon An. 1402. excused himself the most that he could in the world from accepting that estate, showing him that he was a simple knight, & that the Office of Constable is so great, that he that will acquit himself of that Office, ought rather to command great men, than them that were of low calling; and that he durst not enterprise so much, as to command the brethren, cousins, and nephews of his Majesty. But the king replied unto him: M. Bertrand, by this means excuse not yourself; for I have neither Brother, Cousin, Nephew, County, nor Baron, in my kingdom, which shall not obey you with a good heart: and if any one do otherwise, I will cause him to know that it displeaseth me: So that in the end de Guesclyn accepted the Office, as constrained. After the death of this valiant Constable, king Charles the sixth, son of the said Charles le Sage, minding to give that Office to the Lord de Coucy, who was a brave and wise knight, and of a great house, and had performed great services unto the Crown of France, but he refused it, saying, that he was not capable for an Office of so great a burden, and that M. Oliver de Clysson was more sufficient than he to exercise that Estate, for he was valiant, bold, wise, and well beloved of the people of war. M. Oliver made the like refuse, saying that the Lord de Coucy was much more worthy and capable than he. But after great strife thereabouts, in the end, Oliver was constrained to accept that Office, wherein he acquitted himself well and like a wise and virtuous man. Likewise, after the death of this M. Lewis de Sancerre, Constable of France, the king would needs give that Office to M. Charles de Albret, Count de Dreux, but he refused it many times, until he was compelled to accept it. Where is now that modesty, to refuse estates, & to defer them unto his companion? Where is that time, that men esteemed not of honours, but such as were gotten by true virtue? Where is that happy world, when ambition was so banished from great men? Where are now those good, virtuous, and wise Princes, which gave no Estates and Offices, but to them which only by virtue deserved them; and that could make so good choice of fit persons? Surely, we are come into the time of the Emperor Aurelian (when the Empire began already to decay) wherein Offices were not for Men, but for Riches: and to the time of Caesar and Pompey (when the Commonweal was altogether ruinated & changed into another Estate) in which time also, Offices were not given, but for ambition, wealth, and unto such as took part with such great men as sought to carry away the public government. But I confess, these examples which I have rehearsed, are but examples: but they may well enough be Rules and Laws, unless we scorn to imitate that which Alexander Severus, who never gave Offices, as is said, to importunate ambitious men, which sought them, but to such as were modest, and desired them not; such as de Guesclyn, de Coucy, de Clisson, and de Albret: For they which accept them most hardly, are they which will acquit themselves of them most valiantly and wisely. Now after I have touched the election of a good Council and Magistrates, Good Counsel keeps a Prince in his estate. Plutarch in Photion. I would a little speak of the necessity and utility that cometh to a Prince, to have good and wise Counsellors. And upon this point, it seemeth unto me, that Plato and the other Philosophers have a very proper and fit comparison, when they compared the sovereign authority of a Prince, to the course and motion of the Sun, whereby he accomplisheth the natural days; and the wisdom of Prince's Counsellors, unto the motion and course of the Sun, whereby he accomplisheth the year. For this diurnal motion, whereby the Sun maketh an end of a natural day from one morning to another, is admirable, swift, fearful, and violent: and so is a sovereign authority of itself, under which men tremble, and are dismayed with fear and trouble. But as we see, that the annual motion of the Sun, whereby he maketh an end every year, opposeth itself against this violent and swift diurnal motion, yet not directly, but awry, and as it were kissing and bending, drawing from the West to the East, by the obliqne and crooked circle of the Zodiac, & by this means tempereth the rapacity, violence, and swift diurnal motion, and by his pleasantness distinguisheth the seasons of the Spring time, Summer, Autumn, and Winter, and nourisheth and maintaineth all living creatures, which otherwise cannot endure: even so the prudence and wisdom of Prince's Counsellors, opposing themselves pleasantly and with a good grace by reason and equity, against that sovereign power, which of itself is fierce, redoubtable, and fearful, it entertaineth and maintaineth public causes and the Commonwealth in good estate, which otherwise could not continue. Examples are ordinarily seen in Princes that are destitute of good Counsel: For strait they abuse their sovereign power and authority, and degenerate it into a Tyranny, indiscreetly exercising violences, rapines, and injustice. And afterward men shall see it come to pass, that it cannot endure, but that they and their estate shall fall into ruin and confusion. For it is a true Maxim, That no violence can endure long. Behold then a very great effect of good Counsel, that is, That it maintaineth the Good Counsel makes the Prince honoured. Prince in his Estate, and makes him to be obeyed of his subjects: and again, as I may say reciprocally, it maintaineth his subjects in prosperity under the obedience of the Prince. There is yet more, that is, That good Counsel obtaineth honour and good reputation to a Prince: For if a Prince be not wise of himself, nor of great De Comines, lib. 1. cap. 32 and 34. capacity, yet he shall be accounted wise, if he provide himself good Counsellors. For it is commonly seen, that men attribute always the effects of all things unto Princes, whether they be victories in war which was conducted by wise Captains, or they be good rules, ordinances, and provisions, which have been laid and builded by wise Politicians, his Counsellors: insomuch, that the qualities & conditions of Prince's Counsellors are always attributed unto him, because of the effects which arise thereof; which always seem to the people to proceed from him, by whose power and authority things are done. And withal, it is impossible, that the prince which is provided of good Counsellors, should not ever learn with them, and every day be more and more cunning and sufficient well to understand and govern his affairs (unless he be exceeding dull and senseless.) For how good Counsellors soever the Prince hath, yet must he not so much repose and trust upon them, as he himself will understand nothing of his own affairs. Well to be allowed is the opinion of M. Philip de Comines, who saith, That God hath not established the office of a Prince to be exercised upon brute beasts, and to mock and scorn them which speak to them of any affair; answering, I am no Clerk, I leave all to my Counsellors, in whom I trust, and so go to their pastimes: For (saith he) if they have been well nourished in their youth, they will allege other reasons, and desire that men should esteem them wise and virtuous. Moreover, it is certain, that the Prince which shall have the reputation and renown, Good Counsel makes the Prince feared and redoubted. Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. to govern himself by good Counsel, shall always be the more feared and redoubted both of his enemies and strangers, and they shall not easily get any advantage upon him. Thereupon it was, that Hannibal, a prudent and valiant Captain, feared more the wise Captains that were sent against him by the Romans, than he did such as were hardy and hazardous. And that the Roman forces were more feared and doubted of him, under the conduction of that wise Captain Fabius Maximus, than under the other hardy and valiant Captains. For when the Romans sent against him the Captains Flaminius and Sempronius, the one after the other, both of them generous and forward, and such as desired nothing more than the sight, Hannibal rejoiced thereat. And as he was prudent and hardy withal, he suffered them to take upon him some small advantages, seeking still to draw them unto some place of advantage, to fight with them, as indeed he did: They being swelled, for that in some light skirmishes they had overthrown some few of Hannibal's soldiers, and thereby thought it was not honourable to recoil, and that men would think their hearts failed them to fly before such as they had already beaten, resolved to give battle; and indeed they gave it, but they lost it to their great shame and confusion. Which the Roman Senate seeing, sent against Hannibal, Fabius Maximus, who was not so forward (and it may be not so hardy) in enterprizing as Flaminius or Sempronius were; but he was more wise and careful, as he showed himself. For at the first arrival, as the other did, he did not aboard and set upon Hannibal (who desired no other thing) but began to coast him a far off, seeking always advantageous places. And when Hannibal approached him, than would he show him a countenance fully determined to fight, yet always seeking places of advantage. But Hannibal, which was not so rash as to join with his enemy to his own disadvantage, made a show to recoil and fly, to draw him after him: Fabius followed him, but it was upon coasts and hills, seeking always not the shortest way, but that way which was most for his advantage: insomuch, as Hannibal saw him always upon some hill or coast nigh him, as it were a cloud over his head: so that after Hannibal had many times assayed to draw Fabius into a place fit for himself, and where he might give battle for his own good, and yet could not thereunto draw him, said: I see well now, that the Romans also have gotten an Hannibal: and I fear that this cloud, which approaching us, still hovers upon those hills, will some of these mornings pour out some shower on our heads. Briefly, the prudency and wisdom of Fabius brought more fear and gave more ado unto Hannibal, than all the Roman forces, which yet was not small. I have above recited another example, witnessed of king Edward of England, who said, That he feared more the missives and letters of king Charles le Sage, than he feared the great and puissant armies of 40 and 100000 men of his Father and Grandfather: and that wrought him more trouble, and broke more of his purposes and enterprises, in inditing of letters, than they ever did with their great forces. Which is another witness made for prudence and good Counsel, like unto the example of Hannibal: which witnesses are so much the more worthy of credit, as the one proceeded from a most valiant king, and the other from a most noble and hardy Captain; both which well knew by long use and experience, how to help themselves with force and arms. And if we consider the Roman histories, we shall truly find, that the ancient Romans made themselves lords and masters almost of all the world, more by wisdom and good Counsel, than by force: although they used both. Therefore, said Varro, (as by a common proverb received in his time) That the Romans vanquished, sitting: as if he would say: As they sit in their chairs in their Senate, they provide so for their affairs by good Counsel and wisdom, that they get and obtain the upper hand in all their enterprises. Yea, and we see that at this day the Venetians maintain very well their estate, yea, do augment and make it greater, although they understand no thing how to handle arms: and indeed when they must needs go to war, they hire and wage people to do it: but yet notwithstanding are they wise and prudent, keeping themselves as much as they can from the war: and when they have war, they do discreetly seek means to quiet and appease it by some other way than by battles, besiegings of Towns, or any other exploits of war. And assuredly they know better how to finish and bring a war to an end by their wisdom and good Counsel, without striking any stroke, than many puissant princes by their forces and arms. Hitherto we have spoken of a prince's Counsel, which in the time of the Roman A Senate, and the Estates, are things correspondent. emperors men called, The prince's Consistory; and our French, The kings Privy Counsel. But now we must know, that as well the Roman emperors as the kings of France of old, have yet had another Counsel whereunto they had recourse in all their weighty affairs which were of great consequence: as, when they stood in need to make laws, ordinances, and rules, concerning the universal estate: the Romans called this Counsel, the Senate; and the French call it, the Parliament. But this name of Parliament, anciently signifieth an assembly of the three estates, as Philip de Comines saith, and as is seen by all our French histories. Our kings also De Comines. lib. 1. cap. 64. convocated sometimes with their ordinary and privy Counsel, some good number of great Prelates and Barons of the realm, and that assembly they called, The great Counsel. But afterward, men attributed the name of Parliament unto the assembly of judges and Senators, which judged causes and processes, from whom there is no appeal. And some think that our Parliament is at this day like unto the Senate of Rome, but they are greatly deceived: for the Roman Senate took not any knowledge of the processes and causes of particular persons, but only dealt with affairs of the State, of the universal government, and policy, and of matters of consequence unto all the Commonwealth: and therefore the assembly of the three estates in France, do much better resemble the Roman Senate than the Parlements do at this day: which might better be compared unto the Romans Centumvirat, or to their Praetorian government, which dealt in the knowledge of appellations, and matters of justice distributive, from which judgement there was no appeal. And as the name of Parliament is at this day otherwise applied than it was anciently, so is it of the name of Great Counsel. But to come to our purpose. We read that the good Emperors never contemned or thought much, in weighty affairs to take the advice of the Roman Senate, and to govern themselves thereby: for although that by the change of the estate which happened in the time of julius Caesar, when the commonwealth was changed into a Monarchy, the authority of the Senate was much abated and weakened; yet there was never emperor found that durst enterprise altogether to abolish it: but contrary, the good and wise emperors rather helped to establish their authority and power. And the reason why no emperor, good or wicked, durst enterprise to abolish the Senate, was, because by the Law Royal (whereby the estate Monarchical was established at Rome) there was only transferred unto the king, the authority and power of the people, and not that which the Senate had. Which people, although they had sovereign power over every particular person of the Senate, yet had they no power over the whole body of the Senate: for they might well punish with death one Senator, but they had no superiority over the body of the Senat. So the body of the Senate, and the body of the People, were as it were alike and equal. And as much authority had the laws of the Senate, which they called Senatus consulta, as the laws of the People, which they called Plebiscita. And therefore the emperors which by the Law Royal succeeded in the place of the People only (for the Senate did never despoil themselves of their authority to invest the emperor therewith) had never power to decay the Senate, neither durst they ever enterprise it, although some had a will thereunto, as Nero, Caligula, and their like. But as for the good emperors, besides that they had no power to abolish the Senate, they never had any desire thereof, but maintained and conserved it, and governed themselves by it, and by it were they better obeyed. For we need not doubt but a people will more willingly obey a Law or Decree, which shall have been sifted and examined in a great, wise and notable an assembly, such as was the Senate, and will like it better, and rather judge the Law to be founded upon reason and equity, than when it only passeth through the brain of one sole man, or of some small number. Therefore the Emperor Alexander Severus never made Lamp. in Alexand. law nor edict, but he had on his Counsel twenty great and excellent Lawyers, and fifty other great & excellent persons, wise and well experienced. And yet to the end that they might give their opinions more assuredly, he first made them understand the matter upon which they must give their advice, and after give time to consider thereof, that their opinions might be better digested & resolved. Therefore also the Emperor Theodosius ordained, that no law should be available, unless it were first L. humanum C. de Leg. concluded and determined with good and assured resolution of all the prince's Consistory, and afterward received and approved by the Senate of Rome. For (saith he) we know well, that the ordinance of good Laws and Edicts concluded with good Counsel and deliberation, is the establishment of the assuredness and glory of our Empire. Therefore was it also, that that great and wise Emperor Augustus Caesar, did so communicate all the affairs of his Commonwealth with the Roman Senate, Dion in August. that as Dion saith, he made a sweet and pleasant mingled harmony of the Monarchical estate, with the estate of the Commonwealth. And he not only contented not himself to confer with the Senate all affairs of importance, and to take their advice; but yet he would that the Senate should give him every year twenty Counsellors to be nigh him, of his privy Council: in which Counsel he had always many men very wise, courteous, and very modest, such as the Lawyer Trebatius, and that good and prudent Agrippa his son in law, with that so learned and good a pillar of learned men Maecenas. Therefore also Tiberius the Emperor, the successor of Augustus, although he was a Prince more abundant in vices than in virtues, not daring wholly to stray out of his predecessors traces (that good Augustus,) made nor ordained any thing of weight without the Counsel and advise of the Senate. For this cause also (briefly) all the good Emperors, as Vespasian, Titus, trajan, Adrian, the antonine, and others like, communicated always with the Senate upon all the great affairs of the Commonwealth; and they bore themselves not like masters, but like Precedents of the Senate: also they did not attribute unto themselves any title of honour, nor enterprised to make any triumphs, but such as was decreed and ordained by the Senate. And by the contrary, the Emperors which were of no account, such as Caligula, Nero, Comodus, Bassianus, Maximinus, Heliogabalus, and other like, hated extremely the Senate, esteeming of it as their pedegoge and corrector; and have caused many Senators to die, thinking the more easily to command as they would, having no controllers to withstand their wicked actions. But the end was always this, that such as despised and would have annihilated the Senate, have ever had an unlucky end, and reigned not long time, but have all been massacred and slain young, and have left unto their posterity an infamy and most wicked memory of them. Herein is showed a continual success of the just judgements of God against them which despised wise Counsel: and contrary, a felicity and divine prosperity in other Emperors, which governed themselves by the good Counsel of the Senate, and of the wise men of their privy Counsel: For they reigned and held the Empire happily replenished with all goods, honour, and glory, and their subjects under them enjoyed good handling, and good repose and tranquility. And we need not doubt that such felicity coming to good Princes, the evil haps unto wicked Princes, do not proceed from God: for as the wise man saith: Good Counsel cometh from God, and he that despiseth the gift of God, Prov. 18. Eccle. 37. certain it is, that in the end he shall be well chastised. Our kings of France of old, used the same course that these good Emperors did: For they often convocated the three Estates of the kingdom, to have their advice and Counsel in affairs of great consequence, which touched the interest of the Commonwealth. And it is seen by our Histories, that the general assembly of the Estates was commonly done for three causes: One, when there was a question In old time the general Estates were held for three causes. to provide for the kingdom, a Governor or Regent; as when kings were young, or had not the use of their understandings by some accident, or were captives or prisoners: For in these cases the three Estates assembled to obtain a Governor for the Realm. Again, when there was cause to reform the kingdom, to correct the abuses of Officers and Magistrates, and to bring things unto their ancient and first institution and integrity: For kings caused the Estates to assemble; because that many being assembled from all parts of the kingdom, they might better be informed of all abuses and evil behaviours committed therein, and might also better work the means to remedy them: because commonly, There is no better Physician, than he that knoweth well the disease, and the causes thereof. The third cause why there was made an assembly of the Estates, was, when there was a necessary cause to lay a Tribute or Impost upon the people: For then in a full assembly, some showed to them which were there (which represented all the people) the necessity of the kings and the kingdoms affairs, who graciously and courteously entreated the people to aid and help the king but with so much money as they themselves thought to be sufficient and necessary. And for this cause, that which the Estates accorded to the king, was called with these gracious names, Subsidies, Subventitions, Aids, Grants: not with these terms, Tailles, Imposts, Tributes, Impositions; which were terms more hard and odious. Examples appear of the first cause, when the general Estates assembled at Paris, after the death of king Charles le Sage, to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixth, being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross. li 2. cap. 58. & 60. age, as of the kingdom: which government they gave unto three of the king's uncles: namely, to the Duke of Berry, Languedoc, to the Duke of Bourgoigne, Picardy, and Normandy, and to the Duke de Anjou: the remainder of all the realm, and the rule of the young king's person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne. So was there ordained during the said kings life, another ordinance? In like manner the general Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh, to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth, under Annal. upon An. 148. and Co●●n. ●ib. 1. ca 109. age, and of the kingdom. And by the same Estates was established a Counsel of twelve persons, good men and of good calling, to dispatch the affairs of the kingdom; yet in the king's name, and under his authority. And the rule of the young king's person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister. When king Charles the sixth le bien aime, was come to the age of one and twenty years, his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdom, by the Froiss. lib 1. cap. 134. & lib. 4. cap. 44. advice and deliberation of the kings great Counsel. But this good prince by an accident of sickness fell a certain time after into a frenzy, which sometimes bereft him of his senses; insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris, gave the government of the kingdom during the king's indisposition, to his two uncles, the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne. The year 1356. that king john was taken prisoner nigh Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross. li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his son Philip (after Duke of Burgoigne) and that they were led into England, there remained in France three of the said king john's children, namely, Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandy, Lewis duke de Anjou, and john duke of Berrie: There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdom, because of the king's captivity, but none of them would enterprise the managing thereof of himself: insomuch, that the general Estates were assembled at Paris, whereby were elected thirty six persons (some say fifty) to govern the affairs of the kingdom with Monsieur le Dauphin, who at the beginning called himself the Lieutenant of the king his father, but afterward he named himself Regent. The year 1409. during the reign of Charles the sixth king of France, were held Monstrelet. lib. 1. ca 59 the general Estates at Paris, for the reformation of abuses in the kingdom. And there it was ordained, that all accountants for the king's revenues and rents should make their accounts. By the means of which reformation, great sums of money were recovered upon the same accountants, and there were also made some good laws and ordinances. In other conventions of Estates, the money and coin hath been reform from weak and light, unto thick and of good weight and goodness. Also of late at the general Estates held at Orleans, were made many goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poor people, reformation of justice, and for the cutting off of many abuses which were committed in plays at Cards and Dise, in superfluity of apparel, and in matter of benefices. But commonly cometh such evil hap, that all good things which are introducted and ordained upon good reason and to a good end, incontinent vanish away, and wicked examples are always drawn into consequence. As for the last cause for which we have said the general Estates in old time were called, namely for the grant of Helps & Subsidies; there are many examples in our Histories. As in the time of king john, wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss. lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59 or subsidies to make war against the English men, which then held a great part of the kingdom. And after he was taken prisoner and led into England, the said Estates agreed to give unto Monsieur le Dauphin his son, great sums of money to pay for the said king's ransom, and for Philip his son, being also a prisoner. And well to be marked it is, that our histories do witness, that all the people of France generally, were marvelously anguished & grieved with the prisonment & captivity which they saw their king suffer, but especially the people of the country of Languedoc: For the Estates of the said country ordained, that if the king were not delivered within a year, that every one, both men and women, should lay by all coloured garments, such also as were jagged and cut, and such as were enriched with gold, silver, or other strange and costly fashion: Likewise, to make cease all stageplays, morrisdauncing, piping, yea and plays, pastimes and dances; in sign and token of their mourning and lamentation for their prince's captivity. A thing whereby appeared the great and cordial affection of this people towards their king. As truly the Frenchmen have always been of great love and affection towards their kings, unless they were altogether tyrants. But to make an end of this point: Certain it is, that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux, no Subsidies were imposed, without assembling the general Estates. And that our kings used thus to do, was not because they had power by an absolute authority to impose tallages and subsidies, without calling the Estates: but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntary and unconstrained obedience, and to shun all uproars and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion. And truly, the French people have always been so good and obedient unto their kings, that they never refused him any thing, if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it. Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand, or durst look for: as is seen by that which our histories writ of the Estates held for Subsidies. But because Aids and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. wars, M. Philip de Coming. saith, That kings should also communicate and consult with their Estates, whether the causes of such wars be just and reasonable; and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a war: For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses, should know something. But yet he passeth further, and saith: There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one penny upon his subjects without their grant and consent, unless he will use tyranny and violence. But because at the first they which read this place of Commines, may peradventure think that he seems too much to limit and restrain a Prince's power, I will here as it were by an interpretation of his saying, a little clear this point. You must then understand and presuppose, that in a sovereign Prince, there A Prince hath a double power, an absolute and a . are two powers: the one is called an absolute power, and the other a power. The absolute power, is that which cannot nor ought not to be any thing limited, but stretcheth itself to all things whatsoever they be, unless it be to the laws of God and of nature, and of those laws which are the foundation of the principality and estate: For a Prince hath not power over God, no more than the vassal hath over his liege Lord, but ought himself to obey his commandments and ordinances: So much there wants that he can any thing abolish or derogate from them. The Prince also cannot abolish the fundamental laws of his principality, whereupon his estate is founded, and without which his said estate cannot subsist nor endure: for so might he abolish and ruinated himself. As in France the king cannot abolish the Salic law, nor the three estates, nor the law of not alienating the countries and provinces united to the crown. For the Realm and the Royalty are founded upon those three points; which are as three pillars, that sustain and hold up both the king and kingdom: neither can the Prince break nor abolish any law natural, approved by the common sense of all men. But in all other things, the absolute power of a Prince reacheth without limitation; for it is above all other laws which he may make and unmake at his pleasure: he hath power also over the body and goods of his subjects, without restriction, purely and simply. True it is, that he ought to temperate the use of that Absolute power, by the moderation of his second power, which is ; as we shall say hereafter. But suppose he will not moderate his absolute power by the , we must notwithstanding obey, because God commandeth us. But before we speak of the power, we must a little more amply clear the points before touched. The first point then, which is, that the Absolute power of a Prince stretcheth not above God, is a matter of all confessed: And there were never found any Princes (or very few) which would soar and mount so high, as to enterprise upon that which belonged unto God, yea, even the emperors Caligula and Domitian are blamed and detested by the Paynim histories, which had no true knowledge of God, for that they durst enterprise upon God, and upon that which appertained unto him. Also it is a Maxim in Theology, That we must rather obey God than men: which Maxim hath at all times been practised by all good people and holy persons (which are praised even with the mouth of God in the holy Scriptures) as by Daniel and his companions, the Apostles, the Christians of the primitive Church, and many of our time. As for the other point, which is, that the Prince cannot abolish the foundamentall The Prince cannot abolish the foundamentall laws of his principality laws of his principality, it is as clear of itself. For if a Prince overthroweth the foundations of his principality, he ruinateth and overthroweth himself, and his estate cannot endure: for the first senseless and unwise man that comes thereunto, will overthrow all upside down. As if in France a king may overthrow the Salic law, and so subject his Crown unto the succession of women, it is certain, that long ago the estate of France had been overthrown. For kings which have left none but daughters after them (as Philip●le long, Charles le bell, and Lewis the twelfth) had been easily inclined upon natural affection towards their daughters, to have broken that Salic law (if they so could) to cause the Crown to have fallen unto their said daughters; by the means whereof, the kingdom after should have fallen into stranger's hands, and by consequent into ruin and dissipation. For the nature of the inhabitants of France is such, that they cannot long suffer a strange Prince (wherein they differ from many other nations) as they could not long bear the domination of the Roman Emperors: but against the reign of the Emperor Tiberius they began to kick, and be grieved with the rule of Princes of another nation than their own: and finally, they rid themselves of the Romans yoke, and Gaul was the first Province that cut itself from the Empire. Neither was there ever found king that durst enterprise to break the Salic law. True it is, that king Charles the sixth, at the instigation of Philip duke of Bourgoigne, gave the kingdom of France in dowry with his daughter Katherine, which he married to the king of England, and declared the Dolphin unable and incapable to succeed in the kingdom of France; because at Monterean-fante-Yonne, john, father of the said Philip duke of Bourgoigne, was by him slain. But this donation held not, as being made against the Salic law: insomuch, that the said duke Philip himself (which had procured and caused to declare the said Dauphin unable to be king of France) after the death of king Charles the sixth, acknowledged him for king and lawful successor to the Crown of France. For as for incapacity, it was known there was none, because that duke john, which the Dauphin had slain, deserved it well, having before caused to be slain the duke of Orleans the king's only brother. Yet because the manner of the execution which the said Dauphin caused to be made upon the said duke john, was not by lawful means, he acknowledged his fault in that case, and made a great satisfaction to the said duke Philip, as shall hereafter be more at large set forth. So then the Salic law hath always remained firm, as one of the three pillars of the kingdom and royalty of France, our ancestors neverbeing willing to suffer women to reign and rule over them. As much is to be said of the Estates general, the authority of which hath always remained whole, until this present, even from the foundation of the kingdom, as being the second pillar whereupon the kingdom is founded. For if it happen that the crown fall to a king under age, or to one that is not well in his wit and understanding, or that the king be a prisoner or captive, or that the kingdom have urgent necessity of a general reformation: how necessary is it in all these cases, that the estates assemble to provide for all affairs, otherwise the estate of the kingdom and of the Royalty would incontinent fall to the ground? and without doubt it could not long continue in his being, if the general estates were abolished and suppressed. For to say that in the aforesaid cases, other than the foresaid estates may well order the affairs of the realm, as the princes of the blood, and the king's Counsel, is to say nothing: because it may so come to pass, that the princes themselves be under age, or prisoners, or captives, or witless, or suspected, or dead, or otherwise uncapable: as also it may come to pass that the king's Counsel shall be dead, or quashed, or suspected, or otherwise unable, so that the estate of the kingdom and the Royalty shall be evil founded and assured upon such foundations and leaning stocks. But the body of the estates General, is a body not subject to minority, captivity, perclusion of understanding, suspicion, nor other incapacity, neither is it mortal: therefore is it a more certain and firm foundation of the kingdoms and Royalties estate than any other. For the body of the Ewates (which is a body composed of the wisest & fittest of the kingdom) can never fail, because it consisteth not in Individuis and certain particular persons, but it standeth in Specie, being a body immortal (as all the French nation is immortal.) The Princes, & the king's Counsellors, are but frail & brittle leaning stocks and means, subject to incapacity: so is not the body of the Estates: and therefore the Estates being the true and perpetual foundation to sustain and conserve the kingdom, cannot be abolished, but aught to be convocated whensoever there is to be a provision in the cases above mentioned. Withal also, Reason willeth that the Estates (whom the affairs of the realm toucheth most) should have a part in the conduction of public things, but most especially in the cases aforesaid, where the king cannot order them. Therefore is it a strange, damnable, and pernicious position which our strangers that govern France at this day, dare impudently hold, That it is treason to speak of holding the Estates. But contrary, a man may rather say, That it is treason to abolish the Estates: and that they which will hinder that they shall not be held in the cases aforesaid (but especially for the reformation more than necessary of so many abuses as these strangers have brought into France) are themselves culpable of treason; being such as do overthrow and ruinat the Realm, the Royalty, and the King, in taking away the principal pillar which sustained them. And truly such people do merit, that processes and indictions should be laid upon them as upon the enemies of the Commonwealth, which do subvert & overthrow the foundations upon which our Ancestors have with great wisdom founded and established the estate of this goodly and excellent kingdom. The like may we say of the Law, whereby the lands and provinces united to the Crown of France, are inalienable: For a king of France cannot abolish that Law, because it is the third pillar upon which the realm and his estate is founded. For proof hereof, I will allege but two examples, the one was practised in the time of Charles le sage, king of France, and the other in the time of king Francis the first, of happy and late memory: By which two examples may appear, not only that this law of, Not alienating the lands of the Crown, is a pillar of the kingdom: but also that the Estates are as the very and true base and foundation thereof. King john having been taken prisoner at the battle of Poiteer, was conducted Froiss. lib. 1. ca 201, 211, 212, 214, 246, 247, 310. into England: where he made treaty of peace with king Edward of England. But the estates of the kingdom which were assembled, would not agree unto that treaty, as too prejudicial, and to the diminution of the Crown of France. King Edward was so angry and despited thereat, that he made a great oath that he would end the ruinating of France. And indeed whilst king john was his prisoner, he passed over the sea, and made great war in France, and much wasted the flat Country, but he made no great conquest of the Towns. In the end the Duke of Lancaster counseled him to make peace with the French, showing him that he did but lose time so to run over the fields, and spoil the champion country, and soldiers only had the profit, and he himself loss of people and expenses. These reasons could not much move the king to make peace, he was so sore offended and animated. But God, who had pity of this poor kingdom (which was in extreme desolation and confusion) wrought and brought to pass, as it were by miracle, a peace; sending from heaven a tempest, accompanied with lightning, so great, over the camp of the English, that they thought that heaven & earth would have met, and the world have finished; for so great stones fell with the tempest, that they overthrew men and horses. Then the king of England seeing God fight against him, being in a great fear and distress, made a vow unto God, That if by his grace he escaped from that peril, he would hearken unto peace, and would cease to saccage and destroy the poor people: as indeed he did after the tempest seized. Which peace yet was accorded, to his so great advantage, that thereby besides the ransom of three millions of franks Guienne remained unto him in sovereignty; also the country of Armignac, de Albret, de Comines, de la March, de Santongeois, Rochellois, and a good part of Languedoc, which before never was in the peaceable obedience & domination of English. Unto this peace (which was concluded in a village called Bretigni, nigh to Chartres) the French subjects of that country would not in any sort agree nor condescend: but refused to obey and yield themselves English. For their reasons they alleged, That the king had no power to dismember and alienate them from the Crown of France; and that thereupon they had privileges from king Charlemagne, whereby they could not, nor ought not to be cut off from the trunk and house of France. After that they had long debated & refused to obey, the king john (who upon good hostages was returned into France) sent into his countries M. james de Bourbon his cousin, and a Prince of his blood, to make them obey the English: insomuch, that whether they would or no, those good French subjects should forsake the French obedience, and be under the English government. This could not be without great grief of heart, sadness, and incredible displeasure. But above all others, most remarkable for great constancy, were they of Rochel, to remain French: for they many times excused themselves unto the king, and stood stiff more than a Rochellois good Frenchmen. year, before they would let the Englishmen into the town. And thinking that their excuses and remonstrances might stand in some stead, they sent to the king their Orators: which arriving at Paris, and being brought before the king, fell at his feet with weep, sobbings, and lamentations, making this speech. Most dear sir, your poor and desolate subjects of your town of Rochel, have sent us hither to beseech your Majesty in all humility, and with joined hands, that it would please you to have pity and compassion upon them. They are your natural subjects, and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majesty and your ancestors. Alas (Sir) what greater evil hap can there come unto us, than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdom and from the Crown of France? They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation, They are of manners, condition, and language, natural Frenchmen. What a strange and deplorable misery should it now be to them, to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English, a strange nation, altogether different from us in manners, conditions, and language? shall not this be unto them a cruel and slavish servitude, now to become subjects unto them, which of long time have not ceased to vex this poor kingdom with war? For if upon some divine punishment, and for our sins, the poor town of Rochel must needs be violently plucked and separated from France, as the daughter from the mother's dug, to submit itself unto the sad servitude of a stranger; yet that evil should be far more tolerable, to serve and yield to the yoke of any other nation, than to that which so long time hath been a bloody enemy of France, and hath shed so much of our blood. Wherefore most humbly we beseech you (Sir) said they with tears, that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English, your enemies and ours. If in any thing we have offended your Majesty, for which you will now leave and abandon us, we cry you mercy with joined hands, and pray you in the name of God, and of our Lord jesus Christ, that it would please you to have mercy and compassion upon us, and to retain us always under your obedience, as we and our ancestors have always been. We are not ignorant (Sir) that your Majesty having been prisoner in England, hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage, and that we are comprehended in the number of the Towns and Countries that must be delivered: but yet we have some hope, that we may be taken from that number, by silver; and for that purpose your poor town of Rochel offereth contribution to your Majesty all that it hath in her power; and beside, we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies, half the revenue and gains of all our goods. Have pity then (Sir) upon your poor Town, which comes to retire herself under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience, as a poor, desolate, and lost creature, to his Father, his King, and his natural Lord and Sovereign. We obtest and beseech you (most dear Sir) in the name of God, and of all his Saints, that you will not abandon and forsake us: but that it would please your clemency and kindness to retain for your subjects, most humble, them which cannot live but in all vexation, languishment, and bitterness of heart, unless we be your subjects. The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois, mourned and pitied them greatly: but he made them answer, That there was no remedy, that which he had accorded, must needs be executed. This answer being reported at Rochel, it is impossible to speak what lamentations there were through all the Town; this news was so hard, that they which were born & nourished French, should be no more French, but become English. Finally, they being pressed & constrained by the king's Commissaries to open the town-gates to the English: Well (said the most notable townsmen) seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke, and that it pleaseth the king our sovereign lord, that we should obey the English, we will with our lips, but our hearts shall remain always French. After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochel, and all the other country's abovenamed, king Edward invested his eldest son the prince of Wales, in that government, (a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himself, but haughty and proud towards his inferiors) who came and held his train and court at Bourdeaux, where having dwelled certain years, he would needs have imposed upon the country a yearly tribute of money upon every fire. But to withstand this new impost and tribute, the Lords, Barons, and Counties of those countries, but especial the County d' Armignac, de Perigourd, de Albret, de Commenges, and many others, all which went to Paris to offer in their appeals against the Prince of Wales: Arriving there, they dealt with king Charles le Sage (for king john was then dead) about their appeal; who answered them, That by the peace of Britain, which he himself had sworn the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crown, had acquitted and renounced all the sovereignty of the said countries, and that he could not with a good conscience break the peace with the English, and that it grieved him much, that with good reason he could not accord their appeal. The said Counties and Barons contrarily, showed him by lively reasons, That it is not in the king's power to release & acquit the sovereign power and authority of his subjects and countries, without the consent of the Prelates, Barons, Cities, and good Towns of those Countries; and that was never seen nor practised in France, and that if they had been called to the treaty of Britain, they would never have consented unto that acquittance of sovereignty. And therefore humbly prayed his Majesty to receive their appellation, and to send an usher to adjorne in case of appeal, the Prince of Wales to appear at Paris at the Court of France, to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute. Finally, the king Charles was nothing offended to hear them so speak of a king's power (much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason, which speak of Estates) neither replied unto them, that the power of a sovereign Prince ought not to be limited, neither that they spoke evil to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done: but contrary, rejoicing at that limitation, referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsel. And after he was resolved, that it was true which they said, he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demand, and sent to adjorne in case of appeal to the Court of Paris, the Prince of Wales: which done, the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience: so did Rochel get all Englishmen out of their town and castle. This done, the duke of Berry, the king's brother, would have entered there; but for that time with good words they refused him the entry thereinto, saying, they would send unto the king certain Delegates, to obtain some privileges, and therefore desired of the duke a safeconduct, which he willingly granted: and having the same, they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses, which finding the king at Paris, showed him in all humility, how of themselves they were rid of the English obedience, and that again they would remit themselves into his Majesty's obedience, as being their king and natural sovereign Prince, but that they besought him humbly to accord Privileges of Rochel. them certain privileges. The king demanded, what privileges. First, said they, That it would please your Majesty to agree unto us, that the Town of Rochel may be inseparably united unto the Crown of France, so that it may never be separated nor dismembered, by peace, marriage, nor by any compact, condition, or misadventure, that can come in France: Secondly, that the Castle may be thrown to the earth, without which, we will keep the town of Rochel well for your Majesty. The king perceiving their demands, and finding them reasonable, and proceeding from a true French heart, accorded their requests: and so the Rochellois returned merrily into the French obedience, from whence they had been separated to their great grief. Here than you see how well to the purpose and to the great profit of the king and of the kingdom, that law of not alienating the Lands, Towns, and Provinces of the Crown, was made. But upon this that I have said of the Rochellois, some Messer will say: How happeneth it then, that the Rochellois are at this day so bad French subjects? hereunto the answer is easy and evident, that is, that they are at this day as good Frenchmen, as ever were the ancestors, but they are not good Italians, neither mean to be subject under the yoke of strangers, no more than their ancestors. Let us now come to the other example. King Francis the first of that name, being prisoner at Madril in Spain, in power of the emperor Charles the fist, there was made a traitie and an accord betwixt the two great princes; whereby amongst other things, the king promised the emperor, to grant him all his right and possession of the Duchy of Burgoigne, and that he would employ himself to cause the Estates of the country to condescend thereunto. This accord being concluded, the emperor caused the king to be conducted to Bayonne, and there by his ambassadors summoned him to ratify the accord which he had made at Madril when he was prisoner, to the end to make more valeable and that it might the rather appear to be made without constraint; unto which ambassadors the king answered; that he could do nothing in that article concerning the Duchy of Burgoigne without first knowing the intent and will of his subjects, because he could not alien it without their consent, and that he would cause the Estates of the country to assemble to know their wills therein. Not long after the king caused the Estates of Burgoigne to come together, which would by no means consent unto the said alienation: whereof he advertised the emperor, who seeing that by reason they could not be alienated without their consents, was content with that answer; upon this condition: That the king would assure the said Duchy unto the first heir male which the said king should have by Elinor the said emperors sister, unto whom he was then espoused: so that, that law (That the king cannot alienate the Crowne-land) was then very profitable unto the king and the kingdom. And unto this agree the doctors of the Civil law, which hold; that the emperor cannot alien any thing of the Empires, but he is bound to increase it to his power. And from thence they draw (but foolishly) the etymology of that name Augustus, saying: The Emperors are called Augusti, for that they ought to increase, and cannot diminish the Empire: as much say they of other kings and monarches, for there is therein the like reason. For a conclusion, no man of perfect judgement can deny, but these three laws of the kingdom of France, namely, the law Salic; the law of the Estates general; and the law of not alienating the lands and provinces of the crown, are the very true pillars, bases, and foundations of the kingdom and the royalty, which none can or aught to abolish. I doubt not but there will be found many, which will be quarreling at those aforesaid examples and reasons: and will say: That to sustain and defend that the king cannot abolish the said law, is to diminish his power, and to give limitation and restriction to his sovereign authority. But for reply, I will only demand: If it be not puissance in a prince to conserve him and his estate? If they confess yea (as none can deny it, if he be not altogether without judgement:) I say, it followeth by argument taken from contraries, that it is then impuissance and want of power in a prince, to ruinated himself and his estate. And by consequent it followeth, that when we say that a Prince cannot abolish the fundamental laws of him and his estate; so much there wanteth that we diminish his power, that by the contrary we establish it and make it more firm, greater, and as it were invincible. As also on the contrary, they which say, that a Prince can abolish and change his laws, upon which he and his Estate are founded; they establish and place in him an impuissance to conserve himself. For to take it rightly and in good sense, it is an act of impuissance, to ruinat, destroy, overthrow, and to participate his estate: And contrary, it is an act of power to conserve himself, and maintain his estate. No more nor no less, than when a building falleth upon the earth, or when a man letteth it fall, these be acts of feebleness, frailty, and impuissance: but when the one and the other holdeth and standeth straight and firm, without cracking or falling, these be acts of force and power. As for the law Natural, it cannot be abolished: For if a Prince will authorize, The law natural cannot be abolished by the king, or any other. adulteries, incests, thefts, murders, and massacres, and other like crimes, which natural reason and common sense causeth us to abhor and detest: certain and evident it is, that such authorising is of no value, and that the Prince cannot do this. When the emperor Claudius would espouse Agrippina, his niece, his brother's daughter, he made a Law, whereby he authorised the marriage of the uncle with the niece, which was published all over: but saith Suetonius, no man would imitate and follow the emperors example (but a bad servant newly enfranchised, and a soldier,) every body so detested and abhorred such kind of marriages, as being contrary to the natural law and common sense. And indeed, this marriage fell not out well for Sueto. in Claudio. cap. 26. Tacitus Annal. lib. 12. him: For Agrippina his niece and wife, poisoned him to bring to the Empire Nero her son (whom she had had by another husband) and had caused him to be adopted for his son; although he had by his first wife Messalina another natural son, called Britanicus, whom Nero (when he came to the Empire) empoisoned to death: so that by the incestuous marriage, wherewith Claudius had contaminated and poisoned his house, he and his natural son (who by reason should have been his successor) were killed with poison. We read likewise, that the Emperor Bassianus Carracalla Spartian. in Carac. beholding one day julia his mother in law with an eye of incestuous concupiscence. She said unto him, Si tu le veux, tu le peux. If thou wilt, thou mayest; Knowest thou not that it belongs unto thee to give the law, not to receive it? which talk so inflamed him yet more with lust, that he took her to wife in marriage. Hereupon Historiographers note, that if Bassianus had known well, what it was to give a law, he would have detested and prohibited such incestuous and abominable copulations, and not to have authorised them. For briefly, a Prince may well give laws unto his subjects, but it must not be contrary to nature and natural reason. This was the cause why Papinian the great Lawyer (who well understood both natural and law) loved better to die, than to obey the said Emperor Bassianus, who had commanded him to excuse before the Senate his parricide, committed in the person of Geta his brother. For Papinian knowing, that such a crime was against natural right, so much there wanted, that he would have obeyed the Emperor, if he had commanded him to have perpetrated and committed it, that he would not obey him so far therein, as to excuse it. Wherein the Paynim Lawyer may serve for a goodly example to condemn many Magistrate Lawyers of our time, which not only excuse, but also cause to be executed unnatural murders and massacres against all law divine and human. But now we have spoken of a Princes absolute power, let us come to the other. The other power, which we call , is that which is governed and as it were The power temperateth the Absolute. limited within the bounds of Reason, of right, and equity, and which we must presume, that the Prince will use, and useth ordinarily in all his commands: unless expressly he show and declare, that he willeth and ordaineth this or that of his absolute power and of his certain knowledge. This is that second power, which is guided by prudence and good Counsel: and which giveth a sweet temperature and counterpoise to that absolute power, no more nor no less, than the second motion of the Sun tempereth the course of the first, as we have abovesaid. This is that power which establisheth and conserveth in assuredness, kingdoms and empiers, and without which they cannot stand, but incontinent shall be ruinated, annihilated, and laid on the ground. This is that power which all good Princes have so practised, (letting their absolute power cease without using any, unless in a demonstration of Majesty, to make their Estate more venerable and better obeyed) that in all their actions and in all their commands they desire to subject and submit themselves to laws and to reason. And in this doing they never thought or esteemed to do any thing unworthy of their Majesty, but contrary, have ever accounted, that there was no thing more beseeming the majesty of a sovereign Prince, than to live and carry himself in all his actions according to right and equity. And that the domination and power of a Prince, that so governeth himself, is greater, more secure and more venerable, than his, which governeth himself after the absolute power. And truly, all the good Roman Emperors have always held this language, and have so practised their power, as we read in their histories. Yea, the Emperor Theodosius L. digna Vox. C. de Lege. made an express law for it, which is so good to be marked, that I thought good to translate it word by word. It is the majesty of him that governeth, to confess himself to be bound unto laws, so much doth our authority depend upon law. And assuredly, it is a far greater thing than the Empire itself, to submit his Empire and power unto laws. And that which we will not to be lawful unto us, we show it unto others by the oracle of this our present Edict. Given at Ravenna the eleventh day of june, the year of the Consulship of Florentius and Dionysius. To come then to our purpose, you must understand, that de Comines spoke of this second power in the place above alleged, and not of the absolute power of a Prince: for by that power it is certain, that the Prince hath good authority to enterprise wars, & to levy imposts upon his subjects without their consent. Because that by the royal law above mentioned, the Roman people gave all the like power unto the Prince, as Dion de August. ●. I. D. de Constit. Princ. they had themselves, to use it towards the people, & against the people; & gave him absolute power without any astriction or bond to laws, to do what he would. We see also by the law of God the same absolute power is given unto kings & sovereign Princes. For it is written, that they shall have full power over the goods & persons of their subjects. And although God have given them that absolute power, as to his ministers 1. Sam. 8. & lieutenants on earth, yet would he not have them use it, but with a temperance & moderation of the second power, which is ruled by reason & equity, which we call . For, so much there wanteth, that God would that Princes should use the said absolute power upon their subjects, as he would not so far constrain them, as to sell their goods, as is declared unto us in the example of Naboth. For most unlikely is it, that God 1. King. 22. the great Dominator and Governor of all Princes, would have Princes to abuse their powers with cruelties, rapines, injustices, or any other unreasonable way of absolute power. But as God by justice punisheth the wicked, and by kindness and clemency maintaineth the good, and rightly and most holily useth his divine power; so would he, that Princes which are his lieutenants on earth, should do the like; not in perfection (for that they cannot) but in imitation. To conclude then now our talk, concerning the place of Comines, certain it is, that a Prince may well make war, and impose tallies without the consent of his subjects, by an absolute power: but better it is for him to use his power, so should he be better obeyed. And as for Aids and Subsidies, whereof Comines speaketh, some say they are not at this day levied by an absolute power, but by the people's consent. Because in the time of Charles the seventh (who had great and long wars against the English) the Estates general of the kingdom agreed unto him to levy Aids and Subsidies every year, without any more calling them together; for that the wars endured so long, and that their every years assembly would have come to great expenses: so that if the cause had always continued, then necessarily should the imposition have continued. But certain it is, that this consent, delivered by the said Estates, concerned only the English wars, which ending, the said consent finished: yet afterward, the said consent and accord of the Estates was drawn into a custom. In the time of king Charles the eight, the Estates general at Tours, were convocated, as well to provide for the government of the king and of the kingdom (for his majesty was under age) as also for Aids and Subsidies; which were freely granted by the said Estates, although the people of France were then very poor and ruinated. And the abovenamed Comines showeth one thing that is very true, That the holding of the said Estates is very good and profitable for a king of France, whereby he is both stronger and better obeyed: but he complains, That in his time there were men (as there are at this day) unworthy to possess those offices which they held, who all they could hindered the holding of the Estates, lest their evil behaviours and incapacities should be espied and known. Such men are of like humours, as the unworthy Emperors Caligula, Maximinius, Commodus, & others, whereof we have spoken above: which hated the Senate of Rome, because they would not have such correctors and controllers. Let us now come to Machiavelli, to prove his Maxim, which we have above The counsel of many is better than the counsel of o●e alone. confuted by good reasons and examples. He allegeth two reasons: The one is, that if a Prince govern himself by one Counsel alone, it would prove dangerous, for fear that the Counsellor seek to occupy the Estate. Whereunto I answer, that that were considerable, if principalities were at this day given by tumultuary elections of soldiers, as in times past the Roman Empire was given: for he that could obtain the favour of the men of war either by love or money, carried it away. But in our time, principalities are hereditary, or are given by grave and deliberate election of more stayed and discreet people, than were the Praetorian soldiers of Rome. Yet do not I approve that a Prince should be governed by one alone, when he may have a greater number of good Counsellors: for they that have so done in times past, have found it evil, and have repent it, as more fully shall be showed in the next Maxim. The reason also is evident, because one alone cannot so well by his wisdom examine and search out a matter or cause, nor so well can prevent difficulties, occurrents, & consequents that may happen, as many can do. Therefore also the wise Solomon approveth the counsel which is compounded of many. The other second reason of Machiavelli is, that he saith, That in a Counsel compounded Discordant opinions coming to one end, is not to be feared. of many, there are always discordances and contrarieties of opinions that they cannot accord. Whereunto I answer, That if a Counsel be compounded of good and fit men, they will always sufficiently agree in their opinions (as experience showeth it in the Counsels of many Princes, and in the body of Commonweals) although they disagree in motives, reasons, allegations, and in other circumstances. These discordances are often very profitable and necessary, if so be they all look to one end, which is the good of the Commonwealth. As happened in the Counsel of the Senate, which was held at Rome about that horrible and strange conspiration of Catiline, who with his companions went about to destroy his country with fire and sword: For in that Counsel, Caesar reasoned so gently, as it seemed he made small account of the matter; and in respect of his authority others after him reasoned in like manner, so mildly and gently, as Catiline and his partakers were in a good way to have been absolved. But when it came to Cato his rank, he reasoned in another sort, yea, even plainly to rebuke such as spoke before him. Great pity it is (saith he) that we are in such a time, when men attribute the name of wicked things to such as are good. Now is it accounted liberality to give the goods of another man, it is magnanimity to use violence and boldness, it is mercy and clemency to pluck criminal and condemned persons out of a justices hands: And I pray you, is it so small a thing to have conspired our destruction, and the effusion of our blood? Another crime might be punished after it should be committed: but who should punish Catiline after the execution of his conspiration, and that we shall be all dead? They which before have delivered their opinions, seem to be very liberal of our bloods, and of the blood of so many good men within Rome, to spare that of a sort of wicked conspirators. If they be not afraid of this conspiration, so much the more (my masters) have we cause to fear, to watch, & hold us upon our guards, without too much trusting them which are in such assurance. For our ancestors have made themselves great, by diligence, justice, & by good counsel, free from all covetousness and viciousness. Unto them which are vigilant, take pains and use good counsel, all things succeed well; but sluggards and cowards had need implore aid of the gods, for no doubt they are both contrary and angry with them. And therefore my advice is, that they which have confessed the fault, should die the death of their desert. Cato in this manner reasoning against the advice of others which had been before him, greatly to his commendation, drew the rest at the last to his opinion; yet not more to his honour, than to the dishonour of Caesar. So than it is not ever evil, that in a Counsel there should be sometimes Cato's and Appius Caludius and such like persons, which often hold strong against others: for affairs and businesses are so much the better cleared and bolted out. It also holds other better in order, which otherwise by too great facility and fear to contradict, suffer themselves to be carried after the first opinion, without debate or due consideration. And truly, in all Counsels there are but too many such as were Valerius Publicola, Maenenius Agrippa, Servilius, Pompeius, Caesar, and such like, which always reasoned gently and mildly in all things: but too few caton's, Appius Claudius, Quintus Cincinnatus, and such like, which in Senates hold rigorous opinions. For although for the most part such rigorous opinions ought not to be followed, yet they being mingled and dispersed amongst others, they ʳ serve well to bring to pass a good resolution, and so do make a good and sweet harmony in a Counsel or Senate, as Titus Livius showeth in many places. And therefore contradictions of opinions, whereof Machiavelli speaketh, are not so much to be feared in Prince's Counsels. Against whose Maxim I conclude, That the Prince which governeth himself by the counsel of men that be wise, honest, and experienced, shall prosper in all good: & he that ruleth himself by his own head, shall ruinated himself; as saith very eligantly the Poet Horace: A Supreme power, devoid of Counsel good, Falls of itself, as though it never stood. Carm. lib. 1. Ode 4. A Temperate power by God exalted is: The Intemperate his hatred doth not miss. 2. Maxim. The Prince, to shun and not to be circumvented of Flatterers, aught to forbid Chap. 23 of the Prince. his friends and Counsellors, that they speak not to him, nor to counsel him any thing, but only of those things whereof he freely gins to speak, or asketh their advice. THe means to shun Flatterers, which do nothing else but make lies, and report leasings, pleasing Princes ears (saith Machiavelli) is, that he make known that he takes no pleasure in hearing of lies: but that it is more agreeable unto his nature, that men should freely speak the truth. But because the Prince should too much debase his Majesty to yield an ear to every one that will utter a truth unto him; it is then requisite, that he take a third way: Therefore (saith he) it shall be good that the Prince hold always nigh him some certain number of virtuous people, which may have liberty freely to tell him truth upon all such things whereof he demands advise, and not of any other things. Forbidding and inhibiting them to speak to him of any thing but of that where of he himself hath begun the talk. After having understood their opinions, he ought to deliberat with himself, and choose the Counsel that he shall find best. MAchiavell making a countenance by this Maxim to counsel a Prince not to serve himself with flatterers, teacheth him the very means wholly to be governed by them. For there is none more truly a flatterer, nor more dangerous, than he that seethe before his eyes a thousand abuses, and knoweth that his Prince's affairs go evil, and yet either will not or dare not open his mouth to let him know them: because herein lieth the principal duty of a good and faithful Counsellor to his Prince, to declare unto him the abuses committed by his subjects, be they Officers or private persons, that with good Counsel he may provide therefore. The Prince knows not what is don● but by the mouth of his people. And to attend whilst the Prince himself begin the matter first to his Counsel, that should be in vain: for he cannot propose, that which he knoweth not: and it is a notorious and plain thing, that the Prince (who is always shut up in an house, or within a troop of his people) seethe not nor knoweth how things pass, but that which men make them see and know. This was the cause wherefore Dioclesian complained so much of the flatterers of his Court, which keeping close the truth of things, fed him with smoke, and so by that means made him commit many great faults in the administration of the empire. But because that history is worthy the marking, I will recite it at length. The Emperor Dioclesian was borne in a little village, of a base and obscure race Pompo. Laetus in Diocl. Vopis. in Aureliano. at Salon in Esclavonia: yet in his youth, and naturally, he was so ambitious and covetous of honour, that from a young soldier, he aspired still more higher, that he became a Captain, and from a Captain to be a Colonel, and from a Colonel to be a Lieutenant general and chief of the army, and finally came to that great dignity to be the Roman Emperor. When he was come to the sovereign degree of all honours, yet was his unsatiable ambition and covetousness of glory unsatisfied; for being Emperor, he would needs be worshipped as a God, and made his feet be kissed, on which he ware golden shoes covered with pearls and precious stones, after the manner of the kings of Persia. But who would have thought that he would have given over the imperial dignity, and so many honours as were done him? yet in truth he did forsake all this, and despoiled himself of his Empire, which he resigned to Constantius, Chlorus, and Galerius, and retired unto his house at Salon in Sclavonia, where he lived yet more than ten years a private man, taking his pastime in gardening and rural works, and never repent him whilst he was a private man, that he had despoiled himself of the Empire. But if this be so strange a thing, that a man so ambitious, and that so well loved the honours of this world, to rid himself of so great a dignity, did become (as I may say) a Gardener and a Labourer of the earth; yet more admirable is the cause wherefore he did this: For it was for no other cause, but for the hatred and evil will that he conceived against the flatterers of his Court, which a thousand ways abused him, whereunto he could not well give remedy, he was so besieged betwixt their hands. This hath been written by many Historiographers, yea, by Flavius Vopiscus, who placeth flatterers amongst the principal causes of Prince's corruptions. And because this place likes me well, I will translate it. A man may ask (saith he) What is it that maketh Princes so wicked & corrupt? First, their great liberty and abundance of all things they have: Secondly, their wicked friends, their detestable attendants, their covetous Eunuches, their foolish and uncivil courtiers, and too plain ignorance of the affairs of their Commonwealth. I have heard my father tell this, that the Emperor Dioclesian returning unto a private life, was wont to say, that there is nothing harder, than to know well how to play the Emperor: Four or five (saith he) will assemble and make a plot together to deceive the Emperor, after they will say all with one voice, what they will have him to do. The Emperor, who is enclosed in his house, cannot know the truth of things as they pass, but by necessity is constrained to understand nothing but what pleaseth them to tell him, and make him understand: so do they cause him to give offices to men by themselves in post, which merit them not at all, and makes him cast out such as best deserve them for the good of the Commonwealth. What should be said more, to make short, saith Dioclesian, A good, wise, and virtuous Prince is bought and sold by such people. Behold the very words of Vopiscus, who evidently showeth, that Dioclesian was discontented to be Emperor, because he was governed maugre his beard (as they say) by flattering Courtiers, which caused him to abuse his estate. But I leave you to think, if this were not a strange thing to see Dioclesian change his imperial estate with a rustic life, for the displeasure he took at his flattering Courtiers: for by the contrary we commonly see, that Princes rather please themselves marvelously to see flatterers, and they cannot go three paces, but they have them at their tails, and more willingly do they give their ears unto them than to good people which will tell them the truth of affairs that import their Estate. And he that will tell them this history of Dioclesian, a man need not doubt but they will straight say he was a sot & a beast to forsake his dignity of an Emperor for such a cause, and that he better deserved to be a gardener than an Emperor. But if they consider what was the end of Galba, of Commodus, of Bassianus, and of many other Roman Emperors, which by means of flatterers have had fearful deaths, they will not esteem Dioclesian such a fool to withdraw himself to a private habitation, there to finish his days otherwise than by the hands of murderers. Yet I must confess, that he might have done better, to have put away from him all those pestilent flatterers: and if to rid so many at once from the court, there had been great peril in so great a change; yet no doubt it was not impossible for him to have dispatched them by little and little one after another, and then to have placed good people about him, thereby to have strengthened himself. It is then seen by the saying of Dioclesian, that the Maxim of Machiavelli is a It is a pernicious thing to hold the truth from the Prince. true precept of flattery; and that there are no greater flatterers, nor more pernicious, than they that keep close from Princes the truth of things as they pass. And truly, if the Prince have good Counsellors and servants, by whom he may be well advertised of all truths which may concern his estate, and where he ought to provide and give rules; although some lies by flatterers besowne amongst them, yet can they not corrupt the good government of the Prince: for truth hath always of herself so great force, as she causeth lies to vanish away, as mists before the ●un, so that always they convert to smoke, without effect, if so be the truth be not hid in the Prince. And withal, flatterers and liars dare not open their mouths, fearing to be discovered in their evil purposes, when they know that the Prince hath nigh him good and wise men, which will freely tell him the truth of all that concerns his estate, and which are beloved and credited of him. By the laws, he that knoweth any enterprise which tendeth to the damage L. quisquis. C. add Leg. jul. Mai. of his Prince, is bound to reveal it unto him, upon pain himself to be held culpable of treason. They then which are Counsellors and most especial servants of a Prince, which are in a more particular obligation unto their masters service than other Subjects are, ought not they to be reputed for traitors when they conceal the truth from the Prince, of such things as pertain to his charge and providence? If any answer, that all things for which the prince should provide, import not his ruin, being omitted: I reply, that it may be not his present ruin, but yet at length. For one fault and omission draweth an other after it; and that, an other; and so by little and little, the estate of the Commonwealth; and by consequent, the Prince falls into confusion. And yet although the omission of providing, in things where the Prince is bound to provide, do not import his ruin and destruction, either present or at length; yet it must needs always import damage to the Prince, or his subjects. And in every case it is the profit and interest of the Prince, to give provision and rule therefore. For there cannot come but good, when subjects are well governed, and that there is a good policy in all things. Here may be demanded, Seeing the good Counsellors of a Prince are so necessary, Prince's love flatterers, & wherefore. and flatterers and evil Counsellors are so domigeable, from whence cometh it that yet Princes are well attended on and garnished with flatterers, and have few good Counsellors about them? It seemeth that Master Philip de Comines hath De Comines, lib. 1. cap. 21. well hit this mark: Saying that this comes to pass, because Princes always seek such as feeds their own humours and please them best, and contemn such as are contrary, although they may be more profitable unto them. For (saith he) such as have been nourished with a Prince, or which are of his age, or which can best order and dispose his pleasures, or such as apply themselves unto his will, are always in his good grace, and the first unto whom he disparteth and disperseth his authority and great Estates. And a Prince never knows how to choose a wise man and of good counsel, until he find himself in some great necessity, and oftentimes hath most need of them which before he had despised: as I have seen (saith he) of the County de Charoloies and king Edward of England. But upon this point riseth yet another doubt, Wherefore it is that flatterers do rather please Princes, than wise men? Plutarch seems unto me well to resolve this question: when he saith, That it proceedeth from this, that naturally men, but Plutar. de discr. adul. & ● amici. especially Princes, do too much love themselves: And love of ones self obfuscateth and blindeth judgement, so that we can never truly judge that which we love. From hence it followeth, that when a flatterer tells his Prince many goodly things to his praise, he believes it, and persuades himself that there are many praise able things in him, although indeed there be nothing. And there helpeth to this Dionis. Hali. ●ib. 9 persuasion, that the flatterer always takes for the subject of his praises, such vices as are in alliance and neighbourhood with their virtues. For if the Prince be Saint in cattle. cruel and violent, he will persuade him that he is Magnanimous and Generous, and such an one as will not put up an injury or despite. If he be prodigal, he will make him believe that he is liberal, and magnifical, that he maintains an estate truly Royal, and one that well recompenseth his servants. If the Prince be over gone in lubricities and lusts, he will say, he is of an human and manly nature, of a jovial and merry complexion, and of no Saturnine complexion or condition. If the Prince be covetous and an eater of his subjects, he will say, he is worthy to be a great Prince, as he is, because he knows well how to make himself well obeyed. Briefly, the flatterer adorns his language in such sort, that he will always praise his Prince's vice by the resemblance of some virtue nigh thereunto. For the most part of vices have always some likeness with some virtue. The flatterer also on his part, will not forget to cover his own faults and vices with the visage and likeness of some virtue nigh unto them. For he will cover his ambition with the zeal of the Commonweal, and will say, that for the Prince's service, and that the affairs of the Commonwealth might be well governed, he accepted or pursued such an Estate, or took on him such a charge, which otherwise he would never have demanded or accepted. His covetousness he will cover with his Prince's honour; and will say, that it should be no honour to his Master (who is so great a Lord) to have a servant poor and contemptible. If he be vindicative, he will always cover his vengeances with the Prince's mantle, saying that the enmities he hath, is for the good services he hath done to his Prince, and that the Master is despised and outraged in the person of his servant. And so of all other vices. Insomuch that the Prince who yieldeth his ears to flatterers, shall always so be dealt withal, that they shall believe vices to be virtues. And he will easily believe this, because (as is said) It is the nature of man too much to love himself, & by consequent to be blind in judging of himself, believing still his vices to be virtues. And contrary, if the Prince hear a good man speak, which of an evil thing, tells him the evil, and of a good thing, the good; he shall never please him so well, as that flatterer. And from hence proceedeth the common proverb, which is as true as can be. Obsequium amicos, veritatem odium parere: To follow a man's pleasure and desire, gets friends, but the truth, hatred. And this is seen, not only in Princes, but also in particular and private men. For say to a covetous man, or to a wicked usurer who eateth up his Christian brother by excessive usuries, That he is a frugal, good, and wise husband, and that he well observes S. Paul's commandment, who wils every man to have care of his family, and if not care to gather together goods for his children, he is worse than an Infidel; certainly you should be accounted his great friend, and he would take great pleasure to be so tickled in his vice. But if you say unto him, There is no charity in him so to destroy and eat up his brother Christian whom he ought to love as himself, and that true charity is joined unto faith, pity, and all other virtues (as S. Paul saith) and that he that is without love, is without faith, without virtue, and is a very Infidel; then have you lost him for ever, and he will be no more your friend; you have obtained his hatred for telling him the truth. But good people ought not to desist for that cause, to say the truth both to The duty of a good friend and servant towards his Prince. Princes and to private persons. For truly, Truth is so goodly and expedient of herself (as Plato saith,) that not only we ought to prefer her before the good grace favour and amity of men, but also before all things of the world. A good man then which loveth Truth, will imitate the example of Quintius Capitolinus, who one day making an Oration to the Roman people, after he had lively showed them their Titus Livius lib 3. faults, in that they ceased not to tumultuate and disobey their Superiors, whereby some great disorder and confusion might fall to the common weal, added in the end these words: Masters, I know well, that a man may utter more pleasant talk, and tell you of things more plausible; but as for me, my nature is not to flatter, and the present necessity causeth, that I love rather to tell you true things, than pleasant: I have a good mind to please and content you, but I love much better, to preserve and guard you from falling into destruction, how little thank soever I have of you. These remonstrances and words of this good man, were of such efficacy by the pure and native truth, which he showed unto the people without any flattery, that he appeased the tumults and discontentments of the city. And as to Prince's men ought not to spare to speak truth: and that they may not take delight to be praised by flatterers, they must show them; that whosoever praiseth any man (be he Prince or other) in his presence, is a flatterer: he must set before them, the example of that good and wise Emperor Alexander Severus, who took pleasure in hearing the praises of great Lampri. in Alex. Sparta. in Nigro. Princes which had been before him, but would never hear his own. And greatly praised that saying of the valiant Roman captain Pescentius Niger, who as one day a certain Orator would needs have pronounced an Oration called Panegerica, in his praise, Go thy way (saith he) and writ the praises of Marius and Hannibal, and of other old and valiant Captains, that we may imitate them: for it is a pure mockery to praise such as do yet live, and especially great Princes, of whom there is hope and fear, and which may bereave a man of both life goods and liberty: as for me, whilst I am alive, I will do good and approved things; and after my death, then let me be praised. The Emperor Alexander then alleged this notable sentence of captain Niger, and would by no means be praised in his own presence. So likewise when men used to salute him, he would not suffer them to use titles and salutations of flattery: As, God conserve thy Divinity, thy sacred Majesty, thy Clemency, (which since have been in use,) but they must say only, God keep thee Alexander: And they which did otherwise, or which would use too many ceremonies in their salutations, were straight mocked and hissed at, yea, forced out of the emperors chamber. But indeed willingly he would be saluted of none but of good men, and of good reputation. Insomuch, as he caused an edict to be published, whereby he inhibited and forbade upon great pains, that none should dare to present himself before his face, which knew himself to be, or indeed was of evil fame & reputation. Moreover, they must show to Princes, That it is the goodliest thing in the world to know himself. For besides that the knowledge of ourselves leads us to the knowledge of God, it makes that men (although they be great Princes) acknowledge themselves always men, that is to say, subject to fail and to do evil, to follow evil, to leave that which is good, to be ignorant of good things, and to know many evil, and to practise them. For these qualities are common in all men generally. So that he that knows himself a man, will also know and acknowledge himself apt to fall and offend, and so will he abate his pride; whereas otherwise it would mount and arise by the foolish and hyperbolical praises of flatterers. Moreover, as it is very requisite and necessary, that wise men which are nigh the Prince, should use a free liberty, to tell him the truth of all things which concern him: so must they do it with all modesty, accompanied with the honour and reverence that God hath commanded us to bear unto Princes, as to his lieutenants. For that Cynic liberty of some Philosophers, which knew not how to reprehend and show men's faults, but by taunts and bitter biting speeches, are not to be approved; as did that fool Diogenes, who ridiculously and triflingly talked with king Alexander the Great, as if he had spoken to some simple burgess of Athens. And Calisthenes, Plutarch in Alex. whom Alexander led with him in his voyage unto Asia, to instruct him in good documents of wisdom; who indeed was so austere, hard, and biting in all his remonstrances and reasonings, as neither the king nor any others could take in good part any thing that he taught. It is then very much expedient (if a man mean to gather fruit, and do good by his speech) to use gentle and talk and persuasions, especially if he have to do with a Prince or great man, which will not be gained by rigour (or as they say, by high wrestling) but by mild and humble persuasions. And above all, men ought well to engrave in princes minds, that notable answer which The difference of a friend and a flatterer. captain Photion made unto the king Antipater, who had required some thing of him which was not reasonable: I would (Sir) do for your service all that is possible for me, but you cannot have me both for a friend and a flatterer: as if he would say, That they be two things far different, to be a friend and to be a flatterer, as in truth they are. For the true friend and servant of the prince, orders and frames all his actions Plutarch de discri. adul & amici. to the good of the prince, and the flatterer tends and bends all his actions to his own proper good: the true friend loveth with a true love his prince, and the flatterer loveth himself: the true friend modestly showeth his vices in his presence, and praiseth his virtues in his absence; but the flatterer always exalts the prince in his presence, rather for his vices, than for his virtues, and behind his back he blameth and defameth him, vaunting and saying, that he governs him at his pleasure, and that he possesseth him, and makes him do what he will: the true friend persevereth in the service of his prince, as well in time of adversity as prosperity, and the flatterer turns his back in time of adversity: the true friend serves for an healthful medicine to his prince, but the flatterer for a sweet poison: the true friend conserveth his prince in his estate and greatness: but the flatteter precipitateth him into ruin and destruction, as we shall discourse the examples of all these things hereafter. Moreover, when we say that flatterers are pernicious to a prince, that is not meant of all them which dedicate and give themselves to please the prince: for there may well be Gentlemen of his own age about him, to accompany him in his honest pastimes, as to ride, hunt, hawk, to tourney, to play at tennis, to run, and other like pastimes, which do not evil to give themselves to please him in such things: but contrary, it is right necessary and requisite, that the prince have sometimes such company. For it should not be good nor comely (in defect, and for want of plays and pastimes) he should to himself procure an habit of a Stoical humour; neither that he should get a complexion too severe and melancholic. Hereof we read a very remarkable example above others in Alexander the great, king of Macedon: When he departed from his country to pass into Asia, to make war upon that great Dominator, king Darius, he had with him most chief in his love amongst others, Craterus and Hephaestion, two gentlemen, his especiallest friends and servants, yet far Plutarch in Alex. different the one from the other: for Craterus was of an hard and sharp wit, severe, stoical, and melancholic, who altogether gave himself unto affairs of Counsel, and indeed was one of the kings chief Counsellors: but Hephaestion was a young gentleman, well complexioned and conditioned in his manners and behaviour, of a good and quick wit, yet free of all care but this, to content and please the king in his sports and pastimes; insomuch, as men called Craterus the king's friend, and Hephaestion the friend of Alexander, as one that gave himself to maintain the person of his prince in mirths and pastimes, which were good to the maintenance of his health. When Alexander had conquered Persia and Media, he begun to apparel himself after the Persian & Median manner, the rather to gain the hearts of those nations newly conquered: Hephaestion to please the king, did the like, leaving the Macedonike manner, to apparel himself, as the Persians and Medes did, for which the king liked him the better: but Craterus kept always his old fashions of Macedon, and much blamed that change of fashions in their apparel, and said it was but even to barbarize, and begun to taunt and gibe at Hephestion for it. This their contrariety of manners, was a cause that they entered far into enmity and quarrels; insomuch as one day they came unto the drawing of swords one against another, and straight assembled their friends on both sides; whereby had fallen out a great mutiny, if the king himself had not come in good time, hearing a great noise of people, and separated them, presently & openly rebuking Hephaestion, calling him fool and mad man; he took also privately aside Craterus, and told him; he greatly marveled, that he being a wise man, would so hate Hephaestion for so small a thing. Afterward, he agreed them, & publicly delared unto them, that they were the two Gentlemen which most he loved in the world, but if any more they fell to quarrel again, he swore by jupiter Amon, that with his own hands he would slay him that begun. But after that, they did nothing one against other. Hereupon I say: That it is necessary for a Prince to have such as Craterus, for his counsel, and it also becomes him well to have such as Hephaestion, to keep him company in his honest pastimes. But to the end men may better discern such as are good friends and servants from flatterers, I will now (God willing) discover the examples of many sorts of flatterers, which for the most part have had in singular observation, that Maxim of Machiavelli, namely: To hold close from the Prince the truth of things: and the better to distinguish them, I will call them with such names as our ancestors have called them, which are very proper and covenable unto them. First, there are a sort of flatterers, which our ancient Frenchmen called janglers, which signifieth as much janglers. as a skoffer, a trifler, a man full of words, or (as we call them) long tongues, which by their jangling and babeling in rhyme or in prose, such as do give themselves to please great men, in praising and exalting them exceedingly, & rather for their vices, than for their virtues. These be they which by their fair language, can make (as one saith) of a Devil an Angel: but in the mean while, they so enchant men, and swell them up so with pride, that in effect they make them become even Angelical Devils. This sort of flatterers were banished and driven out of France in the time of Philip Augustus, Annal. upon the year 1104. as persons serving for nothing but to vanities and corruptions of manners; unto which, Princes and great Lords gave gifts, which might better have been employed upon God's poor. And therefore that good king made a vow; that he would from thenceforth give to the poor, all that which before he and his ancestors had given unto janglers. And to the end that other Lords of the court should follow his example, and that they might have no more occasion to give any thing to the said janglers, he banished them all, as is said, from the court. Such flatterers in truth are very pernicious; for seeking too much to exalt and lift up Princes by praises, they are causes to mount them into pride and unmeasurable fierceness, which after brings their destruction. So came it to julius Caesar. For Dion & Plutar. in Caesar. & Sueto. in Caes. cap. 78, 79. Lucius Cotta, Coruelius Balbus, and such like janglers, being nigh & about him, ever persuaded him, first to name the month (which then was called Quintilis) with and by his name, julius, which he did, and ever since was it called july. After that, they would needs make him a Temple, to make him be worshipped as a god, and they called him jupiter in his presence; they also persuaded him to take the name and crown of a king, which he was determined to do, if he had not been prevented by death. When the Senators came to speak with him in his house, he would not arise to meet them, but those flatterers hindered him; neither would they permit him to rise out of his chair to salute them, saying he was Caesar, the sovereign Prince of the Commonwealth, and that all others ought to honour him, and not he them. These things which Caesar did against his will by the persuasions & constraint of janglers, gathered unto him hatred and evil will of all the Senate, insomuch, that some Senators conspired against him, and slew him even in the Senate house. Caius Caligula a certain time was a good Prince, but the janglers he had about Suet. in Calig. cap. 22. 51. joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 15. him, by their unmeasurable praises made him become (as saith Suetonius) a monster: they caused him to take titles of Pitions, The Son of Camps or Hosts, Most good, and Most great Caesar: and in the mean while they made him become the most cruel, the most coward, and the most wicked tyrant in the world. He took a desire after all those goodly names and titles, yea to take the name of a King, and to wear a crown: but his flatterers showed him, that the name of an Emperor was much more than a King: therefore from thence forward he attributed to himself a divine honour. So gave he commandment, that men in temples should set up images of him through all the world, which were subject to the Roman Empire: Insomuch, that the Governor of judea, called Petronius, would have placed an image of Caligula in the great temple of jerusalem, but the jews would not suffer him, which extremely detested images, whereby there had like to have been a great sedition: but in all other provinces of the Empire it was executed without contradiction. Yet not contented that his images should be in all places adored, this detestable monster would many times go and place himself in person betwixt the two images of Castor and Pollux, in the Temple which was consecrated to them at Rome, and there made himself to be worshipped in the midst of the said two gods, which he called his brethren. Moreover, he caused a Temple to be builded and consecrated, where he made his image to be erected, which was of gold, and caused it every day to have on such like apparel as he wore himself, and founded in that Temple, Priests for his service, and to offer up unto him rare and precious Sacrifices, as Pheasants, Peacocks, and other like birds and beasts, far fetched every day. Sometimes went he into the Capitol, jupiters' Temple, and there would come unto the image of jupiter, and make a countenance to talk with him, and speak in his ear, and then would lay his own ear to jupiters' mouth, as it were to hear his answer: sometimes would he lift up his voice, and taunt and rebuke jupiter: and after he was departed from thence, then said he that he had spoken with jupiter, and had obtained that he asked. I pray you what will you here say? Is it possible in the world to dream or imagine a more extreme folly, or a pride and arrogancy more abominable and enraged. Behold to what point janglers brought him. But this was not all: for seeing himself thus adored, he fell persuaded, that no man durst ever enterprise any thing against him, and so committed he a thousand cruelties, and strange and horrible wickednesses, such as easily a sovereign prince might do, which spends his time and power in all excesses, wantonness, and riotousness; wherein he never ceased to wallow and tumble himself, till he was suddenly massacred and slain: which was a just and merited recompense unto him, because he so lightly believed flatterers and praisers. You must think, that whilst these janglers handled thus their master, leading him to such follies, that they themselves were merry and joyful, to see him so governed after their fancy: yet was there not laughter for them all, and to speak of them which did not laugh, is so much the better fit to make others laugh. First then was Dion in Caio Caligu. one Macro, who seeking to come in favour and good grace with Caligula, not only he employed himself to praise and exalt the Emperor; but also he set on his wife, called Ennea, to make her fit and handsome to gain the good grace of that young Prince, commanding her to refuse him nothing. For such people, to come to the end they purpose, care not therein to employ their honour and that of their wives, even so far as themselves, to be very bawds. She then obeying Macro her husband, did so much by her journeys, that she entered into Caligula his amity, and herself discovered unto him, how well her husband loved him, and what commandment he gave her. Insomuch, that Macro, as well by the means of his wife, as by his own jangling, was a good time in credit. But one day he had done something that pleased not Caligula (as to break a glass, or some other like fault) and this foolish Emperor caused him to be called. When he came he said: Come hither Gallant, did not you command such a thing to your wife? do you not know well, that it is a thing punishable by our laws, to be a bawd to his own wife? You must die: and so constrained him to slay himself, without hearing any excuse or defence. There are yet two others, which received no less, and I will tell you how. The Emperor Caligula, being one day sick in his bed, these janglers came to visit him. The first was one Afracanus Potitus, who being nigh the emperors bed, seemed to be very sad and sorrowful for the emperors disease, and amongst other adulatory talk, he said unto him: I would (Sir) it would please the gods that I might die for the recoverment of your health; for I make a vow to the gods, that I would die with as good an heart, as ever I did any thing. The other called Afracanus Secundus, said likewise to the Emperor: O, would it pleased the gods, that I might to utterance go skirmish with the Sword players, to be slain of them for your majesties health: For I swear by the gods, that I would willingly employ myself for your recovery. Caligula answered them nothing at that time; but when he was whole, he sent for them both: and being come, he said unto them. Masters, my good friends, I am made to know, that you are very devout to the gods: For since the other day that you came to visit me, and that you vowed your lives to the gods for my health, I have soon recovered it, as you vowed unto me: But fearing a relapse, and again to fall into my disease, if you accomplish not your vow, I have sent for you to make you die, praying you not to take it in evil part. And withal, without attending their answer, he commanded the Captain of his Guard, to dispatch them. This foolish Emperor, after those janglers had made him become such a beast and mad man, did never good thing but this. But in regard of the execution of these three flatterers, they encountered the best of the world: for they which had made him become a fool, merited well to receive part of his folly. But certain it is, that this sort of flatterers which are so prodigal of praises, will not spare all honourable titles towards the Princes unto whom they addict themselves, whilst they are in their presence; but behind their backs, they mock them, Dion in Neron. and speak a thousand evils upon them. Teridates, brother of Vologaesus king of the Parthians, in the time of the Emperor Nero, came to Rome with a great retinue. As soon as he was arrived, he fell on his knees before Nero, his hands together tending towards heaven, said in this manner. Sir, I, which am the Nephew of the great king Arsaces, and brother of the king Vologaesus and Pacorus, am thy humble servant and slave, and am come hither to worship thee as my god: for I can be nothing but what it pleaseth thee. Thou hast done well (answered the Emperor Nero) to come unto me to enjoy and have fruition of my sight, and of my presence: For that which thy predecessors did not leave thee, I give it thee, and make thee at this present, king of Armenia; that thou mayst know, that it is in me to give kingdoms, and to take them away. After this word, he put a crown on his head, and invested him with the kingdom of Armenia. After (for a pastime and sport for this new king) plays were appointed, wherein Nero would needs make it appear, how well he could play upon the citharon, and indeed played amongst the common players. Also he thrust himself amongst carters clothed in green as they were, to show, that in Lists he could also tell how to handle chariot horses. After this Teredates the new king of Amenia, being retired into his lodging, mocked Nero, and spoke infinite evils of him, calling him Carter, Citternier: and further said, he mervailed how they could suffer at Rome such a master and Lord. When he was before Nero, he held and respected him as a god; but when he was out of his presence, he detested him as a monster. I ask of you, if such a flatterer deserved at Nero his hand, such a present as a kingdom. Prusias king of Bythinia, was a flatterer like Teridates. For one day coming to Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 5. Florus lib. 50. Rome, a little after that Paulus Aemilius had vanquished king Perseus of Macedon, he made certain Senators understand, that he had a desire to enter into the Senate, to know his masters and superiors, whose enfranchised slave he said he was, and to congratulate with them their victory. To enter the Senate was granted him. When he approached the palace where the Senate assembled, he fell on his knees at the door, and kissed the door lintel; after, rose up and entered into the hall where the Senators did sit; being there, he made great reverences, calling the Senators, his gods, and his saviours, and desired leave to go into the temples of the gods in Rome, to make offerings and sacrifices to their gods, for the victory which the Romans have gotten of the king Perseus. This also was granted him. But he was mocked and despised of all the company, for this so great and exorbitant humility and flattering which he made unto virtuous people, which took no pleasure in flattery. This was a king of no worth, a coward and man full of vices (as commonly all such people are, which cover their adulations with so extreme humility) and in the end was slain by Nichomedes his son, who made himself king. Lucius Vitellius (father of the monstrous Emperor Vitellius) was such a flatterer Sueto. in Vite. lio, cap. 2. as Prusias: for knowing that the Emperor Claudius, suffered himself to be much governed by Messalina his wife; to come to his good grace and favour, he came unto this Madam his wife, and prayed her for the honour of the gods, that it would please her to grant him a gift, whereby he should for ever feel himself bound to do her most humble service, as her humble slave. The Empress demanded, what gift he desired: It is Madam (said he) that it would please you to put out your feet, that I may pull off your shoes. It may be supplied in the history, that this was at some hour when Messalina meant to put off her shoes either to go lie down in her bed, or to wash her feet (as the Elders used much to do,) Messalina could not refuse him this so honourable and excellent a demand, proceeding from so generous and heroical an heart, and indeed suffered him to pluck off her shoes. But what did my man? After he had drawn off her shoes, he took one of them smiling, and kissed it three or four times in the presence of this Madam, and carried it away with him. He ordinarily bore the or startup in his bosom, and wheresoever he came, he showed it to the people, kissing it, saying, That the Empress had done him that honour & favour, to give it him in pure & free gift, and that he bore it in his bosom, and kissed it every day for her honour. What should a man say unto this filthy drudgery and slavery? I will yet set down one other example of janglers, from a gowned man or Senator, and then we pass on: for Senators and Lawyers may as well be flatterers as others; although they should show better example, because commonly they are wiser. You must then understand, that in the time of the Emperor Tiberius, many were accused for light matters, said or done towards the Emperor; because they knew he took pleasure in such accusations. Amongst others, one day there was accused Vitellio Sueton. in Top. 5. in a full Senate, of treason, a Roman Knight called Lucius Ennius, because he had melted a silver image of his own, which represented the emperors image, to make some other work for his own use; you may think what an huge crime this was, and how men should find it evil for a man to do with his own at his own pleasure. The Emperor Tiberius seeing that this accusation had no colour in it, and that it was but a mockery, to call it a crime, much less a crime of treason, he forbade that the Knight should be criminalized for it. Yet Atteius Capito a Senator and a great Lawyer, but a very flatterer, rose up, and as upon a free liberty of speech, he used these words to the Emperor. Sir, we are here assembled in the Senate, where every one hath liberty, freely to utter his opinion, for the good and utility of the commonwealth; we beseech you, not to take from us the power that we have, to punish such as commit crimes against the commonwealth; and pardon not you alone, that injury, which is done to all. For what a despite and contempt is this, for Ennius, that he dare found and cast into the fire, a Prince's image? aught not he, rather to have kept it by him, as an holy and sacred thing, & to have reverenced it, for the honour of him, whose representation it was: this shows, what heart and affection he bears towards his Prince, and that if he could, he would do as much unto him, as he doth to his Image. For he that reverenceth the gods, reverenceth also their images. Had he not otherwise enough, whereof to make his silver vessel, but to melt for it this sacred Image? he would not do so much with the images of Brutus and Cassius; for he honoureth them in his heart, and would well at this day find the like, which might enterprise the like disloyalty against our good Prince, as they did against Caesar. Our Laws will, that in crimes of treason, the least apparent suspicion, sufficeth to condemn the accused. And it is the great interest and profit for the commonwealth, rigorously to punish such, as never so little attempt against the Prince: unless a man will say, that the body hath not to do, neither needeth to care when the head is wounded and offended. And therefore I conclude, that justice be executed upon Ennius, as a man attainted and culpable of treason. The Emperor Tiberius, although he was cruel in such matters, knew well, that this fair opinion of the Lawyer Capito, was but a mere flattery, which he understood better than he uttered: therefore notwithstanding the said Capito his remonstrance and opinion, he persisted in the Inhibitions before made, that the knight Ennius should be no more vexed nor endangered about that matter. And the abovesaid Tacitus saith, that Capito by this his goodly opinion, acquired a great infamy and evil reputation to himself, greatly dishonouring both the knowledge of the Law, human and good letters, wherewith he was excellently endowed. Upon this point I note that which master Philip de Comines well saith: That Lawyers and great learned Comines, lib. 1. cap. 24. men are very fit to be about a Prince, and of his Counsel, if they be good men; but being otherwise, they are very dangerous: For they can so well paint and set out their language, alleging laws and histories, which every man understandeth not, that often they take evil conclusions. But when they be good men, they may marvelously order and conduct matters which are handled in Counsel, and bring them to a good resolution: as may be proved by infinite examples out of Titus Livius and other Historiographers: which I will not here accumulate, because it is from our determined purpose. In the rank of janglers, may well be placed the Poets of our time; which by their Poesy's full of flatteries and lies, seek to hook in some abbotship or priorship, or Poets, janglers. some other such gift, in recompense of their adulations. I confess, that a Poet may and should take more liberty to write the praises of some one man, than an Orator or an historiographer: but when praises are so hyperbolical, as they rather fall out to be the dishonour than the honour of him of whom they are written, then are they not any thing tolerable. I will take for example but the Epitaphs which were imprinted at Paris a little after the death of king Charles the ninth: There, those goodly Poets say, That the king before he died, overthrew more monsters than ever did Hercules, in shedding so much blood of his rebellious subjects: That he died like Samson, who at his death pulled down and overthrew the pillars which he had in his arms, and the house, upon himself; so in France, justice, piety, and religion died with him: That France had been his stepmother: That there was in him an exceeding great cunning in all arts and sciences, and that he was also very expert in diverse handicrafts: That the king (Henry his brother) that now reigns, succeeded him as Castor to Pollux, as one god to another god: That king Charles died a martyr of jesus Christ, and that from thenceforth he ought to be invocated as a Saint. I pray you is there any man of sober judgement, which doth not plainly see, that such speeches become rather men void of wit and understanding, by some extreme affection of flattery, than these gallant Poets, which are drawn on and led with a generous and right Poetical spirit? for meaning unmeasurably to praise, there escapes from them, that they speak things redounding to their dispraise: and if the dead king were alive, he would not thank them for such praises. For a good Prince (as Horace saith of Augustus) ever rejecteth such foolish praises. To purpose ill, shall never go my verse To Caesar's ear: for as his deeds appear, So would he, I his praises should rehearse: Too much his praise detesteth h● to hear. And indeed it is common to all good and virtuous people, not only to reject excessive praises, but also to hate, as flatterers and liars, all such as use them: as Euripides witnesseth, saying: A good man, praise too great cannot abide: But hates that thing, which puffs him so with pride. If those goodly Poets before they had made their Epitaphs, had well read Virgil and Horace, they should have found, that these two excellent Poets writ in many Aenead. 6. Hora. lib. 4. Carm. Ode 5. 15. places the praises of Augustus. But wherefore do they praise him? For that he established a good peace in all the Roman Empire, he caused justice to flourish, he brought the people into a good repose and assurance, and reduced again the golden world. They praise him also, because he amplified and enlarged the Roman Empire. But they speak not one word of the wars: nor for that he overthrew Cassius and Brutus, do they either praise or despraise him. And indeed (as Plutarch saith,) They are piteous triumphs which are made upon blood. These Plutarch in Caesar. Epitaphers than should learn to praise a Prince, as they ought to do, and as the elders have done. But when they say that our dead king died like Samson, and that with him died also piety and justice, which he carried in the devise of his two pillars; do they not plainly blame the kingdom at this present of impiety and injustice? as if justice were not now so good, nor religion in so good estate, as in the time of the dead king; or as if they were or could be made worse: yea contrary, every one seethe with his eye, that justice and religion are still in as good estate in France, as before that the king died, and that they are now so well governed, as they cannot wax worse. And when they say that France was a stepmother unto the dead king; is not this injuriously to blame the French nation? Wherein hath France appeared unto him a stepmother? Because there were rebels against the king, say they. They which they call rebels, deny they are such: and in truth when edicts were maintained and observed, they were seen to be very obedient. But let it be so, that there were in France some rebellious subjects; must therefore all the nation be blamed and be called their king's stepmother, seeing there is no nation in the world more obedient than the French to his Prince? And as for that great cunning in arts, and the meanest mechanical sciences, which those Poet's attribute to our dead king, are not they goodly praises think you? As if it were some goodly virtue in a Prince to make a coffer, or to paint gourds (for which we read that the emperor Adrian was mocked) or to make some such like things. But contrary, the Poet Virgil describing Aeneid. 6. what kind of Princes the Roman Princes should be, he wils they should have no knowledge in the mechanical arts: only they should learn (saith he) the Science well to command, to govern, to vanquish, to pardon, to make laws and edicts, and to establish good manners and customs upon the nations under their governance. In like manner, the profane comparison of Castor and Pollux, where one god succeeds another god, how unfit a speech it is for a Christian? If Princes at this day will believe janglers, they make themselves to be adored upon the altar in the midst betwixt two Saints, as was Caligula betwixt Castor and Pollux. But enough is spoken of janglers, and of their janglings, and of their too too impudent and strange praises. Let us now come unto Marmosets. A Marmoset, according to the language of Marmosets. our elders, is as much to say, as a reporter, murmurer, whisperer of tales behind one's back in Princes and great men's ears, against one or other, which be false, or else ought not to be reiterated or reported. And it seems unto me, that this name of Marmoset is very proper and fit for such people, and that it meriteth well to be again called back in use. And I believe it is drawn from hence that such people, go marmoting, murmuring and whispering secretly in Prince's ears flattering speeches, which they dare not speak clearly and on high before the face of him whom they detract and speak evil of. These people are worse, and far more perilous than plain railers, scoffers, jesters, or janglers, whereof we have before spoken: for carrying the countenance of good servants and friends, they make the Prince believe that they serve him as spies, to mark and seek out the designs, evil purposes and carriages of their secret enemies, to the end he may not unawares be surprised of them, and that no evil may come unto him. And because (saith Comines) Comines, lib. 1. cap. 9 56. Princes are almost all suspicious (for doubts and fears that are put into their heads by advertisements) they easily believe Marmosets and reporters. Yea some Princes (saith he) promise them that they will say nothing nor discover any thing, which is one of the greatest faults that a Prince can commit. For besides that, in all men (be they princes or private persons) the ancient proverb hath place (which saith) That the sinews of Wisdom is, not to believe lightly: yet is it a thing as particularly required in a Prince, to stop his ears to all reports, unless the reporter will be well known, and sustain the punishment of a slander, in case his report be not found true. And thereupon the Prince ought to make diligent inquisition to have the truth well averred, when the thing is weighty and meriteth it. And he may not be satisfied with a light information thereof: but he ought to hear him which is charged or blamed before he believe any thing. And if the thing be not of great consequence and import him much, as if they be but words spoken (as it often happeneth) lightly in some pleasant talk, or at the table, or in choler, the Prince ought to despise and make no account of such words, but as talk uttered in an immoderate babble, and without thinking or considering thereof. For there is no man so perfect that can so bridle his tongue, but there will often fall words without consideration, which after when he thinks of them, wisheth he had never spoken them. And this imperfection which is in all men ought to be supported of some towards others, and Princes ought rather to bear them then particular persons, for two reasons. The one, for that he is more subject to receive reports, than private men: so that if he easily deliver his ear unto them, he shall see a thousand griefs and displeasures, and shall be in continual doubts and fears. The other reason is, because all Princes ought to consider, that men speak more of them than of any private person. For there is neither great nor little, but he will meddle to speak of Princes, yea to judge of their actions, and every man to utter his follies of his good or evil behaviours. What should Princes then do? It is impossible to bridle their tongues, and if they should be forbidden to speak, they would speak the more. Seeing then both great and small do ordinarily speak of Princes, yea more than of other things, it is impossible that in such abundance of talk there should not be always much evil, and he that would set foot therein, should bind himself to an infinite pain, from whence he should not know how to get out. For the tongues of men are so ready and quick workers in their trade, that they will frame more businesses in a day, than a thousand commissaries by their inquiries know how to dispatch in a year. Therefore the Prince which contemneth words spoken without due deliberation, and such other things as are not of importance, and which forbiddeth that no man shall report unto him such matters, shall in such things do that which is most covenable and agreeable unto his gravity and majesty, and in so doing, he shall show himself more magnanimous, and in heart more generous, neither fearing, distrusting, or doubting any thing. Such an one was that great Augustus Caesar: for one day as one pleaded a criminal cause before him against Aemilius Aelianus, the accuser amongst other crimes maintained, that Aelianus accustomed to speak Sueton. in Aug. cap. 5. evil of Augustus, and to detract and slander his Majesty. Augustus then making a countenance to be angry, returned towards the accuser, saying. Is it true that thou sayest that Aelianus hath spoken evil of me, I would well thou couldst prove it, for I would then cause him to know, that I have a tongue as well as he, and would say as much and more evil of him than he hath done of me. This poor accuser seeing Augustus make no more account of it, was much ashamed, and wished after, that he Capitolinus in Marco. had never advanced such an accusation. Such was also the Emperor Antonius Pius, with whom, the murmurations which Marmosets blew in his ears, could not take place, and he made no account of them. As one day, Lucilla, the mother of Marcus Antonius, the Philosopher (which Pius had adopted for his son) being in a chapel upon her knees before the image of Apollo, Valerius Omulus, who was a Marmoset, addressing his speech to the Emperor Pius: Behold (saith he) Lucilla makes her prayers to Apollo, that thou might quickly finish thy days, that her son might reign: But the Emperor Pius reproved him for such talk, and told him, that Lucilla and Marcus Antonius his son, were too good to think such a thought. So generally we read, That all good emperors, such as the abovesaid, and trajan, Adrian, Nerva, Alexander Severus, and others like, have not only hated and detested, but also chased and banished far from the court, reporters and relators of false tales. But as I before said, It becomes not a Prince to make account, but rather to contemn A word spoken in haste ought not to be regarded. Froiss. lib. 4. cap. 6. words not spoken by good deliberation. And to that purpose will I rehearse a judgement which was given and recorded in full counsel of king Charles the sixth, whereat were his Uncle the Duke of Burgoigne, the Constable, the Mareschals of France, and many other great Lords of the King's privy Counsel. Master Peter de Courtnay an English Knight, being one day at the Court of the King of France, offered a challenge unto a French knight, called Guy de la Tremoville, by deeds of arms to try, who was the stronger knight and best in arms: la Tremoville had no desire to refuse him: so that by the consent of the King, and of his Uncle the Duke of Burgoigne, and in their presence, and before many other great Lords, they ran a lance one against the other and no more, for the King would not suffer them to go any further: the English knight was evil content thereat, but yet without making other countenance, desired leave of the King to return into England, which the King granted, and gave him for his conduction, and guide for his assurance unto Calais, the Lord de Clary a french gentleman, one renowned and of great valour. As they went by the way, the english gentleman desired to go by Lucen, to salute the Countess of S. Paul the King of England's sister, who dwelled there, who gently received them and made them good cheer: talking and speaking of news, as the custom is. This English told the Countess, that he could not find in France a knight with whom to do deeds of arms, and that he would never have thought but to have found in the Court great store, covertly taxing thereby the french Nobility. Clary his conductor marked well his words, but he spoke not one word whilst he came to Calais: being there, Clary angrily said unto Courtnay; Messira de Courtnay, I have acquitted myself of the charge which the King my Lord gave me for your conduction to this town; now that I have no more charge of you, I think good to remember you of certain words you delivered at Lucen, to Madam the Countess of S. Paul, where you said, you could not find in France a knight, with whom to do deeds of arms, thereby taxing the noble knighthood of France: therefore to maintain with you the contrary, I offer myself to do deeds of arms with you, in what manner you will choose, provided that you can obtain of the governor of this town for the king your master, a permission & place to do them. The said permission and place was granted, and they so fought that Clary wounded M. Courtenay in diverse places. This came to the King and his uncles notice: Clary was sent for, who for his defence said, that that which he had done, was to maintain the honour of France, and alleged many fair reasons: whereby it seemed, that not only he ought not to have been blamed for that he did in that case, but that rather he merited to be allowed and praised. The matter was handled in the king's Counsel, & by judgement and decree Clary was condemned to prison for a certain time, and in the mean while his goods were seized into the king's hand, and little there wanted he was not banished France: but a certain time after, the king pardoned him, at the intercession of the Duke of Bourbon, and of the said Countess of S. Paul. And at his deliverance, was made known unto him the morive of the king's Counsel, which was this: That the king's Counsel thought him worthy that punishment, because a light and rash speech delivered in familiar talk, he would revenge as a serious and weighty matter. If this decree were well observed (as it merited to be) we should not see so many quarrels, murders, and suits for our words rashly and undiscreetly spoken. And it should be a thing much better becoming Christians, not so easily to feel words preferred and spoken upon sudden motion, than in so scrupulously se●king points of honour, to enter into contentions and quarrels; whereby we make demonstration, that we are nothing less, than that we would appear to be. For we would, that by our quarrels and going to law upon an overthwart and rash speech, men should account us of great heart, that we have our honour in singular commendation and estimation: and in the mean while we discover ourselves in effect to be of a pusillanime, base, and feeble heart, that we cannot despise and contemn a word of no account, pronounced in haste. Was that great Emperor Augustus Caesar, and many other, ignorant, what were the points of honour? yet were they most magnanimous, and had their hearts so noble and generous, as they never took footing upon any words spoken, without good consideration, but despised and held them at nothing. The sentence of the wise man is very true: That slanderers or false reporters, Prov. 18. are like secret wounds which go down into the bowels. For as we see that wounds and impostumes which arise within man's body, are almost all mortal, and blows with a sword and other outward wounds, are much more likely to be healed: so the words of detraction, of blame, and of slander that are told in the ear, bring often destruction, either to the reporter, or to him to whom they are reported, or to him of whom they are spoken, either else to all together, as I will show by many approved examples. But when such words are openly spoken in the presence, or at the least to the certain knowledge of him whom they touch; there is place to purge and justify himself, and to have recompense by justice, or by reconciliation, obtained and mediated by friends; so that seldom comes any ruin of either one or other. The Emperor Claudius was much ruled by Messalina his wife (which was one Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 37. Dion in Claudio. of the most intemperate women of her time) and by the high Steward of his household (whom he had enfranchised) called Narcissus, who had too good intelligence with Messalina. This good Lady was amorous upon a fair young Roman Gentleman, called Appius Sillanus; but he fearing the Emperor, would not any thing yield unto the petulancy and wantonness of the Empress. What did she? seeing his refusal; she and Narcissus plotted together separately, and one after another, to tell the Emperor, that they had dreamt sleeping: That there entered a man into the emperors chamber to slay him, which was very like Sillanus. And they resolved to tell him this dream in a morning when they came to salute him; at that time also they took order that Sillanus at the same hour should enter, to the end the Emperor (who was fearful) upon his fear he should have of the rehearsal of the dream, and of the present sight of Sillanus, might command to slay him. This enterprise being thus made, Messalina sent to Sillanus (as from the Emperor) that he should not fail to come unto him the next morning at his arising, for a certain affair whereof he had to speak with him. The next morning came Narcissus before day, and knocked at the emperors chamber door, and it was opened unto him; being entered and counterfeiting a great astonishment approached the emperors bed; and seeing him, said: The gods be praised, that that is not come to pass which I dreamt in my bed (Sir:) how didst thou dream, said the Emperor? Sir, said he, I dreamt that Appius Sillanus had slain you about this hour, and awaking upon it, I strait come to tell you; for sometimes dreams are images of true things, and are not to be despised. The Emperor, who was naturally fearful, begun to be troubled: the aforesaid Madam also, took her course to the emperors bedside, feigning also a great amazement, who incontinent told her, Narcissus his dream; she withal making admirations at it: Oye gods, behold a strange thing! all this night I have done nothing but dream, that I saw a man very like Sillanus, which would needs have entered hither for some wicked enterprise. The emperor seeing the concordance of those dreams, his fear was redoubled, especially because Messalina told him, that that was the only cause of her rising so timely: for that this vision was ever before her eyes, that she could not rest at her ease. Upon that talk, Sillanus came and knocked at the door: the Usher which kept the chamber door, came to tell the Emperor, that Sillanus was there, and would speak with him. Messalina and Narcissus then made a show of fear and great wonderment, and told the Emperor, that it were good to command straight to slay him, lest he were slain himself. The Emperor Claudius, which trembled for fear, and was exceedingly troubled in his mind, believed them, and commanded to slay that honest gentleman. Behold how by false reports, yea, by the report of a dream maliciously devised, this noble person lost his life. And it is to be marked in this history, that these false reporters customably have this subtlety, to trouble a prince's senses, if they can either with fear, or anger, or by some other mean bring that which they would to their purpose. The Emperor Severus had two sons, Bassianus and Geta, which he caused to Sparti. in Anto. Carac. Herod. lib. 3 & 4. be instructed the best he could possibly, and equally loved them both, and ordained them both to be Emperors together after him: for already they had experience, that Marcus Antonius and Lucius Verus were together Emperors in good concord, and after then Dioclesian and Maximian, Maximus and Balbinus, Theodosius and Honorius, Constantius and Galerius, Valentinianus and Valens, and many others: which hath showed, that a sovereign principality is not incompatible of two in consort and fellowship, as is accounted. Severus then being in this purpose to leave the government of the Empire to his two sons together; flatterers about them disposed it otherwise: for they ceased not daily to make false reports of the one against the other, making one understand, that his brother had such and such talk of him, and that he aspired to be alone Emperor after his father, and that it were good to provide betimes, and that it were better to prevent, than to be prevented: and alike the flatterers of the other, said as much to the other, and more if they could: insomuch, that those two young princes fell into so great and mortal enmity one against the other, that not only the one hated all the friends and servants of the other; but also even to death they hated all them which would have agreed them. As soon as Severus their father was dead, Laetus, which was one of the Marmosets of Bassianus, persuaded him to slay his brother Geta, and to feign that he was assailed by him. This counsel was found good of Bassianus, who was audacious enough, and ready with his hand to give the blow: so that one morning he entered into julia the Empress her chamber, mother of Geta, whom he found there, and slew him betwixt his mother's arms, who was all bloody with the blood of her son. Incontinently Bassianus got him out, and went to find the soldiers of the guard, seeming to be much troubled and escaped. Masters (said he) I have escaped fair; my brother would have slain me, but I am gotten out of his hands: I pray you let us to the camp, and keep you me company, for I am not well assured here. The soldiers, which knew nothing of the blow he had given, believed it was true, and followed him, much grieved that his brother Geta had so enterprised upon him. Being in the camp, he gave them all great sums of money (for Severus had left great treasure) and made them swear they would be faithful unto him. So that when after they knew the deed done, and found themselves all gained and corrupted with silver, they obeyed him without contradiction, as to one sole emperor. And what came of all this? Bassianus not ignorant, that the Senate of Rome would find this murder very strange that he had committed of his brother, desired that great lawyer Papinian, who was his kinsman, and had been as the Chancellor or great master under the Emperor Severus, that he would go to the Senate, and make his excuses by an Oration well set out: That he had done well to slay his brother, and that he had reason and occasion to do it. Papinian (who was a good man) answered him, That it was not so easy to excuse a parricide, as it was to commit it. Bassianus grieved at this refusal, caused one of his attendants strait to cut off his head. After this, willing to show to the Senate and to the people, that he grieved because he had slain his brother, and that they might see it was done by evil counsel, he caused also his Marmoset Laetus his head to be cut off, who had counseled him to do that murder: he caused also to die all them which helped him in that business, & which were culpable thereof, saying, that they were cause thereof. This notwithstanding to the end Geta his friends should enterprise nothing against him, he made die as many as he could catch of them. So that under that title of being a friend, servant, or favourer of Geta his brother, he made die many great and noble persons: yea, he slew all such as carried themselves betwixt them two, as neuter and reconciliators. I pray you what was the cause of all this great and horrible butchery? was it not the mortal enmity which these Marmosets had sown betwixt the brethren. In the time of the Emperor Commodus there happened a like thing: and because Dion & Lamprid. in Commod. Herod. lib. 1. the history is memorable, I would rehearse it a little at length. Marcus Antonius the Emperor was surnamed the Philosopher, because he was a prince, wise and studious, and a lover of good letters. In his time there were great plenty of wise and learned men, because commonly (saith Herodian) men do imitate their prince, and give themselves to such things as the Prince loveth. There was always about him a great number of good and learned people for his privy Counsel, which he called his faithful friends, as the king of France also at this day doth call his privy Counsellors in his patents. This good emperor being in Hungary, at the war with Commodus his son, fell into a disease, whereof he died. But before his death he caused his Counsel to assemble, and to recommend his son unto them, & made a little remonstrance, worthy of such a Prince, in this manner. I doubt not (my good friends) that you are not anguished and sorrowful, to see me of this disposition. For humanity causeth, that easily we have compassion of men's adversities, but especially when we see them with our eyes. But yet in my regard, there is a more special reason: for I doubt not but you bear me alike good will, to that which I have ever borne you. But now is the time for me to thank you, that you have always been unto me good and faithful Friends and Counsellors. And I pray you also not to forget the honour and amity which I have borne you. You see, my son, which you yourselves have nourished, who now entereth into the flower of his youth: who as he that entereth into an high sea, had need of good patrons and Governors, lest by ignorance and evil conduction, he stray from the right way, and so come into peril. I pray you then, my friends, whereas he had no more fathers but one in me; be you many fathers unto him, that he may be always made better by your good counsels. For truly, neither the force of silver and treasures, nor the multitude of guarders can maintain a prince, and make him be obeyed, unless the subjects which own obedience, do bear him good affection and benevolence. And assuredly they only reign long and assuredly, which engrave and instill in their subjects hearts, not a fear by cruelty, but a love, by bounty. For they ought not to be any thing suspected to a prince, in that they do or suffer which are drawn to obedience by their own will, and not by constrained servitude. And subjects will never refuse obedience, unless they be handled by violence and contumely. Very true it is, That it cannot be but hard for a sovereign prince, who is at his full liberty, moderately to guide and bridle his affections. But if you always admonish him to do well, and to remember the words which he heareth now of me, that am his father, I hope you shall find him a good prince towards you and all others. And in thus doing, you shall manifestly show, That you always have me in remembrance, by which only means you may make me immortal. Upon this speech, his heart and his word failed with languishment, and then all his Counsellors which were there, begun to weep & lament, yea some could not contain from crying, for great sadness and bitterness of heart that they had, to see so good a prince fail. After his death Commodus his son and successor in the empire, governed himself some little time by the good people and ancient Counsellors of his father: but this continued not long: for there were strait, Marmosets, which found subtle means and entries to get into him, which when they saw their time, begun to say unto him: What mean you to tarry in this base and barren country of Hungary, better it were for you to be at Rome, to have all the pleasures in the world: you have no cause to believe these tutors which your father left you; you are no child, to be governed by tutors. Commodus, who was a fair young prince, and one that desired nothing but his pleasures, and who yet had no great resolution (although his father had taken great pains to instruct him well) begun to let himself to be led with Marmosets, which never spoke anything unto him but of merry and pleasant things. So made he a shameful and dishonourable peace with the Barbarians, against whom his father had commenced war, and retired to Rome: being there, he begun to become cruel, especially against the good and ancient counsellors of his fathers, which he caused almost all to die, at the instigation of his Marmosets, which reported unto him; that they bore him no good will; that they blamed his actions, and controlled his pleasures: He caused also many Senators to die, which his reporters for the same reason disgraced. Amongst other Marmosets, he had one called Perennis, which persuaded him to care for nothing, to take his pleasures, and to let him alone with the charge of his affairs. Commodus was glad thereof; and to plunge him into all lubricity and wantonness; Perennis provided for him three hundred concubines and harlots, and as many slaves. Having cast him into this gulf and destruction, he took upon him the affairs of the empire, and begun to make stay, and confiscate the goods of all such as he bore no good will unto, and unto such as contradicted his doings, and sold justice for money. So in a little time made he himself very rich; but this endured not long: For in a war which the Romans had against the Englishmen, he cashiered the Senatorian captains to bring into their places simple knights, which all the Roman army much disdained; insomuch, that they cut Perennis in pieces, as an enemy of the commonwealth. Cleander was another Marmoset, who succeeded in his place, who at the beginning made some show, that he would do better, but incontinent he did worse: for practising many cruelties; he sold the estates and governments of provinces to them which would offer most. There happened at Rome a great famine and a pestilence withal. The people (which always lay the cause of public calamity upon the Governors) bruited abroad, that Cleander was the cause of this plague and famine, and that therefore there was cause he should die. Cleander to stop this brute and fame, & to cause the people to hold their peace, caused all the emperors horsemen to be armed, and in both the suburbs & town to rush through the people, slaying and wounding innumerable. But the people begun to take houses and fight from the windows so well, that the said horsemen were constrained to retire. Fadilla, (the Emperor Commodus his sister, seeing this war commenced and raised by Cleander within the town) went to find her brother, whom she found in the brothelhouse amongst his harlots, where he took his pastimes: and all bewept, she fell on her knees before him, saying: Sir, my brother, you are here taking your pleasures, and know not the things that pass, nor the danger wherein you are: for both yours and our blood is in peril, to be altogether extermined by the war and stir which Cleander hath raised in the town: He hath armed your forces, and hath made them rush against the people, and hath brought them unto a slaughter more than barbarous, filling the streets with Roman blood. If you do not soon put to death the author of this evil, the people will fall upon you and us, and rive us in pieces. Saying these words, she tore her garments, and was very sad, yea, as it were desperate: many also which were present, increased the fear of Commodus by their persuasions, insomuch, that he fearing greatly some great danger to himself, sent in haste for Cleander, who knew nothing of this complaint. As soon as he was arrived, he caused his head to be cut off, which he caused to be carried on a pikes point through the town, in such sort, that the sight of that head did appease the stir of the people. After this execution, Commodus (who had acquired infinite enemies by the means of his Marmosets) determined with himself at once to cause a goodly execution to be made, because he would not often return thereunto (which is one of Machiavels' precepts, whereof we shall speak in his place) and for that purpose made two rolls of the names of such as he would cause to die, one of which was entitled La dagne, the dagger: and the other L'espee, the sword. These two rolls by hap fell into the hands of Laetus who was one of his Marmosets, and of Martia, one of his courtesans, which found themselves first in a roll. They then seeing the danger nigh and evident wherein they both were, conferred together, & resolved rather to slay than be slain. Martia took the charge to poison him, which she did; but Commodus, who had eaten & drunken too much, was provoked to vomit, and with all that cast up his poison: which Laetus and Martia seeing, caused him to be strangled in his bed. Behold here the end whereunto Perennis, Cleander, and other Marmosets brought their masters, and the end they made themselves, and the great evils, and slaughters of good people, whereof they were the cause. Think you not that this is a goodly example to all kings & princes, to keep them from suffering themselves to be governed by reporters and flatterers? The emperor Commodus was one of the most noble and illustrious race in the world, a goodly and personable prince as was possible, who was neither subtle nor malicious of his nature, the son of the best prince that ever was, who brought him well up, and left him a great number of wise and prudent men, well to govern him, and towards him had gotten the favour and good will of all the world. Yet these Marmosets and flatterers brought him to a miserable end, and reigned but a while, and died young. The emperor Severus had on his Counsel, one Vetronius Turinus, whom he Lampri. in Alex. judged to be a good man, but he proved to be a very Marmoset: for before the emperor he dissembled well, and knew well how to carry high countenance and behaviour, but behind his back he vaunted, that he governed Alexander Severus at his pleasure; & that he caused in the Counsel-chamber, such resolutions as he thought good of. The solicitors of the court which had businesses in the prince's consistory, understanding that Turinus said he had there so great credit, failed not to wait upon him, to recommend unto him their affairs. What doth he then? he marchandiseth with all the parties contending, and every one promiseth a good sum, upon condition to make him obtain that which he seeketh for, as he promiseth to all, yet none knoweth any thing one of another. Turinus notwithstanding never speaks for the one nor the other, but only giveth his voice in the Counsel, as others do which be there: but always it came to pass that the one or the other obtained the cause, so that he paid him the sum that he had promised him: and as for the other party he let go, finding some excuse why he got not his demand. After that Turinus had a certain time used this occupation, To sell the hopes and decrees of the princes privy Counsel, his dealings were discovered. Alexander incontinently sent him to prison, caused his process or indictment to be made; which found against him, he was condemned, as a seller of smoke, to be tied to a pillar, and there to be stifled with the stench and smoke of dung and karion, heaped up & kindled nigh the said pillar. Behold the reward that this Marmoset Turinus received, for the false reports he made against the prince's honour and his Counsels. Enough is spoken of the Marmosets of the Roman emperors: let us now speak of our French Marmosets. In the time of king Charles the sixth, le bien aime, by Marmosets Annal. upon Anno 140●. Monster. lib. 1, cap. 22. and Reporters, a great enmity arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the king's brother, and john duke of Burgoigne, conte of Flanders, of Artois, and lord of many other lands and territories. Our histories name not these Marmosets, but simply say, that their household servants incited them to band one against another: the duke of Orleans his servants and favourites said, and said truly, That he was the chief prince of the blood, the kings only brother, also more aged and of riper and more stayed wit than the duke of Burgoigne; and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the king's affairs. For at this time, the king having not perfect senses, his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood, and the privy Counsel: but contrary, the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets, said, That he was the chief peer of France, and as they call it le Doy en des Pairs; that he was more mighty and more rich than the duke of Orleans; and although he was not so near of the blood Royal as he, yet was he more near by alliance; (for the Dauphin, who was yet very young, had espoused his daughter) and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans, but that he ought to maintain and hold the same rank, that Philip duke of Burgoigne (his deceased father) did, who whilst his father lived, governed the king and the kingdom at his wil Briefly, these tattler and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousness to reign, that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to be slain, who hindered his designs and purposes: and indeed he caused him to be most villainously massacred and slain at Paris, nigh the gate Barbette, by a sort of murdering thieves which he had hired, as the duke of Orleans went to see the queen (who had lately been brought to rest of a child.) Great damage there was for that good prince, for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be. Of him descended king Henry the second, now reigning, both by father and mother. For king Francis his father was son of Charles, duke of Angolesme, who was son also of john, duke of Angolesme, who was son of the duke of that Orleans, and Madam claud, queen of France, mother of the said king Henry, & was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth, who was son of Charles, duke of Orleans, who was the son of this duke Lewis, whereof we speak. I would to God princes his descendants would well mark the example of this massacre, most horrible, which was committed upon the person of that good duke, their great grandfather, and the great evil haps and calamities which came thereof, to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen, when such murders go unpunished. For (because the duke john of Burgoine was not punished for this fault, but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done (as we shall say more at the full in another place) and that followed his part, stirring up wars, which endured two generations, and caused the death of infinite persons in France, and that the English got a great part of the kingdom, and that the poor people of France fell into extreme misery, poverty, and desolation) there were many causes and means of so many evils; for injustice, ambition, covetousness, desire of vengeance, and other like things, might go in the rank of causes of so many mischiefs. But the Marmosets of duke john of Burgoigne, were they which struck the iron against the flint, out of which came that spark of fire (a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne) which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdom for so long time, and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne. Francis, duke of Bretaigne (a prince that was a good Frenchman, and affectionate Monster. lib. 3. cap. 4 & 33. to the king of France his sovereign) had a brother called Gills, who gave himself to the English, in the time that they made war in France, and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter, and the office of high Constable of England. The duke and his brother much grieved hereat, found means to take him prisoner, and put him in a strong castle, whereunto he would never go, to hear, or see him, he so much disdained him. But yet he sent men unto him, which he trusted, which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters: for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certain time, and that he had considered well his doings, that he was borne the king's vassal of France, and that he ought never to have disunited himself from his brother; he than prayed his brother's people, that came to see him, to tell him from him, that he greatly repent what he had done, and that if it pleased him to pardon him, that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his; and that if it pleased them, he would straight send to the king of England his Order, and Constable's sword. What do his Marmosets then? They report to the duke, that Giles his brother was still obstinate, and so perfect English, that no reasons they could make, could turn him unto that side. The duke sent still many times the same men unto him, but always they made the like or worse report of him: insomuch, that this good duke, fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination, fearing also, that if he should let him lose, he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himself, commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison: which they did. Afterward (as God when he seethe his time, brings the most hid things to light) these murdering reporters could not hold, but discover the truth of the matter, and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to do: which coming to the duke's ears, he was nigh out of his wits for his brother's death, and caused the reporters to be hanged, and to die with great and rigorous pains and executions. Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign, and the reward which such Marmosets received, which were cause of his death. Hereof Princes may note a rule; Not to believe too easily reports made of men, without hearing them, but especially when it toucheth life. One day before the emperor Adrian, there was one Alexander, which accused I. 3. 9 idem. Diu. D. de Testi. 6. of certain crimes one Aper, and for proof of those crimes, he produced certain informations in writing against Aper, which he had caused to be taken in Macedon. Adrian mocked at it, and said to Alexander the accuser, that these informations were but paper and ink, and it might be made at pleasure: but in criminal causes we must not believe witnesses in writing, but witnesses themselves, in hearing, interrogating, and confronting them with him that is accused. Therefore he sent the cause and the parties to junius Rufus, Governor of Macedon, commanding him to examine diligently the witnesses, and take good advisement, whether they were good men, & worthy of credit: and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation, that he should banish him to some place. This commandment of the emperor Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers, which since made a law thereof. Behold how men must proceed, when it lies on men's lives, and not to believe Marmosets and reporters, neither believe papers, without seeing or hearing witnesses, and the accused, & without searching whether the witnesses be good men, or no, as is done at this day: for at this day there is nothing whereof magistrates make a better market, than of men's lives. But let us pass on. Froissart, lib. 2. cap. 173. & lib. 3. cap. 63, 68 and other following, and lib. 4. cap. 92. etc. I would now rehearse an example truly tragical, of king Richard of England, who was son of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales. This king came to the crown very young, and had three good uncles about him, the duke of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester, by whose counsel for a certain time he governed well his kingdom. But the earl of Suffolk (whom the king made duke of Ireland) entered so far into the king's favour, that he governed himself after his fancy. Then took he occasions to talk so of the king's uncles, as was very strange: for he told him, that his uncles desired nothing, but to deal in the affairs of the kingdom, to obtain it to themselves, a thing which they never thought. And did so much by his reports, that the king put his uncles from his counsel, and from dealing with any of the affairs of the kingdom: whereof the people, and especially the Londoners were so evil contented, that they rose up and made war against the king, or rather against the duke of Ireland, and they were at a point to give the battle one against the other. But the duke of Ireland, who was general of the king's army, lost his courage with great fear, that he had to be slain or taken, and therefore fled & passed into Flanders, where he finished his days, never after returning into England. As soon as he was fled, his army was dissipated, & the king's uncles seized upon the king's person, & established a new Counsel, & by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents. A longtime after, another Marmoset, called the earl Martial, gained the duke of Ireland his place, and was so far in the king's good grace, that he governed all as he would. One day (this earl Martial talking with the earl of Derby, eldest son of the duke of Lancaster) the earl of Derby chanced to say: Cousin, what will the king do? will he altogether subject the English nobility? there will soon be none: it is plainly seen, that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdom. But he held this talk, because the king had put to death & chased away a great number of gentlemen, and caused the duke of Gloucester to die (a prince of his blood) and yet continued in that rigour, to make himself be feared, and revenging still, that which was done in the duke of Ireland's time. The earl Martial answered nothing to the speeches of the earl of Derby, but only marked them in his heart. Certain days after, he reported them to the king, and to make them seem of more credit, he proffered, and said he was ready to enter into the camp against the earl of Derby, to aver the said words, as outrageous & injurious against his Majesty. The king not measuring the consequence of the deed, in place to make no account of these words, sent for the earl of Derby, his cousin german, and after hearing before him the earl Martial speak his will was, they should enter into the camp, and fight it to utterance. But the king's Counsel conceiving it might come to be anevill example, such great lords to slay one another, and that the earl Martial was not of equal quality unto the earl of Derby, they counseled the king to take another course, namely, to banish from England for ever the earl Martial, because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the blood, & to banish also the Earl of Derby for ten years only, for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord. The king following the advice of his Counsel, & by sentence given by himself, banished the earl Martial out of England forever, & the earl of Derby for six years only, moderating his Counsel's advice four years. When the earl of Derby came to departed, there assembled in the streets before his gates at London, more than forty thousand, which wept, cried, & lamented his departure, & extremely blamed the king and his Counsel: insomuch, that going away, he left in the people's hearts an extreme anguish and grief for his absence, and a very great amity towards him: yet notwithstanding he left England, and came into France. Whilst he was in France, the duke of Lancaster, his father, died. The king to heap up his evil lucks, caused to be taken & seized into his hands all his lands & goods, because they fell to the earl of Derby. Hereby he got great hatred and evil will of the Nobility, and of all the people. Finally, the Londoners (which are a people easy to arise) made a complot and part against the king, and secretly sent word to the earl of Derby, that he should come, and they would make him king. The earl arriving in England, found an army of the Londoners ready. So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided, whom he took and imprisoned, and caused him to resign unto him the Realm and Crown of England. King Richard was put to death in prison, after he had reigned two and twenty years: a thing very strange, rigorous, and unheard of in England or in any kingdoms nigh unto it. And so the earl of Derby, who had been banished from England, remained a peaceable king, and was called Harry the fourth of that name. This earl Martial, who kept at Venise, knowing these news, died ragingly. This was the end of this Marmoset, and the tragical evil hap whereunto he brought his master, and that upon words reported, which were never spoken, as any evil speech of the king: but only for the grief he had, that they of his Counsel governed so evil the kingdoms affairs. Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king, and being reported unto him, he should have made no account of them, & to have always presumed rather well than evil of his cousin German. Herodes, borne of a low and base race, was created king of judea, Galalie, Samaria Joseph. Antiq. ●ib. 14. cap 23. & lib. 15. cap. 9 & li. 16. cap. 3, 4, 13. & lib. 17. and Idumia, for the favour of Marcus Antonine a Roman captain, and by decree of the Roman Senate, he espoused a noble Lady, who was of the king's race of that country called Mariam, by whom he had two children, Alexander, and Aristobulus: but Herodes had a sister called Salome, who was a very Tisiphone, and served for nothing but to kindle and light fires in the king's court, by false reports which she invented; and this infernal fury did so much, as she persuaded the king her brother that Mariam sought to poison him by his cupbearer, and brought out certain false witnesses to prove it: so that the king believed it, and put to death his wife, one of the fairest princes of the world, and of whose death there was after, infinite griefs and repentances. But as one sin draweth after it another, Salome fearing that those two aforesaid children would feel afterward, the outrageous death of their mother, she machinated and resolved in her spirit that they must also die. So began she strait to forge false reports, false tokens, and false accusations, insomuch as she persuaded Herodes the father, that these two children Alexander and Aristobulus spoke already of revenging the death of their mother, and by the same means to usurp the kingdom. Herodes suffering himself to be persuaded by the calumniations and slanders of his sister Salomen, took his journey to Rome, having his two children with him, where he accused them to have fought his death, before Augustus Caesar, he began to decipher his accusatory oration, and to deduct & set out the means, whereby he pretended that his two children should go about his death. When it came to their turn to speak for their defence, they began to weep and lament. Caesar knew well thereby that the poor children were full of innocency. So he exhorted them from thence forward to carry themselves in such sort towards their father, that not only they should not do against him any thing unworthy or grievous, but also should do so much as to bring themselves far from all suspicion. He exhorted also Herodes, to use his sons well, and to keep them in his favour. Then fell the children on their knees before their father with great effusion of tears, crying him mercy, by which means they were reconciled unto their father. But after the return of Herodes and his children, this fury Salome (not contented with this reconciliation which Caesar had made) began to lay new ambushes by false reports that she made to Herodes, wherein she mixed some truth, to give the better taste: Herodes who was very credulous in such matters, made Augustus understand, that his children had again conspired his death. Augustus' answered him, That if his children had done against him the thing which merited punishment, that he should chastise them as he thought good, and that he himself gave him power and permission so to do. The abovesaid Herodes joyful to have received this power, being led with an irreconcilable rage, by the means of Salome, caused the two poor children Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled. Salome aided herself in all this business, with one other son of Herodes, borne of another woman called Antipater. God would that Herode should discover, that the accusations against his two dead children were but slanders, and that Antipater (who had aided to forge them) had himself conspired to poison his father. Whereupon he caused him to be called before Guintius Varius, the governor of Syria for the emperor. The cause being long pleaded and debated, Antipater could not purge himself of the sayings and proofs against him: and did no other thing but make great exclamations, nothing appertaining to the matter, holding on, that God knew all, unto whom he recommended his innocency. Varus seeing that he could not well justify himself, wished Herodes to imprison him, and so he did. Certain days after, Herodes fell sick, which coming to the notice of Antipater in prison, he rejoiced greatly. Herodes advertised that Antipater wished his death, and rejoiced at his sickness, sent one of his guard into prison to slay him, which he did. Five days after, Herodes died like a mad man, for the evil haps he had in his children, and this rage lighted a fire in his entrails, which rotten him by little and little, whereupon engendered worms, which eat him alive, with horrible languishments before his death. And who was the cause that Herodes thus contaminated his hands and all his house with the blood of his own children? Even that most wicked reporter Salome, who devised false accusations and slanders which she blew in the king her brother's ears. Besides those kind of flatterers, whereof we have spoken above, which are janglers Counselor's flatterers. and Marmosets, there is yet a third kind, which under the name and title of principal Counsellors, and under the pretext and colour of conducting the affairs by good counsel, they abuse the prince's authority, who are greatly to be feared. To shun the mischief that may come thereupon, there is nothing better than to follow the precept of Comines, namely; That the king have many Counsellors, and that he Comines, lib. 1. cap. 27. & lib. 2. cap. 44. never commit the conducting of his affairs to one alone, and that he hold as nigh as he can well, his Counsellors equal. For if he commit much more to one than to another, he will be master, and the others dare not reason against him freely, or else knowing his inclination, dare not contradict him. Therefore in a criminal cause handled before the Senate of Rome against a gentlewoman of a great house, called Lepida, accused of treason; the emperor Tiberius (although he were very rude in Cornel. Tacitus, annal. lib. 3. & li. 5. such cases) would not suffer his adoptive son Drusus to reason first, lest (saith Tacitus) thereby had been laid and imposed a necessity for others to have consented unto his opinion. And in another cause of like matter, where Granius Marcellus was accused in a certain place to have set his own image above the emperors. When the cause came to handling; Piso (whose opinion the Emperor desired first) began thus to say: And you (Sir) in what place will you reason? for if you reason last, I fear that by imprudency I shall not dissent from you. For that cause Tiberius declared, that he would not reason at all: & indeed the accuser was absolved, although the Emperor had showed a countenance to be angry against him, as he heard the accusation rehearsed. And there is no doubt, but that the counsel of one alone is Counsel of one alone dangerous. perilous to the prince, because naturally men are diverse ways passionate, and that which shall be governed by one alone, is often by passion guided. Also the indisposition of men's persons causeth, that every one hath not always his head well made, (as they say) nor are wise at all seasons; and men's spirits, as well as their bodies are journals, and have their viscicitudes and changes: for from the wisest sometimes do escape absurd and strange opinions. An example hereof may well be Charles, duke of Burgoigne than earl of Charolois: he having made a peace with the town Com. lib. 1. cap. 27 & 20. of Liege, went soon after to besiege Dinant, a town nigh the other. They of Liege going against the treaty of peace, made ready an army to go succour Dinant, but they there arrived after the town was taken. The duke fierce of his victory, would needs have rushed upon them of Liege as peace breakers, but an agreement was made; That they should observe the said form of peace, & that for effect that they should give three hundred men for hostages (which were named) the next morning at eight of the clock. The next morning came, and eight of the clock, yea noon, but no hostages were delivered; so that the duke would gladly have run upon the town of Liege: yet he demanded counsel of the knights of his Counsel. The marshal of Burgundy, and the lord de Countay were of advice to fall upon them, & that there was just occasion, because they had not held their word to send hostages at the hour they promised; and a man might now have them in good case, because they were all divided and dispersed. But the earl of S. Paul was of a contrary mind, saying; That a multitude could not be so soon accorded, and that men must not so measure affairs of importance, by hours and minutes, but that it were yet good to summon them by an harrold. This opinion of the earl of S. Paul was followed of the most of the Counsel: so that a Trumpet was sent to summon them, who met the hostages by the way coming to the duke. Here note; if the duke had had of his Counsel none but the said Marshal, and de Countay, what effusion of human blood had followed of these poor Liegiois, which would well have kept their words, but they could not so soon effect it? What yet came to pass? Yet certain time after, the said men of Liege broke again the said covenants of peace: so that the said duke would have caused to die the said three hundred hostages, which could not do withal, nor were the cause of the peace breaking, but they were only pledges and answers of the public saith. The duke asked his Counsel's advice. The said de Countay was of advice; they should be slain: but M. de Imbercourt, a wise knight, was of the contrary mind, saying: It were best to take God on our side, and not to slay so many innocents for the fault of their concitizens: and for their yielding themselves hostages was in part to obey their commonwealth, and partly to employ themselves for the good of their countries, but that for that cause they merited not to die. This opinion was followed, and that de Countay rejected as cruel. A little while after died the said de Countay, as if it were by a judgement of God: although that no man had ever seen him before, either cruel in deed or in opinion. He was also reputed a very wise knight: but there is not so good an horse which stumbleth king fever into an hot ague, as the French proverb is. For the same reason the emperor Otho (Galba his successor) was evil beloved of all the people, which Dion. in Othon. were in an exceeding fear to see about him, them which had been the ministers and Counsellors to Nero. For although Otho after he was created Emperor, made a reasonable good entry, and showed himself very kind, and courteous, and moderate in all things, seeking by liberality and such other means to obtain every man's good will: yet men could not trust him in any manner, nor hope from him any good as long as he was served with Nero his servants. So that being so evil beloved, he endured not long, but being overcome of Vitellius, he slew himself. Contrarily, king Lewis the twelfth coming to the crown of France, governed himself evil, by leaving and forsaking the old and ancient Counsellors and servants of king Charles the seventh, his father, such as the County de Dunois, the Marshal de Loheac, the County de Dampmartin, M. Charles de Ambois, the Lords de Chaumont, du Bueil, and other like. For he ought to have considered, that he succeeded a king which was wise, and who had very well managed and ruled his realm, and by consequent, who had good Counsellors and servants, which the rather he should have reserved and retained in his service, as indeed he did a good time after he was made king, when he knew by experience the fault he had made. For amongst other good parts which were in the said Lewis the twelfth, he was not proud, but humble, and could well acknowledge his faults, and amend them: insomuch, that the fault that he made in disappointing the good servants of his father, ought no more to be imputed unto him for an error, since he corrected and amended it. As saith the Poet Sophocles: To fail and fall a common thing it is To all mankind; but he that hath the skill, Salve to provide to heal that is amiss, Astray goes not, as he that stands in ill. Which never happeneth to a proud man, who always persevers in his evils: and if a man will show him any thing for his good, he takes it in evil part, and in place to ●mend, he addeth more unto them, and commits fault upon fault, whereby follows his ruin. The emperor Galba was of that nature: For when a man required anything of him, or that any showed him any faults in the government of the Commonwealth, he would provide no remedy for it, fearing to be seen to obtemperate and obey his subjects. But as for that I have said concerning the change, which sometimes ought by a Counsellors of a Prince disliked of great men▪ and o● the people ought to be put off. prince to be made of the Counsellors and servants of his predecessors; this hath often happened in France: That the king hath been forced to change new Counsellors, to appease the Nobility and the malcontent people. This happened to king Chilperic, the first of that name, the son of valiant king Merovee: for he governed himself by evil Counsellors, which the Frenchmen drove from him, whereof he was so afraid, that he fled. But a certain time after, he was called again and governed well by good and wise Counsel, and proved a good and a valiant king. The same also came to pass in king Charles the wise, being Dolphin; to king Charles the sixth, his son; to king Charles the seventh, and Lewis the eleventh, and to many others, Annal. upon An. 1458. which is not needful here to insert. But I must needs say, That sometimes such changes have been procured rather upon envy, than upon just complaint, they have made against them which governed: and such envies do often proceed, when kings govern themselves by men of base hand, as they call them: for then are princes and great lords jealous. And therefore (to shun such jealousies and just complaints that great men may have to see themselves despised, (a prince ought so to advance mean men, that he recoil not great men: and mean men ought always to acknowledge the place from whence they came, respecting great men according to their degrees, without staggering in their duty to their prince & commonwealth. And when they see, that by some accident they are evil beloved of great men, or of the common people, and that for the good of peace it is requisite to extinguish the envy and jealousy conceived against them, they ought voluntarily to forsake their estate. For willingly to retain it to the detriment and confusion of the commonwealth, therein do they evidently show, that they are not good servants of their prince. King Charles the seventh had Counsellors both wise and loyal, as M. Tanguy du castle, M. john Lowet precedent de Provence, the Bishop of Clerimont, Annal. upon An. 1426. and certain others of mean quality, which had done him great services in great affairs he had had, as well when he was Dolphin, as after he was king. At that time this king had war against the duke of Burgoigne, whom secretly the duke of Bretaigne favoured: which war the king would gladly have had extinguished. Therefore he himself openly spoke to the said lords and dukes, which made him answer: That they were content to come to some good accord, provided, that he would put from him such Counsellors as he had, and take others. These beforenamed Counsellors knowing this, said to the king. Since (Sir) it holds but thereon to quench war which there is against the house of Burgoigne, let them all go home again, it shall not come of us, that so good a thing shall be hindered: and they themselves desired and counseled the king to accord to that condition. These were good and loyal Counsellors, but they are dead, and there are no more such to be found. But such there are now adays, which had rather see the commonwealth in combustion and ruin, than they would suffer themselves to be removed from their places one pace. Yet these good Counsellors abovesaid withdrew to their houses willingly and without constraint; and soon after peace was accorded and finished betwixt the king and the duke of Burgoigne. These good persons alleged not: That men sought to take away the kings faithful Counsellors, to seduce and deceive him, and that their duty commanded them then more than ever to keep nigh his Majesty, seeing the great troubles and affairs of the kingdom, and that otherwise they might be accounted traitors, and disloyal: No, no, they alleged no such thing; they looked right upon the white, to keep peace in the kingdom. For they knew well, that if they had used these reasons to the duke of Burgoigne, that he could soon have answered & replied, that they were too presumptuous and proud, to think that in all the kingdom of France there could not be found people as wise and faithful to their prince, as they. For in all times the kingdom of France more than any other hath ever been well furnished with wise and virtuous people of the Nobility, justice, Clergy, yea, Merchants, and of the third Estate. To come again to our purpose, certain it is, That a prince which committeth the government of his affairs to one alone, brings himself in great danger, and hardly can such government be without great mischiefs and disorders. For this commonly men hold, That being lifted up unto great honour and dignity, they cannot hold a moderation and mediocrity, which is that which giveth taste and grace to all our actions. The emperor Severus so high advanced Plautianus, that being great master of his household, the people thought (seeing his dealings in his office) that he was the emperor himself, and that Severus was but his great master. He Dion & Spartian Severo. slew, rob, banished, confiscated the goods of all such as he would, in the sight and knowledge of Severus, who contradicted him in nothing. So far mounted this great and immoderate licence; that Plautianus durst well attempt to cause Severus to be slain, and his two sons. But his wickedness was disclosed by a captain, unto whom he had discovered it: insomuch, that Severus caused him to come before him, and although by nature he were a cruel Prince, yet was he so firmly affected to Plautianus, that he never spoke sharp or rigorous word unto him; but only uttered this remonstrance. I am abashed, Plautianus, how it came in thine heart to enterprise this against me, who have so much loved and exalted thee, and against my children, whereof Bassianus my eldest son hath married your daughter, and so is your son in law. Truly the condition of men is very miserable, that cannot maintain themselves in such honour and dignity, as I have placed you in. I pray you tell me your reasons & defences to purge you of this act. The abovesaid Bassianus (seeing that the emperor his father would receive Plautianus to his justification, fearing he should have escaped) caused one of his men to slay him in the presence of his father, adding to the saying of Severus: Certain it is, that great honours attributed to one man alone (as to govern the affairs of a kingdom) not only makes him go out of the bonds of reason, but also subjects him unto great envies, whereby great mischiefs happen unto him. In the time of Philip le Bell, king of France, M. Enguerrant de Marigni, County Annal. upon An. 1314 & 1326. de Longuevile, a valiant and wise knight, governed almost all the affairs of the king and his kingdom, and especially of his common treasure, which was distributed by his ordinance. Amongst other things he caused to build that great Palace at Paris, where the court of parliament is held. After the death of king Philip; Charles Count de Valois, his brother, begun criminally to pursue M. Enguerrant before certain commissionaries of the said court, delegated for that purpose. And so far did the said County de Valois (being a great lord, prince of the blood, and in great credit with king Lewis le Hutin, his nephew, and son of the said Philip) pursue the cause against M. Enguerrant (who was then out of credit after the death of king Philip his master) that he was condemned to be hanged and strangled on a gibbet at Paris, as he was indeed. This happened only unto him by the envy he had procured by his great place and too great credit. For true it is, that he was accused of many things, but he was not condemned of any punishable thing. But our histories say, That he was not received unto his justifications and defences, he was so fiercely pursued by the said County de Valois, who after he had caused him to be hanged, and that the hatred he bore him was extinct by his death, from thence forward he repent and greatly grieved, and ordinarily felt his conscience tormented therewith. After, falling sick, he had a persuasion, that it was a punishment sent him of God for the death of M. Enguerrant. Then begun he to cause many Masses to be said, and great alms to be given for the soul of M. Enguerrant, and his own health. But in the end he died of the palsy. So it appeareth by M. Enguerrant, that he was overthrown by his own greatness. We may also well note, what a perilous thing it is, to wound our conscience, for to please our affections. For that is to offend the mistress, to please the chambermaids: because the conscience (which is the right judgement of reason, whereby we approach unto God, and go far beyond beasts) is she which ought to be mistress within us, and our affections ought to be chambermaids: but when preposterously we altar this course and law given of God, we cannot do well. 3. Maxim. A Prince ought not to trust in Strangers. HE that is driven from his Country (saith Machiavelli) draweth Discourse, lib. 2. cap. 31. to that prince which will receive him, not for any good affection he bears him, but as it were constrained by necessity: and therefore, having no other affection, but his own profit, he betrayeth the prince, which hath taken him into favour, so soon as any other prince offereth him more profit, whatsoever faith and promise he hath sworn unto him. I Place not here this Maxim, to the end to confute or reprove it: for it is true, in such manner as he deducteth and understandeth it: but because his disciples understand and practise it otherwise, I thought good not to leave it behind. They then say, That a Prince ought not to give trust to them which are strangers unto him, and which are of another country and nation than he; but aught altogether (if it can be) serve himself with them of his own nation, yea, and that in the government of the countries and provinces of another nation that is subject unto him. As the kings of England did in the time, when they held Guienne, Normandy, the Isle of France, the most part of Picardy: for they gave the governments and offices of all those provinces unto Englishmen, as being of their own nation, and not unto Frenchmen, which were strangers unto them: as also did and doth the king of Spain, who being borne in Spain, yet holds many goodly countries of other nations, as the low countries, Burgundy, or the free County, the duchy of Milan, the kingdom of Sicily, and of Naples, but the governors and magistrates there, are all or the most part Spaniards. So by those examples, the disciples of Machiavelli would say, That a Prince ought not to serve himself, nor trust in them which are strangers unto him, which are not of his nation, although they be of his countries, and under his subjection. To the contrary whereof, I will prove, That a Prince ought to put trust, and to serve himself with his subjects, although they be not of his nation; yea that he ought over each nation of his domination, to establish governors and officers of that nation itself, as much as he possibly can. The reason is evident, because naturally every man loves his own country and nation, and by consequent, a governor or magistrate of the same nation, and of that country, shall be better beloved than a stranger. And being better beloved, he shall also be better obeyed, and shall so bring a better obedience to his prince: for true and assured obedience must proceed more from love, than from force or fear, as shall be showed more at large in another place. The other reason is, That other nations are different in manners and complexions, whereunto Magistrates must accommodate and apply themselves; and if they be strangers, they neither can nor know how to do it. I will not therefore say, that magistrates ought to be of the same town or of the same province, but only of the same nation. For contrary, I think, that the ordinance of the ancient Romans and of our ancient kings was good, That none should govern in that Province where he was borne; because having there his friends and parents, he would sooner employ his office to favour them, than others. That office also might so be more contemptible, being exercised by one of the same place, whose familiar and private knowledge may make him less honoured of his neighbours. I will not say also, but that a prince, which possesseth some countries of another nation & tongue than his own, aught and may have certain officers and magistrates of his own nation, as a lieutenant general and captains of fortresses: but he should the most he possibly can serve himself with them of the country: yea, his lieutenant General ought often to communicate with them, and to call them to counsel. For the estate of a prince is no other thing than the estate of a Commonwealth: for as much as the power which the people had in & upon themselves, they have transported unto the prince: so that the prince ought to have the care (as he hath the authority) over all affairs which touch the conservation and increase of the estate and good of the Commonweal. But although that care do truly appertain to the prince, yet his subjects have a great interest, that he acquit himself well and duly, because the damage & harm falls upon them, if he do evil. And therefore this makes, that they are always desirous to know how the prince governeth himself, and when the prince doth them this honour, to call them unto some participation of that charge, they receive a great contentment, and do love greatly their prince, and the more willingly do yield him obedience. But if the prince despise them, and give them no offices, but give them to people which are not of their own nation, they receive a great discontentment; and for that thereby they presume, that the prince trusts them not, they thereupon infer, that they love them not. But hard it is to love, where he is not beloved. Hereof arise afterward, enterprises, rebellions, revolts, & other broils, which we see always happen either soon or late, when subjects are miscontented with their prince. There is yet another reason, which is; That naturally men desire honour, which of itself is no evil, nor condemnable appetite. For all they that love virtue, are always touched with that desire, not to be honoured themselves, but to the end, that virtue may be had in that estimation that it deserveth. And therefore when the prince shutteth the gate to honours from them of his nation, the virtuous people thereof are angry, and do grieve, that they have not whereupon and wherein in to employ and make esteem of their virtue, namely, a good spirit and prudence, which are best employed, and shine more in a public than in an houshold-government. From hence it also comes, that virtuous people being angry and chafed to see themselves despised, as also to see strangers preferred before them, suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions, contrary to their natures. Moreover, it seemeth well, that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not far from the white of truth: when they say, That by right of nature he ought to domineer and rule, who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well, and he that hath the lesseable aught to obey. And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that natural law, because of the difficulty which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election: yet for all that, that law always sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men: insomuch, as it seems to them, which feel themselves to have some sufficiency, that there is wrong done them, when they are put by, to bring into an office one less capable. By the abovesaid reasons then, I hope men may see, and usually we read, how great disorders do often come, when princes have preferred strangers unto public charges, offices and honours, before them of that nation and country, where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised. The year 1158, William king of Sicily (by his original was a Frenchman) gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdom to a person very capable and fit, but he was not that countryman, but a Frenchman. The lords of the kingdom grieved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their country, and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicily. the greatest magistracy of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands, a very cruel conspiration. For not only they conspired the death of that chancellor, a Frenchman, but also of all them of the French nation, which were dispersed in the kingdom of Sicily, Calabria and Apuleia. For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the towns and places of the said countries, whereby they advertised their friends and adherents (which were already prepared all over) that they should massacre and slay (each one respectively) the Frenchmen of their places and towns, on the day and hour that they would assign them. Which was executed, and there was made in the said countries an horrible butchery and exceeding great effusion of French blood. Behold the mischief that came in that kingdom for having a stranger for their chancellor. True it is, that some may say, that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italy, happened not so much for that reason, that there was a strange chancellor, as, for that the Italian race hath always been much inclined to shed the blood of our nation. For that same race made also another like general massacre in the year 1282, by a conspiration, wherein it was concluded, that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slain his French guest, at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day. Which conspiration was not only executed, but also the rage of the massacrers was so great, that they ripped the bodies of women of their own nation, alive, which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen, to stifle the fruit they carried. And this cruel and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong. By the Sicilian Evensong. imitation hereof, the same race complotted and executed not in Sicily (but in France itself) and through all the best towns of the kingdom, the horrible and general massacre of the year 1572, which will ever bleed, and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloody. Of which exploit, they have since incessantly vaunted and braved, calling it The Parisien Matines. M. Martin du Bellay, rehearseth also in Paritien Matin●. his Memories, how the same race murdered a great number of poor soldiers (after the journey of Pavia coming towards France) lame, wounded and unarmed, slaying them in their high ways. But such is this people's generosity of heart, always to be ten or twenty against one, and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed, which have no means to resist. This Messeresque generosity is at this day called in France, Coyonnerie and Poltromerie. But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates. By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt john king of France and Edward king Froissart, lib. 1. cap. 216. 246, etc. Pla. in Martin 4. of England, the country of Aquitaine was acquitted purely and in all sovereignty by the said king john, to the said king Edward. This king Edward from the first possession of the said country, gave it to the prince of Wales, his eldest son, who came and lay in Bourdeaux, and apart kept a court great and magnifical. The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine, which by the means of the said peace, should become vassals to the king of England & to the said prince of Wales, his son, came strait to find the prince at Bourdeaux: first, to swear their faith and homage; secondly, to obtain his favour and good countenance, as is the custom of all nobility: The prince of Wales very gently, courteously, benignly, and familiarly entertained them, but in the mean while he gave all the offices & estates of the country (as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles, the offices of bailiffs and stewards, & the estates of his court) unto English gentlemen, where of he had always great store about him. These English gentlemen, although they held no other goods but their estates, spent prodigally, and held as great a train as the lords of the country; and to maintain that, they committed great extortions upon the people. Hereupon came it, that the people (feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers, & the nobility and virtuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices, that the prince gave all to strangers which were not of that nation, and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the country;) in a little time all revolted from his obedience, and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another: insomuch that the king of England, and the said prince of Wales his son, lost strait all the country, having therewithal procured the evil will of their subjects, by giving offices unto strangers. john duke of Bretaigne, in regard that he had taken a wife in England, was marvelously Froiss. lib. 1. cap 311 & ●14. affected to the English party, yea against the king of France his sovereign lord. The nobility of Bretaigne were much grieved thereat: insomuch, that one day the three greatest lords of the country (that is to say, the lord de Clisson, de Laval, and de Rohan) went to him, and after salutations, said to him in this manner: Sir, we know not upon what thought you show yourself so enclinable and favourable unto the English; you know that the king of France is our sovereign lord, and the duchy of Bretaigne holdeth also of the crown of France: We pray you to despoil and rid yourself of that affection which you have to the Englishmen, and show yourself a good Frenchman, such as you ought to be; for we come to declare unto you, that if you do it not, we will abandon and leave you, to serve the king of France, who is our sovereign lord. The duke hereat was much troubled, and could not so much cover his courage, but he said, That the king of France did wrong the king of England, to despoil him of Aquitaine. Certain time after, distrusting his subjects, he sent into England to have Englishmen for his service, and to give them captainships and governments of towns and castles of Bretaigne. The king of England sent him people: but the gentlemen of Bretaigne thinking much that their duke disinherited them, and would prefer Englishmen before them, themselves seized the fortresses and towns of the country, before the arrival of the Englishmen. Insomuch, that the duke seeing himself brought into a great extremity, abandoned his country and saved himself in England. This came unto him for loving strangers more than his own subjects, and for that he desired to give them the charges and estates of the country. The king Charles the eight, in the voyage of Naples, which he made in his own Comines, lib. 1. cap. 20. person, conquered the realm of Naples almost without stroke striking; and was received of all the people, and of the most part of the Nobility of that country, as a Messias sent of God, to deliver them from the cruel and barbarous tyranny wherein they were before, and had now long time been under their kings, Alphonsus and Ferrand of Arragon, usurpers of that kingdom upon the house of Anjou, whereunto Charles succeeded. Every one may judge, if it had not been easy for the king (if he had enjoyed a good Counsel) to have kept that goodly kingdom in his perpetual obedience. For when a people hath been tyrannised by an usurper, and that he comes to recover his natural prince, which deals with them like a good prince, there is nothing to induce the people to deny him obeisance, or to revolt. Because on the one side they acknowledge, that after God, and reason, they ought to obey him, which is the true and lawful prince, unto whom always there is more amity borne, than unto another: and on the other side, they see themselves discharged and unburdened of that heavy weight of tyranny and of an usurper. But what came there unto king Charles? Thus having conquered that kingdom, he gave all the estates and offices of the country unto Frenchmen, which he had with him in that voyage: whereof the gentlemen of the country, (and especially such as had always either secretly or openly held to the part of the house of Anjou) were so discontented and spighted, that they strait cast off all amity & good affection to the king, and incontinent entered into practices and complots, to make all the country to revolt, which they strait did, and so made void that voyage, and (for nothing) the king lost both his people and his money: who assuredly might have well kept the kingdom of Naples, if he had given the offices thereof to them of the country, and sought means to have maintained them in voluntary obedience. By the aforesaid example it appears, That the Frenchmen gained nothing by getting into their hands all the offices and estates of the kingdom of Naples: yet gained they much less in the fact I come now to speak of, seeking to take away the honour of the war from the Spaniards in Spain at the battle of juberoth. You Froiss. lib. 3. cap. 12, 31, 14, 15, 16. must then understand, that the king john of Castille, being an ally with the king of France, demanded succours of him and aid to make war against king Denis of Portugal. The king of France sent him gallant succours, as well of footmen as horsemen. Our Frenchmen arriving there, were very well entertained of king john of Castille: our French desired the point of the battle, to show both what they could do in war, as also their good affection to do him service. The Castilians contradicted this, being grieved and envious against the French, that so vaunted & preferred themselves before them. Notwithstanding all that the Spaniards could do, the king granted them their request, where of they were very glad, and the Castilians as sad. What did the Castilians? Upon despite and envy they complotted together, to suffer the French to pursue the enemy without following or seconding them, but only to make a show, that they would follow them, to the end, that all the glory might remain to the French, if they vanquished, or all to them, if after the overthrowing of the French, they were victors. Upon which resolution, it is well to note, how envy and hatred blindeth judgement. For if they had not been very passionate, they might well judge, That forces divided, might easily be vanquished one after another, (as it happened to their ruin and dishonour) and to the ruin of the French) but being joined together, they might much sooner have been victorious. Finally, the battle was given against the Portugals, which were valiantly encountered by the French, but being unseconded by the Castilians, which held the arrearguard, they were found the more feeble: insomuch, that they were all slain or taken. And which was a thing very lamentable: Of those there were a thousand gentlemen taken prisoners, amongst which there were nineteen great lords, all which also were thus slain. For as the Portugals, a while after the defeating of the avantgard of the French, perceived to arrive the arrearguard of the Castilians, they resolved to slay their prisoners, and did so, lest they either should make war upon them behind, or else escape. So having slain all their said prisoners, they marched valiantly against the Castilians, whom they likewise discomfited. If we Frenchmen had not been so ambitious and covetous of glory, as to seek glory in a stranger's country, above them of that country, they had not fallen into this mischief. Ochozias king of juda was son of Athalia, a woman stranger, daughter of a king 2. Kings, cap. 10. 2. Chron. cap. 22. of Samaria. This king governed himself by Samaritans', (which were much hated of the people of juda,) unto whom he gave the principal charges and offices of his kingdom, at the persuasion of his mother a Samaritane also, despising and casting behind, the wisest and most virtuous of his kingdom, by which he should have been governed, after the example of his predecessors. This was the cause of that king's destruction: for as jehu was in destroying the house of Achab brother of Athalia, he slew also Ochozias, and extermined almost all his race, as a partner and friend which maintained Achab. If Ochozias had governed himself rather by people of his own kingdom, than by strangers, that evil hap had not come unto him. That great king Asseverus which held the empire of the Medes and Persians, and Ester, cap. 6, 7, 8, etc. governed over 127. countries, a great while governed himself by a stranger called Aman who was a Macedonian: this Aman seeing himself in credit, durst enterprise unjustly to make die Mardocheus (who had always been the kings good and faithful servant,) under the pretext and colour, that he was not of the king's religion. and to cover the particular enmity which he had against Mardocheus, and to the end to make it see me that he would not this harm to him alone, he found means to the king, to cause a general commandment for the massacring and murdering of all such as were of Mardocheus his religion. But the king having been advertised that Mardocheus had done him good services, and that that which Aman did was but upon envy, revoked the commandment, and would not have that massacre to be executed, but caused to hang and strangle the Macedonian, which would have had him brought his kingdoms and countries into combustion by so horrible an effusion of blood as he had caused to be enterprised, and gave his estate to Mardocheus. Alexander king of Epirotes had drawn and gathered into his country a great number of Lucanians, banished and chased out of their country, and used them with such courtesy and hospitality, that not only he permitted them to dwell in Epire, but also served himself with them, and reputed them for his good and faithful friends, and used them with all the best dealing he could. But it so happened, that the king had war against the country of those banished people, and so thought to be well served with them in this war, as indeed they promised him, saying, They desired no more than to revenge themselves of such as had banished and chased them out of their country, and to bring the country into the obedience of Alexander, and to be afterward established in their goods & in authority (under him) in the said country. But as it ordinarily cometh (saith Titus Livius) that such people have spirits and faith as mutable as their fortune, they used the matter otherwise than they promised the king, and than he looked for. For they made secret compacts to betray this king, with their countrymen; which promised them a restoration into their goods and authority which they had in their said country before their banishment, provided that they would deliver the king either alive or dead: which willing to execute, they did so much, that they persuaded this king to give battle against the Lucanians, and there should he know the good affection they had to do him service, and to fight against such as had banished them; insomuch that they came to the battle, & there this banished people did so much, that they brought this king Alexander into a place nigh the flood Acheron, from drowning in which he could not save himself, but by swimming over the flood. Being then brought to that place and strait, they begun to show their treason, and turned themselves against the king; who seeing the peril wherein he was, hazarded himself by swimming to pass over that great flood. As he had almost passed it over, and that he had recovered the bank on the other side; behold there came one of the banished people, who with a javelin transpierced and run him clean through the body. The body falling in the water, was by the river carried into the hands of his enemies, which encamped lower. But when they light upon that body, they in great irrision and disdain, cut it in many pieces. Here is the miserable end that came to this poor king for trusting in strangers. Charles the last duke of Bourgoine, not being able any way to get his will of the De Comines, lib. 1. cap. 83, 92. town of Nus, entered into distrust and discontentment with his own subjects, although in truth they had done all their duties in the besiege of the town: yet a prince must do what he will. Upon this mistrust and discontentment of his subjects, he resolved with himself to be served with strangers, and amongst all other strange nations, he made choice of Italians. But I leave you to think how good his choice was likely to be: for every one knows well enough, what account Italians make of the observation of their faith, and how Machiavelli teacheth, That faith is not to be observed but to a man's profit, which they of that nation do always well practise. And if sometimes there be found any loyal and good observers of their promise, it is a thing so rare, as that rarity should not have any thing moved the duke of Burgoigne, rather to trust the Italians, than his own proper subjects. Yet having taken it in hand, he drew to his service the earl of Campobache, which he entertained with four hundred men of arms & more of Italians paid by his hands. Incontinent as Campobache was entered into credit with the duke, he begun to govern him at his pleasure, so that the duke trusted more in him than in any man in the world. Campobache having gained this point, strait begun to practise to betray him, and to deliver him to king Lewis the eleventh, then reigning, if he would promise him in recompense 20000 crowns, and a good earldom. But the king (doing as Fabricius did towards the king Pyrrhus) would not enter into that composition, but advertised the duke of Burgoigne; to the end he might take heed of that traitor, and rid himself of him. The duke took this advertisement in evil part (his senses were so troubled) imagining, that the king sent him this word to make him lose his good servants, and therefore trusted more than ever, Campobache. When Campobache saw he could not bargain with the king, he sought a merchant other where: for he was resolved, whatsoever became of his credit, to draw out a profit, if he could. Amongst these actions, the duke thought good to besiege Nancy, the principal town of Lorraine. The duke of Lorraine was not so scrupulous to enter into composition with that traitor, as the king had been, especially, because the duke of Burgoigne made war upon him unjustly, and sought to take from him his country. He therefore entered into compact with Campobache, by the means of a gentleman of his, named Cyfron, and they concluded and agreed betwixt them secretly. Finally, before Nancy was a battle given by the advice of Campobache, who counseled the duke of Lorraine, to levy the siege of the duke of Burgoigne, who was there slain, and his army defeated by the means and treason of Campobache. The king after this, took a part of the country of the said duke of Burgoigne, which died in the foresaid battle, because they ought duly for want of heirs male to return to the Crown of France; and the rest of his dukedom fell to his only daughter, who was his heir, which was married into the house of ostrich. Now you may see how the duke of Burgoigne did precipitate himself into ruin, and his countries fell as a prey unto his neighbours, by trusting strangers, and forsaking his good, faithful, and natural subjects and vassals. The emperor Gordian the young, prospered greatly whilst his affairs were governed Capito●inus in Gordiano. by Misitheus his father in law, & who was his great master of his household, and his lieutenant general. Gordian made war against Sapor, king of Persia, whom he drove out of Thracia, and from the countries of Syria, and recovered Antioch, Carres, Nisibis, and other great towns which the Persians held: insomuch, that the name of Gordian was feared and redoubted through all Persia, whereas before Italy itself begun to fear the Persians. But upon the course of his victories and prosperities, arrived by evil hap the death of that good and wise man Misitheus, and withal, fell another yet greater, which was this: That that young emperor went to give the estate of his father in law to a stranger, an Arabian, called Phillippus, who strait begun to practise against his master (as we have abovesaid of Campobache.) For the first thing he did was this: That he took order, that victuals should want in the camp, to make a mutiny of the soldiers against the emperor, and he himself did sow diffamatory words through the camp against his master, as that he was a young man, and knew not what belonged to the conduction of a camp, and merited not to be an emperor, and who would cause all the army to be destroyed, if they rested upon him. Briefly, he brought the soldiers and men of war to what point he would, by the means he took. For there is nothing more saucy nor more deaf to hear reasons and excuses, than an hungry belly. All the host then being angry against Gordian, for the want of victuals; and the principal captains thereof being corrupted by this Arabian stranger, he did so much, as he got himself to be chosen as tutor and governor of the emperor. Haying by this means gained the authority to command, he begun to enterprise to make Gordian his master die. Which this young prince seeing, he besought him humbly, that he would receive him into the participation of the empire, and that they two might be together emperors: as but a few years before had been Maximus and Balbinus. But Philippus would not agree to that, perceiving himself strong of captains, which he had gained and corrupted. Then Gordian demanded of him yet the office which he had given him of the Great master of his household, & Lieutenant general, & that in the place of a master he might so be his servant. But the fierce Arabian denied it him, he was so villainous and ingrate. Finally, he desired him but to save his life, which likewise that wicked Arabian would not accord, fearing that one day he might trouble him, because he was of a very noble race, and that he had many friends as well at Rome, as all over the Roman empire: and by the contrary, Philippus was of a vile and unknown race. Briefly, this cruel Barbarian & stranger, made forcibly to be brought before his face that young prince, his master, who had advanced him, and there caused him to be unclothed naked, and so to be massacred and slain. Would any say, there could be imagined a barbarousness, disloyalty, or cruelty, more strange? so a stranger committed it. Trust such people who list. The ancient Romans which were wise, took good heed of granting charges and offices unto strangers, nay not to their associates of the same tongue that they were. After they had lost the battle of Cannae, where were slain fourscore Senators, the Senate seemed to be utterly overthrown, the number remaining was so small. There was then proposed by Marcus Aemilius, Praetor, that there should be new Senators chosen to supply and increase the ancient number. And upon this proposition, he as precedent of the Senate, demanded first the advice of Spurius Carvilius, Senator. Carvilius thought best to choose some good number of the most notable and wise men of the Latins, their associates; as well for that there was want of men within Rome, as to hold the Latines more united and obedient; by the means of which union he said, the Commonwealth should be much more fortified & increased. But Manlius, which reasoned after him, was of another advice: for he declared high and clear, That the first Latin that he saw enter within the Senate to sit down as Senator, he would slay him with his own hand; and he could never endure, that the Senate should be contaminated with strangers. After Manlius, reasoned that wise lord Quintus Fabius Maximus, who said, he never heard nor saw any man argue in the Senate so grossly and evil to purpose as Carvilius had done, especially (said he) in this time wherein we are brought to such extremity, and that it is more needful than ever, to have in the Senate, faithful and loyal persons: and every one may well know, that there can never be good trust and assurance in strangers, which measure faith and loyalty, by their profit and loss. We had need also to take good heed there be no brute or fame of this foolish opinion of Carvilius, but to let it be trodden under our feet, for fear the Latins take not occasion to lift up their horns, if they perceive any wind or breath thereof. Briefly, all the company were of this opinion, and 177 Senators were chosen out of the body of the town of Rome, which before had made known their virtue without more looking into the nobility of their race. And Carvilius was much despited, that he would have advanced strangers into the offices of Senators. We must not be abashed if the ancient Romans have used this: for even at this day there is not so small a commonwealth that useth it not. See Venise, Gennes, and other towns of Italy, which are in form of commonwealths; see Strasburg, Nuremburg, Ausburg, Francfort, Magdeburg, and all the imperial towns of Almaigne, which are governed like commonwealths, and the thirteen cantons of the Swisses, you shall find, that they straightly observe this rule, To receive no strangers into offices and public charges: yea, in many places they will not receive strangers for inhabitants, wherein (it may be) they hold too much severity and rigour. For hospitality is recommended unto us of God, and it is a very laudable virtue for men to entertain strangers, and well to use them in entertainment. But strangers also ought to content themselves to be welcomed and entertained in a country or town, without an aspiring will to master or hold offices and estates: for at the length, that can obtain unto them but envy and evil will. The French nation is that, which of all christianity (as I think) receiveth and loveth strangers most: for they are as welcome all over France, as they of their own nation. Yet we have above showed, that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen, that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine, as much may happen in this time: for nothing hath been in times past, which may not again be in this time. The Salic law (which is observed in France, and through all Almaigne) was not only made to fore-close and bar women from the succession of the crown, and from sovereign domination, by reason of the imbecility and incapacity well to command, which is in the feminine sex: for in the masculine sex happen often such incapacities. But especially the Salic law was made, to the end, That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crown. For it should be as an intolerable thing to a Frenchman, to obey a strange king, as to obey a queen of the French nation, so odious is a strange domination in France. As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evil. For a strange king would always to estates and offices of the kingdom advance strangers of his nation; a thing which would always cause in the end disorders and confusions, as is seen by the examples which we have before discovered. There is also an ancient example of Queen Brunehant, or Brunechile, who advanced Annal. upon Anno 607. to the estate of More du Palais de France, (which was as much as governor of all the kingdom) a Lombard, called Proclaide, who was much in her good grace and amity. This stranger seeing himself lifted up so high, became so fierce and so proud, that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdom, but put them to many troubles and vexations. He became also very rapinous and covetous, as (saith the history) is the nature of the Lumbards': insomuch, that he did eat up and ruinated the subjects of France. Briefly, his behaviours and dealings were such, that he got the evil wills of all men, from the nobleman to the carter. At that time was there war amongst the children of the queen Brunehant, Theodoric king of Orleans, and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords, their vassals, desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers, but this great More Proclaide hindered it withal his power: which the said lords seeing, resolved amongst them; That it were better that strangers died, than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should slay one another; and so indeed they did slay him as an enemy to peace and concord. The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time, by the Lombard's which govern in France. Lewis le Debonance, son of Charlemaigne, king of France, and emperor Annal. An. 829. More du Palais, a stranger, cause of war. of the West, altogether gave the Estate of More du Palais de France, to a Spaniard called Berard, who incontinent mounted into great pride. The king had three sons, Lotharie, Lewis, and Pepin, who could not support the arrogancy and fierceness of this stranger, who (as it were) would paragon them. This was the cause of an evil enterprise of these three young princes against their own father. For they seized upon his person, and brought him into the town of Soissons, and there caused him to forsake his crown of France, and the Estate of the empire, and to take the habit of a monk in the Abbey of S. Mark in the said Soissons, within which they caused him to be kept straightly for a time. But in the end the great barons and lords of France and Almaigne meddled therein, and dismonked him, and restored him to his Estate, and agreed the father with the children. This had not happened, if that good king and emperor had had that wisdom, not to have lifted up a stranger so high; a thing which could not be but displeasant to his natural subjects, great and little. For a conclusion of this matter, I will here place the witness of M. Martin du Bellay, knight of the king's order, a man of quality, of virtue, and of great experience, who saith: That he hath seen in his time more evil happen unto the affairs of king Francis, the first of that name, by the means of strangers, which revolted from his service, than by any other means. Amongst which strangers Strangers inclined to commit treasons. he placeth the Bishop de Liege, the Prince of Orange, the marquess of Mantua, the Lord Andrew Doria, M. Jerome Moron of Milan, (who caused Milan to revolt) and certain others. But because these things are not of very ancient memory, but happened in our world, I will make no longer discourse thereof. Seeing also the examples and reasons which we have above rehearsed, are sufficient to show (against the opinion of Machiavelli his disciples:) That a Prince cannot do better, than to serve himself (in offices and public charges of the country of his domination) with his own subjects of the same countries, as being more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that country, than are strangers. And there is not a more odious thing to the people (as M. Comines saith) than when they see great offices, benefices, and dignities conferred upon strangers. And as for offices, it hath not been seen anciently and commonly, that they have been bestowed upon strangers: but that within this little space of time they have found means to obtain the greatest and best. For of old there was committed unto them, but offices of Captaineships, to the end, that under that title they might the better draw people of their own country to serve the king. But as for benefices, of a long time it hath been, that the Italians have held and possessed the best in France, which the Pope bestowed upon them, and our kings durst not well contradict. Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixth, to make an edict in the year 1356, whereby he forbade, That any benefices of the kingdom of France should be conferred upon strangers; which both before and since, by many royal Edicts, hath often been renewed and reiterated. Which Edicts merit well to be brought into use; but it shall not be yet, since that they only are they which yet do govern all. But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen, that they will consider a little nearer the wrong they do themselves, to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their own country, and by that means recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same. For Italians, or such as are Italianized (which have in their hands the governance of France) hold for true the Maxim of Machiavelli: That men should not trust in strangers, as it is true: and this is because they would not advance any other but men only of their own nation, and certain bastardly and degenerous Frenchmen, which are fashioned, both to their humour and their fashions, and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their treacheries, cruelties, rapines, and other vices. For as for good and natural Frenchmen, they will never advance them, because they are strangers unto them, and by consequent suspected not to be faithful enough unto them, following the said Maxim. Where is now then the generosity of our ancient Frenchmen, who made themselves redoubted amongst strange nations? Where are now our ancestors virtues, who have caused the Levant to tremble, & have sent out their reputation into Asia, and hath repulsed and driven back the Goths and Sarracens out of France, Spain and Italy? For it seemeth that at this day the Frenchmen hold no more any thing of their ancestors valour, seeing they suffer (in comparison to them) so few strangers to domineer so imperiously over them, and so to debase themselves, and to carry on their backs such insupportable burdens, and to suffer themselves to be driven from the Charges and Estates of the commonwealth. Truly this is far from making us to be redoubted and obeyed in strange countries, when strangers constrain us to obey them, and to take the yoke in our own country. This is to do clean contrary to our ancestors, who subjected strangers unto them, when contrary we subject our own selves to strangers. The Frenchmen were wont to be reputed frank & liberal, far from all servitude; but now our stupidity, carelessness & cowardice do make us servants & slaves to the most dastardly & cowardly nation of Christendom. Our ancestors have vanquished and subjugated in battle, & by arms, great Italian armies; but we suffer ourselves to be over come by a small number of Italians armed with a rock, a spindle, and a pen and inkhorn. Shall we always be thus bewitched? see we not that by secret and and unknown means they overthrow, and cause to die by treasons, poisonings, injustice, now one, now another, of the greatest? & that they look to no other mark but to ruinated the nobility, and all men of valour in France, which are suspected to favour the commonweal, or disfavour them? Be sleepy no longer, for it is time to awake, and to think what we have to do, and not to attend till (from the particular ruin now of one house, then of another) we see all France upon the earth. It is already but too much established? and we have but too long attended to provide for our affairs, and to oppose ourselves against the designs and machinations of these strangers, all which are discovered and known to such as will not shut their eyes. Let us then stir up in ourselves the generosity and virtue of our valiant great grandfathers, and show, that we are come from the race of those good & noble Frenchmen our ancestors, which in old time passed have brought under their subjection so many strange nations, and which so many times have vanquished the Italian race, which would make us now serve. Let us not leave off, for a sort of degenerate Frenchmen, adherents to the pernicious purposes of that race, to maintain and conserve the honours, and reputation of loyalty, integrity, and valiancy of our French nation, which these bastardly Italians have contaminated and foiled by their cruelties, massacres and perfidies. We want nothing but courage to effect all this: for these Monsieurs would not stand one whit, if they knew once, that it were in good earnest and with good accord, that the Frenchmen would send them to excercise their tyrannies in their own country, and force them to make account of such as they have committed in France. Here endeth the first Part, entreating of such Counsel as a Prince should use. THE SECOND PART, TREAting of the Religion which a Prince ought to hold. ¶ The preface. AFter having before discoursed largely enough, What Counsel a prince should have and take; it will not be to any evil purpose to handle, What Religion he ought to hold and cause to be observed in his dominions: For it is the first and principal thing wherein he ought to employ his Counsel; namely, That the true and pure Religion of God be known; and being known, that it be observed by him and all his subjects. Machiavelli in this case (as a very Atheist and contemner of God) giveth another document to a prince: for he would, That a prince should not care, whether the Religion that he holdeth be true or false; but saith, That he ought to support and favour such falsities as are found therein: And he comes even to this point (as an abominable and wicked blasphemer) that he preferreth the Religion of the Paynims before the Christian: and yet his book is not condemned as heretical by our Sorbonists. But before we enter to confute his detestable Maxims, I will in manner of a Preface, demonstrat in few words the true resolution that a prince ought to have in this matter. I presuppose then by a certain Maxim, That the prince ought to hold the Christian Religion, as it is seen, by all antiquity, simplicity, and excellency of doctrine. For in the first place; none can deny but it is more ancient than any other of all the Religions Antiquity of Christian Religion. that ever were: because it takes his foundation upon the books of Moses, and the promises of God, of Christ and Messias, contained in them books, which were made to our first Fathers, from the beginning of the world. But there is no author, Greek or Latin, which was not long after Moses: and it is a thing confessed and held amongst all learned men, That Moses writ his books many hundred years before Homer, Berosus, Hesiodus, Manethon, Metasthenes, and others like, which many men hold for the most ancient Writers. Moreover, when Moses describeth unto us the generation of Noah, and showeth us that his children have been as the first stem and root of diverse nations of the world (in token and sign thereof, these nations hold yet at this present, the names of such children) doth not this show plainly and truly, that Moses begun at the world's beginning? Of Madens came the Medians, of janus the jonians, of jobel the Iberians, of Riphat the Riphaeans, of Tigran the Tigranians, of Tharsis the Tharsians, of Cithin the Cyprians, of Canaan the Canaanites, of Sidon the Sidonians, of Elam the Elamites, of Assur the Assyrians; of Lud the Lydians and others: all these were the children, nephews, or arrere-nephews of Noah, from whence the said nations have taken their names: it followeth therefore, that they were the first stocks and roots of them. Again, if we look to the ceremonies that in times past the Paynims used in their sacrifices, men shall easily know, that they are but apish imitations of such sacrifices as were ordained of God, which are described by Moses: For the sacrifice of Iphigenia which the Grecians made in Aulide to prosper them in the war they enterprised against Troy; what other thing is it than an imitation of jepthe his sacrifice? who made a vow of a sacrifice; to prosper him in the war he enterprised; which sacrifice fell after by the divine will, upon his own daughter. The custom which the Gaulois and many other people had, to immolat and offer criminal men when they had an opinion that God was angry with them; what other thing was it but a following of the sacrifice of Abraham, and of the sacrifices that God had commanded for the expiation of sins? The Paynims also imitated this of Moses his sacrifices, that they immolated the like beasts, and reserved also a part of the beast sacrificed, to eat. So that thereby also it is clearly seen, That the Religion of Moses is the primitive and first, and that the other religions are but fowl and lazy pourtratures and imitations thereof. From hence followeth it, That our Christian Religion (which draweth his principles from the promises of Messias, contained in Moses) is the most ancient of the world, yea as ancient as the world itself. For I will not vouchsafe to stay upon the refutation of the strange opinion of Machiavelli and other ancient Philosophers Paynims; which have maintained, That the world had no beginning: but I send them to Empedocles, Plato, and other ancient Paynim Philosophers which have maintained the contrary. I think that the ignorance of the philosophers, which held, That the world had no beginning, shall something excuse them, because they never saw the books of Moses, and in a thing so difficile and hard to comprehend, the spirits of men might easily fail. But the impiety of Machiavelli is no way excusable, who hath seen the books of Moses, & yet followeth that wicked opinion, like a mocker and contemner of the holy Scripture, thinking to show, that he knows more than others, he I say, who is ignorant and full of brutish beastliness, as (God willing) I shall make known. As for the simplicity of the Christian Religion, herein it is seen, That the Christians Simplicity of the Christian Religion. will know God, as he will that we should know him; and as he hath manifested himself unto us, simply, without passing further. For they are not so presumptuous as were those foolish Paynim philosophers which disputed of the Essence of God, and disputing upon that point, fell into opinions, the most absurd and strange of the world. Some, after they had much dreamt in their brains, concluded, That the universal world was God: others, That it was the Soul of the world: others, That it was the Sun: and others set forward certain other like monstrous opinions. They disputed also of his Power, of his Eternity, and of his Providence, by natural reasons: in all these they knew not how to resolve themselves therein: For how is man so proud and insensible, to think, that his brain (which is not half a foot large) can comprehend so great and infinite a thing? it is as great a foolery and grossness, as he that in the palm of his hand will comprehend all the waters of the sea. A Christian then hath this modesty and simplicity, To know God by those means and according as he will be known of men; believing, That to have a will to pass further, is to enter into darkness, & not into knowledge. From hence followeth it, That the knowledge which a Christian hath of God, is the only true knowledge; and that all the knowledge that others (as Paynims and Philosophers) ever had, it neither was nor is any other but a shadow and imagination, very far from the most part of the truth. And touching the excellency of the doctrine of true Religion, herein is it first seen; The excellency of the Christian Religion. that it is founded upon the promises of God made to the first fathers from the beginning of the world: whereby all they that embrace that Religion, are assured, That God is their father, and that he loveth them, and that he will give them eternal life by the means of Messias. Can there then be any thing more excellent than this? Is there any thing in the world that can give more contentment or repose to the spirit of man, than this doctrine? For when man considereth the brevity of his days, the languishments and miseries of this world, full of envies, enmities, all vices and calamities, will he not judge himself more unhappy than the beasts, if he hoped not for an eternal happiness after this life? The poor Paynims having this consideration, aspired to an eternity, some in doing worthy acts, whereof there should be a perpetual memory after them; others writ books that might be read after their death: others persuaded themselves, that the gods would send good men's souls into the Elysian fields, and the wicked into the Acherontike and Stygian darkness. Yet were there some Philosophers, which disputed; Cice. in Somn. Scipi. Plato in Phaedo. That the souls of generous and valiant men after death, go to heaven. All these opinions and persuasions of men, were but to give rest to their minds, which judged man of all creatures most unhappy, without an eternal life after this. But what assurance had they of these opinions, which they gave to themselves? These poor people had none, neither founded they themselves, but upon some weak and feeble reasons. For thus they argued: That it was not credible, that God, who is all good, would create man (who is the most excellent creature in the world) to make him most unhappy, which he should do, if he should not enjoy an happy and eternal life after this. They also say, That it is not credible, that God, which is all just, would equally deal with the good as with the bad: which he should do, if there were not another life than this, wherein the good might receive a felicity, and the wicked punishment for their misdeeds. But what is all this? These be but feeble and weak petty reasons, whereupon the spirits and consciences of men can find no good foundation to repose themselves, and to take an assured resolution of a salvation and an eternal felicity. But the Christian hath another foundation than this: for he knoweth that God is of old, gone out (if I may so say) from his throne in heaven to communicate and manifest himself to our ancient fathers, to speak unto them, to declare unto them his bounty and love towards mankind; he knows, that God hath made them promises of Messias, which he hath since accomplished, and that in him he hath promised to give eternal life to all them which lay hold of that Messias, and use his means to come unto it. These promises have been many times reiterated to our said fathers, and in ages well distant one from another, that they might not be forgotten, but that they might be so much the more clear, and known of every one: insomuch, that the Paynims themselves (which never read our father's writings) have had some knowledge of the promises of God touching Messias, they were so clear, not orious and well known, as we shall say more at full in another place. Hear than for a resolution, a great excellency in this doctrine of Christian Religion, viz. what it brings us to a certain knowledge and a firm assurance of an eternal life after this; which knowledge and assurance is not founded upon certain lean Philosophical reasons, but upon the promises proceeding from the very mouth of God, which is the truth itself, and cannot lie. And as for the doctrine of manners, I confess that the Paynims and Philosophers which have held other religions, have spoken and reasoned in reasonable good terms; but yet their doctrine cometh nothing nigh to that which the Christian Religion teacheth us thereof. True it is that the Paynims have spoken something well of justice, Temperance, Clemency, Prudence, Loyalty, Fidelity, Amity, Gentleness, Magnanimity, Liberality, Love towards ones country, and such other virtues; he that denieth that they have not spoken well, and that some have not something practised them, should do them wrong. And the Christians have this in common with them, To approve and follow all these virtues; and for that cause they disdain not to read their books, and to learn of them the goodly documents which they have left, touching these virtues: but yet I must say, that the Christian Religion hath launched and entered far deeper into the doctrine of good manners, than the Paynims and Philosophers have done. For proof hereof I will take the Maxim of Plato: That we are not only borne for ourselves, but that our birth is partly for our country, partly for our parents, and partly for our friends: behold a goodly sentence we can say no other: but if we come to confer it with the doctrine of Christians, it will be found maimed and defective. For what mention doth Plato make of the poor? where and in what place of this notable sentence doth he set them? he speaks not at all of them: briefly, he would that our charity should be first employed towards ourselves: which they have well marked & followed, which say; That a well ordered charity gins at himself. But this is far from the doctrine which S. Paul teacheth the Christians, when he saith: That Charity seeks not her own; and also that which Christ himself commandeth us; To love our neighbour as ourselves. Secondly, Plato placeth our love towards our country: Thirdly, our love towards our parents: and lastly, our friends. And what becomes of the poor? Let them do as they can: for Plato his Charity stretcheth not to them. And indeed a poor person, in the time of the Paynims, which had no means to live, had no shorter way then to sell himself to be a slave unto him that bought him, who afterward served himself with him and nourished him. If such a poor man found no man to buy him, he died with hunger. True it is, that some were sometimes touched with commiseration of humanity towards poor persons, when they saw them with their eyes languishing and in misery: but they called not this commiseration a virtue, but only an human passion. Neither had they any hospitals to lodge and nourish the poor in, nor their princes or great lords had their Almoniers as Christians have. When a child was borne evil formed, they would kill it, a cruel thing and full of inhumanity, yet was it ordinarily practised; yea at Rome it was an express law of Romulus, whereby he Dionis. Halicar. lib. 2. commanded to expose and stifle the children which were borne disformed; which not only was a cruelty against nature, but as it were a despite and injury done to the Creator who had created and form them. They made account of poor men as they did of beasts: for they slew their slaves at their pleasure, and when, and for what they would. Vedius Dion in Augusto. Polio a Roman gentleman in the time of Augustus Caesar, ordinarily caused to slay his servants and slaves (whereof he had a great number (in choosing always the most profitable, to cast the other bodies into his ponds which he had nigh his house, to feed Lampreis which he had in those ponds. In the Paynims time (to offer pleasure & pastime to the people) they caused to make theatres for combats to utterance of poor slaves, which they caused to band in two parts one against an other, and after that, furiously set one upon an other with naked swords, and none of them armed with any defensive thing. And (this sport ended) when they of the one part had slain all the others, or else that all had slain one another to the last, the people laughed and took pleasure to see this, no more nor no less than we take pleasure to see Cocks fight. Hereby is it seen that the Paynims had no pity of the poor, nor of slaves & servants, but regarded them as brute beasts, and made no more account of them, but for their service they drew from them. Also we never read amongst all their moral precepts they had, that they ever spoke of the poor; nor that they ever established any good policy to help them. Yet notwithstanding this agreeth well with natural reason, To do well to his like. And this so noble a sentence which the Emperor Alexander Severus carried for his poesy or devise: What thou wouldst not should Lampri. in Alex. be done unto thee, do it not to another, agreeth well with the common sense, and seems well to be a principle of nature, not only in the negative, Not to do, but also in the affirmative, To do to another, as we would he should do unto us. Yet although natural light lead us hereunto, the Paynims have not yet come to this point. The hystoriagrapher Lampridius saith: That the Emperor Alexander learned this excellent device of the Christians or of the jews in his time. Therefore it appeareth by the abovesaid reasons, That the doctrine of manners, which is taught us by the Christian Religion, is much more excellent than that which the Religions of the Paynims and Philosophers teach, seeing they make no account of the poor which are recommended unto us by so many precepts of Religion. Moreover, the Christian Religion abateth the pride of men's hearts, and so makes them know they are sinners: and the religion of Paynims and Philosophers fill men with pride & presumption, persuading them, That naturally they are virtuous of themselves, and inclinable to do good and virtuous works, which they attribute to their own virtue, and not to God. Yet more, the Christian Religion teacheth us to be patiented, to support the imperfections one of another, and to pardon: but contrary, that of the Paynims and Philosophers persuadeth to seek vengeance. For a conclusion, none can deny, but that the doctrine of Christian Religion is in all points more excellent and perfect than that of the Paynim Religion. But when I speak of the Paynim Religion, I understand all other Religions (unless it be the jewish Religion, out of which the Christian taketh his original) for I hold for Paynims the Turks, Sarracens, and all other barbarous people, which allow neither the old nor new Testament, and that have no knowledge in them. But I do not doubt but some will here make a question in this time wherein we are, The Catholic religion and the Reformed are all one. that is, What Religion ought to be accounted Christian, whether the Catholic or reform. Hereunto I answer: That we ought not to make two of them, and that it is but one same Religion, and as the names Catholic, and Evangelic, and Reform, are all one name; so is the thing itself: for the one and the other acknowledgeth Christ, which is the foundation; and hold the articles of the faith of the Apostles Symbol; approve the Trinity, and the Sacraments of Baptism, and the holy Supper: although there be some diversity in the intelligence of certain points, we may not for that make them, two diverse Religions. For in brief, the one and the other is Christian, seeing they take Christ for the foundation. But for this purpose I will here recite a discourse of a learned man (in my opinion) which I lately heard at my lodging in my journey from Paris to Basle. By which discourse, this good person (although he was Evangelike) maintained, That the Catholics and Evangelikes do agree, not only in name, but also in doctrine, although Sophisters will persuade the contrary. This proposition at the first seemed unto me a very Paradox: but when I heard and understood the reasons of that good man, his saying seemed very true unto me. There was in the company a gentleman Catholic, none of these great talkers and babblers, but a man very gentle and affable, who took great pleasure to hear this discourse, & asked many questions of this good man, whom I cannot name, for I never saw him before. He was no man of great show, neither was there any great estimation made of him at the beginning, before we heard him speak: but at the end of our Table, when we had given thanks (upon certain talk we had of Religion) he put forth the said proposition. All the company prayed him to clear and illuminate that point, and to speak his full opinion therein; for there was neither Catholic nor Evangelike, which desired not greatly to understand that point. He begun then in this manner (after he had prayed all the company to take in good part what he should say, and humanly to excuse his faults, if any escaped.) Masters (saith he) I see well, that all this company casteth their eyes upon me, attending to hear of me the proof of the proposition which I uttered. To satisfy then your desires, although I have not premeditated all the reasons which might be spoken to maintain that I say: yet I will allege some, which I hope you will not judge impertinent. I will then here repeat my proposition, that is, That the Catholics hold the same points of Christian Religion that we of the Reformed or Evangelike do. True it is, that the sophisters will needs persuade the Catholics, that we hold another doctrine than they do, especially touching the Sacrament of the Altar, or the Supper (for all is one) and touching good works and certain other points: and in verity, the doctrine of our Religion differeth far from that of the Sophisters, yea in principal points, as is seen by the conference of our confession of Faith, with their articles. But I say and will maintain, That the most part of the Catholics understand not the articles of the Sophisters; neither can they comprehend them, because they consist in certain subtle distinctions, and sophistical terms. The school doctors knowing that their doctrine cannot be comprehended by the simple sense and common judgement of men, make the people believe, that it makes no matter though they understand nothing, if so be they believe generally, that the articles of their faith be true. And this they call an implicit, wrapped, or entangled faith, that is to say, it is so covert and hid, that the people understand nothing. But I mean not to speak of the Sophists doctrine, but of such points of Religion, whereof the Catholics have some knowledge by the apprehension of sense and common judgement. For I maintain, & it is true, That in these points, or in the most part, and especially in the chief things they agree with us, although the Sophisters make them believe the contrary. And by the way to make it appear, let us a little discourse upon the principal articles of our Christian Religion (as of the Sacraments, of justification, of Works, and certain other points) and we shall see plainly, that the Catholics agree with us. First, if you ask of a good Catholic, if when he receives the Sacrament on Easter day, he crusheth and bruiseth with his teeth the very flesh and bones of our Lord jesus Christ: he will answer you, he believes it not, and that he detesteth and abhorreth that talk of crushing and bruising with the teeth, the flesh and bones of our Saviour. If you demand of him, if he do not believe, that when he receiveth the Sacrament, he receiveth spiritually the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ: he will answer: yea, that he believes so. If you yet ask him, if when he receives the sacrament of the Host he believe that he receiveth and drinketh by the same means, the sacrament of the blood by Concomitance, and that the cup which is given him to drink in, is not but for him to rinse his mouth withal: he will say he believes not this, and that eating is not drinking, and that he knoweth not what that Concomitance is: & that he believeth, that receiving the Host, he eateth the Sacrament of the body, and that drinking on the cup, he drinketh the Sacrament of the blood. If you demand of him, if he believe not, that in the holy sacrament there is made a Transubstantiation: he will answer you, that he believes it not, because he knows not what Transubstantiation is, nor what they mean by that long and prodigious word, & that he thinketh it is some obscure word invented by the Sophisters, to hide from simple people holy things, and to darken clear things. And truly it is a strange thing, and abhorring from common sense and from all humanity and Christianity, to bruise and burst the human flesh & bones of our Saviour Christ betwixt our teeth. And the Sophisters would so persuade the good Catholics if they could, and that they found this goodly doctrine upon a Canon, which beginneth, Ego Beringarius. Where there is this in proper terms. I Beringer, unworthy Ego. Ber. de Conse. d●st. 2. deacon of the church of S. Maurice of Angiers, knowing the true Catholic and Apostolic faith, detest and anathematize all heresy, and even that whereof I have been before defamed. Therefore I confess with hart and mouth, that the bread and the wine, which are set on the altar after the consecration, are not only the Sacrament, but are changed into the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ: and that the priest toucheth not only sensually the Sacrament, but that also he handleth with his hands the very body of our Lord, and that he breaketh it, and that the faithful break and bruise it betwixt their teeth. Behold the goodly doctrine of this Cannon, which the Sophists would make the Catholics believe: but of five hundred you shall not find one that will believe it. And verily, this Cannon makes me remember what Achaemenides saith in Virgil of the great Polyphemus, who did eat the companions of Ulysses. " Poor human creatures he did eat, the body, blood, and all: Ae●●i, ●i. 3. " My self did see him clasp and gripe in his so deep a den, " Two men of ours in his huge hands, their heads on door Lintall " He knocked so, that blood gushed out, and in my sight those men " He tore and bruised betwixt his teeth, yet dead they were not clean. And how should Catholics believe this Canon, seeing the priests themselves believe it not? I prove it. For if they believed it, they would never say mass upon fridays, nor in Lent, or other sasting days: and the Charterhouse, Celestines nor Ensumine Friars and Monks would say no masses, for fear to eat flesh. O, but will one say, This is a strange reason: I confess it; but the aforesaid Cannon is as strange: and how strange soever, yet can it not be overthrown, without giving some spiritual interpretation unto the manducation of the Sacrament. But strait as soon as a man comes there, behold we are at an agreement. You see then how the Catholics, yea, the priests themselves believe not in that Canon, which notwithstanding is the only foundation of the mass. Yea, but you will say, The Catholics go to mass and find it good. I confess it, but it is upon custom they go thither, not because they understand or believe any other thing touching the Sacrament, than that we have already said. And therefore seeing they do agree with us in the principal, there shall be no great danger nor loss for them to send away and banish into the Cyclopian Islands or into Poliphaemus den their mass, yea, though but for a time to see and prove, whether they might well and commodiously spare it or no. As we read Pope Clement the sixth did, who excommunicated all the people of the country of Flanders, for a certain rebellion that they had made against the king of France their sovereign; who also interdicted all the priests of the country upon pain of eternal damnation, to say no masses, nor to administer any Sacraments to the Flemings, till they had obtained absolution of his fatherhood. The poor Flemings seeing themselves without masses (for in no sort their priests would say any) they writ to the king of England, making unto him great complaints. The king of England sent them word not to be dismayed nor troubled for want of masses, for he would send them priests out of his country, to say them masses enough. But the priests of England went not, fearing to be comprehended in that fulmination of the Pope. In the mean while the Flemings attend whilst the king of England sent the priests, accustomed so much themselves to be without masses, being merry and making good cheer, that they were well, and no more it troubled them. Many other countries also at this day which have no masses, pass the time well enough to their content, as England, Scotland, and Denmark, & the most part of Almaign. I believe also, if men did assay it in France, to obtain peace and union, they would not find it so evil as they think. For already we agree upon the Sacrament, as is abovesaid: we hold also the Epistles, Gospels, & the lessons which are taken out of the Psalms of David, and the Prophets: for we shall always find that in our Bible; yea, far more faithfully enregistered than in the Missal: all the remainder is not worth the holding. For as for their massing garments, men of good judgement know well, That apparel adds no holiness to the mass; seeing also that Frenchmen naturally stay not long in one fashion of apparel, but easily change from one to another. I confess in regard of the common people, which only stay upon that they see, that they will take no great lust in a mass, without the mass garments: as if the Curate said it, in his doublet and hose without more, or in his jerkin, it is certain; that commonly the parishioners would greatly scandilize it, and would not find it good. And yet a true thing it is, that apparel makes not the mass better, neither have they any sanctity in them to deserve to be retained. For if it were true, that such garments made the mass better, and added any holiness unto it; then would it follow, that the better the garments and habits are, so much the better should the masses be; & then would there be found great inequality in the bounty and goodness of masses; and so would it follow, that the masses of rich men should be better than poor men's, a thing very absurd and odious: that were also to make village masses of no account, because their mass garments are often tattered and rend. So that then we must come to this resolution, to shun these absurdities; That garments bring no holiness to the mass; and that in retaining the holy Sacrament, the Gospel, the Epistles, and the lessons of the Psalms and Prophets, which are in the mass, there would be found no danger to let go all the rest. Now than if we lay by through all France the superfluous things of the mass, are not all the rest of the exercises of religion alike? The Catholics go to the church to pray unto God; so do we also. They go to hear sermons of the word of God; so do we also. They go thither to praise God in singing of the Psalms of David; and we also. They go thither to keep their Easter; and we also. For it is all one to celebrate the Easter and the Supper. Briefly, all our exercises of Religion are alike. I know well you will say there is a difference, because the Catholics prey and sing psalms in Latin; and we in French. But I answer you, that that is nothing, so that men understand what they say. For God understandeth well all languages. You will say unto me also, that the preachers of the one and of the other preach not the same doctrine. Yet I answer, that though it be so, yet do we agree in all the principal points of Religion, which are necessary to be known for the salvation of our souls. If in any other points our preachers cannot agree, we must let them agree amongst themselves, and content ourselves to know the articles which are necessary for our salvation. For it cannot be said, that if we cannot be as subtle and sharp as S. Thomas of Aquin, Bonaventure, Scot, Bricot, or other like doctors of Theology, that therefore we must needs be damned. It were a very strange thing to believe, that God would have his holy Religion so obscure, that none but Sophists should think to understand any thing of it. But contrary, we must believe, That God hath given it unto us, simple, clear, and intelligible, that even plain people might comprehend and understand it. So if it please God, we need not leave to be saved, although we know not what meaneth Transubstantiation, Concomitance, and such like terms, which are not read in the Bible; and although we be not so sharp and quick to understand the nature of quiddities, the subsistence of Accidens separated from the subject, the effects and operations of second intentions, the motion of the Chimaere in Vacuity, and other like deep subtleties of speculative Theology. But I have above showed, that the Catholics and we do well accord in the Sacrament of the Altar, or the Supper; so do we in the principal points of Christian Religion. Demand of a Catholic, if he do not believe, That he shall be saved by the merit of the death & passion of our Lord jesus Christ; he will say, yea, that he believeth it. Ask yet of him, if he do not believe, That one only drop of the precious blood of our Saviour, the eternal son of God, is sufficient to save all the world; he will say, yea. Make upon it this consequence, That it followeth then, that the death and passion of jesus Christ, who shed all his blood for us, is more than sufficient for our salvation; he will not deny this. Ask him after, if he believe, that for our salvation there must be mingled the blood of martyrs, supererogatory works, merits of Saints, & good works, with the blood of Christ, the son of God; he will answer you, That he believes not, that there must be such a mingle mangle, since the blood of the son of God is sufficient for our salvation, and that, that should be to pollute it, and that he knows not what supererogatory works are. And touching good works, which they say we reject: ask of the least child, which learns his Catechism, if a Christian ought not to do good works, to show himself a Christian; he will answer you, yea. Demand of him also, if good works be not meritorious towards God; he will answer you, That they so please God, that (in regard of them as by merit) an infinite sort of good things are given us, as health, long life, children, and other graces, except eternal life, which he gives us by the only merit of jesus Christ. I believe there is no Catholic in the world which will say more of good works than this. As for faith in general, we receive both the one and the other, the holy Scripture of the old and new Testament. Touching Baptism, we agree in the substance, namely, that it ought to be done, In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy ghost, and with the sign of the water. We differ about spittle, salt, and the conjurations of devils, which the Catholic priests do say to be within the body of little children, and they chase them out: we indeed cast off all this, as men's inventions, which would be wiser than God, who prescribeth them what they shall do therein. And I assure myself; that the most part of the Catholics would willingly, that those things were rejected; and that priests would not spit in the mouths of their little children; and that they had no salt at all; neither do they believe there are devils within the bodies of their little children. We also differ in certain other ceremonies, which I will not discover now at length. But must we hereupon say, that the Catholics and we, are of two diverse religions? The Friars and jacobins, and many other sorts of Monks in Christendom, have all different ceremonies, in habits, in rules, in doing their services and in all the exercises of their orders, yet they are all held to be of the Christian Religion. Moreover, though there were some difference betwixt us touching doctrine (seeing we accord in the principal points of Christian Religion) must there be accounted a plurality and diversity of Religion amongst us, for the Canon Ego Beren garius? Must men make all that stir, to roar out all the Canons and artillery of France, and thunder at all the towns and castles of the kingdom, to fill all places with arms, soldiers, and all the towns with the blood of Christians, and to make read the rivers, for such a quarrel as this? Must brother arm himself against his brother, the father against his son? must needs the Nobility ruin at itself? must all the people be trodden under feet, & the whole realm be brought into a combustion. For verily, none makes war upon us, but because we will not believe in the aforesaid Canon, and yet they which do this unto us, do not believe in it themselves, as we have before showed. But yet there is a point that seemeth to be one of the most principal points of Religion, wherein we differ, namely, touching the Pope, in whom we believe not. But I am of opinion, that the most part of Catholics believe in him no more than we; and that the matter is not of sufficient weight to make any great contention of. Our ancestors in times past have well passed their time without a Pope; and wherefore should not we do so, as well as they. In the time of king Charles the sixth, le bien aim, there were two pope's in Christendom, the one at Rome called pope Vrbane, and the other at Avignon, who was called Clement. The Christian princes and commonweals at this time knew not which was the better of them, yet some followed the pope of Rome, and they were called Vrbanists; and others the Pope of Avignon, and they were called Clementines: and when that the pope died at Rome or in Avignon, men elected always another in his place: so that it appeared, that this plurality of pope's would ever endure. The king of France and his Counsel were occasioned to exhort both of them to submit themselves to a Counsel, which might advise and ordain, which of them two should be Pope, or if the one or the other ought not to be. The king could never persuade them to come to this accord; and especially the pope of Avignon was more backward than the other. Hereupon the king caused to assemble the university of Paris, and especially our masters of Sorbonne, to have their advice what he should do in this case. At that time was there a learned Doctor in Theology in Sorbonne College, who was called M. john de Gigenconet, who maintained, That the Catholic church might well for a time be without a Pope, yea, for ever; & alleged many good reasons, which for time's sake I will not here recite. Briefly, the University was congregated, and thereby it was resolved, that the king ought to withdraw himself and all his kingdom from the obedience of both the Popes, until there were another legitimately elected. And that there were good means to be dispatched of the pope, viz. to leave the collations of benefices to the ordinary Collators, and also to labour unto the prelate's of France, for dispensations requisite. Hereupon the king made an Edict, with the advice of his daughter the University, (so names he it) whereby inhibitions & defences were made to all subjects, as well of the Nobility and the Clergy, as of the third Estate, no more to acknowledge either of the said Popes, for Popes, neither any more to run either to Rome or Avignon, for the obtaining and impetration of benefices, dispensations, or other bulls and provisions Apostolical; but to the ordinary Collators, and to the Prelates of the French church, upon pain to be debarred of their pretended right, and other great punishments: which Edict was observed by the space of three years: at the end of which time was a Pope chosen at the counsel of Pisa, called Alexander the fift, under whose obedience the king and his kingdom yielded themselves. But the space of the said three years they did well enough without a Pope in France: and so likewise during the said time of plurality of Popes, which endured forty years. And there were then many princes, which acknowledged neither the one nor the other for Popes; as the king of Arragon, the county of Hainaut, the duke of Bretaigne, the commonwealth of Liege. If then in times passed so many could be without pope's, why might we not as well spare them now as then? But as I have said before, I see not why the Catholics should so much care for the Pope, as to travel and journey so far as Rome to kiss his pantofle, nor to spend so much money to buy his pardons, being such vile and base merchandise. To conclude (my masters) it seemeth unto me by this brief discourse, I have made hitherto, that my proposition is sufficiently cleared: That the Catholic and we differ not in Religion, but do agree in all points necessary for our salvation. After that, that good parson had made us the said discourse, truly every one of us thanked him, but especially the Catholic gentleman, saying: That as for him he never believed otherwise A pleasant discourse of friars habits. the points which he had delivered, but even as he had said: and that he would never have thought, that they of the Evangelike Religion had accorded so well with the Catholics, as he saw they did. But said he (my masters) after so serious a discourse, it should not be impertinent to add another, to make us laugh. All the company prayed him to do it: then begun he to say in this manner: I have above touched, how habits and apparel brought no sanctity to the mass: we may also say, That they add no sanctity to the persons, neither according to that common proverb, Apparel makes not a Monk. Yet I find, that this question hath been sometimes handled with great contention and diversity of opinions, which endured nigh fifty years amongst the Friars, because they could not accord upon the colour, greatness, wideness, and form of their habits. For you must understand, that the glorious S. Francis, amongst other articles of his rule, he had placed one, whereby he ordained, That all that were of his Order, for apparel, should clothe themselves with the basest, vilest, and of the lowest price that could be; that they should only have one coat with an hood, and another without an hood; and that they should wear no shoes, nor ride on horseback. Upon the intelligence and interpretation of this article, arose great and marvelous altercations and disputations in the order of Friars: insomuch, that they held a general Chapter, to accord these disputations, and to rule themselves all by one sort of habits. For some wore habits of one colour, some of another, some short, others long; insomuch, that they seemed not to be of the same Order. In this Chapter than was there a great disputation, about the intelligence and interpretation of the said article. About the last two points they were easy to agree: for seeing they were forbidden by the said article to ride on horseback, they resolved to ride but on Asses and Mules, or on foot, as commonly they do. They considered also, That Asses were fittest for them in their Covents, for being kept with least charge. As for shoes, they resolved, That they would take away the most part of the leather, leaving only a sole, with a thong, to go overthwart the foot, to make the sole fast to the foot, & so should they not be shoes, but soles. But the greatest difficulty and strife was about the fashion of the hood, and of the coat or jacket. For in the said Chapter were moved three principal questions, by certain subtle and cunning Friars. The first, upon the Colour: the second, upon the Quantity: and the third, about the Form. But to handle these three questions in order, you must understand, That about the colour there was diverse opinions, upon which they could not accord. For the blessed S. Francis had spoken nothing of the colour in his rule: but only ordained, That they of his order should wear habits of a low price. Then fell out a great question: What colour was of least price, and thought to be most vile. Some reasoned, That the green colour was the vilest, and might be bought cheaper than any other: and that it was ordinarily seen, that people of most vile condition (as carters, mariners, and other mean people) did wear that colour, in lining to their doublets, as the worst colour of all. They said also, That the matter wherewith a green colour is made, is cheaper than any other: for with herbs and leaves, green may be made, to die both woollen and linen. Others said, the murrey or smoky colour was the worst & best cheap: for to make that colour, there need no more, but to take white wool and soot. But the third opinion seemed to be best taken with reason and equity. And that was they which said, That there was no viler colour nor more meet for their Order, than that which came from the beasts back itself. But it is so, that both white and black came from the beasts back: and it is evident, that the blessed S. Francis did so understand it, they should wear the colour of the beast in token of humility & patience; saying further: That all other colours cost something, & if it were but labour; but the colour of the beast cost nothing. Therefore they concluded, That all the order of Friars ought to wear their garments either of white or black colour, and not of green, smoky, or any other colours, & that this was their opinion. Assuredly these reasons of the first disputers were so pregnant, that they shaked all the rest of the company: yet notwithstanding they which had disputed for Green, and smoky colours, thinking it not good to be overcome at the first blow, replied more. They which have disputed of the colour of the beast (say they) do show, that they hold some thing of the beast (speaking under the brotherly correction of their superiors, and the Chapter) for that their conclusion is alternative and indeterminative. For they concluded upon white and black, without resolving either upon the one or the other; and that such a conclusion implied evident contradiction. For (say they) there is nothing more contrary than white and black. Moreover, they said, That if so be the colours of the sheep should he worn of them, men would judge it to be a token of their pride & presumption, which is the greatest of all mortal sins, because for pride Lucifer fell from heaven into hell: for the world may say of them, that they cover themselves with the colour of the sheep, and notwithstanding are ravening wolves: seeing it is written, That men must take heed of them, that make an outward countenance to be sheep, and yet are wolves, and by that similitude are they noted to be false prophets. They showed also, that already other orders of beggars or Mendicants have taken possession of those two colours, black and white. For the jacobins wore white under, and black above. And the Carmelites contrary, black under, and white above: and generally, all sorts of other monks, which held the rules of S. Augustine, S. Bernard, and blessed S. Benet, and others were all monks, either white, or black. And that it should not be well done to take from them their colours, or to enterprise upon them: for so they might oppose themselves against them, and that, that was not the way to draw unto them the devotion of the world. Finally, they showed, that if their order of Friars took black, there are some countries where there are no black sheep, or very few, as in Berry, Lymoges, and Languedoc; then in these countries must they be forced to die their wool, so would it become dear, and then directly should they do against the rule of blessed S. Francis, That bids them wear clothes of the vilest and cheapest price; this should also be to go against their liberties and privileges, To pay the least they can: for by their rule they are forbidden to handle any silver. And by the contrary, if the Order choose a white colour, there are other countries, where there are no white sheep, or few: as in Tuscan, and many other places, so that the Friars there must have their white clothes out of far countries, which will be to their great cost, & so will be directly against the said rule, and their liberties. And therefore these disputers persisted still in their first opinion for green and smoky colours. The others which had reasoned for the colour of the beast, finding themselves pinched and pricked, replied, That that opinion of green and smoky colour was the most savage opinion of the world, and according to the reason they had which maintained it. For (said they) green is a colour fit for fools. Moreover, in countries, where they say there is nothing but coal-black will, how can they die that black, green, or smoky? Finally, their disputation became so hot, that it was greatly to be feared they would have fallen to fists, if certain ancient fathers sitting in highest places, had not imposed silence to the brethren, & made them understand, That truly they had well and learnedly debated the matter both of the one part and of the other, and that they thought that the question was weighty, high and hard, and such as merited the advice and resolution of the holy father the Pope, and that therefore they would reserve unto him the determination thereof. As soon as the Friars heard speak of the Pope, each one held his peace. After this, the signior Fathers caused to propose the second question of the three, for which the Chapter was assembled, touching the quantity of habits, that is, if they should be long, or short, wide, or straight. The first disputers (in great number) were all of advice, That their garments of Order ought to be short and straight for many good reasons, which they alleged: For, said they, habits short and straight, are more vile and better cheap than long and large, because they have not so much stuff in them. Therefore since the glorious saint Francis our founder, would and ordained that we should wear habits of vile and little price, we can not better observe that holy rule (wherein consisteth the estate of perfection) than in making our habits as short and as straight as is possible. Moreover (said they) our father and good founder S. Francis, hath he not appointed we should be Mendicants, and livers upon the alms of good people? therefore we must make account to gather our alms to live, and to seek it sometimes far off, upon pain to endure hunger and want; for we shall have little brought into our covent: then must we troth hither and thither at all times, rain it or hail it, be it hot, cold, dry, or wet, yea in Lent & Advents, to preach, but no kind of habits is more meet to overthwart the fields, than such as are short, for the long are unfit. Contrary, such as reasoned after, said, That the same opinion was strange and ridiculous; because, if Friars should wear short habits, they would seem more liker Millers than Friars: and it is ordinarily seen, that in those countries where Friars use short habits, the Order was much despised & mocked of the world, and men called them curtal Friars: and therefore long and large were most covenable and fit for them; & that (the blessed saint Francis rightly understood) they should wear long habits: for in the said article he useth the word Tunike, which signifieth a long rob or garment. Moreover, long habits are more seemly for religious men, and short garments for lay men: and that a long garment makes Religious men the most reverenced and honoured in the world. They said further, that all other other sorts of Monks wore long and wide habits, and it should be a great novelty, if the Order of the glorious S. Francis should take a short habit. Likewise (said they) when we go into the pulpit to preach, or when we go to say Mass, o it is a goodly sight to have our garments like Millers. Therefore they concluded, That their habits should be long and large. But the first reasoners replied to this, saying to the first point, That the good saint Francis had taught them the way of humility, and that therefore they ought not to seek to wear long garments, to be therefore honoured and reverenced of the world; for that tasted of pride, and not of his humility: and that they which are mocked and despised of the world, are esteemed of God; because the wisdom of the world is folly before God: and so contrary. As for the second point, they said, That this word Tunike in S. Benet his rule, signifieth not a long rob, but a little cloak or cassock; and so is it found in friar Ambrose Calepin his dictionary (who was of our Order) not a long rob, but Toga; and that therefore the rule makes for them in that point. So is it best that Friars wear short habits, as little cloaks, and cassoks, or jerkins. And as for their objection, That other Monks do wear long and wide garments; so much the better said they, and the rather should we wear short and straight, that there may be a distinction betwixt us and others. As for their reason, That to wear short and straight garments, would make us like lay men: we answer to that (say they) That the hood will make a difference betwixt us and lay men; for the length of garments can not distinguish us from lay people, for they also wear long robes, as Proctors, advocates, Counsellors, Ushers, Physicians, yea even Merchants in their shops. We confess (said they) that at the beginning it will be a novelty to see us wear garments short and straight with an hood, but time and custom will take away the strangeness thereof, for in all things there is a beginning. The chief and ancient fathers, rulers of this disputation, seeing their friars (who came in place to accord) to enter and grow further into contention and contrariety of opinions, imposed them silence as they had done before upon the first question, and said unto them, That they would remit to the holy Father, the decision & resolution of this high & hard question, touching the largeness and length of habits: but yet they must advise, if at the least in this Chapter we may resolve upon the third question, touching the form and fashion of these habits. So they began to demand voices, for to know whether their habits ought to be single or double; if it be lawful to have some fine and goodly fashion on them, or not; if they should have collars, or none; or skirts, or none; or sleeves, or no sleeves; or if sleeves, whether hanging sleeves; if there must be an hood, whether it were not best to be pointed & sharp, as the Carthusian Friars have, or round, as they of other Religions have. Upon all those points there was great disputation, and all matters were well and subtly disputed of in this Chapter. It seemed to some, that it were not best to have hanging sleeves, for they were not comely, but rather wide and open sleeves, that they might serve for a scrip or pouch. For (said they) since our good father S. Francis hath commanded us to beg and live of alms; and that by an article of his holy rule, he hath forbidden us to carry with us, poke, bag, or scrip; as also is forbidden us in the Gospel, it followeth well, that he would have us to understand, that we should have great & wide sleeves for to put our alms in. To this some answered, That wide sleeves were dearer than straight; for that they had more matter and stuff in them, and therefore such sleeves are contrary to their rule. And as for the difficulty found out upon the forbidding of bags and scrips, and of the inconvenience that might follow thereof, for want of something to put in their alms: they said, for this there were an help, viz. to take a man with them (which we may call a judas) who may carry a bag or scrip for that use, yea, he may take silver, if any will give it us. Yet were there made many other great arguments and subtle allegations upon this question of the fashion of habits: and some thought it best, That that fashion of hoods which the Charter house Friars used, to be well, & best to be imitated. For that that sharp point above might allegorically signify, that they had sharp and quick spirits; and having a fame and reputation to be so, their sermons would be more accounted of. But the good Fathers considering, That nothing could be resolved in that Chapter; and that it was as expedient to send to Rome for three questions, as for two; they made the company privy to their advice, namely, That it were best to send to Rome, to have the holy father's opinion and counsel upon these three questions; and that some of them present should go for that purpose. Certain time after, delegates of their Order took their journey to Rome, unto Pope Nicholas, the third of that name, who reigned in the year 1280, which made him understand all the said disputation, & the great disorder that was in their Order about the said three points. The Pope & his Cardinals were as much troubled to resolve those high and subtle questions, as the said Friars had been in their Chapter. Yet the Pope by the advice of the said Cardinals, made them upon this matter this resolution, That he ordained and commanded, that upon all those questions, that should be straightly kept and observed, which should be concluded and determined in a Chapter general, or else in Provincial chapters, which to those ends should afterwards be convocated and assembled: upon condition notwithstanding, that always there might be seen shine in the Friars, and in their works, an holy poverty, according to their holy rule. But this was to make them fall into a far greater contention and disputation, than ever: so as also in their chapters which they held afterward, they could never accord, following that ordinance of the Pope; but resolved yet again to return to the Pope, which they did, but it was about one and thirty years after the former time, during which time they held many chapters to handle that matter. Coming then to no end in their chapters, they again sent delegates to Rome, to pope Clement the fift, who then held the Counsel at Vienna, anno Dom. 1311; who gave him to understand, How according to the ordinance of Pope Nicholas, his predecessor, they had done all that which possible they could, to overcome the aforesaid difficulties; which at length they recited unto him, but they could not accord upon any resolution. But contrary, that as they disputed, there arose always new difficulties and doubts in the friars spirits, and that therefore they came to him, as to a very oracle of truth, who could and knew how to resolve all those doubts, and many others. The Pope having heard them, put the matter unto the determination of the Cardinals, Prelates, Doctors, and others assembled in that Counsel; you must think, that this whole Counsel was greatly troubled, as before Pope Nicholas and his Cardinals had been. Yet that the said Friars might not go away as they came, without having answer from the Pope's Oracle: there was delivered unto them indeed, a true Oracle, that is to say, an ambiguous and obscure answer, whereby the Pope by i advice of the said Counsel, commanded the guardians & other chief ministers of that Order, to judge of the vility, colour, length, wideness, and fashion of their said Order: the consciences of which commissaries and guardians he burdened; and commanded all the Friars, That they should obey what their said guardians and ministers should resolve, without seeking out so many scruples and doubts, and without desire to know more than needed, by inventing so many subtleties. These delegates returned home with a fair Bull, yet was it not possible by any virtue thereof, to set down a rule in habits. For always the Friars found to speak against the advice and resolutions of their guardians, saying, They understood nothing, and that they had not read the text of the rule of blessed S. Francis, and that they were but beasts. In this contestation of Friars against their guardians and superiors, remained their affairs by a long and great space of years. Finally, in the year 1323, in the time of Pope john, the two and twentieth of that name, who held his seat in Avignon, the guardians and superiors of that Order went to complain to his Fatherhood, showing him, That they could not be obeyed, upon the resolution they had made in virtue of the power which had been given them by the said Bull of Pope Clement. So they humbly prayed his said Fatherhood, That he would vouchsafe to do some good therein. The Pope to proceed in this matter more juridically, or rather judicially would hear the party; and therefore sent to those Friars which refused to obey their guardians and superiors, That they should either come and make their reasons, or send the cause in writing, why they refused obedience. They sent them. The abovesaid Pope caused to assemble his Cardinals: and being in the Conclave, the allegations of the friars pretended disobedience, were read, and no doubt found so great and admirable, so subtle and sharp, that a fly could not there have placed her foot, and indeed they could never give a resolution thereof. True it is, that the Pope could do no less for his honour, than to ordain something. Therefore caused he to expediate a Bull, wherein he exceedingly praiseth the Bulls of his predecessors, Pope Nicholas and Clement, and saith, That he marvelleth how men cannot be contented with the resolution contained in them. After he makes declaration, That the vility of habits should be measured, according to the custom of every country. After that, he giveth commission to the guardians and superiors of every Order (as did Pope Clement) to make a rule for the longitude, latitude, thickness, colour, fashion, and vility, as well of the Tunikes, as of the hood, and upon all other accidences, circumstances, and dependences; willing and commanding them to obey the rule that should be made, without any more framing so many objects, arguments, and fantastical contradicts. Behold in substance the content of Pope john's Bull; whereby it appeareth, That neither he nor all the Papal Consistory could ever give a law or a well determined resolution upon the matter of the dispute of friars habits. I know not how since, they are accorded; but they have taken unto them the white and black colour, as it comes from off the beast, and of those two intermingled colours they have made a third colour, which, of them hath taken the name, and at this day are called Grayfriars. They have also chosen great side gowns and great hoods, as we see them wear at this day. Briefly, we see them accorded now of all their differences which they had touching the fashion of their habits, except for the sleeves. For there are yet Friars with great sleeves, others with straight sleeves. This is the discourse touching the friars contentions, and the three Decretals, made by three Popes, upon that matter, whereof the last is called an Extravagant, as in truth it is, and may well be called Extravagant, and the other two also: Praying you (masters) to take in good part this history; for I have not told it, to displease any man; but to pass away the time whilst our horses eat their provender; I believe it will be now soon time to leap on horseback, every man to draw to his way. Upon this, each man rose up from the table, every one contented to hear this discourse, which they never had heard before, as they all confessed. Then each man took his count, paid, mounted on horseback, and went away. Now let us come to treat of Machiavelli. 1. Maxim. A Prince above all things ought to wish and desire to be esteemed devout, though he be not so indeed. THe World (saith Machiavelli) looketh but to the exterior, and Cap. 18. of the Prince. to that which is in appearance; and judgeth of all actions not by the causes, but by the issue and end: So that it sufficeth, if that the Prince seem outwardly religious and devout, although he be not so at all. For let it be so, that some, which most narrowly frequent his company, do discover that feigned devotion, yet he or they dare not oppugn the multitude, who believe, the Prince to be truly devout. THis Maxim is a precept, whereby this Atheist Machiavelli teacheth the Prince to be a true contemner of God and of Religion, and only to make a show and a fair countenance outwardly before the world, to be esteemed religious and devout, although he be not. For divine punishment, for such hypocrisy and dissimulation, Machiavelli fears not, because he believes not there is a God; but thinks that the course of the Sun, of the Moon, of the Stars, the distinction of the Spring time, Summer, Autumn, and Winter, the politic government of men, the production that the earth makes of fruits, plants, living creatures, that all this comes by encounter and adventure: following the doctrine of Epicurus, (the doctor of Atheists, and master of Ignorance) who esteems, that all things are done and come to pass by Fortune, and the meeting and encountering of atoms. But if Machiavelli believed, that those things came by the disposition and establishment of a sovereign cause (as common sense hath constrained Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, and all the other Philosophers which have had any knowledge, to The order which is in nature, showeth us, that there is one God. confess it) he would believe there is one God, who ruleth & governeth the world, and all things within it. And if he believe there is one God, he would also believe, that men ought to honour him as the sovereign governor; and that he will not be mocked of his creatures: And therefore will not he give such precepts, to make a show to be devout, and not to be. For what is it to mock God, if that be not? But they that learn such lessons of Atheism, and which put out their eyes, that they may not see so clear a light, and which take pleasure to be ignorant of that which (as Cicero saith) even nature itself teacheth the most barbarous nations, That there is a God which governeth all things; let them (I say) know, that if they will not know God well, God will well know them, and will make them well feel, that such as spit against heaven, shall spit against themselves; when they shall feel how heavy his hand weigheth, then shall they know, that there is a God, a revenger of them which reverence him not, but this knowledge shall be to their confusion and ruin. Many Atheists have been seen, which of a brutish boldness have made a mock of God: but it was never seen, that they felt not the punishment and vengeance of their audaciousness and impiety, as hereafter we will show by examples. Yet we have cause greatly to deplore the misery and calamity of the time wherein we are, which is so infected with Atheists, and contemners of God and of all Religion, that Atheists esteemed serviceable men. even they, which have no religion, are best esteemed, and are called in the court-language, people of service: because being fraughted with all impiety and Atheism, and having well studied their Machiavelli, which they know upon their fingers, they make no scruple nor conscience at any thing. Command them to slay and massacre, they slay and massacre; command them to rob and spoil good Catholics, and Clergy men, they rob and spoil all. They hold benefices with soldiers garments and short cloaks, yet exercise no Religion, nor cares, but for the gain thereof. Command them to enterprise the betraying or empoisoning of this or that person, they make no scruple at it: yea, they themselves excogitate and devise all wickedness and impieties, as the invention of so many new imposts upon the poor people, which they destroy and cause to die with hunger, without having any commiseration Atheists inventors of imposts. or compassion upon them, no more than upon brute beasts. Not many years ago, did not they invent the impost of processes, and contentions of law in France? by the means of which impost, a poor man cannot seek by law to recover his own, unless before hand he pay the said impost, and that he showed his acquittance. But by the means of that generous prince of Conde (of happy memory) it was taken away, by his complaints against these Atheists, inventors of such novelties, which both by nation and religion are Machiavelistes. Have not they also invented new customs tributes, and imposts upon paper, upon Inns, to be paid by travelers, upon the sales of exemptions for lodging soldiers, of wardships, of marriages, of Consulships, Syndikes, and other such like, which cannot be devised but by impious people, which have neither love to their neighbour, nor to their country? the impost of the small seal, for sealing of contracts, came it not from the same forge? If it had not been for the Evangelikes (which alone hitherto durst open their mouths to complain of these horseleeches and bloodsuckers) had they not lately made laws and coined edicts to command tributes and sums of money for each child that should be baptized? likewise to levy the twentieth part of every woman's dowry and marriage, upon the first conclusion of every marriage, yea, although after they break off again? Have they not established the vent and sale of offices of judgement, and so brought that now into common use, which was utterly abolished by the general Estates at Orleans? have not they devised the offices of Counsellors without wages within bailiwicks and Stewardships, and all for silver? Have they not, and yet every day do they not cause the value of money to be augmented for their own profit? for after that by the means of their banks, fermes, and other their dealings in the realm, they have gathered great heaps of money, they can at their pleasure enhance the value thereof, both in their hands and out of their hands. Yet none complains thereof. But in the end it will produce and bring forth some great disorder and confusion (as hath sometimes been seen for like actions) for the reasons well enough known to wise people. As for peace, these people never like of (for they fish always in a troubled water) gathering riches and heaps of the treasures of the Realm, whilst it is in trouble and confusion. They always have in their mouths their goodly Maxims of their Machiavelli, to impeach and hinder a good peace. A prince (say they) must cause himself to be feared, rather than loved: & this must be held as a resolved point. But if a peace be accorded to these rebels, such as they desire, than would it seem that the king were afraid of his subjects, whereas he should make himself to be feared. True it is, that if such a peace could be made with them, as it might again procure another S. Bartholomew's journey, nothing were so good & pleasant as that. For that is another resolved point and Maxim, That a prince ought not to hold any faith or promise, but so far, as concerns his profit: and that he ought to know how to counterfeit the fox, to catch and entrap other beasts, and as soon as he hath them in his nets, to play the lion in slaying & devouring them. We have set down unto us that goodly example of Caesar Borgia, who in our country could so well counterfeit the said two beasts. Behold here the language and dealings of our Machiavelistes, which at this day men call people of Service: for that there is no wickedness in the world so strange and detestable, but they will enterprise, invent, and put it in execution, if they can. From whence comes it, that they be thus inclined to all wickedness? It is because they are Atheists, contemners of God, neither believing there is a God which Atheists incline to all wickedness, because they fear not the punishment of God. seethe what they do, nor that aught to punish them. It is that goodly doctrine of Machiavelli, which amongst other things complains so much, that men cannot be altogether wicked (as we shall touch in his place.) These good disciples (seeing that their master found this imperfection amongst men, that they could not show themselves altogether and in all things wicked) do seek by all means to attain a degree of perfect wickedness. And indeed they have so well studied and profited in their master's school, and can so well practise his Maxims, that none can deny, but they are come unto the highest degree of wickedness. What need men then to be abashed, if they see in the world, and especially in this poor kingdom of France, such famine, pestilence, wars, the father to band against his son, brother against his brother, they of the same Religion one against another, with all hatred, envy, disloyalty, treasons, perfidies, conspirations, empoysonments, & other great sins to reign? Is there any marvel if the people go to wrack, the Clergy be impoverished, the Nobility almost extinct? For it is the first judgement and vengeance of God, which he exerciseth against us: because some are filled with all impiety and Atheism, which they have learned of Machiavelli: and others which should resist such impieties, lest they should take root, do suffer them to increase & augment. So that indeed all men are culpable of Atheism, impiety, of the despite of God and Religion, which at this day reigneth. Therefore most righteously doth God punish us all. For Atheism and impiety is so detestable and abominable before Impiety punished of God. God, that it never remaineth unpunished. The Emperor Caius Caligula was a great Atheist and contemner of God. He was cunning enough to practise Machiavelli his Maxims. For, to counterfeit his Suet. in Cal. cap. 51. Dion in Calig. devotion, he caused to be bruited, That he often spoke with jupiter; and that he had great familiarity with Castor and Pollux, which he said were his brethren; and that he had good acquaintance with the Moon: by this means he not only persuaded the people that he was very devout, but also that (by the means of that privity with the gods) he participated even the divinity with them: & yet never man more boldly despised all divinity than he. But consider what such kind of people are: there was never cowardly beast more fearful than this wicked Atheist; as soon as he heard it thunder (saith Suetonius) he would cover and quickly wrap his head, and hide him in and under his bed. I pray you what other thing was this but an extreme fear of conscience, when he hears the thundering and resounding voice of him whom he contemneth? One day being beyond the Rhine, with a great and puissaut army, as he passed over a little strait on foot, one that was nigh him began to say unto him; Sir if now the enemy should appear and show himself, we could not be without fear? What then did this cowardly Atheist? at that word he strait mounted on horseback, and fled as fast as he could. But as he was cowardly, so was he very cruel, and so shall you almost ordinarily find in these Atheists, both cruelty and cowardice together. In the end God sent him his due reward, for he endured not long, but was massacred and slain by Cassius Chaerea and Cornelius Sabinus, captains of his guard, whereby this wicked contemner of God, felt the just divine vengeance, and so knew he, that he was a mortal man, and not God, that caused himself to be worshipped as a God. Dion writeth, That after his death some did eat of his flesh, to prove if the flesh of the gods were of a good taste. The emperor Phillipus (who reigned in the primitive Christian church) was a wicked Arabian, who had no fear of God, but was the most cruel and wicked of the Pompo. Laetus in Philli. world, as commonly Arabians are: yet to cover his vices & wickedness, he did that which Machiavelli commandeth a Prince here; for he feigned to be a Christian, and something favoured the Christian Religion, which before had been greatly persecuted; but God soon punished this dissimulation and hypocrisy, for he reigned but five years, and by his soldiers was massacred, both he and his son, at Verone. The emperor julian (who was called the Apostata) all the time of his youth, in the time of Constantine the Great his uncle, was instructed in the Christian Religion: Pompo. Laetus in juli. Am. Marel, lib, 21 & 2●. but upon a foolish curiosity, he gave himself to diviners and sorcerers, to know things to come, which made him forsake the Christian Religion: yet he always feigned himself to be a Christian, because for the most part, the nobility and the men of war were so; therefore to please them, he often went unto the Christians Churches, and there used the exercises of their Religion. After he was created emperor in the town of Paris, and had set a sure foot in the empire, he began to discover that which he had always kept in his heart: that is, To make open the Temples for Images, and to set up the Paynims Religion, which Constantine the Great had suppressed, and to establish their sacrifices: and although he durst not prohibit the exercise of Christian Religion, yet under hand he sought by all means to destroy it: for he forbade that any should receive any Christians to be regents, and balemaisters, and caused to be sown all manner of partialities and divisions (that he could) amongst christian's. Finally after he had reigned by the space of a year and seven months, he was slain of the age of two and thirty years, making war against the Persians. Some writ, That as he died, he blasphemed despitefully against Christ, crying: Thou hast vanquished thou Galilaean. Behold the unhappy end of this Atheist and Apostata. It is commonly seen, That such men as have no God, do give themselves to sorcerers and diviners: for of necessity they must have a master, and after they have forsaken God, they must needs take the devil for their master and governor. The emperor Bassianus Caracalla being a true contemner of God, fell to delight in magic and witchery: insomuch, that by the art of necromancy he would needs Dion in Anto. Caracalla. Herod. lib. 4. cause to come unto him the soul of his father Severus, and the emperor Commodus, to know of them if he should recover of the disease whereof he was sick. The soul of his father (or rather some evil spirit) appeared to him, holding a naked sword in his hand, but spoke not a word unto him: but that of Commodus appearing also, said unto him these words: Get thee to the gallows. Being in warfare in Mesopotamia, he had two lieutenants general, Audentius and Macrinus, which he incessantly outraged and mocked, so that neither of them greatly trusted him: he had also at Rome one Maternianus, who executed all his affairs, whom he much trusted: therefore he sent unto him a command, to assemble all the diviners, sorcerers, and necromancers, that could be found, to consult together, and so search out, if any secret enterprise were intended or practised against him. Maternianus executed his commandment, and upon a consultation of them, they made answer that Macrinus had determined to slay the emperor Bassianus. Maternianus (which before loved not Macrinus) failed not to advertise the emperor hereof: but the packet of letters was presented unto him at a certain hour, when he was very attentive, and given to take his pastime: insomuch, as he commanded Macrinus his lieutenant, who was by, to take the packet, and open it, to tell him the substance of them after, at some hour of Counsel. Macrinus took the packet, and opened it, within which he found many letters, speaking of many of his affairs: and amongst others, one was found, containing there solution of the said consultation. Macrinus then was much abashed, and joyful withal: abashed he was, that the said deceiving diviners and necromancers laid to his charge a thing, whereof he never thought. joyful also he was, that that letter fell not into the emperors hands, whom he knew to be very cruel, and ready to execute his choler. Therefore he hide from him this letter, and showed him the other: but thinking of his own cause, he resolved to slay his master, rather than to attend whilst he were slain himself, and the sooner, for fear Maternianus should write again of the same cause. Macrinus then suborned a captain of certain footmen called Martialis (which also had himself a quarrel to the emperor) to slay him: who espying one day the emperor going out of the way to empty his body, he slew him with many pricks of a dagger. So that a man may say, that it was the devil which played him this part, because he trusted in diviners and necromancers. For had it not been, that consultation, whereby Macrinus was brought in peril of his life, he durst never have enterprised that which he did. But necessity makes men enterprise, yea even the most cowards. The year 1411 the lord de Rays in Bretaigne, marshal of France, to come unto Monstr. lib. 2. cap. 248. great estate and honours, gave himself to sorcery and negromancy, and caused many little children to be slain for their blood, wherewith he writ his devilish invocations. The devil brought him to that greatness and height, that he was taken prisoner by the command of the duke of Bretaigne, who caused his indictment to be made, and he was publicly burned at Nantes. There may be alleged infinite examples of the judgements of God exercised against Atheists, contemners of God and of all religion, yea even in our time, as of that tragical Poet jodellius, whose end was truly tragical, having like an Epicurean eaten and drunken his patrimony, he miserably died through hunger. Lignerolles' also, the courtier, who to make it appear that he was a man of service, in court made an open profession of Atheism: and what was his end? Certain it is, that from whence he looked for his advancement, he received his merited ruin and destruction. And la Land, Bissy Gaiscon, and others (which I will not name for the respect I have of their parents) had they not unlucky ends, after they had emptied and spoiled themselves of all piety and Religion? But I will not stay here to make plain so clear a thing of itself: yet would I set down one example very notable for hypocrites which make themselves great Zelators of the holy mother church, and under False Zelators of the ancient Religion▪ spoiless & wicked. that pretext and colour, they bring into ruin and combustion their own country, saying, That men ought inviolably to keep the Religion of his predecessors: and in the mean while, their hearts tend to no other purpose but to spoil, saccage, and enrich themselves with the public ruin. josephus rehearseth: That in the time of the emperor Claudius, and the emperor Nero, the jews raised up many civil wars in judea and Samaria, & that so customably, joseph. de bello. Judaico. lib. 4. cap. 5. & lib. 7. that they made no account of any other occupation, but to live by booties & rapines; so that Vespasian, lieutenant general for the emperor Nero, was sent against them with a great army: all the wickedest men of the country which were worth nothing, and which could not live but of the good men, gathered themselves together, & called themselves Zelators; saying, they would fight for the Temple of jerusalem, & for the conservation of that Religion, which they had received and learned of their forefathers; and that (to die for it) they would not permit any other Religion to be received and exercised in their countries, but their own that was anciently used from hand to hand, of their ancestors, since Moses and Abraham. Under the show of this goodly name of Zelators, and under colour of this boasting, that they would fight & die for the conservation of their ancient Religion, they take up arms and elected for captains the worst persons they could find amongst them. Vespasian many times caused it to be told them (even by josephus who writ this history, and was of their own nation, and had been a captain) that he would change nothing of their Religion, but maintain them therein, and in all their liberties and franchises: but (like very hypocrites and liars) they thinking one thing with their hearts, and saying another with their mouths, would never hearken unto peace in any sort, nor upon any condition whatsoever. Vespasian seeing their stubborness, was constrained to war upon them in all extremity, which endured long, yea until he came to the empire, after the deaths of Nero, Galba, Otho and Vitellius, which reigned not long. Finally these goodly Zelators, which would never hearken unto peace, by their obstinacy came to such an extremity, that they themselves set their temple on fire in jerusalem (for the conservation whereof they said they fought) and burned it wholly; they overthrew also both themselves and their Religion, for which they bore arms, and committed a thousand sorts of cruelties & impieties, saying they fought for piety. Briefly, this devout zeal which they bragged they had to the ancient Religion of their fathers (although they had but a masking and false countenance thereof) was cause of the ruin of jerusalem, and of all the country, and of the death of a million of men. A prince than must take an other manner of resolution, than that whereof Machiavelli speaketh; namely, That he resolve himself to fear God, and to serve him with an heart, pure, and without dissimulation, according to his holy commandments, in doing the exercises of the true & pure Religion of God, which is the Christian: if he do this, God will bless him, and make him prosper in his affairs. Hereof there may be alleged many examples; I will content myself with a few of the most notable. Godliness blessed of God. The emperor Marcus Antonius the philosopher, a prince both good and wise, Xiphil. apud Dionin Marco. Anto. Capitol. in Mar. though a Painim, making war against the Marcomanes and Quadiens, people of Alemaigne, was once with all his army in a very great danger and peril, being enclosed in a withered and dry country, where his soldiers for lack of water died of drought: insomuch as his enemies keeping the passage, intended to vanquish them without any stroke striking. By hap (or rather by God's providence) the emperor had in his army a legion of Christians, and it was told him by his lieutenant general, That he had heard say, that those Christians by their prayers, obtained of God whatsoever they demanded: which the emperor understanding, addressed himself to them of that legion (which was a good zeal in the Painim, though without knowledge, and prayed them that they would pray unto their God for the salvation of his army: Which presently they did with a good heart; desiring God, in the name of jesus Christ our Saviour, to conserve that army, and the emperor their prince, and to draw them from the danger wherein they were. Soon after their prayers, God hearing them, sent presently a terrible lightning upon the enemies, and a great rain fell upon the Roman soldiers, who had died of thirst, but that they received the rain upon the hollow bottoms of their targets, bucklers, and morrions. In somuch that the God of hosts fight for them, they got the victory without stroke striking, clean contrary from that the Marcomans & Quadiens looked for: whereupon the emperor was much ravished with admiration, and after greatly honoured the Christians. Constantine the Great, the first Christian emperor, besides that he overcame Licinius and Maxentius, great enemies of the Christian Religion, he also obtained Pomp. Laetus in Licinio & Constantino. many goodly and triumphant victories against the Sarmats, Goths, and Scythians, happy he was and victorious, because he had the fear of God and the Christian Religion, in exceeding great honour and reverence. As much may we say of the emperor Theodosius, justinian, and other Christians. As much may we say of our kings of Paul. Aemil. lib. 1. & 2. Egninartus in Carolo magno. France, Charles Martell, and Charlemagne, which prospered in the wars they had against the high Almans, Saxons, Frisons, and against the Goths, Huns, Visegoths, Lombard's, and Saracens, all which were then paynim and infidels; of which they obtained great victories, and brought them to be subject unto their obedience. This grace came not to them to be such victors by their own forces, seeing their enemies were far stronger than they, considering their forces and number of armed people: but that grace came unto them by the favour of God, whom they served without feinednesse and hypocrisy, having the Christian Religion in great and singular recommendation and reverence. As much may we say also generally, of the most part of our French kings. For amongst them we find none such as Caligula, Caracalla, or such other monsters full of impiety and Atheism, till lately some few have been found, not much inferior unto them. David was marvelous happy in war, and always victorious over his enemies, because he was a good prince, fearing God, and honouring his holy Religion. Solomon his son, as long as he, served God sincerely, without feigning and hypocrisy, he prospered very well and mervailously in a great and happy peace, and none durst stir him. But as soon as he begun to practise the doctrine which Machiavelli teacheth, namely, To have a feigned and dissembled Religion and devotion, strait had he enemies on his head, which rose up against him: as Adad the 2. Kin. ca 11. Edomite, and Razin, which made war upon him. So, generally may be said of all the kings of juda and of Israel, one after another. That God hath always caused to prosper, such as were pure and sincere in Religion, and which have had his service in recommendation: and contrary, upon such as were impure, and hypocrites in Religion, he hath heaped ruins, calamities, and other vengeances. But I pray you consider a little, the reason wherewith Machiavelli proveth his Maxim. Because (saith he) the people looketh but at the exterior and outward show of things, it is sufficient, that the prince show himself outwardly devout, although he be not devout at all. Ought Religion then to serve for nothing but to please and be agreeable unto the people? or ought it not rather to serve, to make men agreeable to God? But how wouldst thou that God should like and take pleasure in thy Religion (he that sees the bottom of thy heart, and soundeth the deepest of thy thoughts) if it be similed and feigned, and that thou be'st an hypocri●e? Neither may Machiavelli, nor the Machiavelistes (that is to say, the Atheists of our time) think men so senseless and gross, as they cannot soon discover their hypocrisies and dissimulations. Many there are in the world, which think by their subtleties and dissemble to be covered and hid, yet are sufficiently known: and how craftily soever they do it, all the world knoweth, there is nothing but impiety and wickedness in their hearts. Suppose therefore these simulations and hypocrisies come to be discovered in a prince, I pray you into what honour and reputation will he fall? Shall he not be mocked, blamed, and despised of his subjects. If seeing himself discovered, he make an open profession of impiety and of Atheism (as we see many persons there are which do it, because they cannot longer hide their impiety) shall not this be publicly to authorize all impletie and despite of God and of all Religion? For certain it is, That men (which are naturally more inclined to evil than to good) when they see their prince follow that course, will do as he doth: because ordinarily subjects do conform themselves to the manners and conditions of the prince. Behold then the consequence of that most wicked and detestable doctrine of that wicked Atheist, which is to bring all people to a despite and a mockery of God, and his Religion, and of all holy things, and to let go the bridle to all vices and villainies. From which, God keep us by his grace, and destroy all them, which teach so wicked doctrines, if they will not amend; as certainly he will do, and so let them look for. 2. Maxim. A Prince ought to sustain and confirm that which is false in Religion, if so be it turn to the favour thereof. SAge and prudent princes (saith Machiavelli) do countenance Discourse, lib. 1. cap. 12, 13, 14. and allow false miracles; because always they are means to augment the people's devotion. For when the people seethe, that the prince approoveth them, none makes any difficulty to believe them after him. Christian princes also should therein imitate the old Romans, which by deceitful miracles, feigned false revelations to encourage their soldiers to execute some enterprise, and to cause their subjects to obey their ordinances. For they caused to publish, either that they had read in the books of the Sibyls, or that they had consulted with the Oracle of Apollo, or that they had had such or such a revelation, or else that the flight of birds, or other like tokens, had signified unto them a good augure or divination: insomuch, that the people being persuaded, they were true, and denounced of their gods, they obeyed with great good will, that which was commanded them by their captains and magistrates, as if the gods themselves had commanded ●hem. In the mean while the Roman heads and captains knew of what account this merchandise was. THis Atheist after he hath given the prince a document, To hold all Religion in his heart as a mockery, and only to show outwardly a fair semblant and countenance of devotion; now passeth he further, and desires, That the prince should maintain falseness in Religion. I pray you, can there be found in the world a greater impiety and wickedness than this? Are we not beholden to them that have authorized and given countenance unto the writings of this stinking Atheist: yea, unto them, which have into the French made two or three translations, the better to empoison that nation. Certain it is, That the truth in all Falseness incompatible with Religion. things is very commendable, but most especially, when it deals in causes and matters of Religion. For since that Religion is the thing, which (according to the ancients definition) bindeth us with God, how can falseness, her contrary, bind and unite us with God, who is truth itself? Is darkness conpatible and sociable with light, or the obscure shadow with the Sun? Nay rather, we always see, that darkness vanisheth and disperseth away by the light, the shadow also flieth the Sun, and hideth itself always behind some opposite. Therefore have the ancient doctors of the Church said and held for a principle of Theology, That much better it were, a scandal and offence should come, than that Truth should be forsaken. Which sentence even the Popes themselves have caused to be placed amongst their rules of Cannon right, and would to God they had observed it. But I see well it is to no purpose to allege reasons against this Atheist and his Reg. 1. de Reg. juris in VI disciples, which believe neither God nor Religion: wherefore, before I pass any further, I must fight against their impiety, and make it appear to their eyes (at the least if they have any) not by assailing them with arms of the holy Scripture, (for they merit not to be so assailed, and I fear to pollute the holy Scriptures amongst people so profane and defiled with impiety) but by their proper arms and weapons, whereby their ignorance and beastliness, defendeth their renewed Atheism. They then took for a foundation, human reason, and profane and Paynim authors: but in truth both the one and the other foundation, are so much against them, as even by them I will prove our Christian Religion. For first, if we consider the least creature in the world, and sound the causes of his essence and nature, it will Every creature leadeth man to God. lead us by degrees to one God. Take an aunt or a fly, and consider the causes which makes these little creatures move; you shall find it is heat and moisture, which are two qualities consisting in all living creatures, nourishers of nature: for assoon as heat & moisture fail in any living thing, it can no more live, nor move, & strait is the body occupied with contrary qualities, coldness and drought, the enemies of nature. Mount and ascend up higher, and consider what is the cause, that in the little body of an aunt or fly, there are found the two qualities of heat and moisture; you shall find, that it is because all living creatures are composed of the four elements, of fire, of air, of water and of earth, in which, the said four qualities, of heat, moisture, cold, and dryness do consist; and whilst heat and moisture reign in the body, it liveth; but when cold and drought do domineer therein, than dieth it. Consider further what is the cause of the heat and the moisture, and the other qualities which we see in the four elements, and in the bodies made of them; you shall find that the Sun is cause of the heat, and the Moon cause of the moisture, as sense and experience show it. Let us yet pass further, and seek the cause wherefore the Sun is hot, and the Moon moist, and from whence come unto them these qualities of heat and moisture: we must necessarily now come to a first and sovereign cause, which is one God: for the Sun or Moon (which are corporal and finite things, as we see with our eyes) cannot be God, who is of infinite essence. Behold then how the least creature of the world, is sufficient to vanquish by natural reason the opinion of the Atheists: how much more if we come to consider other creatures, and especially the composition of man's body? for there shall you contemplate without going any further, so well ordered a rule, that of necessity must be concluded, That there is a most ingenious and excellent workman (other than the Sun and Moon) which hath disposed that architecture and building: for within man's body you shall see appear an harmony, very like a well governed commonwealth: you see the mind and understanding of man, which is as the king that is set in the highest place, as in his throne, and from thence commandeth all the parts: you see also the heart, the seat of amity, clemency, bounty, kindness, magnanimity, and other virtues, all which obey the understanding as their king, but the heart as the great master, hath them all under his charge: it hath also under his charge, envy, hatred, vengeance, ambition, and other vices which lodge in the heart, but they are holden, mewed, and bridled, by the understanding: after, you have the liver which is the superintendant of victuals, which it distributeth unto all the parts of the body, by the means of his subaltern and inferior officers, as the belly, & veins, and other pores and passages of the body: briefly, a man may see within man, an admirable and well ordained disposition of all the parts, and it brings us necessarily, and whether we will or no, to acknowledge, that there must needs be a God, a sovereign architect, who hath made this excellent building: and by these considerations of natural things, (whereof I do but lightly touch the points) the ancient philosophers, as the Platonists, the Aristotelians, Stoics, and others, have been brought to the knowledge of a God, and of his providence: and of all the sects of philosophers, there was never any, which agreed not hereunto, unless it were the sect of the Epicures, which were gluttons, drunkards, & whoremongers, which constituted their sovereign felicity in carnal pleasures, wherein they wallowed like brute beasts. Out of this school, Machiavelli and the Machiavelists come, which are well enough known to be all very Epicureans in their lives, caring for nothing but their pleasures; which also have no knowledge of good letters, contenting themselves with the Maxims of that wicked Atheist. Touching the doctrine of the Trinity which we hold, it must be confessed, that the philosophers understood nothing thereof: and that by human reason we can not well be lead to the knowledge thereof: but this knowledge is manifested unto us by the witnesses of God himself, which are so clear and evident in the holy scripture, as nothing can be more: but I have no purpose here to recite them; yet will I say: That the doctrine which I hold in this place; is not repugnant nor contrary unto The doctrine of the Trinity is not repugnant to human reason. human reason, but consonant enough, although the ancient philosophers have not penitrated so far. For by their own Maxims a very true thing it is, That God (who is an eternal and infinite spirit) is not passable of any qualities or accidens: so that, that which is a quality in men, as bounty, love, wisdom, an essence in God. This presupposed, as a thing confessed of the philosophers themselves; it followeth, That, that infinite & admirable wisdom, whereby God knoweth himself, is an essence, and not a quality in God: yea it is one & the same essence, yet is it a distinct subsistence or hypostasis, from him. For, the Wise, and Wisdom, cannot be without distinction. This Wisdom then, is the second person of the Trinity; which the scripture calleth the Word, or the Son. Neither also is it repugnant to human reason, to say, That these two persons in one and the same essence, have an infinite and mutual Intelligence together: which Intelligence proceedeth equally from two persons, the Father and the Son, as they are of equal essence, yet can not be confounded with them, although the said Intelligence be the same essence: for Intelligens (understanding) and Intelligentia (the understanding) ought to be distinguished. This Intelligence is the third person of the Trinity, which the scripture calleth the holy Spirit. Behold then, how man's brain may something comprehend by natural reason, the doctrine which we hold of the Trinity, by a rude and gross description, which is like to that which the Geographers take to portray all the earth; namely, in five or six gross lines, in a paper of an hand breadth. For the knowledge that our sense can have of so high a thing, is far less in comparison of the full truth thereof, than is such a portraiture of the Geographers in comparison of all the earth: and therefore will I well confess, that we neither need nor ought much to travail, to dispute by human reason, of so high a thing, which of itself is infinite and incomprehensible to our senses and understanding; and that they which do least dispute with philosophical reasons, are most wise & most modest; and that we ought wholly to hold and resolve upon that which is written by & in the holy Scripture. But having to do with Atheists, which receive not the witnesses of the word of God, it hath made me show in few words, That even by human reason itself, they may be vanquished by the truth of that doctrine which we hold. Let us now come to another point. Natural reason, and common sense teacheth us, That there is one God, and that he is perfect in all perfection, for otherwise he could not be God: this is a point resolved. Hereof necessarily followeth it, That God is perfect just, and perfect merciful. Being perfectly just, by the rule of justice, he must needs condemn and reject all mankind: for all men generally are vicious, and vice meriteth condemnation: but if God should condemn and reject all mankind, it should be repugnant to his mercy, which also ought to be perfect with effect. How then? shall we say, that God cannot be perfectly just and merciful together, because it seemeth that his mercy repugneth his justice? God forbidden that such blasphemy should proceed out of our mouths. But we say: That thereby, natural reason leads us to a Mediator, who being God and perfect, hath satisfied the Divine justice: which satisfaction God the creator accepteth of mankind, because the mediator is man also: and by the means of this great mediator God and man, which the creator hath given us, he hath showed himself perfectly just, in receiving of him a satisfaction condign to his justice, and perfectly merciful in pardoning us for his sake: without which mediator we evidently see, that God cannot show himself perfectly just and merciful together, that is to say, that he cannot show himself to be God, for the Father cannot be without the son. It is then a true demonstration drawn from most certain and evident principles: There is one God, therefore he is perfect. If God be perfect (as no doubt he is) he is then perfectly just and merciful, but he cannot be both, without a mediator God and man. Euclid nor Archimedes ever made more certainer demonstrations. But this mediator which the creator hath given to men, to make manifest his perfect justice & perfect mercy, is his eternal Son, the wisdom of the father; in favour of whom, as well before he came into the world, and had taken our nature, as since, men have enjoyed the mercy and clemency of God, in employing that mediator, to satisfy the justice of God. This mediator was promised and established to men from the beginning of the world, and since that, his promises have been so often reiterated, that not only they have been notorious to the particular people of God, which followed the true Religion, but also to other people which follow false Religion. The Historiographer Suetonius (a Paynim, who never read any part of holy Scripture) speaking of Vespasian, as though it were a vulgar and common thing, saith thus: Through all the East countries always there hath been a constant and ancient opinion, as a thing certain, that it was so ordained and foretold of God, That from judea should come the dominator and ruler of the world. As much saith the Historian Tacitus (a Paynim also that never saw holy letters) when he said (speaking of the same time of Vespasian:) Many have this persuasion, that within the spirits and writings of the ancient priests was contained, that at that time the East should be in great power, and that from judea should come the dominator of the world. By which witnesses of these two Historigraphers, is clearly seen, that the promise of Messias the dominator of the world, was known to every one: but not only the Paynims, but the jews also themselves understand this of a temporal domination: and indeed these two former historiographers, and josephus himself Joseph. lib. 7. cap. 12. de bell Juda. (who was a jew interpreted this prophecy of Messias) of Vespasian, who was created emperor of the Roman empire, being in jewrie in war against the jews. But this foolish and rash interpretation, is nothing excusable in josephus, who vaunteth that he himself was cunning, foretelling things to come, and in the knowledge of the books of Moses, and of the other Prophets: for all the Prophets do all clearly say, That Messias ought to be borne of the race of Abraham, of juda, and of David: yea especially and plainly, the place itself where he should be borne, that is to say, in Bethlem, a little town of the tribe of juda. But josephus knew well that Vespasian was neither of that race, nor borne in the town of Bethlem: but we must believe that josephus understood better than he writ, and that falsely he attributed that prophecy of Messias, to the emperor Vespasian, upon a flattering humour, because he had received so many great favours and benefits of him. And as for that which Tacitus and Suetonius, have attributed unto the emperor Miracles of Christ attributed unto Princes. Vespasian that prophecy, rather than to Christ, men must not marvel thereat, for they were great enemies of Christ, as is seen by many other places of their history. With the same faith Tacitus saith, That the emperor Vespasian being in jewry, healed a blind man which saw nothing, with his spittle: and another which had a dry Tacit. annal. ●ib. 20. hand, wherewith he could not help himself: for these indeed were the miracles of Christ, which these profane historians would steal from him, to attribute unto Dion in Vesp. their emperors. And the better to discover their theft, by their own writings, we must first mark, that Tacitus himself saith, That the blind man coming to Vespasian, and falling on his knees before him, said, and declared unto him, that he had had a revelation from the god Serapis, to address himself unto him: of which god, Tacitus himself saith, that even in his time none knew his original at Rome. But these paynim (which knew not Christ nor any Christian religion, but a little by hearsay) did think that the Christians adored that pretended god Serapis, as is seen by a missive which the emperor Adrian writ to Servianus consul, recited by Vopiscus, Vopis●us in Saturnina. by whom it is said expressly, That in the town of Alexandria, they which worshipped Serapis were Christians. So that hereby we may know, even by Tacitus his own confession, that the author of that miracle to heal the blind man, was that God which the Christians adored, which was Christ, and not Serapis. But as ordinarily it happeneth, things that are done in far countries, are disguised by such as tell them; so must we understand, that men spoke well all over the world of the miracles which Christ and his Apostles had done in judea, and in places thereabout, but they disguised them, attributing them to strange gods, and to profane men, and never accounted them as the very truth was. Of the same stamp is that which Suetonius writeth, saying that Vespasian healed one which was lame and impotent in his thigh; Sueton. in Vesp. cap, 7. and a blind man also who had a revelation of Serapis, to go for his help to Vespasian. That also which Spartianus writeth in the life of the emperor Adrian, That a blind woman recovered her sight in kissing his knees; and one blind-borne, recovered his sight in only touching him; and by that means Adrian lost a fever, which he then had. For we may easily see, that these were Christ's miracles, or his Apostles, which the Paynims would feign steal from them, to and for their princes, as also to persuade the world, that there was no divinity in them. For a resolution then of this point, the promises of Messias have been known through the world, as also his coming, even to the Paynims. For profane authors do often make mention of Christ, even Tacitus, who saith, That Christ was put to death in the time of the emperor Tacit. Annal. lib. 15. Tiberius, by Pontius Pilate, his lieutenant in judaea. Behold then how the principal points of our Christian Religion may be proved by human reason and profane authors, so great and resplendent was, and is that light. For our religion herein may summarily be comprehended, To believe in God, and in him which he hath sent, jesus Christ our Saviour. If these Atheists then, will put out their own eyes, to the end they may not know God and the Christian Religion, neither by holy Scriptures nor by human reason, nor by the witness of profane authors, which speak thereof, as of a thing divulged and notorious through all the world; we know not how to do any other thing, but to leave them as desperate persons to welter in their ignorance, brutality and darkness, till God by his just judgement have sunk them into the bottomless pit. Now to come to our Maxim: We say, That to maintain falseness in Religion, is to tread God and his Religion under their feet. Yet true it is, that the ancient Romans have approved and maintained the falseness of Oracles, although it were not falseness invented by men, but very diabolical illusions, as shall be said in another place. True it is also, that they sustained and allowed the books of the Sibyls, and the augurs, taken by the flight of birds, and such other follies. But these proceeded from the want of knowledge of the true Religion, and for that they suffered themselves to be guided by the Paynim Religion; which consisted in vain ceremonies and foolish lies. Yet notwithstanding, whensoever by good reason they could know, that any falseness had slided into their religion, they maintained it not, but took it away. An example hereof is this. The religion of Bacchus was first brought into Rome by a Grecian priest, who made sacrifices and ceremonies in the night time, and at the beginning, women only assisted, and were present there, who after their sacrifices banqueted together. The Romans thinking no harm, suffered it for a time: but in succession of time men also resorted thither with women, pell mel, (as they say) and brought thither a new ceremony; namely, to put out candles, and ring bells, to the end, none might hear such as cried, when they were forced and ravished. There was all villainy committed, not only towards all sort of women, but also towards young boys. The Consuls and Senate having discovered this, proceeded criminally against them which were found in such assemblies, as guilty of the ravishments of women and of sodometry: and there were found culpable hereof more than seven thousand, whereof the most part fled, and some slew themselves, others were executed by justice; and an edict was made; Forbidding all sacrifices from thenceforth to be made unto Bacchus. Even natural reason, made those poor Paynims, which were ignorant of Religion, to understand, that, that Religion could not be true, but is false and rejectable, which containeth in it any punishable crime. And if they could also have known the other falsities of their Religion, as well as this, I believe they would have cut them of, whatsoever Machiavelli saith. But in points of Religion, we may not any thing stay ourselves upon that which the ancient Romans have done, or said, unless we will seek light in the darkness. In the year 1509 (about twenty years before the Canton of Berne had forsaken Munst. lib. 3. d● Geograpsis the Papal Religion) the jacobins of Berne would have introducted certain new miracles, devised by Apostata persons, to draw unto them the devotion and offerings of people. But that signory would not follow the doctrine of Machiavelli, to approve such false miracles, but by burning, executed good justice upon the authors thereof. In the year 1534, the parliament of Paris condemned certain Friars of Orleans, Sledan, lib. 9 which would falsely have made men believe the apparition of a spirit, who desired (as they said) that there might be good store of Masses said, to deliver him from Purgatory: for it was found out to be but an imposture, deceit, and invention, which the Friars had made to abuse the world, and to draw water to their mills. There were many judgements of the said court of parliament, whereby the falseness Papon in his collections. lib. 1. of relics was condemned and prohibited. As of the image of our Lady, which was painted in an old Table, that had many years remained in a painter's shop for a show: which Table, a Curate nigh unto Paris, bought good cheap, and boring two holes, where the two eyes were of that noble Lady, and at the time when vines weep, placed behind in them two sprigs of the vine tree, so that pitiful Lady wept in the church where she stood, which drew great numbers of pilgrims to that parish: insomuch, that the painter himself and his wife came thither also in great devotion, who had sold it. But this marred all, that they at last knew it to be the old Table, which had so long kept their shop: by whom the fame of this abuse came to the knowledge of justice, whereby, by the said parliament the Curate was condemned, and the Table burnt. But another time the said Court of parliament of Paris did another thing that seemed something to hold of Machiavels' opinion. For upon a controversy of law which happened betwixt the Clergy men of our Lady in Paris, which said, That they had S. Denis his head, and the Abbots and religious men of S. Denis, which said, That they had the whole body of S. Denis. The Court there gave judgement, That they of S. Denis had the whole body of S. Denis the Athenian, and they of our Lady, the head of S. Denis the Corinthian. So that they both were content, although before, there was never heard of any S. Denis the Corinthian. But that was all one, they provided, that their practice diminished not. If they of Ratisbone in Almaigne had intermeddled with this strife, it would have been hard to have agreed them, or else there must have been supposed a third S. Denis: for they say also, that they have the whole body of S. Denis, and have a declarative sentence of a Pope and his Cardinals, to confirm it (as they say.) But my purpose here, is not to agree them, I only conclude, That it is a damnable and detestable thing to sustain lies and falseness, in whatsoever things, but especially in Religion: for that is to follow the religion of the devil, who is the father of lies. 3. Maxim. The Painim Religion holds and lifts up their hearts, and so makes them hardy to enterprise great things; but the Christian Religion, persuading to humility, humbleth and too much weakeneth their minds, and so makes them more ready to be injured and preyed upon. Entering into consideration, what should be the cause, that Discourse, lib. 2. cap. 5. the force and power of Christians is less than that of the Gentiles, such as were the ancient Grecians and Romans: It seemeth (saith this Atheist Machiavelli) that it was the difference of Religion. For that the Christian Religion makes the honour of the world contemptible and of little estimation, whereas the Gentiles esteemed honour to be the sovereign good, for which to obtain, they had an exceeding great fierceness and hardiness in all their deeds and enterprises. Moreover, the Painim Religion promiseth no happiness; but to such as having fought for their prince, country, and commonweal, were replenished with glory and worldly honours: whereas the Christian Religion promiseth blessedness to such as are humble and contemplative, and to them which despise most, the goods and honours of this world. So (saith he) is it plainly seen, That the Christian Religion hath conducted and brought the world unto that weakness and feebleness that we see it in, delivering it as a prey to the wicked and barbarous people, which as they list, can deal with Christians, and vanquish and bring them under the yoke. Because all Christians, to take the way of Paradise, dispose and arm themselves, rather to receive blows, than to give or take vengeance. And it seemeth, that that which makes Christians so effeminate and cowardly, proceeds only from this, that they esteem more of an idle repose and contemplative life, than the active life. BEhold the Maxim and the reasons, which this most unhappy Atheist hath disgorged in his goodly discourses to blame and altogether to despite the Christian Religion, and to bring us unto Atheism, and to despoil us of all Religion, fear of God, and of all conscience, fear and loyalty, which are taught us by our Christian Religion. But God by his grace preserve us from such a pestilence and contagion, and make us know and shun that execrable poison, wherewith that unhappy man hath infected the heart and spirits of infinite, from whence do pullulate and spring at this day, the evils and calamities which we see in Christendom, and especially in France. For out of doubt, so many evils and mischiefs as we see and feel at this day, and long before, proceed not, but from a just judgement of God, provoked unto wrath against the world, for the contempt of his most holy commandments, and of our most holy Christian Religion. True it is, that our Christian Religion teacheth us, humility towards God. For we ought to acknowledge before his face, that we are poor sinners, and to demand pardon of him, as criminal persons do, which fall on their knees before a prince, begging grace and pardon. We ought also to acknowledge, that the graces we have, proceed from God, and that we ought not to be proud of any good thing in us. Moreover, we ought to be modest and gentle towards our neighbour, and to detest all fierceness and cruelty. But do those things debase and unable the hearts of good men to perform and execute their duties of fortitude and valiantness in war? Doth this Christian humility diminish their generosity? I will ask the resolution of this point of none other, but even of Machiavelli his own nation, which heretofore have come into France, to make war against the Evangelickes. For they have well felt, if the humility of Christians have so much abated the Frenchmens hearts, that they durst not well handle them (as they say) both backs & bellies: yet if they will not confess it; the fields, which are white with their bones, will always give good witness thereof. It is strange, that this villainous Atheist durst utter and send abroad so absurd things, which are so far from all experience and truth. If that which he saith were truth, it should follow, That no Christian prince could stand against Paynim and Infidel princes: but all ancient and modern histories, do they not show us the contrary? The emperor Constantine the great was a very humble Christian prince, yea of that humility (as some writ) as he held the stirrup of the Pope of Rome, till he got on horseback; yet he vanquished Licinius, Emperors and kings Christians victorious of paynim. who was a Paynim emperor with him, and made him forsake the empire, and beside overcame many Paynim nations, as we have said in an other place. The emperor Theodosius was so humble, that being reprehended for a certain fault he had committed, by S. Ambrose bishop of Milan, he debased himself so much to acknowledge his sin, as he went trailing himself upon the ground upon his four feet, from the Church door, unto the place where S. Ambrose administered the Sacrament, and by that means was received to the Communion: yet although he was so humble, he had very great and goodly victories against the Barbarians and Infidels, and against other enemies of the Roman empire. The emperor Valentinian, who was a Christian, vanquished the Goths in Gall: and the emperor justinian, overcame them in Italy, and in Africa. Charlamaine, and many other kings of France, which were both Christians, & very humble, have notwithstanding gained and obtained goodly victories against the Paynims, as we have otherwhere said. The emperor Charles the fift of late memory, obtained also in his time goodly victories in Africa against the Turk. Briefly, this point needs no further to be debated upon. For it is clearly seen, That Machiavelli is a filthy liar to say: That the Christian Religion is the cause, that Christians fall to be a prey unto the Paynims. For contrary, a small number of Christians have often beaten a great number of Goths, Turks, and other Infidels. And it is no more true that which the Machiavelists say: That such as do horribly swear and blaspheme, with Mortdieu, Sangdieu, and such like, do fight better, than they that say Surely and Truly: because (say they) Surely and Truly do effeeblish and weaken men's hearts, for experience showeth in many places, that this is false. When I think upon and consider where Machiavelli hath fished this goodly Maxim, I can hardly be persuaded but he learned it out of the history of Aygolant Annals of the life of Charlemagne. a Paynim king of Africa, of Mahumet's religion: this king was a great and puissant ruler, who demeaned and maintained great wars with Charlemagne king of France, but he was always vanquished, and Charlemagne victorious; so that to escape from the hands of Charlemagne by the cheapest and best means, he could devise none better, than one day to make Charlemagne understand, that he the said Aygolant, would become a Christian, and be baptised: Charlemagne rejoiced thereat, and caused him to come into his lodging, with intent to feast him, & give him good entertainment. When he came in to Charlemagne his lodging, he did see thirteen poor men, beggarly appareled, eating on the ground without cloth, as beggars use to do; which Charlemagne did, to have always before his eyes an image of poverty, to remember Christ and his Apostles, and their humility: Aygolant at the sight of these poor men, desired to know what they were; Charlemagne answered him; These be the servants of God: yea said Aygolant, hath thy God his servants in so evil order, and are thy servants so brave; truly I will never be baptized, to become the servant of thy God, for I will never yield to so base an estate, as I see thy God's servants hold: so Aygolant would not be christened, for the humility he saw in the estate of God his servants. So Machiavelli rejecteth the Christian Religion, because that thereby humility is recommended unto us: but loveth much better the Paynim Religion of Aygolant, because (saith he) it maintaineth the heart, haughty and fierce. And as for that that he saith, That the Christian Religion promiseth not Paradise Christian Religion alloweth not an idle and contemplative life. but to idle & contemplative people, he showeth well that he never knew what Christian Religion meant; for it commandeth us to travail, & not to be idle, and every man loyally to exercise his vocation. Very true it is, that amongst Christians there must be some contemplatives, that is to say, studious people, which give themselves to holy letters, for to teach others: but we find not by the documents of that Religion, That there is allowed any idle contemplation of dreamers, which do no other thing but imagine dreams, and toys, in their brains: but a contemplative life of labouring studious people, is only approved, which give themselves to letters, to teach others: for after they have accomplished their studies, they ought to put in use and action, that which they know; bringing into an active life, that which they have learned by their study in their contemplative life; and they which use this otherwise, follow not the precepts of the true Christian Religion. Touching that which he saith; That the Christian Religion disposeth rather men to receive blows, than to vengeance. I confess that it is true, that our Religion forbiddeth us to take vengeance of our own enmities and particular quarrels, by our own authority; but the way and course of justice is not denied us. And if it were lawful for every one to use vengeance; that should be to introduce a confusion and disorder into the commonwealth, & to enterprise upon the right which belongeth to the magistrate, unto whom God hath given the sword, to do right to every one, and to punish such as are faulty, according to their merits: but what is all this to purpose, touching the generosity of hart that men should have in war? for although a man should not be quarrellous nor vindictative, to find quarrels for needles points, yet will he not cease to perform his duty in warfare, for the service of his prince; yet Men that are not quarrelous, are not the less generous. is there one point in Christians, more than in Paynims, that is; That a Christian being well resolved in his conscience, that he beareth arms for a good and just cause, as for the good of his prince, or of his country, or some such like good cause, he will less esteem of his life, and will more willingly hazard it, than a Paynim or an Infidel will do: because he hath a firm trust and belief, that he shall enjoy the eternal life after this frail life. Caesar writeth, That our ancient Gauls were very generous and warlike, because they held as resolute the immortality of souls, and that they that die, die not at all. How much more than ought Christians to be generous, which not only are resolved of the immortality of souls, but do also know, that God hath prepared for them an eternal rest, an immortal glory, and a perdurable beatitude, with him and his angels? Surely, as the life and eternal felicity are more excellent, than this frail life full of miseries and calamities: so the Christian will never doubt nor fear, to change the one for the other, but with a magnanimous and generous heart, will willingly always bestow his life in a just quarrel. Machiavelli and all his school of Atheists, which have nothing, that so much fears their conscience, as to think of God, have no such mind. They show themselves generous and valiant to execute some massacre, to slay men unarmed, which have no means to defend themselves: but otherwise they are resolute people to hold themselves far from blows. Finally, when Machiavelli saith, That the Christian Religion teacheth us to despise A Christian may desire honour by lawful means. honour, he shows himself a stinking liar. True it is, that a man must distinguish the virtue, and that which is good, from that which is the vice, and the evil which resembleth it. For ambition is a vice which cometh very nigh the desire of good reputation, which good men ought to have. If then a man travail and take pains to come to some estate and greatness by all lawful and unlawful means, and being come thereunto, useth it fiercely and to his own commodity, rather than to the profit of the Commonwealth: we confess, that our Religion teacheth us to fly and despise such honours. But when a man will maintain himself by all honest and lawful means in a good and entire reputation, although by such means he aspire to some estate and dignity, whereof he feels himself capable, well to use it, and to serve God and the Commonweal therein; we say, That by our Christian Religion there is not forbidden us such an aeffectation of honour, and, that lawfully we may, yea, we ought to seek and pursue to have such an honour. Briefly, the thing which Christians hold most precious and dear, is their conscience towards God, and their honour amongst men. M. Philip de Comines, king Lewis the eleventh his chamberlain, writeth, That this king was very humble in habits, in words, and in all other things, and that he could well acknowledge his faults, and amend them, and that these virtues were the means whereby he dispatched great affairs, which he had on his arms at his first coming to the crown: so had he ordinarily this notable sentence in his mouth, clean contrary from Machiavelli his Maxim. When Pride marcheth before, Shame with damage followeth. So must we say, That humility, kindness, gentleness, patience, easiness to pardon, clemency, and all other virtues, which accord and agree with an human and benign nature, are not contrary to the true magnanimity, but very covenable and agreeing thereunto. For magnanimity is no other thing but a constant and perpetual will, to employ himself courageously in all good and virtuous things, and to fly, abate, and chase away all vices and vicious things. It is then magnanimity, to be humble, soft, gentle, patiented, inclined to pardon, to be far from vengeance, since all those things are virtues, and not vices. And by the contrary, it is pusillanimity, to be proud, rigorous, sharp, impatient, vindicate and cruel: because all those things are vices, and not virtues. For that virtue of Magnanimity is never accompanied with the said vices, neither receives them to wait upon her, only she is waited upon with all other virtues. And for example hereof, there were never men more moderate, more humble, and gentle, nor more inclined to pardon, than were, Scipio the African, than julius Caesar, than Alexander the great, than great Pompeius? Yet were there never in the world, men, which were more magnanimous than they. As much may we say of Charlemagne, Philip, Augustus the Conqueror, saint Lewis, Charles le Sage, Charles the seventh, Lewis the twelfth, and many other kings of France, which were very magnanimous, yet very soft and gentle. But I shall in another place handle this point more at large, and show, That magnanimity hath always been joined with humanity, gentleness, and clemency: and contrary, pusillanimity hath always been accompanied with cruelty, pride, and vengeance. 4. Maxim. The great Doctors of the Christian Religion, by a great ostentation and stiffness, have sought to abolish the remembrance of all good letters and antiquity. THe Christian Religion (saith this Atheist) hath held this practice, Discourse, lib. 2. to abolish the Paynim Religion, first to deface the memory of all order, and the ceremonies thereof, and of all old Theology. After that, it sought to abolish also the Poets and Historiographers, and to extinguish the total knowledge of the deeds and jests of excellent persons, and of all antiquity, destroying all old images, and all that might represent any sign or trace of the world passed, yet it could not altogether abolish good letters, because it was constrained to use the Latin language, therewith to write her new law; by the means of which language, some part of the ancient works yet remaineth. But if the Christian Religion could have form a new language in a small time, you should have seen all antiquity quite banished and gone. But S. Gregory and other Doctors of that Religion, which so obstinately persecuted the letters and writings of the Gentiles, were constrained themselves to write them in the Latin tongue. The Paynim Religion at his beginning did the same, to the Religion which was before it: for (saith he) Sects and Religions change and vary two or three times in five or six thousand years, and the last makes always perish the remembrance of all that had been before it; and if any kept any relics of the memory thereof, men held them for fables, and gave no credit unto them, more than unto the history of Diodorus the Sicilian, who gins a narration of things done forty or fifty thousand years before. MAchiavell, (desirous to show himself a very Atheist, without religion, and a man full of ignorance and beastliness) advanceth now this Maxim, the very contrary, whereof is plainly seen in the writings of them of our Religion, which this impostor and deceiver blameth, as altogether false, and against truth. For so much doth there want, that the writers of the books of our Religion, would abolish good letters, as the liberal arts, the knowledge of tongues, histories, poesies, & other of the Elders sciences, that clean contrary they have with them aided and helped themselves to confute the errors of the Painim Religion. For they were forced to The Christian doctors have confuted the paynim by their own books. use them against the paynim, to vanquish them, either with natural reason, or with allegations and authorities out of their own books; because they received not the authority of the Bible. And whosoever reads the ancient Doctors, will witness that it is true, That they have filled their books with allegations of profane and Painim authors: and he that will see this more at large, let him read S. Augustine of the city of God, and the Christian institutions of Lactantius Firmian. For he shall see, that the purpose of those two authors in the said books, is no other, but to confute and overthrow the paynim Religion, with the falseness thereof, by their own books, and to approve and set out ours. True it is, that often they mark the faults A Christian ought not to be too much given to profane authors. and ignorances of Painim authors, and admonish Christians to read them with a spirit of sobriety, and not to give themselves so much unto them, as to leave the holy Scriptures. Which admonitions are good and holy, and also are necessary even in our time. For there are at this day infinite persons, which so much please themselves in profane authors, some in Poets, some in Historiographers, some in Philosophy, some in Physic, or in Law; that they care nothing to read or else to know any thing for the salvation & comfort of their souls. Some care not at all for it, others reserve that study, till they have ended the studies of other sciences, & in the meanwhile the time runneth away, and oftentimes it cometh to pass, that when they must needs dislodge out of this world, their profane studies are not ended, nor the study of holy letters commenced, and so die they like beasts. Therefore are not the old doctors any thing to be reprehended, because they admonish men to read in great sobriety the writings of Paynims, and that men give not themselves so much thereunto, as for to know human sciences, they abandon and let go the divine knowledge, which is as much more excellent than they, as God is more excellent than man. Yet is there some Paynim authors, which ought never to be read of Christians, or at the least ought not to come in the hands of youths, which of themselves are but too much inclined to vices and lubricities. For a young scholar can he better learn in a stews amongst whores and ruffians, the terms of all villainy and lubricity, than in that filthy martial, or in Catullus or Tibullus, or in certain books of Ovid? And therefore, although we never read any of these poets, and so our youth gave themselves only to Virgil to learn all Latin poesy, it were enough: and that alone author (out of whom all others are but small rivers) might learn them all the poesy that need be known. Yet I will not say, but there are many other good poets very worthy to be read, as Horace, Lucan, Claudian, and others; but he that well understands Virgil, he needs not have to do with others, for the understanding of poesy. And in every science it seemeth to be the best (that men may well employ their time, which is dear and short) to read few books, to make good choice of them, and well to understand them. But for proof of this which I come to say, and to show, that Machiavelli is a shameless liar, in that he dare affirm, That the doctors of the Christian Religion would or sought to abolish good letters, I will here set down the advice and counsel that they have given touching the study of human letters of the Gentiles. Doctor Beda (as Gratian reciteth in his decree) saith; That they which will forbid the reading of the Gentiles books, do hinder men from having ●7 Dist. Turbat. apt spirits to comprehend and understand the holy writings: because human sciences do fashion our minds and understandings to the better ability, to understand holy letters: and that Moses and Daniel, which were learned in the letters of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, do serve us for an example, not utterly to reject the human letters of the Paynims. But here I will translate the very words of Doctor Beda. He troubleth (saith he) and causeth to fail the vivacity of reader's spirits, who esteemeth, that men ought altogether to forbid the reading of secular books, wherein we ought to take that which is good, as our own. Otherwise, Moses and Daniel would not have learned the wisdom and letters of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, the superstition of which people they abhorred. S. Paul also doctor of the Gentiles, would not have alleged certain verses out of the Gentiles books in his writings. Why then should we forbid men to read that which by good reason ought to be read? But some read secular letters for their pleasure only, being tickled and delighted with poetical figments and fictions, or else for the ornament of their language: others read them for their erudition, and to detest and confute the errors of the Gentiles, and to apply and make serve the good things that they find there, to the use of the erudition of sacred letters; and these verily do merit only praise, by studying of secular letters. And for this cause S. Gregory reprehended a certain bishop, not because he had learned human letters, but because he expounded them unto the people against the duty of a Bishop, whereas he should have expounded the Gospel. Behold what was the opinion of this Theologian doctor, touching the study and reading of the writings and sciences of the Paynims. S. Ambrose upon S. Luke, speaking of the same matter, saith, That we read the books of the Paynims to diverse ends; namely, for not to be ignorant of that they handle, and to follow the good things in them, and to reject the evil. S. Jerome upon the Epistle to Titus, saith, That Grammar and Logic are profitable sciences to know to speak well, and to distinguish the true from the false, and that sciences human may serve Christians, to apply them to good uses: and therefore (saith he) it is necessary of necessity to know them, to the end, that we might show, That the things which have been said by the Prophets many hundredth of years before, are since come to pass, and described by the books both of the Greeks' and Latins. S. Augustine also against the Manicheans, saith, That if the Sibyls, or Orpheus, or that other poets of the Gentiles, or the philosophers have written any true thing of God, men must and may serve themselves therewith, to vanquish the vanity of the Paynims, but yet ought we not therefore to give authority to such authors. By which words he well shows, that he approoveth the reading and study of the Gentiles books, as well poets, philosophers, as others. S. Basile also in his treatise he writ of the manner of reading the Gentiles books, not only reprehendeth not the reading thereof, but contrary exhorteth Christians to read them, and to apply the reading of those books to his true end and purpose, which is the piety and edification in the faith and Christian Religion. And to conclude, we read, that by a Counsel it was ordained, That every where schools should be established to teach youth human letters and liberal arts. The article of the said Counsel, recited by Gratian in his Decretal, De quibusdam, 37 Dist. is this: Report is made unto us of certain places, where they have no care to have schoolmasters for the study of letters: therefore let all bishops, subjects, and people, in place where need shall be, perform their duties in placing masters and doctors, which may daily teach letters and liberal arts, for by their means the writings and commandments of God are declared and manifested. What now then will this slanderer Machiavelli say? Can he yet say, that the doctors of the Christian Religion have or would have abolished good letters, and the writings of the Paynims? Will he not hold himself vanquished of a lie by so many authorities, as we have alleged of S. Jerome, S. Ambrose, S. Augustine, S. Gregory, Baeda, and S. Basile, which are the principal doctors of the Christian Church, and the authority of the Counsel (which is as an approbation of the universal Church?) shall not all this be sufficient to show the impudency of this Florentine? But now am I desirous to know of this Atheist Machiavelli, what was the cause that so many good books of the Paynim authors were lost, since the time of the ancient doctors of our Christian Religion? was it not by the Goths which were Paynims? For at their so many eruptions and breaking out of their countries, upon Gaul, Italy, Spain, they wasted and burned so many books as they could find, being enemies of all learning and letters: and who within this hundredth years hath restored good letters, contained in the books of the ancient Paynims, Grecians, and Latins? hath it been the Turk, who is a Paynim? It is well enough known, that he is an enemy of letters, and desireth none. Nay contrary, it hath been the Christians which have restored them, and established them in the brightness and light wherein we see them at this day. The knowledge of the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew tongues in other countries, have been brought in by others; but into our countries of France, that they have come and do so flourish, we may thank king Francis the first of happy memory: and since the restoration of tongues and human sciences, men have well experimented, that they are very requisite and profitable, well to understand the Scriptures of our Christian Religion, so far are we off from rejecting them. And as for that which Machiavelli saith; That our Christian Religion hath sought to abolish the memory of all antiquity; how dare he openly oppugn the manifest truth? for none is ignorant, that the true and primitive antiquity is of the Hebrews, whose books have been conserved, translated, & expounded by the Christians. And as for the antiquity of the Paynims, doth any man find that the Christians have caused to perish Homer, Hesiodus, Berosus, or any other authors of antiquity? nay they they are which have conserved them, which have aided themselves with them, and which have interpreted them: Eustachius the great commentor of Homer, was not he a Christian, yea a bishop? But I shame to stay in the confutation of the impudent lies of this Atheist; for young and mean scholars may easily impugn his impudent lies. Machiavelli saith; That it succeeded not so well with our Christian Religion, as it would, when it went about to abolish good letters, because it was constrained to use the Latin tongue, wherein all human sciences were written. Herein doth he manifestly show his beastliness and ignorance; for who constrained our Christian doctors to write in Latin? the old and new Testament were first written in Hebrew and Greek: therefore the Latin doctors if they had list, might have written in these languages, as did S. Chrisostome, S. Athanasius, S. Basile, S. Cirill, Eusebius, and many others: yet if writers had used these languages, men would nor have ceased to preach in Latin to the Latins; in the French to the French; in the Allemaigne to the almains, and to other nations, to every one in his language: for it hath been seen not past threescore years ago, that in Italy, France, Alemaigne, Spain, and other where, the Christian Religion was not written in the mother's tongue; yet men left not to hold the said Religion in the said countries: but since it hath been brought into every of those languages, for the commodity of the people; as it was brought into the Latin tongue by S. Augustine, S. Ambrose, S. Jerome, S. Gregory, and other Latin doctors of the primitive Church of their time: yet if they had written in Hebrew, or Greek, the Christian Religion had not left and ceased to subsist and stand for that. And although the Latin profane books had perished, the Latin language which then was vulgar, had not therefore perished: therefore doth Machiavelli well show his beastliness, to say, that the Christian Religion hath been constrained to use the Latin language, and that by that means, the profane Latin authors have been conserved. But what means he when he saith; That if the Christian Religion could have form a new tongue, it had abolished the memory of all antiquity? hath there been at any time, in any country, any Religion, which hath form a new language? and how comes it, that a Religion can be received by the means of a new unknown tongue? If the Christian Religion had invented a new tongue, it could never have been understood, nor received, and by consequent could not have abolished the books written in the Latin tongue: likewise using the Latin tongue that was in common use, it could no more abolish the books written in that tongue, according to the saying of the said Machiavelli: and therefore take it which way you will; if the Christian Religion had invented a new tongue, or that it had used the Latin tongue (as it did and doth) it could not extinguish & abolish the books written in the Latin tongue; therefore Machiavelli knows not what he saith. As little knoweth he what he saith, when he holds, That sects and Religions have varied twice or thrice, in five or six thousand years, and that the last causeth always the remembrance of the first to perish; for who hath revealed unto him this secret? who hath told him news of things done before Moses time, if it were not Moses himself? Briefly, there is neither reason, nor history, whereupon he may found that impudent lie. But hereby he would show, that if any doubt whether he be not a very Atheist, that he hath no more cause to doubt: for, for a proof hereof, he makes a declaration, that he believes nothing of that which is written in the holy Scripture, of the creation of the world, nor of the Religion of God, which we hold since Moses. For by the holy Scripture it is seen, that there are not yet six thousand years since the creation of the world. It is also seen, that the Christian Religion of Messias and Christ, changed not since the said creation, but hath always endured, and shall endure till the consummation of the world. And as for Painim Religions, they have changed from one into an other, in a little time, and in one same country, as histories do show. At Rome, in the time of Romulus, there was a Religion such as it was, which Numa changed, and devised an other more ceremonious. After, the religion of Numa changed, & strange Religions of the Grecians & others were received at Rome: insomuch that about five hundredth years after Numa, when his books were found in his sepulchre, and men read them, they found no part of their Religion in them, as shall be more fully said in his place. Briefly, these Painim Religions, still and often changed in regard of their form and ceremonies, but in substance they changed nothing, since the children of Cain, who began to follow the false Religion: for whatsoever outward change there was, within it was always devilish Religion, having for his author, the father of lies & of falseness: and therefore Machiavelli knows not what he saith, but that he is an Atheist, and so would manifest himself to be one, by discovering that he believed not the holy Scriptures. He thought to have immortalised his name, by making himself known to posterity, that he was a perfect Atheist, replenished with all impiety, like as Nero did, who soughr means to make Suet. in Neron, cap. 55. in Calig. cap. 31. men speak of him after his death, in slaying his mother, his brother, master, and many good men of his time, and in burning Rome, and such other wicked and detestable cases. As also Caligula wished (to the end there might be a memory of his kingdom in time to come) that in his time there might happen some great pestilence and notable mortality, or some exceeding great famine, ruins, earthquakes, and burnings of towns: Because, saith he, if my reign do pass in peace and tranquility without some great and notable evil luck, none will speak of me in time to come. There be men of such wicked and devilish natures, which are of this humour, which desire to make their renown immortal, by vices and wickednesses; as Machiavelli hath done, who hath so well played his part, that he hath obtained the chief rank of all Atheists, and impious persons near Aretine his companion, who lives in his time, and hath written the praise of Sodomy, to immortalize his name. 5. Maxim. When men left the Paynim Religion, they became altogether corrupted, so that they neither believed in God nor the Devil. THe Paynim Religion (saith Machiavelli) consisteth principally in the answers of Oracles and of Augurs. And to Discourse, lib. 1. cap. 12. have good answers of those Oracles and Augurs, they builded to the gods goodly temples, and with great ceremonies offered sacrifices unto them. And the world was kept in a marvelous devotion by the Oracle of Jupiter Ammon, of Apollo in Delos, and in Delphos, and other like. But incontinent as their trumpery and deceit was discovered, and that men knew, that the priests of those gods made them there make answers after the fancies of such as gave most liberally, then begun men to despise and contemn those Oracles, and no more to believe either God or the devil. Then begun men to become altogether wicked, priest and willing to break, burst and destroy all, like unchained slaves, without any more making conscience of any thing. Therefore ought princes (if they will be obeyed) to hold their subjects always inclined and devoted to Religion. MAchiavell still continuing to teach his doctrine of Atheism, and the despite of our Christian Religion, goes about to persuade by this Maxim, That there was a great loss to men, when they lost the Painim Religion. But certainly, it was the light of the Christian Religion, which caused the darkness of the Paynim Religion to vanish away, because that Religion only depended upon Oracles, Augurs, & other devilish illusions. So that in brief, Machiavelli his mind is, That a man should do well to set a packing the Christian Religion, & that it were a goodly thing always to live in the Paynim Religion. What an impiety is this, I pray you? Can any sentence come from the devil of hell more detestable than this. Assuredly it much greeveth me to blot paper to write such things, and to expose and lay abroad before the eyes and ears of good men so hard words, which cannot but sound evil in their ears, that fear God. But the Wise man exhorteth us to speak to the fool after his folly, that he may not wax proud. Should we suffer such an Atheist, that teacheth all impiety, to take his course, and sow his venom amongst us, and yet we should not dare to open our mouths to discover him as he is? shall we hold our peace in such a time as is most necessary to speak, to make manifest such wickednesses as commonly run abroad, that they may be shunned and taken heed of? should this be well done, to meet with common poisoners, and firebrands of hell, which run all about the country, to empoison, & to set on fire all places; and not to stay them, but to let them do what mischief they will? I beseech therefore all them which fear God, to accept those reasons, as lawful excuses, that I am so often forced to speak and write so impious and abominable speeches: for although it displeaseth me much to do so, yet I dare not but lay abroad the impiety of this poisoner. He than saith, That it was a goodly thing in the time of the Paynims, to see the world abused with that false opinion (for such he accounteth it) of oracles and auguries; but that it was a great mischief, and evil luck, when the world began, to discover, that such things were false, feigned, and devised of men; because then the world began to become exceeding wicked, prompt, and willing to all evil, as an unchained slave. Machiavelli then must note by his own confession, That men than became most Atheism brings men to perfection of all wickedness. wicked in all wickedness, as soon as they began to be of the Heathen Religion, that is, without all Religion. What means Machiavelli then openly to teach Atheism, and the despite of the Christian Religion? yet this he speaks not, to bring us unto Paganism, which he confesseth to be false: but to make men, especially princes and great lords (for whose instruction he writ his books) utterly to forsake all piety, and to bring them to the highest degree of wickedness, whereunto he saith they come, which are of no Religion. But when princes or others have taken that goodly instruction, and offered that mockery unto God and Religion, they but advance their own infallible confusion, and ruin of their estates, as we have in an other place demonstrated by examples. But to come to the truth of that which Machiavelli saith, certain it is, That as soon as Christian Religion came into light and knowledge, the Paynim Religion vanished away by little and little, as the light also by little and little spread itself. True it is also, that as soon as the falseness of the Paynim Religion was discovered, there were some, which notwithstanding, would not be brought to the Christian Religion. And as for such, I doubt not but they became always worse, forsaking the Paynim Religion, as false, to follow Atheism. No less may we well say of our time, wherein we may see many, which contemn all Religion, because they will not inquire and seek after the true Religion, whereof they delight to be ignorant, to the end, it may not torment their wicked consciences, nor control their disordinate covetousness. But as we see many which are not satisfied nor contented to know the errors wherein they were wrapped, but also they have well desired to know the truth, which they ought to hold. So when the Paynim Religion ended, they which forsook it, contented not themselves in knowing it was false, but they also thought good to know the true, which is the Christian, the light whereof, made the other vanish away. And indeed, by little and little every one embraced the Christian Religion there remaining, but certain Porphyries and Lucian's, which would be without Religion. And would to God that our world were as pure from Atheism, as that world was; then should we not see so many miseries and calamities which are in the world. And as for that that Machiavelli presupposeth, That Oracles were certain answers, devised at the pleasure of priests, to deceive men in the Temples of Apollo, of jupiter Ammon, or of any other of the Paynim gods, he showeth himself to be very ignorant, and to have read little: yet I will not deny, but sometimes the priests intermeddled somewhat of their own many times: but it is certain, that the said Oracles, were diabolical answers, which the devil made himself, or caused to be made by some he or she priest, which he brought into ecstasies, and out of their senses, and so caused them to say what he would: and most often he answered in verses, but commonly ambiguous, in two senses. For how could those he or she priests, which commonly were unlearned, and knew nothing, give an answer in verse. It was also impossible, that they could have advertisements from Religions so far off, as men came to consult of those Oracles, yea, especially of such particularities, whereof ordinarily answers were demanded of those Oracles, to be able to give answers to any good purpose. But I will not stay more amply to prove this point: for they which have read very little of ancient writings, know well how certain it is, that these Oracles were voices proceeding from devils, which the paynim served under these names, of Apollo, of jupiter, and other like gods. Plutarch in a treatise he made of the defect of Oracles, showeth, That the Oracles were not things invented by priests; but concerning the failing of Oracles, he is found very much distracted and troubled, not knowing how to resolve that question. For there must be presupposed, that in his time (which was during the kingdom of the emperor Traianus) and before a good while, there were no more Oracles: insomuch, that that good philosopher was much abashed and perplexed, from whence it should come. But because that point is well worth the knowledge, and doth come well for our purpose in this place, I will handle the same more at large. You must then understand, that Plutarch, who was a great Paynim philosopher, Of the defailance of Oracles. to find out the cause of the failing and decay of Oracles, entereth into a question, whereof he (like a Paynim) resolves himself: but to prove his opinion, he useth certain narrations, which may well bring us to the truth of the cause of the defailancie and ceasing of Oracles. He than entereth into disputation of the nature of the gods; and after many discourses, he resolveth, that there are but one sort of gods, which the Elders called Demigods, which are mortal; although they lived long, as five hundred or a thousand years; and he thinketh, that these demigods are they which the gods have engendered with mortal women. For the ancient superstition (wherewith certain philosophers have been led) believed, that the gods sometimes descended below, to cohabitate with women: and this served to keep the honours of great Ladies, which sometimes forgot their duties. Plutarch then, would hereof infer, that it might be, those gods which answered at Delphos and Delos, and other places, were but half gods, and so might be dead, and that therefore might happen the said ceasing of Oracles. Yet he held not this opinion nor any other very resolutely; but he propoundeth it for such as would like it, and it seems to be the opinion which he himself best approveth. But I do not think, that any at this day will be of this opinion: for in truth it tasteth of his Paganism, being ignorant and far straying from the true knowledge of God & of Religion: yet to prove, that the said demigods are mortal, he makes a discourse very notable and worthy the knowledge. An history of the death of the god Pan. He saith then, that in the time of the emperor Tiberius, one Epitherses, a schoolmaster in a town of Greece, embarked himself upon the sea, to sail into Italy, and placed himself in a ship charged with merchandise, and wherein there were many people. Making their way, they passed one day at night nigh unto the Islands called Echinades, and there the sea was so calm, that they could perceive no wind, insomuch, that the ship floating upon the water, brought them by little and little nigh unto Paxo. Where being arrived, as some supped, and other did other things, behold an high and intelligible voice, which cried Thamus, Thamus. This Thamus was the master of the ship, whose name the most part of the passengers knew not. This voice cried twice, before the master would answer. At the third time he answered, unto which the voice yet cried with an higher sound, That as soon as he should be come against the Palodes, he should make known unto the inhabitants there, that the great Pan was dead. Epitherses said, That at that word, all the company which were within the ship, were exceedingly afraid and astonished. So it came into a consultation amongst that people, if the shipmaster Thamus should do that which was commanded him by that voice. And this resolution was taken, That if when they came against the Palodes, the winds were strong and good for them, they should pass on without stay, or saying any thing; but if the sea were calm, and had no wind, that then Thamus should signify unto the inhabitants of Palodes that which the voice had commanded him. Being then there arrived, and having the sea calm without wind▪ Thamus got him into the hind-decke or stern of the ship, and turning his face towards land right against Palodes, he begun to cry with an high voice, The great Pan is dead. He had no sooner achieved & ended this speech, but all the whole company in the ship heard a great crying and lamentation of many, mixed with a great admiration. Finally, when they were arrived at Rome, each of them within the ship spread abroad the fame of this thing, insomuch, that it came to the notice of Tiberius the emperor; who sent for the captain or master of the ship, Thamus, who told him all at length. Tiberius' believing it was true, that the great god Pan was dead, desired to know what god that was. Some learned people which he had about him, told him: That that Pan was the son of god Mercury, and of Penelope. Behold here the account which Plutarch makes of god Pan his death, and further saith, That in his time many heard this history rehearsed by one Aemilianus, son of the said Epitherses. But if we consider the circumstances of this history, we shall find, That this voice was a signification of the death of Christ, which caused Oracles to fail, and overthrew the power of the devil. And it is credible, that those lamentations which were heard at Palodes, were the complaints of evil spirits, to which were delivered the signification of their kingdoms destruction. And to prove that this history should be so understood. First we must consider, that it is reported to be in the time of Tiberius, under whom our Lord jesus suffered death and passion. Certain also it is, That Tiberius inquired of jesus Christ, and understanding of his miracles, he required of the Senate, that they would cause him to be enroled in the Litany of their gods at Rome; but the Senate would not. Moreover, credible it is, that in the time of our Lord jesus Christ, when amongst the Paynims the fame was dispersed of Christ's miracles, as to raise to life the dead from their graves, to make see such as were borne blind, to heal Paralatike persons, and such like, that they believed that he was God: for upon less reasons they believed others. And because he called himself the true shepherd, and the shepherd of shepherds, it is very likely, that the Paynims understanding this, would divine and gather, that it must needs be the god Pan, which they said to be the god of shepherds: and because also that he said, that he was sent of god his father to preach to men his will, they sometimes also gave him the name of Mercury, whom they said to be the messenger and deliverer of the will of the great god jupiter. This may be gathered by Dion, the historiographer, who saith: That the emperor Antoninus making war against the Marcommans, obtained rain from heaven of the Dion & Capitol. in Marco Antonino. god Mercury. And Capitolinus speaking of the same matter, saith, That the Emperor Antoninus, to obtain rain, had recourse to a strange Religion: but Mercury was no strange god to those Paynims, so that we must needs understand that saying of Dion, of another Mercury than they knew; yet gave they him that name (as it is likely) because they had heard say he was sent from God, to signify and preach his will. To come again then to our purpose, the aforesaid learned men that were about Tiberius the emperor, hearing it spoken, that so many miracles were done by jesus Christ, they easily resolved, that he was a god; understanding he called himself the great shepherd, they concluded thereof, that he was Pan; hearing also, that he said he was sent to deliver out the will of God, and that he was borne of a virgin, they made this illation (as is to be presumed) that he must then needs be the son of Mercury, messenger of the great jupiter, and of some chaste woman, such as was Penelope: for as is likely, they could never believe, that he was a virgin's son, because it repugned the order of nature, that a virgin should bring forth a child. And therefore of all those conjectures laid together, those wise men (or rather ignorant) which were about the emperor, gathered the aforesaid answer, which they made him, That the god Pan, which died at that time, was the son of Mercury and of Penelope; applying that to their gods, which they had heard spoken of our Lord jesus Christ. Behold then, how this history, drawn from the Paynims, is a perfect witness, that by the death of Christ came the defailancie and ceasing of Oracles: and indeed we find in no histories, that since his death Oracles have been of any account or fame, as they were before. True it is, that the men and women priests of those gods, which answered by Oracles, seeing that their master abandoned and forsook them, yet delivered answers themselves of their own devices; but their trumperies, deceits, and fictions, were soon discovered by the divulgement and dispersion of Christian Religion, in such sort, as the Oracles and the Oracle deliverers became greatly discredited. Nero himself discovering the abuse, overthrew one Dion in Nerone. of the temples of Apollo, wherein were delivered Oracles, and slew all the priests belonging thereunto. For a resolution than I hold; That at the coming of our Saviour jesus Christ, Oracles failed, as the coming of the Sun causeth darkness to departed from the At the coming of Christ the world was amended. earth: at his coming he preached the true and pure heavenly doctrine to men, and after him his Apostles and Disciples preached it also: so that by the doctrine of jesus Christ, and of his Apostles & Disciples, all Christians were instructed to fear, love, and honour God above all things, and to serve him according to his commandments in purity and simplicity, rejecting all idolatries, superstitions, and divine services, invented by men. Moreover, they are in true doctrine taught good manners, to love their neighbours as themselves, and none to do to another that which he would not to be done to himself; to use towards his, the like same charity that each one would should be used to him; to obey superiors and magistrates; to live contented every one in the vocation whereunto God hath called him; yea generally Christians were taught in all true virtue, whereas before the Paynims did teach nothing (as I may say) but the mask and resemblance of virtue. For Christ & his Apostles taught men to be just, charitable, temperant, gentle, obedient, pitiful, loving good, shunning evil, and they taught not so to be outwardly only, but inwardly also without feignednesse, or any dissimulation of heart: whereas the Paynims cared not to be inwardly virtuous and mannerly, so that in outward appearance they show so to The virtue of the Paynims in outward appearance. be, to obtain honour, glory, and advauncement unto greatness, which was the mark and end, for which commonly they desired virtue, and not for conscience sake, nor to please God. The examples of Caesar, of Pompey, of Cicero, and generally of all the old Romans (which have had any great reputation of virtue) do prove, that this is true, and that they never aspired to virtue, but to obtain honour, and to increase their greatness. Cato likewise of Utica, which seemed in all his behaviours to despise honour, wherefore slew he himself? Was it to please God, or to satisfy his conscience? It is very certain that no: for he was not so ignorant, but he knew well, that murder displeased God, and that no man should murder himself, more than another. Nothing could move his conscience, to incite him to slay himself: for he felt not himself culpable of any thing that deserved it. How then? Wherefore should he murder himself? For this, not to receive that dishonour, to fall alive into the hands of Caesar: although he knew well enough, that there needed no more but a little humiliation, to have his life, goods, and dignities saved, (as he himself confessed and declared to his son and to his friends a little before he slew himself;) but his heart was so sore swollen with glory and honour, that he loved better to slay himself, than to humble himself to Caesar. Here behold, how those Paynims aspired, not to have virtue, but for honour and an outward show: whereas the doctrine of Christ teacheth us, To desire and to lust after virtues, not only to bring them unto outward appearance, but also to adorn our hearts and our consciences inwardly therewith, and so to please God. Moreover, also we have heretofore showed, That the Christian doctrine comprehendeth much more perfectly, the virtues of good manners, than the Paynims doctrine doth. How then dare that filthy Machiavelli say, That men become wicked, like unchained slaves, when Oracles failed? where found he this? where ever read he, that men were worse, and more evil conditioned in the time when Oracles failed, than before? Rather contrary we read, That when Oracles failed (which was in the time of the primitive Church) men which gave themselves to the Christian Religion, were of an holy life and conversation, & they which gave not themselves to that Religion, but persevered in their Paynisme, did yet always learn of the Christians that which made them better and of more account. Let any read the works of Seneca, Plutarch, Pliny the Second, and of many In the primitive Church, the Paynims learned of the Christians. other Paynim authors, which were in the time of the primitive Church, and he shall find infinite godly and Christian sentences, which the Paynims learned of the Christians of their time, as may be necessarily supposed. For such sentences were never borrowed of Plato, Aristotle, or of other Philosophers which were before the coming of jesus Christ. As for example, when Plutarch disputerh of the tranquility of the soul; to fly anger; to shun usury; of the profit that a man may draw from an enemy; of such as God punisheth slowly, and of many other points, he uttereth many sentences, which are truly Christian, and do hold nothing of the Philosopher's doctrine, which were before Christ our Saviour. And all the works of Seneca are full of Christian sentences: insomuch, that many have esteemed, That Seneca himself was a Christian, yea, that he was well known of S. Paul: which (it may be) was not unworthy to be believed. For Seneca (who was in the time of Nero, and was a learned man, and a lover of the learned) might well have heard Paul speak, who at the said time was a prisoner at Rome for the doctrine which he preached, and might well have been so curious as to talk with him, to understand what was that doctrine, whereof all the world spoke. But whatsoever it was, none can deny, that the writings of Seneca in many places do not demonstrate, that he learned many things of the Christians. We may then conclude, That in the time when Oracles failed, and that Christian doctrine began to be published and divulged through the world, men became better, and not more wicked, like unchained slaves (as this mocker Machiavelli saith.) For although even in that time, there were found certain Atheists like himself, men must not therefore infer, that all the world, or the most part thereof, became wicked. Neither hath Machiavelli uttered this opinion, as having read it in any good author, but only thereby to blame the Christian Religion, as the cause of the corruption of manners. But he impudently lieth, like a shameless slanderer, which dare be so bold, as to deliver such talk, without any proof, and the contrary whereof is already clearly proved. 6. Maxim. The Roman Church is cause of all the calamities in Italy. THe Roman Church (saith Machiavelli) is cause that Italy (which of old was the most flourishing province of the Roman empire) is at this day dismembered and cut into petty Seignories, as is seen. By the means whereof, she that was want to subjugate & vanquish other provinces, is now exposed as a prey for all strange kings, which will attempt it with a strong arm. And although of all Christianity it be nighest unto the Roman Church, yet hath it of all other least Religion: because therein, that most holy Court doth little else but sow partialities and disorders. And he that will prove, whether such evils proceed from the Roman Church, let them procure, that she may remove her seat, such as it is, for a small time, unto the country of the Swissers, where men live in great rest and unity. For there should you shortly see it fill the whole country with disorder and confusion. ALthough the Roman Church be contaminated with many The papal seat do●h evil, rather far off than nigh. vices, yet doth Machiavelli show himself here a notable slanderer against it: for experience hath made us long time know, That it rather doth mischief far off than nigh hand, and that she ordinarily enricheth the place where she abideth. We read, That she hath held her seat at Avignon, by the space of seventy years; so that by the affluence & plenty of gold and silver, which ordinarily arrived there, the town became so opulent & rich, that it yet tastes thereof, and gladly desireth it might be always there. As for the Suiffes, of whom Machiavelli speaketh, I am assured, that there are they who would, it cost them much money, that the seat of the Roman Church were amongst them: and if it were there, the Pope should not lack people for his guard; for they would furnish him of as many as he would, and his Cardinals also, for their pay. And I am also of that mind, for their entertainment, they would also accord them letters to be denizens and free burgesses in all their towns, though it be contrary to their customs, to receive strangers. For so will they be glad, that there shall every day arrive in their country plenty of silver, which they cannot but love better than either the Pope's benedictions or pardons: yet would they also be glad to reap their pardons at a low price. And notwithstanding Machiavelli saith, That if the Roman seat were there placed, there would be no good peace, for sowing divisions amongst the Swisses; that is not likely no more than it so did in Avignon, or the countries about it. For whereas Machiavelli saith; It soweth divisions and partialities in Italy; that rather happeneth by the humour of that country people, which are naturally subject to nourish divisions and partialities amongst both themselves and other nations, where they have credit; as experience is in France. Moreover, the Romans themselves are not of Machiavels' opinion, neither do they complain, that the Roman seat brings them any damage. At the beginning of that great schism of Popes, they showed well, how greatly they feared to lose their seat. For so much were they afraid, that the Cardinals should again have a French Pope, which might again dwell at Avignon, where the said seat had so long before remained, that they constrained the Cardinals by force, cries, and popularie violence, to elect a Pope of their own nation: insomuch, that all through the town of Rome, and before the place where the Cardinals were assembled to make their election, all the people in a mutiny cried with an high voice, We will have a Roman, or at the least Froiss. lib, 2. cap. 12. an Italian. This was the cause that the Cardinals gave them a Roman, whereof the Roman inhabitants were so joyous, that they took him on their shoulders to honour him the more, and so long and so far carried him through Rome, that they stifled him and smothered him with the great press amongst their arms. When they saw their terrestrial god dead, they strait returned to the Cardinals, saying their Pope was dead, and they must needs give them another. So by their cries and popularie tumult, they were constrained to give them a new Italian. But after they made another in Avignon, who was Antipope to him of Rome: insomuch, that it may well be said, That too immoderate desire of the Romans to have the holy seat at Rome, was the cause of a Papal schism, which endured nigh forty years, and was the spring of many evils. I have before said, and it is true, That the holy seat doth more harm far off than nigh, and it is easy to prove by examples. For by tithes, croisadoes, bulls of benefices, pardons, and other expenses, the holy Father, hath ever had cunning enough to draw store of silver from far provinces, as from France, Almaigne, England, Spain, and from other where. And all those huge heaps of treasure, fell in no other place than at Rome and in Italy. So that a good old Civilian Lawyer was wont to say: The Court of Rome hath long time had good skill, to change lead into gold: which act, the greatest Alchemists, and the best exercised Paracelcians of our time could never do. We also see the Romans by the means of their bullish and leaden art, maintain themselves brave, fine, and in good order, whereas these Paracelcians commonly go all ragged & torn, in great poverty and necessity, having (as they say) spent their fortunes and patrimonies with blowing the coal, and are of all men a despised people and of no account. Yet we read in our histories, That our kings of France have many times hindered Popes to draw silver out of the realm, by Annates, tenths, Bulls, and other means; as in the time of Boniface the eight, Benit the eleventh, Tulius the second and third. But concerning this matter, it is good to mark the determination made in Anno 1410 by our masters of the faculty of Sorbone, and by all the University of Paris, which resolved in a general congregation held at the Bernardines, That the French Church was not bound to pay any silver to the Pope in any manner whatsoever, unless it be by the way of a charitable subsidy, and that in three cases only; namely, to employ the said silver to the conquest of the holy land; for the reunion of Three cases into which the Sorbonists do limit the pope's power to levy silver in France. the Greeks' with the Latins; and lastly, to preach the Gospel to all creatures. In which cases only, they said, men ought to furnish and provide a charitable subsidy for the Pope; yet with this condition, That the said Pope touch no silver, but that the French Church do appoint and depute treasurers to dispend and distribute it for the purposes aforesaid, and not otherwise. If this magistratical determination were observed, verily the Pope would not be contented, but the realm would be much bettered: and if all Christian princes did agree in the observation of this determination, certainly, that would come to pass which Friar john of Rochetaillade preached in his time against the Pope. And because his sermon will not be far from our purpose, I will here briefly rehearse it. In the time that the holy seat was at Avignon, about the year 1360, there was a Friar minor, called Friar john de Rochetaillade, which set himself to preach against the pride, gourmandizes, and superfluitles of the Pope and his Cardinals, which then were at Avignon, and generally against all the prelate's and clergy people, also against princes, which too sore oppressed their subjects. He always took for his text or theme some part of the Apocalypse, and properly applied it to the Pope, Cardinals, and Prelates. Our historiographers say, he was a great clerk, and that he foretold the captivity of king john, and that Pope Innocent the sixth, being much grieved at his sermons, caused him to be imprisoned, fearing (said he) that by his great knowledge he caused all the world to err: for that good S. Peter was of opinion, That ignorance preserveth men from erring, and that knowledge brings them into error. And indeed, he that knows nothing, wherein can he err? But this good A sermon of friar john de Rochetailiade against the Pope. Friar john amongst other his sermons, he preached one, which was the chief cause of his imprisonment, and this was the substance thereof. Masters and ladies, I will tell you a strange case, which in time passed of old happened amongst birds, and it is very like that now we see, and hereafter shall see, the like happen to our holy Father, the Pope. You must then understand, that in old time a bird was engendered in the world, which was the fairest and most beautiful to see that was possible, but it had no feathers. The other birds hearing speak of this featherlesse bird, thought good to go see it: and being all arrived within the view of her, they found her most excellent, and pitied her, because she could not fly (as they did) for want of feathers. Then held they a Council, to advise what it were best to do, that this goodly bird might not die with hunger, for that she could not fly to get her living. They then resolved amongst them, that each bird should give her part of their feathers; which they did, and as she took the feathers, she appeared more and more beautiful; insomuch, that the other birds gave her still more feathers. As soon as this bird saw herself well emplumed and feathered, and that all the other birds honoured her, she begun to become fierce and proud, and to despise the other birds, and yet not contented with the said contempt and despite, she becked also and contraried them in all she could. Then the other birds again thought it best, to advise what was best to do touching this new bird, which they had emplumed, and which was become so stately and insolent. They concluded in their Counsel, That it were best for every one of them to redemaund their feathers, by the means of which she was so exalted in pride, that she made no account of them. Then all the company of birds finding this new bird, after they had showed her the proud incognisance of herself, and them, each one took his feathers; the Peacock first, the Falcon after, and all the other birds, so that they left her all naked and featherlesse. So masters (said Friar john to the Pope and Cardinals) shall it happen to you, and doubt not thereof. For when the emperors, kings, and Christian princes have taken from you the goods and riches that in former times they have given you, which you bestow in extreme pride and superfluity, then shall you remain all naked. Where find you, That S. Peter or S. Silvester rid with two hundred or three hundred horses? yea, contrary, their estate was very simple, enclosed and hid within Rome. Thus Friar john preaching, spoke but the truth: yet this truth (which is so odious to the world) brought him to prison, where they caused him to finish his days. I will then conclude this recital, That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistral determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the University of Paris, the same would fall unto S. Peter, which fell unto Friar john his bird. Yet is it not only by the change of lead into gold, that his Holiness doth Froisart, lib. 2. chap. 132, 133. 135. 140. much evil to provinces far from Rome, but also by his interdicts and excommunications. In the time of the aforesaid schism of Popes, he of Rome, who was called Vrban, sent Bulls unto king Richard of England (who took his part, and was an Vrbanist) by which he commanded him to make war upon the king of France, who was a Clementine, and gave him power to levy silver upon the War for the Pope of Rome. English Clergy. Moreover, he gave so great quantity of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that war, that it seemed he meant clean to have emptied both hell and purgatory of Englishmen: for every man or woman might draw out his father, grandfather, great grandfather, uncles, aunts, children, nephews, and others ascendants, descendants, and collaterals, by paying so much for every poll. He further promised their souls to be guided right into paradise, which died in this war, or which died that year after they had paid the money for that said war, nor that there should be any necessity for the said souls to stray out of their way by purgatory and the Limbo, but to go right to paradise. The said bulls being thus preached and published through England, there was every where a great press, that year to die, and to give silver, so that in a small time there was heaped up the sum of 2500000 franks. One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London, who was chosen general to make war upon the Clementines in Spain; and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch, who was elected general of another army to make war upon France, which also was Clementine. And indeed these two armies did much harm, as well in Spain as in France: yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderate, entering upon Flaunders an Vrbanist, the king of France, meeting him therewith 100000 men, constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great loss. In the year 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of France, Annals upon the said year. Du Bellay, lib. 1. of his Memories. and of Navarre, by the means of an interdict and excommunication which Pope julius the second of that name, cast against all the princes which had sent their ambassadors to the counsel of Pisa, whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them. For under colour of those wicked and detestable bulls, the emperor Maximilian and the Swissers, constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Milan, and almost all that he held in Italy. And on the other side, the king of England fell upon France (which by the Pope was exposed as a prey) with an army of 3000 English, assaying to conquer part thereof. But God suffered it not: for in the mean time this wicked Pope died, and the interdict was revoked, and peace made with the English. On the other side also, king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to pray upon France, entered into the kingdom of Navarre, and got and usurped it upon king john d' Albert, The Pope cause of the loss of the kingdom of Navarre from the right heirs. who was deceased thereof, without being defied, yea, before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose: whose successors have always since detained and usurped the said kingdom of Navarre, upon the said king john d' Albret, and upon his lawful successors, as they do yet by this title only of usurpation, prey, and booty; yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholic. I could here accumulate many other examples, of many great damages & losses committed by Popes in strange countries, and even in Almaigne, where they have commonly sown wars betwixt the emperor and the princes of Almaigne, but I will content myself with the abovesaid examples: for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinite matter: but it sufficeth me to have showed, That the contrary of that which Machiavelli saith, is true, and that the Pope and his holy seat do much good in the place where they are, and many evils and mischiefs in far countries. And as for that which Machiavelli saith, That Italy is the province of Christendom, where there is least Religion, he saith very true: but what would he now say, if he were alive: he should then find, that if in his time they had so well profited in his school, as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion, that now his scholars know far more than his master. And there is no doubt, but already long ago, all Religion is contemned in Italy, yea, and even the Roman Catholic; Will you have a better example, than that which M. Comines rehearseth? He saith, That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth, there were two houses at Florence, which were principal, that is to say, of Medicis and of Pacis, which were in quarrel and enmity together. They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope, and the king of Naples, and by their counsel and advice did they enterprise to slay Laurence de Medicis (who was chief of his house) and all his race: and to surprise him the better, unprovided and without heed taking, they resolved to slay and massacre him with all his race and sequel, upon a solemn feast day, at the hour that the great Mass was sung, and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus, Sanctus, it should be the watch word to rush upon them. And indeed they executed their enterprise, except that they slew not Laurence de Medicis (who saved himself in the revestrie) but julian his brother, and certain others of his race, were slain. I demand of you, if they which enterprised and gave counsel to attempt such an act, believed in the Mass? we need not doubt but they were very Atheists. But if in that time (some hundred years ago) Italy were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion, what think you it is now. In conclusion, Italy, Rome, the Pope, and his seat, are truly the spring and fountain of all despite of Religion, and the school of all impiety: and as they already were in Machiavels' time (as he confesseth) so are they far more in this time. For although the papal Church of Rome both heretofore made (and yet doth) certain demonstrations to sustain a Religion, yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise, but by subtleties and words: for it commandeth indeed to fast the vigils and Lent; but is there any place in the world, where they careless for fasting vigils and Lent, than at Rome? It commandeth chastity to priests; but is there any place in the world, where priests, Cardinals, and others, are more furnished with whores and bawds? It also commandeth them to serve their benefices; but of an hundredth priests which are at Rome, there are scant one doth it: their Religion forbiddeth the sale of benefices, sepulchers, sacraments, and dispensations; but is there any place in the world, where there is a greater traffic of them, than at Rome? It forbiddeth simony; but where are there any simoniacs, if not at Rome and in Italy? I speak only of the ordinances which the Roman Church hath made, yet herself doth not observe them. For if I would allege the ordinances of God, which she observeth no more than the other, I should too tediously rehearse them all. But briefly, the Roman Church hath invented a thousand traditions, wherewith it hath burdened the shoulders of poor Christians to their great abashment, but in the mean while the Church itself will keep none of them, rather that holy seat dispenseth with all them of Italy and Rome, and indeed there is no place in the world, where the Pope's ordinances are less observed, than there, nor where all Religion is in more contempt, as Machiavelli himself confesseth. Let Christians then make their profit of this confession of Machiavelli, and so let them fly the spring of impiety, of Atheism, of corruption of manners, and of the contempt of all Religion, lest God punish them and make them perish with such wicked men, as make open profession thereof. 7. Maxim. Moses could never have caused his laws and ordinances to be observed, if force and arms had wanted. THe most excellent men, mentioned in books (saith our Florentine) which became princes by their own virtue, and not by fortune, were Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and such like: for fortune only gave them the occasion, and the matter to execute their virtue. As Moses found the people of Israel in captivity and servitude in Egypt. Cirus also found the Persians malcontent of the proud government of the Medes. And Romulus found himself dejected from his birth place the town of Alba. Lastly, Theseus found the town of Athens full of troubles and confusions. Without which occasions, coming by fortune, the virtue of their courage had not appeared, as also without their virtue, such occasions had served them nothing. All those occasions than made these persons happy, and their excellent virtue knew well how to make profit of occasions. THis Atheist willing always more strongly to show, That he believed not the holy Scriptures, dare vomit out this blasphemy, to say, That Moses by his own virtue and by arms was made the prince of the Hebrews. We see by the books of Moses, that he was as it were constrained of God, to take the charge to draw the Hebrew people out of Egypt, to bring them into the land of Canaan, a place of the primitive of spring of this people. And after he had accepted that charge: we read, That God gave him power to do many miracles before Pharaoh, and all the people of Egypt, that he might suffer the Hebrew people to return in peace into the country, from whence they first came. After, having obtained permission to return, we see how the people were guided on the day time by a visible and apparent cloud, which went before them, and in the night by a pillar of fire. We read so many miracles done by God in their passage through the red sea, and in the deserts, and how Moses did nothing but by the counsel and power of God alone. With what boldness then dare this stinking Atheist disgorge this talk, to say that Moses was made the prince of the Hebrew people by his own virtue, and by arms. Can he by any other means than by the Bible, know how and what way Moses came to be governor of the Hebrew people: for all Paynim authors speak little thereof, and that which they speak, is but as they read in the said books of Moses, or by hearsay of such as read them, seeing it is certain, that we have no profane author in light, that were not many worlds after Moses. If then Machiavelli can say nothing of Moses his doings, but by his own books? with what impudency dare he deliver out a contrariety from that is there written? For, to say he was made prince of the Hebrew people by his own virtue, and by arms, that is as much as to deny straight, that God constrained him to accept that charge, to conduct the Hebrew people, and that the said people came out of Egypt by the miracles of God, and that they were conducted by the cloud and pillar of fire, and that God nourished them all the way of the desert; which is (indeed) to deny all that is written in the books of Moses. Assuredly, there is no man of so heavy and dull a judgement, but he may well know, that this most wicked Atheist hath taken pleasure, to search out the most savage Maxims that could be devised; assuring himself, That he should ever find monsters of men, which also would delight in absurd and bestial opinions, and would give passage and way to his doctrine. And yet the better to show his beastliness, this doctrine may be overthrown even by the writings of the Paynims themselves. Trebellius Pollio writeth, That Moses was only familiar Treb. Pollio in Clau. Cor. Tacit. annal. lib. 21. with God. Cornelius Tacitus (going about to calumniate and blame the jewish Religion contained in the books of Moses) confesseth, That the king of Egypt made the Hebrew people to go out of his country, for sores, rottenness, and other maladies, wherewith the Egyptians were infected. The Poets and Philosophers, when they sometimes speak of Moses doctrine, they call it sacred Oracles, showing thereby, that they confess, That the deeds and writings of Moses came from God, and not from his own virtue. But with what impudency dare Machiavelli compare Moses to these idolaters, Romulus and Theseus? What similitude had they with Moses in their life or in their death? Romulus and Theseus were two bastards, rude & violent men in their youth, whereof the one slew his brother, and the other his son; the one finished his days slain and massacred by his citizens, and the other was banished and chased from his own. Can any find the like in Moses? But this Maxim of Machiavelli hath no need of a more ample confutation; for the truth is so clear and apparent to the contrary, that a man may manifestly see, that this Florentine is a most wicked slanderer and impudent liar. Yet think I good to mark another beastliness and ignorance, in that he saith, That Theseus came to the domination of Athens, because he found the estate of Plutarch in Thes. the Athenians in confusion: for clean contrary he came unto it, because he was avowed and acknowledged for the son of Egeus, king of Athens, and was exceedingly well liked of the Athenians, because he had acquired the reputation of a magnanimous and valiant man, in that he slew and overcame many thieves, which brigandized and rob the country of Attica, and the countries adjoining. And to say, the estate of Athens was confused, is a jest of Machiavels' invention. And in that he saith, That the occasion and means that Romulus had to make himself a prince, was because he found himself dejected from his birth place, the town of Alba, doth he not show himself a man of good judgement? For can a man say in good sense and reason, that to be dejected from his country, disavowed of his parents, as a bastard, to be put to nourishment amongst shepherds and beasts, to be impoverished and destituted of all means, that (I say) these are means and occasions to be made a prince, and to be the founder of a town? If this be true, there will be found men enough, which have all those goodly means to become princes, and so will there be found more princes than other people. But contrary, the means that we read, whereby Romulus became a prince and founder of a town, were, That he was a man, strong and violent, cunning in arms, who gathered together many vagabonds and people of execution, whereof he made captains; after, he and Remus his brother founded Rome, and to besole ruler, he slew his brother Remus, and made himself king. 8. Maxim. Moses usurped judea, as the Goths usurped a part of the Empire. WHen people are oppressed (saith M. Nicholas) with famine, Discourse, lib. 2. cap. 9 war, or servitude in their country, oftentimes they go to conquer other countries, wherein they change their name. As the people of Israel, being oppressed with servitude in Egypt, under the conduct of Moses, occupied a part of Syria, which he called judea: even as the Goths and Vandals occupied also the West Empire. Likewise also the Maurusians, ancient people of Syria, perceiving the coming of the Hebrews with a great power from Egypt, feeling not themselves strong enough to resist them, abandoned their country, and withdrew themselves into Africa, where they conquered ground, and chased away the natural inhabitants. This may be proved by the authority of the historian Procopius, who writ in the life of Bellisarius, That he read letters in certain pillars written, in the country of Maures in Africa, which contained this inscription: Nos Maurisci, qui fugimus à facie Josu latronis filii Nave: that is to say, We are the Mauricians which fled before the face of Josue, the chief son of Nave. THis Atheist having heretofore said, That Moses was made prince of the Hebrews by his own virtue, and by arms, will now persuade, that he was a thief and an usurper of another's country, without any title or reason, and that he seized upon judea, as the Goths and Vandals did of Lombardy, Spain, and other countries of the Roman empire. I have before protested, as I yet do, that it greeveth me much to defile my paper with so filthy speeches, yet the more am I vexed, that the ears and eyes of so many persons should be occupied in reading and hearing things evil sounding, and so far from all piety and verity: but it is necessary to discover the doctrine and the doctor of our courtiers at this day; which think, that the damnable books of this Atheist should serve for rules to conduct affairs of Estate, as the stern serves to guide a ship. To confute then this Maxim, Joseph. lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 13. 14. we know, that the land of judea was first called the land of Canaan, having taken that name of Canaan, the son of Noah, which dwelled there after the deluge, and was the first stock of the Canaanites in that country: one part of that land was called Palestine or Philistine, which name it took of Philistines (a people coming from Philistim, No his rerenephew) which were a mighty and strong people of that land, which had the government of the other people of the country: one part also of that land of Canaan was called judea, of the name of juda, who was a prince (even the chief) of the twelve patriarchs of the children of jacob, from whence came the people of Israel, which planted themselves in that part of the land of Canaan, which was called judea. We read not, that in the time of Moses this country was called Syria, neither that it was comprehended under the name of Syria; for from that time the country, which after men called Syria, was called the land of Aram, who was the son of Sem, the son of No: although such as came after, under that name of Syria, comprised the country of Assyria also, which in Moses his time was called the land of Assur, who was also the son of Sem, the son of Noe. And therefore is manifestly seen the beastliness and ignorance of Machiavelli, when he saith, That Moses usurped a part of Syria, seeing the name of Syria was not yet invented, much less comprised the land of Canaan. But what could a simple secretary of the town of Florence either have read or seen, except the registers of their townhouse? but good authors, Greek or Latin, he never read, as is easy to judge by his writings, wherein he allegeth no story to enrich his work, but the bad and slender examples of government of the Genoese, of the Florentines, of the Pope, of the duke of Milan, and of other such like petty potentates of Italy; he allegeth sometimes some words out of Titus Livius, but to so little purpose as may be. Moreover, it is known, That the land of Canaan was of God many times promised to Abraham and to his seed (as is seen in Genesis) and that Abraham dwelled there, and his race after him, after he departed from his nephew Lot, unto the time that jacob and his family were by famine constrained to retire into Egypt. Should we then say, that when the Hebrews returned from Egypt to dwell in their original land, which was promised them of God (who is master of heaven and earth) that they were usurpers, like the Goths and Vandals? nay contrary, they were the just and true possessors thereof, and with good right expulsed and drove out the Canaanites, occupiers thereof, which usurped from them the land of their education, which God had promised and assigned to them for an heritage. And as for that which he alleged of the Maurusianz, it is a very fable, for the The Maurusians came from Media, not from Syria nor Phoenicia. names of all such nations as were vanquished by Moses & josua are plainly set down in their books, but there is found no name of Maurusians, neither is there found written in any good author, that in the land of Canaan there ever dwelled any nation called Maurusians: and as for that nation of Africa called Maures, Mauritanians, or Maurusians, it never came out of the country of Palestine, but out of Mëdia; insomuch as by the tongues corruption these people were called Maures of Medes as Sallust saith, who is a more credible author than this beast Machiavelli, who saith, Sallust bello Iugurthi. that the Maurisians of Africa came anciently from Syria. And as for that inscription Nos Maurusi etc. alleged by Machiavelli, out of Procopius, true it is that Procopius saith; that in Numidia in Africa, the Maurisians Procopius. lib 4. de bello Vandal. builded a town called Tinge, and there set up two pillars of white stone, where they put the said inscription, in the Phoenician tongue & letters: but Procopius saith not, that he either saw or read (as Machiavelli saith) the said inscription graved in the pillars. And it is not likely to be true, that they could have endured from the time of josua till the time of Procopius, (which were 2500 years & more,) entire and whole being of white stone, no not although they had been of Rock stone, which will endure longer than the white stone which is soft, seeing the wars and devastations arriving during that space of time, in Africa, and all the parts of the world. Also other authors (far more authentic and ancient than Procopius) which speak of the affairs of Africa, do nothing touch the said inscription: absurd also it is to say, that the Maurusians would make known to their posterity, that they were cowards, flying before their enemies without any resistance: absurd also it is to say, that in one same town they should set up two pillars of one same thing; but rather to mortalize the memory of their flight, they would have erected two pillars, in diverse places distant one from another, to the end that if one perished, the other might remain. But we need not be abashed of Procopius, who was a Rhetorician a Sophister and a Grecian, which are three qualities yielding presumption, that he might (as too light & forward in his accounts) feign too much touching that inscription. For in the same place he saith, that the Maurusians a people of Phoenicia, abandoned their country, and went to dwell in Africa, flying before josua, & the people of Israel; and father, that they were a people composed of the jebusites, Gessurians, and other people named in the Bible. But the Bible confuteth him therein. For it is written, that neither the jebusires, nor the other Canaanites, were driven out of their country, by the Hebrews, but were made their tributaries. And therefore to conclude this point, neither Machiavelli not Procopius (his great author) is therein more to be credited than the Rabbins dreams, which hold; That the Romans sprung from the Idumaeans, and the Germans from the Canaanites. Yet let this be said, not any way to diminish the credit, and authority of Procopius, who notwithstanding I confess is well to be believed in the history, which he hath written touching the gests and wars made in his time, by the emperor justinian and his lieutenants Belisarius, Narces, and others. 9 Maxim. The Religion of Numa, was the chief cause of Rome's felicity. Romulus' (saith Machiavelli) all the time of his kingdom, used Discourse. lib. 1. cap. 12. the Roman people to make war, which made them martial, rude, horrible, fierce, sanguinary, and without all humility and civility: But Numa Pompilius succeeding Romulus in the crown, perceiving he had to do with a people very hard to govern, and to bring under policy without softening and mitigating of their minds, thought it best to devise some goodly Religion, well adorned and decked with beautiful ceremonies: because without Religion he thought it impossible to maintain any policy amongst men. Wherefore assoon as he came to the crown, he began to make diverse goodly ordinances touching Priests, and the ceremonies of Religion, making the people believe, that he had them revealed from the goddess Egeria. And this fell out so well for him, that after his opinion (saith Machiavelli) the Religion which he instituted, was one of the principal causes of Rome's felicity. For it served to give hart and hope to soldiers, to cause them range in battle, to hold them quiet in the field, to maintain good men, and to overthrow the wicked, to appease mutinies in the people, and in all things to make them obedient. But a Prince ought not to think it impossible for him, which was possible for king Numa, nor to be any thing discouraged, if the subjects he hath to deal with, be any thing witty, that they will not suffer themselves to be carried to a new faith. For I may well say (saith he) that the Florentine people are not very beastly and rude, yet Friar Jerome Savanarola preaching at Florence, made ten thousand Florentines believe, that he prively had conference and spoke with God, who revealed unto him such things as he preached in the pulpit▪ MAchiavell having assayed to instruct a prince to reject all Religion out of his heart, and to be an Atheist, & a contemner of all piety: now would he persuade him to invent and compose a new Religion, that is gallant and beautiful, well farced and stuffed with ceremonies, such as Numa his religion was; yet not to believe therein, but for his subjects to believe: that with the fear of religion they might the better be detained in their offices & duties; and that the prince might be the more encouraged to procure the building of a new Religion, such as that of Numa was, he saith; it is no difficult thing to do; alleging the example of the Florentines, whom Jerome Savanarola made believe what he would, by feigning he had a revelation from God. But it is no marvel if this Atheist, who hath no religion, doth thus play with Religions deriding all, willing also to persuade a prince to forge a new one: for out of a vessel full of poison, what other thing can come but poison? But it is strange he will propose Numa, for a prince to imitate in the making of a new Religion, for the greatest thing Numa invented in his Religion, was the temple Dionis. Halic. lib. 1. of Faith, where he established many ceremonies to induce people to reverence their Faith, and to fear perjury; he ordained also, that upon controversies happening amongst parties, they should be bound to go to the said temple, and there swear with certain great ceremonies, upon the truth of the points of their contentions. Secondly he persuaded the people, that such as usurped upon the limits of others possessions, were predestinate to the gods of hell, to the end every man might be afraid to take another's goods. But doth not Machiavelli teach the plain contrary? doth not he say, That a prince, nor any other ought to observe his faith but for his profit? doth he not also say, That a prince should know the art of trumpery & deceit, and that he should make no scruple to be perjured? shows he not also, That a prince in a conquered country, aught to plant colonies and chase away the ancient natural inhabitants from their goods and possessions. All which things are directly contrary to the Religion of Numa, which he commendeth so much, but it is likely, that this ignorant beast praiseth Numa his Religion, without knowing that it contained the points which we now speak of. I doubt not but some will judge at the first sight, That this religion of Numa could not be evil, which taught so good things; as to observe Faith; not to be perjured, nor to usurp others goods and possessions; but it must not be approved therefore: for one must not by an evil and false, introduce a good thing. This was good, to bring the people to an observation of Faith; but to build a temple to Faith, to imagine it was a god, or goddess, and to do service and ceremonies unto her, these were damnable and against God's honour, from whom they steal the glory that belongs unto him, when they, by form of Religion do honour to another thing than him, be it a creature or devised thing. Therefore was not that a christian oration, which was made by monsieur Capel, the king's advocate in the court of Parliament at Paris, in Anno 1535? whereby praising the dead king Francis the second of that name of happy memory, because he had care of Religion, he showed, That realms, and commonweals of the ancient Paynims, which had good care well to observe their Religion, obtained prosperity in all felicity. For that (saith he) although their Religion was false, and that they lived in error and darkness, yet they prospered, because esteeming it good and true, they had it in a singular reverence and observation. This oration of Capel, had truly a little of Machiavelli his doctrine, to say, that a false Religion was cause that the Paynims prospered. But to show, that Machiavelli knows not what he saith, I will here recite an history Tit. Livius, lib. 10. Dec. 4. to this purpose. In the year 574 after the foundation of Rome, in the time of the consulship of Lucius Manlius, and Fulvius Flaccus as men digged the earth in a certain place in Rome, they found the sepulchre of king Numa, where there were two arches of hewn stone, in the one of which Numa was buried, & in the other were the books found which he had written, wrapped in wax, in such sort as they seemed to be new, there were seven in Latin, touching the ceremonies of the Religion which he instituted. Incontinent a fame went of these novels all over, how the books of king Numa were found touching Religion, insomuch as every man attended, that they should be divulged, and that by their means all abuses in the Roman Religion should always be reform. Yet to do nothing rashly, the consuls gave charge to Quintus Petilius lieutenant of justice, well to turn over, and peruse those books, and to report the truth of them unto the Senat. Petilius read them from the one end unto the other, and of them certified his opinion unto the Senate: and it was found, that the Religion which was handled in those books, was of no account, and that it should be a pernicious and damageable thing to the common wealth, to bring that Religion into use: so was it resolved by a decree of the Senate, that those books should be public burnt before all the people, which was done. I would now gladly know of Machiavelli, who so much esteemeth the Religion of Numa, without ever having seen his books, if he can yield a better judgement of them than the Lieutenant Petilius, who read them, and than all the Roman Senat. Is not this as a blind man to judge of colours, who speaks of a thing he knows not. As for Friar Jerome Savanarola the Florentines showed well, that he was no such De come. lib. 2. cap. 25. 53. 54. man as would lead them to any new Religion, neither preached he unto them any other Religion, but the old Romish Religion, only denouncing unto them sometime the vengeances & punishments of God, which from heaven should fall upon them, if they repent and amended not their sins, and this he assured them as though he had had some revelation from God. But amongst other things which he preached and affirmed most, was, that there should come a king out of France into Italy, which should deliver the country from so many tyranizers and potentates, as then held the country in great servage and slavery. This talk pleased some which desired change, though others delighted not in it. About the time that he made those sermons, king Charles the eight made a voyage unto Naples, who assoon as he was seen in Italy, all the world began to say, and believe that Friar Jerome was a true prophet, and that he had well foretold, that which they see come to pass. The worst was, that the said king did nothing worthy of account in the voyage, insomuch that the best part of Ieromes prophesy (which was to purge Italy of so many tyranizers) remained yet to accomplish. Then the reputation of this good Friar Jerome, began not only to diminish, but also men began to say and believe that he was an abuser; so that in the end he was accused at Florence, to be a most wicked heretic; and his enemies said, he were worthy to be put into a sack and to be cast into the river: and because he still continued to preach his first theme; That the king of France should yet again come into Italy, to perform that which he had not executed in that first voyage, and that the will of God was so, and if he did not accomplish it, yet God himself would punish it: the Pope and the Duke of Milan, which were hereat troubled, for they thought this was but a bait to cause the king of France to come another time into Italy, where of they were greatly afraid, therefore joined they together against this poor Friar, and writ to the signory of Florence, to do justice upon him as upon a seducer and an heretic. Amongst others which took Jerome in hand there was found a Friar (for there never was love betwixt the Friars, and the jacobines) which would needs maintain A disputation by Fire. against him, that he was an heretic, and to prove his so saying, he presented unto Jerome the combat, to commit themselves both into the fire, and that he which was not hurt by the fire, should be held (as it was reason) for a soothsayer, and the other whom the fire burned, for a liar and an abuser. Friar Jerome was sore abashed to hear speak of such a manner of disputation, and indeed would not accept it: for he was not so learned not so far a student in Logic, that he had learned such a kind of argumentation, to prove his doctrine by fire: yet was there found another young jacobin, a familiar friend of Ieromes, which accepted the combat, to maintain his friend's quarrel. Then was the day and place assigned in the town of Florence, for those two valiant combatants, both of them to place themselves upon a great heap of faggots, which were laid to that end, for to set fire thereunto as soon as they came upon them. The day assigned being come, behold the two combatants appeared: but the jacobin had about him (as they call it) the precious body of the Host for his defence, which he took betwixt both his hands: the Friar and the signory showed, That that was no reasonable defence for the jacobin, and therefore urged him to let go the Host: but he would not for any thing depart from it: insomuch, as by that means the combat ended, and each one which came to that place to see those valiant combatants go to the fire, returned to their houses. But not long after they were all three endighted, and I know not how nor wherefore, they were accused and condemned (for I find nothing written thereof) but they were all three burnt. Here behold how the Florentines handled this poor Friar Jerome, whom Machiavelli reports to have spoken with God. It may be, some at the beginning had some good opinion of him; but in the end, they made him well know, that he was no such able man, to persuade them either to the Religion of Numa, or to any other Religion: for the most part of them cared for neither the one nor the other. 10. Maxim. A man is happy, so long as Fortune agreeth unto his nature and humour. FOrtune may be compared (saith M. Machiavelli) to a great flood, which nothing can resist, when it overflows his Cha. 25. De Prince. Discourse. lib 2. cap. 29. banks with great inundations. But when it remains in his ordinary course, or when it overfloweth not without measure, the force thereof may easily be resisted, by levies, ditches, rampires, and other like obstacles: so Fortune is sometimes so unmeasurable in violence, that no virtue can resist her; yet virtue may afterward repair the evils which that overflowing violence of Fortune hath brought; it may also very well so resist Fortune, which is moderate, and not too violent, as the forces thereof shall not hurt. I judge therefore (saith he) that prince happy, unto whose nature and manner of doings, there happeneth an accordant and a consonant time. For the diversity of times, make that two (by contrary means) come to one same end and effect; and also, that two (by one same means) do come to contrary ends. So that if he which governs himself moderately, encounter and meet with a time, wherein his virtue is requisite, he cannot fail but prosper: yet if the time change, he shall undoubtedly overthrow himself, if he likewise change not his manners and order of life. Pope julius in all his actions proceeded with extreme fierceness and hastiness, yet his actions succeeded well, but many others have fared evil, by using too precipitate promptitude and haste: Whereof I conclude (saith he) that men are happy, so long as fortune accordeth to their humour and complexion: but as soon as she beginneth to vary and dissent, then go they fast down the wheel; whom also she determineth to overthrow, she blindeth them ordinarily; she can likewise choose fit men at her pleasure to cast down the wheel: commonly she applies & gives herself to young and inconsiderate people, which are most hazardous and prompt in execution, therein imitating the nature of women, which do best love young men, such as to obey them, must rather be spurred than flattered. BY this description of Machiavelli is evidently seen, that he thinks that which the poets writ for fables concerning Fortune, is the very truth. For the Paynim poets have written, That Fortune is a goddess, who giveth good and evil things to whom she list. And to denote, that this she doth inconsiderately and without judgement, they wrap her head in a cloth, least with her eyes she see, and know to whom she giveth; so that she never knoweth unto whom she doth good or evil: moreover, they describe her standing upright upon a bowl, to denote her inconstancy and unstaiednesse, turning and tossing, one while on the one side, another while on the other. Now Machiavelli would make men believe, that this is true, and that all the good and evil which comes to men, happeneth, because they have Fortune accordant or discordant to their complexions. He after saith; That she commonly favoureth young people, such as are hazardous and inconsiderate; to the end, that thereby men might learn that rule, to be rash, violent, and heady, that they may have Fortune favourable unto them. But all this doctrine tends to the same end as the former Maxims do, namely, to insinuate into men's minds and hearts a despite and utter contempt of God and his providence. For let man have once this persuasion; That no good comes unto us from God, but from Fortune; he will easily forsake the service of God: as also when men believe, that evil (that is to say, the punishments of vices and sins) come not from the just judgement of God, but only from Fortune, which inconsiderately and rashly gives evil without consideration, whether they merit them, or no, and as soon to the good as to the wicked; then need we not doubt, but strait such a man is emptied of all fear of God, and ready to fall into every vice. Here may you see the scope and end whereunto this wicked man tendeth to bring princes and other men, leaving no manner of impiety behind to infect and sow his poison in the world. But against this we have good preservatives drawn out of the holy Scriptures, whereby we are assured, That nothing falls to us, but by God's providence, and that such afflictions as are sent us, are for our good, lest the slippery way of prosperity make us fall, to our destruction: insomuch, as we praise God for both good and evil; resolving ourselves, that that which unto our carnal senses appeareth to be evil, is not evil to our souls, but very healthful and good, because there is a Christian Maxim, That no evil can happen to a Christian, from the hand of God our Father: but my purpose is not here to handle that point of theology any further, but I will confute Machiavelli, even by the Paynims themselves. And first I oppose against him almost all the ancient Philosophers, which have maintained, That nothing happeneth, nor is done, without some efficient cause, although to us it be unknown. True it is, that they make a distinction of causes: for they say, that God is the first cause, which holds in action all other inferior causes; God is the first cause of all things. which they call Second, and makes them work their effects: and although oftentimes in this distinction of causes, they attribute some things to second causes, which they should attribute to the first alone, yet notwithstanding, they refer all things to God mediately or immediately. Very true it is, that sometimes they use that name of Fortune, applying themselves to the manner of speech used amongst the people; but there was never Philosopher so beastly, that ever thought her to be any goddess: but when the ancient Philosophers say any thing comes by fortune, or by adventure, or contingency; they mean, that the efficient cause of such a thing is unknown: for that is their doctrine and manner of speech, to say, that a thing happeneth or chanceth by Fortune, and contingently, when they know not the cause thereof. Learnedly speaks Plutarch to this purpose, when he saith; That the poets have Plutarch in libello de Fortuna. done great wrong to Fortune, to say, she is blind, and that she gives her gifts to men rashly without knowing them: for (saith he) it is we which know it not: for Fortune is no other thing but the cause (whereof we are ignorant) of things which we see come to pass. And therefore the Stoic philosophers, although they knew not the second causes of all things, no more than other philosophers, yet used they another manner of speech than they, and attributed the haps and chances of all things unto the ordinance and providence of God, which they called by the name of Fatum: yet indeed the Fatum differeth much from the providence of God, which the Christians hold. For the Stoics held, That God could work no otherwise than the order of second causes would bear and lead him unto: but we hold, That God is free in operation, and not tied to second causes, without which he can do that which he doth by them, and can change them at his pleasure. Timotheus an Athenian captain, coming one day from the war, where his affairs had succeeded and sped well, he was much grieved at some, which said, that he Plu. in Silla. was very happy and fortunate: so that one day in a public assembly of all the people of Athens, he made an oration, wherein he discoursed all his gests and victories, uttering by the way, the means and counsel which he had used in the conduction of his affairs: and after all this discourse, Masters said he, Fortune hath had no part in all this that I have accounted unto you; as if he would say, That it was by his own wisdom, that these things had so well succeeded to him. The gods saith Plutarch, were offended at this foolish ambition of Timotheus, insomuch, that he did never after, any thing of account, but all things he did, turned against the hair, till he came to be hated much of the Athenian people, that in the end he was banished, and chased from Athens. Hereby we may see, that the ancient Paynims, meant to attribute to the gods, that which men in their common manner of speech attributed to Fortune, but they never believed she was a goddess. When Messiere de Commines speaketh of the constable of S. Pol, who was so great and puissant a lord, yet in the end such evil luck befell him, that his hand was De Com. lib. 1. cap. 18. cut off. Hereof he makes a question, and wisely, and religiously absolveth it: What shall we say (saith he) of Fortune? This man that was so great a lord, that by the space of twelve years, he had handled and governed king Lewis the eleventh, & the Duke Charles of Bourgoigne; he was a wise knight, and had heaped together great treasures, and in the end fell into her net. We may then well say, that this deceitful Fortune, beheld him with an evil countenance, nay contrary we must answer (saith he) that Fortune is nothing but a poetical fiction, and that God must of necessity have forsaken him, because he always travailed with all his power, to cause the war still to continue, betwixt the king and the duke of Bourgoigne: for upon this war was founded his great authority and estate, and he should be very ignorant, that would believe, that there was a Fortune therein, which could guide so wise a man to obtain the evil will of two so great princes at once, and also of the king of England, which in their lives accorded in nothing, but in the death of this constable. Behold the very words of Commines, speaking of Fortune, which scenteth as much of a good man, and a good Christian, as the Maxim of Machiavelli tastes of a most wicked Atheist. And as for that which Machiavelli saith, That Fortune favours such as are most hazardous, and rash: Titus Livius is of a farther opinion, who speaking of the victory, Tit. Livi. lib. 2. Dec. 3. which Hannibal obtained, nigh the lake Trasimene, against the consul C. Flamminius, saith; That evil luck came by the temerity of Flamminius, which was nourished and maintained in him, by fortune: whereas before, things had well succeeded with him; but now, he which neither took counsel of the gods, nor of men, it was no marvel, if suddenly he fell into ruin. This loss of the battle, was the cause that Fabius Maximus was elected Dictator to go against Hannibal, as indeed after his election, he took the field with a new army: and certain time after, being sent for of the Senate, to assist at Rome certain sacrifices and ceremonies, he left in the camp Minutius his Lieutenant, saying unto him in this manner: I pray you Minutiuses take heed you do not as Flamminius did, but trust you more in good counsel than in fortune, better it were to be assured, not to be vanquished, than to hazard yourself to be vanquisher. In another place Titus Livius rehearseth, That Caius Sempronius captain of the Roman Army, against the Volsques, trusting in Fortune as a thing Lib. 4. Dec, 1. constant and perdurable, because always before, the Romans had it in custom to overcome that nation, used no prudence, nor good counsel, in his conduction, but hazard and temerity: therefore saith Livy, fortune and good success followeth & abandoneth rashness, and this happeneth most commonly. Hear you see the opinion of Fabius Maximus, and of Titus Livius, much better than that of Machiavelli, who would persuade us, that we had better be rash, than prudent to have fortune favourable unto us: for certain it is that the haps which men call of Fortune, proceed from God, who rather blesseth prudence, which he hath recommended unto us, than temerity: and although sometimes it happen, that he bless not our counsels and wisdoms, it is because we take them not from the true spring and fountain, namely from him of whom we ought to have demanded it, and that most commonly we would, that our own wisdom, should be a glory unto us, whereas only God should be glorified. Hear endeth the second part, entreating of such Religion as a Prince should use. THE THIRD PART, TREATING of such Policy, as a Prince ought to hold in his Commonweal. ¶ The preface. I Have before in order disposed all Machiavels' Maxims, touching Counsel and Religion; and at large I have showed, That all his doctrine shoots at no other mark, but to instruct a prince to govern himself after his own fancy, not delivering his ●are to such as would show him the truth, and to despoil himself of all piety, conscience, and religion. There remains now to handle the third part of his said doctrine, which concerneth Policy, whereof there are many parts, for in it are comprehended such Maxims, as concern Peace, War, Faith, Promise, Oath, Clemency, Cruelty, Liberality, Covetousness, Constancy, Craft, justice, and other virtues and vices, considerable in public and politic persons. All these things Machiavelli handles in such sort, as it is easy to know, that his only purpose was to instruct a prince to be a true tyrant, and to teach him the art of tyranny. In which art, verily he hath showed himself a great doctor, yea far greater than Bartolus: for Bartolus, (who was a renowned doctor in the law) in his treatise written of tyranny, wades no thing so deep in the matter as Machiavelli doth, although reading the treatise of Bartolus, it seems that Machiavelli hath learned a great deal of his knowledge: but Machiavelli apply it contrary, seeking, that men should hold it for good, whereas Bartolus speaketh of it as of a damnable thing, which men ought to repulse and shun with all their power: and to confer a little thereupon, I will here summarily recite certain points of doctor Bartolus, touching this matter of tyranny, to show that which Machiavelli hath stolen, yet would apply it to the duty of a prince, whereas Bartolus attributeth it to the iniquity and malice of a tyrant. First Bartolus constituteth two kinds of tyrants, the one in title, the other in exercise. A tyrant in title (saith he) is he which without any title, or else with a bad title usurpeth a domination and signory: A tyrant in exercise is he, who having a lawful title to domineer and rule, ruleth not justly and loyally as a good prince ought to do: after this he numbereth ten sorts of actions, whereby a tyrant is manifested to be a tyrant in exercise. The first action is, when he puts to death the mightiest and most excellent persons amongst his subjects, for fear they should arise against his tyranny. The second, when he troubleth and afflicteth good and wise men of his domination, lest they should discover his vices to the people. The third action, when he seeks to abolish studies and good letters, to the end wisdom may not be learned. The fourth, when he forbiddeth lawful and honest assemblies and congregations, fearing men will arise up against him. The fift, when he hath spies in all places, fearing men speak evil of his evil actions. The sixth, when he maintains divisions amongst his subjects, to the end, one part may fear another, and so neither the one nor the other arise against him. The seventh, when he seeks to hold his subjects poor, to the end, that they being occupied in the means to get their living, they may machinate nothing against him. The eight, when he seeks to maintain war to effeeblish his subjects, and to abolish studies, and to make himself strong, when he needs. The ninth, when he trusteth more in strangers than in his own subjects, and that he be takes himself unto a strange guard. And the tenth action is, when there is partiality amongst his subjects, and he adhereth more to the one than the other. Which ten kinds of action, Bartolus proveth by reasons of law to be truly tyrannical, by which a tyrant in exercise is known and manifested to be a tyrant, and especially (saith he) by these three kinds; when he maintaineth division amongst his subjects; when he empoverisheth them; and when he afflicteth them in their persons and goods, insomuch, that the most part of the people are miscontented. And finally, he concludeth, That to such tyrants by right and reason men ought not to obey nor appear before them, but that they ought to be dispossessed of their estates. But in all this doctrine of Bartolus can you find one only point, that Machiavelli would not have applied and taught to a prince? All these ten kinds of tyrannical actions, set down by Bartolus, are they not so many Maxims of Machiavelli his doctrine taught to a prince? Saith he not? That a prince ought to take away all virtuous people, lovers of their commonwealth, to maintain partialities and divisions, to impoverish his subjects, to nourish wars, and to do all other the aforesaid things, which Bartolus saith to be the works of tyrants. We need then no more to doubt, that the purpose of Machiavelli, was not to form a true tyrant; and that he hath not stolen from Bartolus, one part of his tyrannical doctrine which he teacheth, which yet he hath much augmented and enriched. For he hath added, That a prince ought to govern himself by his own counsel; and he ought not to suffer any to discover unto him the truth of things; and that he ought not to care for any Religion (as we have showed before) neither that he ought to observe any faith or oath, but aught to be cruel, a deceiver, a fox in craftiness, covetous, inconstant, unmerciful, and perfectly wicked, if it be possible, as we shall see hereafter. So that hereby apparently may be seen, That Machiavelli is a far greater doctor in the art of tyranny, than Bartolus; yet I compare them not together: For that which Bartolus hath written of tyranny, was to discover and condemn it: but that which Machiavelli hath written, was to cause princes to practise and observe it, and to sow in their hearts a true tyrannical poison, under the pretext and name of a prince's duty and office. Finally, there is no cause nor reason to compare this beastly Machiavelli, a simple burne-paper-scribe of the townhouse of Florence, with this great Doctor Bartolus, who was one of the excellentest Lawyers of his time, and for one such is yet acknowledged. But now let us enter into the matter. 1. Maxim. That War is just, which is necessary, and those Arms reasonable, when men can have no hope by any other way, but by Arms. MAchiavell exhorting the magnificent Laurence de Medicis, to get all Italy, persuadeth him by this Maxim. He shows him, that Italy is fit and ready to receive a new prince, because it is now fallen into extreme desolation, more than ever the jews were in the servitude Hebrews. of Egypt. And that this miserable province hath attended to be delivered from her servitude by a prince (meaning king Charles the eight) which she esteemed should be sent of God: but that by his acts it appeared, that he was reproved and abandoned of Fortune, and that now there was no other hope to be delivered from their misery, but in that illustrious house of Medicis, which might well enterprise to make itself chief of that redemption, with the Church's help, whereupon she ruled, (meaning of Pope Leo x.) with the aid also of his own virtue and his own fortune, favoured of God. And that the magnificent Laurence might well bring it to pass, in proposing to himself for imitation the examples of Caesar Bourgia and Agathocles: And that Italy delights in nothing so much as novelties, and the Italians surpass other nations in force, agility of body and spirit. True it is (saith he) that when it cometh to battles, they will never appear, but men must lay the fault thereof upon the cowardice and little heart of their captains, because they that have knowledge, will not willingly obey, and every man presumeth to know much. He showeth moreover, That the magnificent Laurence had good occasion to enterprise the taking of Italy, to deliver it from the slavish servitude, wherein it is, and that enterprise should be founded upon good justice, because that war cannot fail to be esteemed just, which is necessary, and all arms are good and reasonable, when men have no hope otherwhere, but by them. THis Maxim of Machiavelli, is a true means to sow both & strange wars all over the world: For if princes had this persuasion, that it were lawful for them to assail any other prince, under the pretext and show, that he handled not well his subjects; princes should never want occasions to war one against another. And therefore to say, that the magnificent Laurence de Medicis, had just occasion to get Italy, to deliver it from the evil handling of the potentates thereof, which there dominiered and ruled, this in no sort could be called a just cause of war; but it rather may be called an evil against an evil, and tyranny against tyranny, because they de Medicis cannot say, that they have any right or title unto Italy. But if we consider what tyranny is, as the elders have spoken thereof, we shall find, that not only men in old time called such prince's tyrants, which handled evil and rudely their subjects, as Caligula, Nero, Commodus, & other like; but also such as handled well and kindly their subjects, when without title they usurped domination upon them, as julius Cesar, Hieron of Siracuse, the governors which the Lacedæmonians set over Athens, and other like. And therefore a prince which hath no title over a country, cannot lawfully invade it to get dominion there, but by tyranny, whatsoever good intent he surmise or have, to use the inhabitants friendly when he hath conquered it: yet he may well aid another prince, having lawful title to oppose against a tyranny: because that is a common duty, whereby all good princes are obliged to help all such as by title and legitimate cause, do oppose themselves to resist a tyranny. But if a prince go about to usurp another country (after the counsel of Macbiavell, without lawful title under a vail, to deliver that country from tyranny) this cannot be well and justly done, unless a man will say, that one tyrant may justly expulse an other tyrant. The Romans have many times by example, showed this to be true, and never Titus Liviu● lib. 7. Dec. 1 would they deal in war against any man without just title. The Samnites (which were a mighty people, made one war against the Campani neighbours unto the Romans, which sent to Rome to demand succours. They showed, that they were the None may move war without just title and cause. Romans neighbours, and that it well became the Roman generosity and virtue to secure their neighbours, seeing also that by marriages there were infinite alliances betwixt the Romans and the Campanians; and the Romans might always draw great commodities and profits from Campania, which was a fertile and plentiful country. But they could never obtain other thing, at the Roman Senate's hand for these allegations, but that the Senate sent ambassadors to the Samnites, to pray them to cease making war upon the Campanians, the Romans neighbours: Then the Campanians deputies said: Well (my masters) seeing you will not now defend us, against an unjust & tyrannous invasion, yet at the least defend that which is your own, for we yield and give ourselves to you, yea us and all that is ours: Then the Senate, taking title and foundation of this dedition, enterprised the defence of the Campanians, which otherwise without title they would never have enterprised. And truly the saying of the emperor Martian, is very memorable and deserveth good observation, That a prince ought never to move war, whilst he could Pomp. Laetus in Martian. maintain peace: as if he would say, That Arms ought not to be employed by a prince, but in the defence of his country, and not to assail another. And indeed, a man had need look about him more than once before he move war, and well consider and examine, if therein there be just cause, or no: for wars are easy to commence (as M. Comines saith) but very uneasy to appease and finish. And upon this we read, That in the Senate of Rome there was once a very notable disputation between Cato (one esteemed the wisest of Rome) and Scipio Nasica (who was reputed the best man of Rome.) The matter was this: After the first Punic war, the Romans made peace with the Carthaginians, by which peace was accorded, That the Carthaginians might not rig any ship of war, nor move war against the Romans or their allies. It came to pass a certain time after this peace, that the Carthaginians gathered together many ships: which being reported at Rome, and the matter propounded in counsel in the Senate, Cato and many others reasoned, That war should be made upon the Carthaginians, because they had gone from the treaty of peace, and that war might justly be offered unto them, as breakers of peace. But Scipio Nasica was of a contrary opinion, That there was yet no sufficient cause to make war: for although the Carthaginians had gone against the peace, and violated their faith and promise; yet the Romans received no offence or damage as yet: and therefore he was of advice, That the Carthaginians should be summoned to lay down their arms, and untackle their ships, and observe peace, even in the articles which they had broken. The plurality of voices were of Nasica his opinion, and accordingly, men were sent to Carthage to summon them to obtemperate and obey the treaty of peace, and to repair contraventions. They would do nothing therein, but prepared themselves more to set upon Massinissa their ally and friend. Then (this coming to counsel in the Senate) all agreed, That then there was just cause to move war against the Carthaginians, seeing they had already begun to practise the same against Massinissa, their ally and friend: but there also were divers opinions, whether they should altogether ruinated from the top to the bottom the town of Carthage, after they had taken it, or to let it still remain a town. Cato was of opinion, totally to ruinated and destroy it; because it could not be kept in any fidelity, but would break her faith and promise at the first occasion that offered itself. Nasica was of a contrary advice, saying, It was good that Rome had always an enemy, upon whom to make war, that the Roman people might not be corrupt, and become cowards by too great peace and prosperity, for want upon whom to make war. The resolution of the Senate was in a mean betwixt these two opinions. For it was ordained, That the Carthaginians should be permitted to remove their town into any other part ten mile from the sea. But the Carthaginians found so strange the removing of their town, that they had rather suffer all extreme things: insomuch, as by long war they were wholly vanquished, and their town altogether razed and made inhabitable. Very memorable also to this purpose is the advice of the Chancellor de Rochefort, Annals upon the year 1488. who was in the time of king Charles the eight. For many counseling this young king to make war against Francis, duke of Bretaigne, to lay hold of his duchy: this good Chancellor showed, That the rights the king pretended to that duke, were not yet well verified, and that it were good to seek further into them, before war was attempted; for it should be the work of a tyrant to usurp countries, which belong not to him. According to this advice, ambassadors were sent to the duke, who then was at Reves, to send on his side, men of counsel, and the king would do so on his side, to resolve upon both their rights. This was done, and men assembled to that end: but in the mean while duke Francis died, and the king espoused Madam Anne, his daughter and heir, and so the controversy ended. The same king enterprising his voyage of Naples, caused to assemble all his precedents Annal. upon Anno 149●. of his courts of Parliaments, with his Chancellor, his privy Counsel, and the princes of his blood, to resolve upon his title and right to Naples and Sicily. These lords being assembled, visited the genealogy and descent of the kings of Sicily and Naples, & they found, that the king was the right heir of these kingdoms: so that upon that resolution this voyage was enterprised. Hereby is seen the vanity of Machiavelli, who presupposeth, That king Charles had enterprised that voyage to get all Italy, but that Fortune was not favourable unto him: for that was never his design nor purpose; neither assayed he to seize upon any thing in Italy, but of certain towns necessary for his passage, in determination to yield them up again at his departure, as he did. And if the king would have enterprised upon Italy, he had had a far more apparent title, than the magnificent Laurence de Medicis, seeing all Italy was once by just title possessed by Charlemagne, king of France his predecessor. But this hath been always a property in our kings, not to run over others grounds, nor to appropriate to themselves any signory, which appertained not unto them by just title. We read also of Charles the fift, called the Sage, That being incited by his nobility Frois. lib. 1. cap. 245. 25. and people of Guienne, to seize again, that country, which was occupied by the English: he would not enterprise it without great & good deliberation of good Counsel. And therefore he caused well to be viewed by wise and experienced people, the treaty of peace made at Bretaigne, betwixt his dead father and the king of England; for that it was told him, that the king of England had not accomplished on his side, that which he was bound to do. After they had (as they thought) well resolved him of this point, yet he was not content to be satisfied himself, but would, that his subjects should be also well resolved thereof, and especially such as were under the English obedience: and to that purpose he sent preachers covertly into such good towns as were occupied by the English; insomuch, that readily by the preachers inducements there were more than threescore towns and fortresses, which revolted from the Englishmen, and offered themselves unto the king's obeisance. This then is a resolved point, That a prince ought not to enterprise to obtain a If by war any can be constrained to be of any Religion. country, where he hath no title under colour to deliver the inhabitants thereof from tyranny. But here may arise a question, if it be lawful for a prince to make war for religion, and to constrain men to be of his religion? hereupon to take the thing by reason, the resolution is very easy: For seeing that all religion consisteth in an approbation of certain points that concern the service of God, certain it is, that such an approbation dependeth upon the persuasion which is given to men thereof: but the means to persuade a thing to any man, is not to take weapons, to bear him, nor to menace him, but to demonstrate unto him by good reasons and allegations, which may induce him to a persuasion. But he that will decide this question by examples of our ancestors, he shall find diverse to be for and against. For to read our French histories in the lives of Clowis the first, Charlemagne, and some other kings of France, it seemeth that their study was altogether bend upon war Annals upon Anno 718. against Paynims, for nothing, but to make them become Christians, with hand-blows and force of arms. But what Christians? That is when the Paynims were vanquished, and that they could no more resist, they were acquitted upon condition to be baptised without other instruction. And most commonly, as soon as they could again gather strength, they returned to their Paynim religion. And this is well showed us by the history of one Rabbod, duke of Fricse, who being upon the point to be baptised, and his clothes off, and having one foot in the font, he demanded of the archbishop of Sens, which should have baptised him, Whether there were more of his parents in hell or in paradise? The archbishop answered him, that the most must needs be in hell, because his predecessors were never baptised. Then the duke drawing his foot out of the water: Well, said he then, I will go to hell with my parents and friends, and I will not be baptised, to be separated from them, & so he withdrew himself, denying to be baptised. Here I leave you to think if this man were well instructed in the Christian doctrine. It seemeth, that at that day, to be a Christian, it sufficed to be baptised, and commonly Paynims were baptised by force of arms. We read also, That our ancient kings of France made many voyages into Turkey and into Africa for the augmentation of the Christian Religion, and to revenge (as they said) the death of our Lord jesus Christ upon the Paynims and Infidels. But one time the Paynims themselves showed them well, that they enterprised such wars by an inconsiderate zeal. For the army of France (whereof the duke of Bourbon was chief) being in Africa, making war against the Infidels, in the time of king Charles the sixth, the captain general of the Turks and Saracens sent an herald to the duke of Bourbon, to know wherefore he descended into Africa to make war upon them. The duke of Bourbon assembled the greatest lords of the army to resolve what answer to make to the herald. After, by the advice of all, it was answered, That they Christians made war upon them, to revenge the death of Christ the son of God, and a true Prophet, which their generation had put to death and crucified. The Turks understanding this answer, sent again to the duke of Bourbon, and the lords of France, that they had by some received evil information upon that matter, for they were the jews which crucified jesus Christ, and not their predecessors: and if the children must needs suffer for their ancestors faults, they should then take the jews, which were then amongst them, and upon them revenge the death of their jesus Christ. Our Frenchmen knew not what to answer hereunto, yet they continued the war, where was done no notable exploit, but by contagion of the air they were constrained to return, after they had lost the most part of their army. Likewise, in the year 1453 the Pope having proclaimed a Croisado in Christendom, to run over Turkey, to avenge the death of our Lord jesus Christ, and to constrain the Turks to be christened: the Turk writ letters unto him; wherein he signified, that they were the jews which crucified Christ. And as for him, he descended not of the jews, but of the Trojans blood, whereof he understood the Italians were likewise descended. And that their duty were rather, both one of us, and the other to restore rather the great Troy, and to revenge the death of Hector their ancestor, against the Grecians, than to make war one upon another, as for his part he was ready to do, having already subjugated the most part of Greece. And that he believed, that jesus Christ was a great Prophet, but that he never commanded (as he was given to understand) that men should believe in his law by force and by arms: as also on his part, he so constrained no man to believe in the law of Mahomet. Behold the substance of the Turks letter to the Pope, which seemed to be as well, yea, better founded upon reasons than the Pope's bulls. For verily jesus Christ would, that by preaching, his law should be received into the world, and not by force of arms. In the time when Christendom was divided into Clementines and Vrbanists, by reason of a schism of Popes, we may well presuppose, that the one thought the Froisar. lib. 2 cap. 132. 133 lib. 3. cap 24. other to be altogether out of the way of salvation: and our hystorians say, That the one part called the other dogs, miscreants, infidels, etc. Their reason was, because they said, that as there was but one God in heaven, so there aught to be but one on earth: and the aforesaid Clementines held assuredly, That Pope Clement was the true god on earth, and Pope Vrbane the false god, and that the Vrbanists believed in a false god, and by consequent that they all strayed from the faith. For as no religion can stand without believing in God, so esteemed they, that they which believed not in the true earthly god, were altogether without all religion, as dogs & miscreants: & our historiographers, which held that opinion as well as the other, said, That from that time the faith was shaken and ready to fall to the ground. The same opinion had the Vrbanists of the Clementines, as the Clementines had of the Vrbanists. We have before in another place, said, That under colour of this diversity in religion, the king of England, who was an Vrbanist, enterprised to make war upon the kings of France and Castille, Clementines. Likewise also the Clementines enterprised no less against the Vrbanists, yea, against the Pope Vrbane himself, whom they besieged in the town of Peronse, where he was in great danger to have been taken, yet in the end he saved himself at Rome. The king of France determined to have passed into Italy, by war to have destroyed the Vrbanists; but in the end he took another resolution, which was to cause the schism to cease: so he caused to convocate a great and notable assembly in the town of Rheims in campaign, whither in person resorted the emperor Sigismond, and there a conclusion was made to exhort the two Popes to submit themselves to the new election of a Pope, wherein their right should be conserved unto them: and if they would not submit themselves thereunto, that the Christian princes and their subjects should withdraw themselves from the obedience both of the one and the other. After this subtraction was made (because the said Popes would not obey the exhortation that was made) there was a new election of a Pope (in a Counsel held at Pisa by the emperors and the king's authorities) called Pope Alexander the fift, a Friar minor, and the other two Antipopes were cursed, as is said in another place. And thus ceased the wars for Religion in all Christendom. To this purpose also you must know, That during the said schism of the Clementines Froisar. lib. 4 cap. 33. and Vrbanists, the duke of Bretaigne had peace with the king of France, and a great assembly was made betwixt them in the town of Tours. The duke appearing there, some of the king's Counsel showed him, that he was disobedient to the king, being of another religion than the king was (for the king was a Clementine, and the duke an Vrbanist) and it was not meet that the vassal should be of another religion than his sovereign lord. The abovesaid duke answered wisely, That it could not be called a rebellion or disobedience: for no man ought to judge of his conscience, but only God, who is the sovereign and only judge of such a matter, and that he believed in Pope Vrban, because his election was before Pope Clement's. Some of the king's Counsel, of the meanest sort, made a great matter of this diversity of religion: but the dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne, the king's uncles, were opinioned, that it was not a sufficient point to stand upon, to put by, an accord with the duke of Bretaigne: insomuch, that following their advice, an accord was concluded, yea, a marriage of one of the king's daughters with the said duke of Bretaigne. This example and advice of these two good dukes, me thinks all Christian princes should follow, and not cease to agree together for diversity of Religion, but to remit the judgement thereof unto God, who alone can compound and agree the differences of the same. And not only amongst princes the bond of amity ought not to be broken, for difference of Religion: but also princes ought not to use arms against their subjects, to force them unto a Religion, but they ought to assay all other means, to demonstrate unto them by lively reasons their errors, and so bring them to a good way: and if it appear not that their subjects do err and stray, they ought to maintain them, and not persecute them, at the instigation of flatterers and envious people. An example hereof is memorable of king Lewis the twelfth, who was called the Father of the people. For in his time certain Cardinals and Prelates persuaded him to exterminate and utterly to root out all the people of Cabriers and Merindol in Provence (which were the relics of the Christians, called Albi, then sore persecuted for Christ) telling him, That they were sorcerers, incestuous Molinaeus de la Monarchia de● Francois. Anno. 155. persons, and heretics. They of Merindol and Cabriers having some scent of the aforesaid accusation, sent certain of their wisest men to remonstrate to the king their justice and innocency. As soon as these men were arrived at the Court, the said Cardinals and Prelates did what they could to hinder, that they should not be heard, and indeed told the king, that he ought not to hear them, because the Cannon law holds, That men ought not to give audience to heretics, nor communicate with them. The king replied, That if he had to make war upon the Turk, yea, against the devil himself, he would hear them. This was an answer worthy of a king. For seeing kings hold in their hands the sceptre of justice, this is not to use, but to abuse, To condemn any, & not to hear them. The said king Lewis then hearing the said messengers of Cabriers and Merindol, they showed him in all humility, that their people received the Gospel, the Bible, & the Apostles Creed, the commandments of God, and the Sacraments, but they believed not in the Pope nor in his doctrine: and that if it pleased his Majesty to send to inquire of the truth of their speeches, they were contented all to die, if their words were not found true. This good king would needs know if it were so, and indeed deputed M. Adam Fumee, his master of Requests, and one M. Parvi, a jacobin, his Confessor, to go to Cabriers and Merindol, to inquire of the life and religion of the inhabitants in those places; which they did: and after they had seen and known all, they made their report unto the king, That in those places their children were baptised, they taught them the articles of the Faith, and the commandments of God; that they well observed their sabboth's, always preaching thereon the word of God: and as for sorceries and whoredoms, there were none amongst them: moreover, they found no images in their temples, nor ornaments of the Mass. The king having received this report, what judgement gave he of it? did he condemn them strait, because they had no images nor ornaments of the Mass? No, he presently swearing by his oath, pronounced, That they were better men than he or all his people. Here may princes learn how to use themselves, in supporting against slanderers, such, in whom there is no appearance of error. But leaving this question, and again taking our purpose: certain it is, That a prince ought not lightly to attempt war (as Machiavelli persuadeth) and upon A prince ought to seek all means to put out war by a peace. some necessity, having war in hand, he ought to search out and accept all honest conditions to get out of it. For sometimes the prince which refuseth honest and reasonable conditions, upon hope that his forces are great, falleth oftentimes into great distress: and it hath been many times seen, that petty captains have made head against great and strong powers of mighty princes. In the time of the battle of Poitiers, where king john was taken, the prince of Wales before the battle, offered the king to yield him all that both he and his Froisar. lib. 1 cap 161. Annals upon Anno 1356 annal upon Anno 1433. people, had conquered since his departure from Bourdeaux, & also to yield him all the pillage: but the king would not accept this offer, but withal asked, that the prince and four of the greatest lords of the army, should yield themselves at his will. The prince (who was generous) choose rather to fight it out, than to accept so shameful and dishonourable an accord; so he and his army fought valiantly, insomuch that a very little numbar of English, overcame great forces of the French, and the king was taken, and many other great princes and lords, for which to redeem, the kingdom was so emptied of silver, that they were compelled to make money of leather, which in the midst had only a note of silver: and from this battle proceeded infinite evils, miseries, and calamities, which had not happened if the king had been so well advised, as to have foregone that war by soft and assured means, rather than by the hazard of the battle. But contrary to king john, king Charles the seventh, reconquering Guienne and Normandy upon the English, never refused any proffer or composition, sought always to recover that which his predecessors had justly lost, without effusion of blood. The Roman histories are full of such like examples: For that which overthrew the Carthaginians, the king Perseus, the king Mithridates; that which abated the pride of Philip king of Macedon, of that great king Antiochus, and of many others, was, they could never accept the good and reasonable conditions, of peace which was offered unto them by the Romans, but would rather experiment, what force, founded upon a good right could do; I say founded upon good right, because a small force which hath right with it, oftentimes abateth a great force, which is not founded on a good right: the reason is evident, because, he that knoweth he hath just cause to make war, and which seethe that his adversary, trusting much in his forces, will not come to any reasonable composition, redoubleth his courage, his heat, and fighteth more valiantly, than he which is driven thereunto, rather upon pride than of any generosity of heart; but the principal reason thereof is, that God who giveth victories, inclineth most often to the rights side, and although sometimes it seems that the wrong carrieth away the victory, yet always God shows by the end & issue, (according to which we must judge) that he is for the right. Above all, the prince ought to appease the wars in his own country, whether A prince ought to appease war in his own country. they be raised by strangers, or by his own subjects, for, as for such wars, as he may have in a strange land, against strangers it may happen they will not prove so evil, but he may provide good soldiers in his need: and especially this point is considerable, when a prince's subjects are naturally inclined to war (as is the French nation) for then necessarily, they must be employed in that wherein is their natural disposition, or else they will move war against themselves, as Sallust saith in these words, If (saith he) the virtue and generosity of princes, captains, and men of war, might so well be employed, and show itself of such estimate in peace as in war, human things would carry themselves more constantly, and men should not see such changes of one estate into another, nor all thing mixed in a confusion as we see. Therefore a strange war in a strange country, seemeth not to be very damageable, but something necessary, to occupy and exercise his subjects, but domestic and civil wars, must needs be shunned and extinguished with all our power, for they be things against the right of nature, to make war against the people of their country, as he that doth it against his own entrails: Therefore saith Homer: Right wicked are those men which love not parents dear. Sottish no less are they which family doth hate: Iliad. 9 But most ungodly they their country which doth fear, With wars: so direful to a quiet state. The prince also aught to consider, that by wars, he more weakeneth himself and his subjects in one year, than by a strange war he can do in thirty years: wars also are without comparison, more ruinous and dangerous than strange wars are. To this purpose is there in Titus Livius, a notable oration made by the Roman deputies, unto Marcius Coriolanus, which was unjustly banished from Rome, and Lib. 2. Dec. 1 Dionis. Halic. lib. S. who yielded himself to the Volsques, enemies of the Romans, & was elected captain of the Volsques, to make war upon his country: for as he laid siege to Rome, there were sent to him in embassage, five great Roman lords, whereof some were his parents, and all his friends, the one of which, called Marcus Minutius spoke thus for them all: We are not ignorant dear lord and friend, that great wrong hath been done unto you at Rome, to banish and drive you from your country, for which you have done so much, and so many times, so well fought for it, that you may be accounted as a second father or founder: we know well also that by good right, you are grieved and despited against us, for so unjust a judgement, and wrong as is done you. For naturally he that is injured, is watchful against him that injureth him; yet we cease not to marvel, that with reason you discern not them, upon whom you may justly take revenge, from them which have done you no evil nor outrage, but you indifferently repute for enemies, as much the culpable as the innocent, your friends as them that hate you: which doing, you violate the inviolable laws of nature, you confound right and wrong, equity and iniquity, yea you forget yourself so much as you make war upon yourself, in so doing upon your blood. We which are your friends, and of the ancientest Patricians, are sent hither, by your country and ours, to complain in her name, for that you violate natural right, & to pray you to cease from this war, and to hearken unto a good peace, offering to agree unto you, all that shall be to your honour and utility: We confess that great wrong hath been done you, in your banishment; but who hath done it unto you? The people (say you) gave the voice for my condemnation. True it is we can not deny it, but all the people is but one voice, although the most part were against you; they then which have given their voices for your absolution, do they merit that you should make war upon them, as heretics? And we Senators, which have been so sorrowful at your evil, ought you account us as your enemies? But women and children, what have they done unto you? must needs so many innocents fall into peril and danger to be slain, peeled and saccaged, that have done you no wrong, but rather favoured you. If we demand of you, wherefore you would raze and destroy our goodly buildings, framed by our ancestors, where are the statues and images of their victories and triumphs, and wherefore will you abolish their memories? what can you answer? assuredly you can have no colour to do this thing, unless you will say, that friends and enemies culpable, & innocents dead and living, ought equally to suffer vengeance, of the injury was done you: a thing unmeet to be done, yea to be thought on by a man that hath never so little reason, you should consider (dear lord and friend) the inconstancy of the affairs of this world, the mutability of men's spirits, and to excuse the misfortune which happeneth unto you, to our great grief, and accept an honourable return into your country, which desireth you; that for it you may continue to employ your virtue, as you have done in times past, by this means shall you leave after you, a good and holy reputation of your virtue, to your posterity; and if you do otherwise, you shall leave after your death a remembrance, that you were an enemy, a saccager and ruiner of your poor country, where you were borne, and where, you have been tenderly and honourably nourished: yet more there is that so long as you live, you shall be an horror and execration to all the world, yea even to the Volsques, which are now your friends, yea all the world will fly your company as a thief or robber. We therefore pray you (dear lord and friend) that you will forget the injury, that you have unjustly, received, and accept an happy, healthful, & honourable return into your country, into your house, where your poor mother is, your dear wife, your friends, and dear children, which extremely weep and lament your absence, and especially since it was made known unto them, that you come with a strong hand, to put them to the edge of the sword, as well as others. After these ambassadors had thus spoken, there was yet sent to Coriolanus, Veturia, his mother, & Volumnia his wife, carrying in their arms his little children, accompanied with a great number of noble women. When Coriolanus see arrive in his camp these ambassadors, and after his mother and wife, holding his little children in their arms, were fallen down on their knees weeping, than nature forced, and burst that hard and obstinate courage of his, so that strait a peace was made, and he ceased to war upon his country. If we know not what mischiefs and calamities, comes of wars, there might be many examples set down thereof, but alas we Frenchmen know too much thereof; and yet many are enhardened to persever therein, and they cannot bow their hard courage to desist from ruinating, and warring against their mother and country. This Paynim Coriolanus, may make them ashamed, who did not persever in making war upon his country, although his courage were rude and full of vengeance, but suffered himself to be vanquished by reason: but they make war in a contrary course, not making any account either of reason, love or piety, that they ought all to have towards their country, parents and friends, letting lose the bridle to their passions and vengeances, bursting, ruinating, massacring, slaying, pilling and destroying from top to bottom, their parents, friends, fellow-citizens & neighbours, and generally all our poor country, which our poor ancestors left us, so rich and flourishing. I know well, that every one layeth the fault upon his adversary, & that every one saith, that he it is which fighteth for his country, which they of the contrary part will needs ruinated: but easy it is to judge (for him whose judgement is free of passion) who is in the wrong, for they who seeks not another man's, who demands but their own, and that the kingdom be reform by their own laws, and brought into her ancient splendour and renown, can they be called enemies of the country? Is there any thing in the world that is more ours then our soul, our conscience, and our lives? That is true (will some Messier say) you may have assurance of your lives, every one also may have liberty of his conscience, but to speak of reformation, is treason. Yea, but what assurance of life will be given us? even an assurance, that shall be under the safeguard and protection of the first wicked man, which will conspire a massacre, who shall be invited to enterprise it by the impunity of former massacres. What liberty of conscience can we have, unless it be of Machiavels' religion, that is to say, to be without religion, without piety, without the power of a frank and free conscience to serve God? Call you it liberty of conscience to be without religion, or without exercise of religion? nay, it is rather a very slavish servitude. But if it be treason to speak of reforming abuses and corruptions which are in the kingdom, it followeth, that they are guilty of treason, which procure and purchase the commonwealth, against which both reason and all laws do pronounce. If therefore the world at this day esteem enemies of their country, such as seek nothing but the good thereof, and that they may have left them their souls, consciences, and lives? God and his verity shall have the victory, and cause them that come after us to judge otherwise. Although the horrors and calamities of wars are sufficiently known in this time, yet will I briefly rehearse two most notable examples. The war which was in the Roman empire, betwixt Marius and Silla, was an horrible and fearful butchery, which filled Rome and all Italy with blood. For both of them were masters of Rome and all Italy, one after another; and so being, they did not cease all they could to kill and massacre one another's friends and partakers: insomuch, that in a manner all men of quality and all good people were slain: for there was no notable man, but he held of the one or the other. Amongst other memorable things happening in this war, this especially concerneth our cause in hand, which fell in the battle that Pompeius the lieutenant of Silla, obtained against Florus. lib. 79 Cinna the partner of Marius: for one of Pompeius' soldiers having strooken dead to the ground one of Cinna his soldiers, he disarmed him, thinking to spoil him of all he had, but then finding him to be his own brother, this poor soldier fell in a great rage, and almost to a madness, that he had so slain his own brother: yet strait he caused a great fire of wood to be made, to turn his brother's body into ashes, after the manner of the Paynims then: and making great lamentations and sorrowful exclamations, he laid his brother's body upon the wood, than he put fire unto it, and as soon as it was well kindled, he cast himself into the fire also, and was burned with his brother's body: insomuch, as death united the ashes of those two brethren, which the wars had disunited. But yet a far worse and greater war happened soon after betwixt Pompeius and Caesar, and it endured and continued all the time of the Triumvirate of Octavius, Antonius, and Lepidus, against Cassius and Brutus, and ended betwixt Antonius Flor. lib. 120. and Octavius. This war endured two and thirty years, and spread itself almost through all the world, which then was in subjection to the Roman Plutarch in Caesar. empire; yea, even the people of the East, West, North, and South, felt their grievous part of this war. It was verified, That in this unnatural war from the beginning, till the fourth Consulship of Caesar only, there died of the citizens of Rome, the number of one hundred and seventy thousand. And you may very well believe, that many were after slain; also, that ten times as many died in so many provinces as belonged to the Roman empire: insomuch, as these detestable wars swallowed up many millions of men. But the Triumvirate of Octavius, Antonius, and Lepidus, was a most detestable union, which accorded to take unto them, all the government of the commonweal, and to slay all their enemies. But because it often came to pass, that he which was friend of one of the three, was the others enemy, when one would have him slain as an enemy, the other would lay hold of him to defend him as his friend; yet the abovesaid cruelty so surmounted all humanity, and the desire of vengeance so vanquished all amity, that these aforesaid captains entered into this detestable complot, that they sold their friends one to another, to have an enemy in exchange: as that wicked Antonius to have Cicero his enemy (whom Octavius favoured as his friend) was content in exchange to deliver his own uncle by the mother's side, called Lucius Caesar, to Octavius his enemy; so that the one was exchanged for the other, and they both died. Can there possibly in the world be conspired a more barbarous disloyalty? Is it not a strange thing to hear, that a friend should be betrayed to death, to have that cruel pleasure to slay his enemy? Yet by this course and complot died an hundred and thirty Senators, besides many other persons of other quality. Antonius also the deviser of this barbarous exchange, received his due reward even by Octavius himself, whom he had induced to commit such cruelties. For in the end they were enemies, and Antonius being vanquished in the naval battle at Actium, slew himself, so turning upon and against himself that barbarous cruelty which he had exercised against Cicero and others. And it needs not seem strange, if these wars of Rome endured so long time, as two and thirty years: for the wars betwixt the houses of Burgoigne Monstr. lib. 1. ca 79. 80, 81, 159, 191 & 198. and Orleans in France, endured threescore years, being continued from father to son for two generatious. And as for cruelties, me thinks greater cannot be imagined, than them which the Parisians (the duke of Bourgoignes partners) committed within the town of Paris. For they massacred the Constable and Chancellor of France, whom they drew and trailed through the town most filthily, and murdered also many other great Lords, Archbishops, Bishops, Prelates, and more than three thousand other persons, as well gentlemen as other notable people, which by force they drew out of prisons to murder and massacre them as they did. The captain of the commons, which committed those barbarous inhumanities', was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris. Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne, not contented to suscitate such popular commotions & stirs in France, but brought also the English men into France, which were like to have been masters thereof: yet not herewith content, they caused king Charles the sixth to war against his own son, who after was called Charles the seventh, and one moiety of the kingdom against another. And not to leave behind any kind of cruelty, no not towards the dead, they caused to be spread and published all over France, certain Pope's bulls, whereby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleans and his partakers both quick and dead; insomuch, as when there died any in the hands of the partners of Bourgoigne, either by ward, prison, or disease, they buried them not in the earth, but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghills, like carrion, to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts. What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousness and cruelty? Behold what fruits wars do bring: we see it even at this day with our eyes: for there is no kind of cruelty, barbarousness, impiety, and wickedness, which wars have not brought into use. The prince then that is wise, will leave nothing behind, to appease wars under his own government, but will spend all his care, power, and diligence, to hinder it, after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh, & king Lewis the eleventh, his son. Charles the seventh being yet Dauphin (the duke john Monstr. lib. 2. ca 175. 180, 181, 182, 183 186, 187. of Bourgoigne, a man very ambitious and vindicative) after by secret practice he had caused to be slain Lewis duke of Orleans, the only brother of king Charles the sixth, and after he had filled the kingdom with wars both and strange, contented not himself herewith, but laid hold of the king (who by a sickness was alienated of his wits) and of the queen, to make war upon the Dauphin. These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Dauphin, and at last to the Dauphin himself (being yet very young) to enterprise an hazardous blow. He then sent to the said duke, that he would make a peace with him, and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose. The day was appointed, & the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne, whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Dauphin his faith and assurance. As soon as he arrived, making his reverence unto Monsieur le Dauphin, he was compassed in and strait slain, and withal also certain gentlemen of his train. Philip son and successor of this duke john, took greatly to heart this most villainous death of his father, and sought all the means he could to be revenged, which still continued the wars. This mean while the English did what they could in France, and conquered Normandy, Paris, the most part of Picardy, and marched even unto Orleans, which they besieged. The abovesaid king Charles the sixth, died, so that Monsieur le Dauphin his son (who was called Charles the seventh) coming to the crown, and finding himself despoiled of the most part of his kingdom, insomuch, as in mockery he was generally called the king of Bourges. This wise king well considered, That if wars endured, he was in the way to lose all, one piece after another: he therefore laid all his care, power, and diligence, to obtain a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne. Therefore he sent in embassage unto him, his Constable, Chancellor, and others his chief Counsellors, to say, that he desired to have peace with him, and that he well acknowledged, that by wicked counsel he had caused his father duke john to be slain at Monterean, and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as he was at that present, he would never have committed such an act, nor have permitted it to have been done, but he was young, and evil counseled: and therefore in that regard he offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof, as he should be contented therewith; yea, that he would demand pardon (although not in person) yet by his ambassadors (which should have express charge thereof) and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love: for he confessed to have done evil, being then a young man of little wit and less discretion, by bad counsel so to slay his father. And besides this, he offered to give him many great lands & signiories, as the County de Masconnois, S. jangon, the Counrie de Auxerre, Barsur Seima, la Count de Boulogne, Surmer, and diverse other lands: & that during his life he would acquit him and his subjects of personal service, which he ought him as vassal of France, & yet made many other fair offers unto him. This duke Philip seeing his sovereign prince thus humiliate himself to him, bowed his courage justly exasperated for his father's death, & hearkened unto peace, which was made at Arras, where there was held an assembly of the ambassadors of all Christian princes, of the counsel of Basil, & of the Pope; insomuch, as there were there above 4000 horses. All or the most part of those ambassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdom, but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable, as also did all the great princes & lords of the kingdom, & all the king's counsel: so that his majesties ambassadors (which were the duke of Bourbon, the county of Richemont, constable of France, the archbishop of Rheims chancellor, the lord de Fayette, marshal & many other great lords) in a full assembly in the king their master's name, demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his father's death, confessing (as abovesaid) that the king their master had done evil, as one young and of little wit, following naughty counsel, therefore they prayed the duke to let pass away all his evil will, & so to be in a good peace & love with the king their master. And the duke of Burgoign declared, that he pardoned the king for the honour & reverence of the death & passion of our Lord jesus Christ, & for compassion of the poor people of the kingdom of France, & to obey the Counsels reasons, the Pope & other Christian princes, which prayed him. Moreover, besides the aforesaid things, it was accorded to the said duke, that justice & punishment should be done upon all such as●ed slain his father, & of such as had given the Dauphin counsel to cause his slaughter, & that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realm to apprehend them. Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the wars of his kingdom by humility and acknowledgement of his faults: and from thence forward he prospered so well, that after he had ended his wars, he also overcame his foreign wars against the English. And this came of God, who ordinarily exalteth the humble, & overthroweth the insolent & proud. For assuredly it doth not evil become a great prince to temperate his majesty by a gracious humility, softness, & affability: but (saith Plutarch) it is a very harmonious & consonant temperation, yea, so excellent, as there cannot be a more perfect than this. But if the said king had then had such Counsellors as many kings now adays have, what counsel would they hereupon have given him; they would have said: That thus to humiliate himself to his vassal, as to ask him forgiveness, to confess his fault, to acquitehim and his subjects of personal service, these were things unworthy of a king: and that a king ought never to make peace, unless it be to his honour, but such articles were to his dishonour and disadvantage, and that he ought to have endured all extremities, before he had made any peace, whereby he should not remain altogether master, to dispose of persons & goods at his pleasure. For how would not they say thus, seeing they say at this day, That it is no honourable peace for the king to accord his subjects any assurances with the exercises of their religion, & a reformation of justice: yet you see, that all K. Charles 7 his Counsel, all the princes of his blood, all the great lords of his kingdom, all strange prince's ambassadors, compelled the K. to pass more hard & uneasy articles to digest, for the good of peace. Should we say, that in so great a number of great personages, there was not any so wise and clear sighted as the counsellors at this day & as these Mesiers Machiavelists: nay contrary, they were all wise men & of great experience in worldly affairs, they were also of great knowledge, as the delegates of the counsel of the university of Paris, & of the parliaments, whereas at this day, men know little more than their Machiavelli. Likewise king Lewis the eleventh, as soon as he came to the crown, removed De Com. lib. 1. cap. 3. 5. & others. from charges and offices, many great lords, and good servants, of the dead king Charles the seventh his father, which had virtuously employed themselves, in chase the English out of the kingdom of France; and in am of such persons, he placed and advanced men of mean and base condition. Hereupon strait arose dissension against the king, (which was called the wars of the common weal) and these men complained, that the kingdom was not politicly governed, because the king had put from him good men, and of high calling, to advance such as were of small estimation, and of no virtue. It was not long before the king acknowledged his great fault, and confessed it, not only in general, but also in particular to every of them, which he had recoiled and disappointed: and to repair this fault, he got again to him all the said lords, and ancient servants of the dead king his father, delivering them again their estates, or much greater: and in some, he granted to these common wealth people, all that they demanded, as well for the general as for the particular good of all people, and all to obtain peace, with extinguishment of wars. If he had had of his Counsel the Machiavellists of these days, they would not have counseled him thus to do; but rather would have told him; That it became not a king to capitulate with his subjects, nor so to unable himself unto them, and, that a prince ought never to trust to such as once were his enemies, but much less ought he to advance them to estates, and that he should diligently take heed of a reconciled enemy: yet notwithstanding he did all this, and it fell out well with him, for he was very well served, of the pretended reconciled enemies: and to this purpose Messier de Commines his chamberlain, saith; That his humility, and the acknowledgement of his faults, saved his kingdom, which was in great danger to be lost, if he had stayed upon such impertinent and foolish reasons, as those Machiavelists allege: for all things may not be judged by the final cause. What dishonour then can it be to a prince, to use petty and base means, if so be thereby he make his country peaceable, his estate assured, and his subjects contented and obedient? what makes it matter, for him that is to ascend into an high place, whether he mount by degrees and stairs of wood, or of stone, so that he ascend. But this is not all, to say; That a prince ought to be vigilant and careful to make peace in his country, for he must after it is made, well observe it, otherwise it is to Peace ought to be well observed. no purpose made; unless men will say, that one ought to make peace, for (after in breaking it) to trap and ensnare them which trust therein. But they which hold this opinion, are people which make no account of the observation of faith, as are the Machiavelists, of whom we will speak upon this point, in another Maxim. But indeed, that a peace may be well observed, it must be profitable and commodious to them with whom it is made, to the end by that means it may be agreeable unto them, and that they may observe it with a good will, and without constraint: for if it be damageable and disadvantageous, making the condition of them, to whom it is given, worse than of other subjects and neighbours? certain it is, it cannot long endure: for people that have either heart or spirit in them, cannot long endure to be handled like slaves. Hereunto serveth the advice of that noble and sage company, of the ancient Senators of Rome. There was a neighbour unto the Romans, which were called the Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 1. Privernates, upon which the Romans made war, and many times vanquished them. They seeing it was impossible any more to make head against the Roman forces, sent ambassadors to Rome for peace: they were caused to enter into the place, where the Senate did sit and because they had not well observed the precedent treaty of peace, some Senators seemed hard to draw to give their cause any hearing, thinking it a vain thing, to accord a peace unto such as would not keep any: notwithstanding, some demanded of those ambassadors, what punishment they judged themselves to have merited, which had so often broken the precedent peace. One of them speaking for all, and remembering rather the condition of their birth, than of their present estate, answered; That the Privernates merited the punishment, that they deserve, which esteem themselves worthy of a free condition, and which have a slavish condition. This answer seemed to some Senators, too haughty and unbeseeming vanquished people, yet the precedent of the assembly (who was a wise man) benignly demanded of them, if they were pardoned the invasion of the former pieces, and if now they had a new peace granted them, how they would observe it? The same ambassador, with such like haughtiness of heart as before, If said he, ye will give us a good peace, we will faithfully and perpetually observe it, but if you give us an evil peace, it will not hold long. Some of the Senators disdained and disliked this answer, saying they spoke too proudly, and as it were already to threaten a revoult, and that it did not beseem vanquished people, to carry such high minds: but the wisest and discreetest part of the Senate, thought not this answer evil or impertinent, but that this ambassador spoke like a frank and free man, and that men should not find it strange, if every man detained in servage, would be remitted into his natural liberty, as soon as he can, and hath means for his purpose, and therefore resolutely they conclude, That the Privernates must have such a peace, as to be received Roman citizens, enjoying the same liberties and privileges, that they of the town of Rome did. This was performed, and very notable is the reason of their motive: For, say they, there is the peace loyal and assured, where men do willingly appease themselves, and a man need not look or hope for an assured peace, where men are brought to a slavish subjection. Hear is also to be marked, the advice and opinion of Titus Livius dictator, which he spoke in a full Senate, upon that which the Latins demanded, that the treaty Dionysius Halic. lib. 6. of peace, that they had with the Romans, might be confirmed unto them, which notwithstanding they themselves had broken, in rebelling against the Romans, and being vanquished; Masters (said he) my advice is, that we ought to use kindly and moderarelie, the victory which we have had against the Latins: for it is the most excellent praise that can come, either to public or private persons, not to suffer themselves to be corrupted by prosperity; but to know how to use that is good, with a modest and equal courage; because all prosperities are accompanied with envy, yea although they come to oppress the vanquished, that make no resistance. Moreover we ought not, so much to trust in fortune, which is too inconstant and mutable (as we have many times experimented) and therefore ought not to constrain our adversaries to come to the last remedy, that is despair, which often elevateth the heart, yea and often the fortune: we have cause also to fear the evil grace and disfavour, of such as we would command, which should come to pass, if we should always show ourselves rude, and sharp towards such as we find faulty. For our ancestors have not obtained the signory and domination, which they have left us by showing themselves sharp & rigorous, but rather by appearing gentle, benign and easy to pardon: moreover, we must consider, that nature hath given all men, a desire of liberty, insomuch as the faults which men commit, being drawn on with desire, are greatly to be excused, and he that would punish them, which desire a good thing, certainly it were the next way to overthrow all good order, and to bring in amongst men a confusion, to murder and slay one another. Finally (masters) we must consider, that the best and most firm domination, is that, whereby subjects are more detained by good deeds in obedience, than that whereby they are contained in their duties by punishments: for a good will and well liking accompanieth the one, and fear the other; but whatsoever is feared, is also naturally hated: we must also imitate our ancestors, which made themselves great in building of towns, not in ruinating them; in drawing their neighbours into their city, not in slaying them. I therefore conclude, that we ought to renew and reconfirme to the Latins, the treaty of peace. This opinion of dictator Largius, was followed by Servius Sulpitius, who reasoned next after him, and generally by all the Senate, as full of all reason and equity: and if at this day, men be governed by reason, certain it is that that opinion of Largius, should be sufficient to show to any prince, that to have a good and durable peace, he ought to grant such a one, as men will willingly observe, which will be done, when thereby shall be accorded a reasonable liberty under a good assurance. And as for assurances of peace, the elders in strange wars, were wont to use hostages, Assurances of peace. but the principal bonds there, was public faith and oath, whereof we shall speak in another place: as for wars, they had some other particular means beside faith and oath; for they bestowed offices of charge, and public estates, upon some of them, and the other party if not egallie, yet so justly, as they could to content both the one and the others. This often happened at Rome, when the commons of the third Estate, being oppressed of the greatest and richest, for that cause there arose up some pupularie insurrection: For the common means they used to appease such stirs, was almost ordinarily to receive them of the third Estate, to the consulship, or to be censor, priest or Praetor, or to other offices; insomuch as in the end all offices and Estates, were open to all sorts of people, without distinction of nobles, or basest trades, only regarding their virtue & good reputation, which always carried away the price; until they which were rich, began to buy the voices of election. And truly it seemeth, that when they of the one party saw themselves recoiled from the estates & charges of the body of the commonwealth (whereof they are members) and that they are rebutted & estranged as suspected persons, that thereby they have just occasion to distrust themselves, as other men put no trust in them: And to this purpose, the answer of Brutus is well to be marked (for such as were of the third Estate in Rome) to the delegates and ambassadors of the nobles and Patricians. Masters (saith he) they of the third Estate in Rome, know well that you lords Patricians are indeed men of our word, and that for nothing you will contradict your promises, Dionysius Halic. lib. 6. as we never knew you did; and that you will very well observe towards them, all that you promise, without any need of other assurance, than your faith and oath: but they do farther consider, that after you which at this present do govern, they which succeed will not observe that which you have promised: but will enterprise to handle the people tyrannously. And therefore there remains but one sole assurance to the most weak, which fear them which are stronger than themselves; namely, to find means, that the strongest may not hurt them, when they would: for so long as there remains any means to hurt, there will never want will in the wicked to execute. After that Brutus had uttered this speech to the ambassadors, the Senate found it was founded upon reason, and they accorded to the people of the third estate magistrates, which were called Tribunes of the people. These had the charge to defend the common people, against great men, with power to imprison all such, as seemed good unto them, and this magistrate proved very profitable, whilst they used it well, but as soon as they abused it, it fell out to be very pernicious; so is it of all other offices. To demonstrate, that men cannot keep a peace, when thereby they are handled like slaves, the example of the Saguntines is very notable & admirable. The Saguntines Titus Livi. lib. 1. Dec. 3. a people of Spain, were besieged by Hannibal of Carthage, who held them so straightly in their city, that they had no mean left to escape or resist. They being reduced to this extremity, Hannibal sent them word by one of his nation called Alorcus, to yield themselves to save their lives: For courages (said he) must needs be vanquished, when forces failed; and Hannibal would save their lives, if they would yield to him, and of his grace would deal well with them. These poor people well considered the extreme danger wherein they were, and that they had no mean to escape Hannibal his hands, but with yielding unto him: and to yield they should change their free, into a servile condition, which they feared so much, as they loved better to lose their lives; therefore resolved so to deal, as neither their bodies nor their goods, should ever come into the power of Hannibal. So they took choice of certain young men of the town, which they caused to swear, to defend the gates of the town, even to the death; that in the mean while the other townspeople, might have leisure to execute their determination: after this the chief of the town resorted to the common market place, and there caused to be laid on a heap, all the goods and treasures of the town, and about it to light a great fire, within which many cast themselves, and were burned, lest they should fall into Hannibal's hands, others shut themselves up in their houses, with their wives and children, after putting fire thereunto, burned the said houses, themselves, and their goods; and the said young men, which were trusted with the gates, made an end of fight and living together. Was not here (think you) an admirable love of liberty? for if they would but a while have lived under Hannibal his yoke, there had been hope that the Romans their allies, would have delivered them; but yet they rather took choice, to lose their lives, yea, & that by a most strange & cruel death, than to suffer for a small time, a servile subjection under Hannibal. But as it is rare and unlikely, that a servile peace should be long and well observed; so it is a very great fault, to break a peace, when it is sufficiently commodious A tolerable peace ought not to be broken. and tolerable. This was the only cause, of the total ruin, of that great & flourishing commonwealth of the Carthaginians: for after they had many times broken the treaty of peace, which they had with the Romans, and had been many times vanquished; in the end they were altogether destroyed, and their towns razed: and the cause that moved the Romans thus to do, was, for that they considered that the Carthaginians would never observe faith, nor promise they made (which already so many times they had violated, especially since they were not at any time, bound to any hard condition of peace, but only hindered to rebel or wax great. Titus livi. lib. 3. Dec. 4. and lib. 4. Dec. 5. & Plutarch in P. Aemil. But the example of king Philip of Macedon, and of Perseus his son, is very notable in this matter. This king Philip, about some light occasion, enterprised war against the Aetolians, a people of Greece the Romans allies. The Aetolians called to their aid the Romans, & sent an army into Greece against Philip, under the charge of captain Sulpitius, as well to secure the Aetolians, as also the Athenians, which Philip would have destroyed, and lastly to revenge themselves of the king, who covertly had aided with silver, Hannibal, to make war upon them: after certain conflicts, this king fearing the forces, and virtue of the Romans, did so much as he wrought a peace with them: after that they had made this peace, he observed it very well, all the rest of his life; and the better to keep it from point to point, he had ordinarily in his hands, the articles of that peace, which he ever read twice a day, that he might not break any point of it. When he was dead, Perseus his son succeeded him, unto whom a Macedonian gentleman, called Onesimus (a faithful friend and councillor of his father Philip) gave this advice to have ever in his hands, and often to read the said treatise and articles of peace, that as his father had done, he might inviolably observe them, as the only mean to maintain him in his estate. Perseus at the beginning did but despise the admonitions of that good servant Onesimus, but in the end, he had him in suspicion, and put him out of credit, insomuch as the good person, fearing worse unto himself, fled to Rome; After this, Perseus gathering great store of money, and esteeming himself strong enough to war against the Romans, by little and little, broke the articles of peace, one after another, altogether contrarying the contents of the articles, & in the mean time covertly prepared for war: finally the Romans sent against him the consul Paulus Aemilius, with a Roman army, which in less than a month seized upon all Macedonia, and brought it into the Roman obedience, and took prisoners, the king Perseus and his son, which he carried to Rome in a triumph, where they miserably died in a prison: behold the evil haps of Perseus, for not imitating the example of his father, in the observation of the treatise of peace. Verily the prince which well considereth the good that comes by living in peace, will always seek to maintain it, but at the least within his own domination, for in peace all things do flourish, and in war all things are in ruin and devastation: we read, that in the time of Antonius Pius, all the Roman empire was in good peace, and that by the same means all the provinces were rich and flourishing, not only Capitol. in Antonio. Pio. Plinius in epist. ad Traianum. in goods, but in virtues and sciences: for at that time, good letters flourished all over, and especially the law, which was so well practised, and in all places so good justice administered, that the whole empire was a most excellent, and admirable thing at that time. Moreover, that good emperor took a great delight to fabricate and build great works, and common buildings, as the Amphitheatre, which he builded at Nismes, where he was borne (it is called at this day les Arenes) the temple of Adrian, his sepulchre, and another Amphitheatre at Rome, and many other goodly houses and public buildings most sumptuous to behold; he also caused to be repaired, bridges, gates, ways, & to furnish many towns with store of money, as well to make new buildings in them, as to renew the old; herein imitating the example of the emperor Trajan his predecessor, who immortalised his name by his public works and buildings which he made, even in building new towns, and joining rivers one to another, or to the sea, by great and deep channels, to aid and make easy the commerce of all countries; also in drying up great fens and marishes, and in laying plain, rocks and mountains, to make fit ways for travellers, and in doing other notable works. Such actions as these, are meet works for peaceable times, and are honourable, and proper to immortalize the name of a prince, as to make war to have victories and triumphs. We see that the restoration of good letters, which king Francis, the first of that name (of happy memory) brought into France in his time, did more celebrate and make it immortal, in the memory of all Christian nations, than all the great wars and victories, which his predecessors had. And truly, princes which love and advance letters, do well merit, that learned people should send their honourable memory to all posterity: and such as despise them, and hold them under feet, are not worthy that historiographers, and men of learning, should bring their words and victories into honour and reputation, much less to immortalize them in the memory of men. For as lawyers say, that they ought not to enjoy the benefit of laws, which offend and despise them; so the prince, which makes no account of learning, ought not to enjoy the benefit thereof, which is to make immortal, generous, and virtuous men. But if we make comparison of the magnificence, and Estate that a prince should Froisar. lib. 7 cap. 353. 4. hold in the time of peace and prosperity, with that he should hold during war and poverty, there is such difference as betwixt the day and the night: for proof hereof, I will allege but the time of Philip de Valois. For we read, that in that time (which was a time of long peace) that king had almost ordinary in his court, four or five kings which resided with him, in regard of his magnificence, as the king of Boheme, the king of Scotland, the king of Arragon, the king of Navarre, the king of Maiorque, & many great dukes, counties, barons, prelate's, the greatest part of whose charges he defrayed, that it might appear, that the king of France was a king of kings. It is certain, to maintain this magnifical and great Estate, there must needs follow exceeding great expenses: but he might well do it, for his people being rich and full of peace, they had better means to furnish and provide, for him a crown, than in the time of war, to give him a three half pence. At that time a king of England, passed into France, to do homage unto king Philip, for the duchy of Guienne, which the English had long time held of the crown of France: when the English king, saw the train of the court of France, he was ravished in admiration, to see so many kings, dukes, counties, barons, princes, peers of France, constable, admiral, chancellor, marshal, and many other great lords, which reputed themselves happy to obtain the good grace of king Philip. This moved the king of England far more easily, and in other means to do his homage, than he thought to have done; and at his return into England, he said on high: That he supposed, there was neither king nor emperor in the world, that held so magnificent and triumphant an Estate, as the king of France did. Should not we desire to see such a time again? but we are far from it, and take no course thereunto: for wars cannot bring us unto it, but only a good and holy peace, well and inviolably observed, by a good reformation of justice, and of all estates, which was corrupted in France: For without it the people can never prosper, but shall always be gnawn and eaten even to the bones, and the people being poor, the king cannot be rich, no neither his nobility, nor clergy: for all the king's revenues, all tallages, all the nobilities and clergies rents, proceed from the poor people. By this which we have above handled, this Maxim of war is sufficiently understood, I will add no more thereunto, but that Machiavelli shows himself a man of very good grace, when he saith, That the Italians are a people of nimble & light spirits and bodies; for he cannot more properly note them of inconstancy and infidelity; and when afterward he saith, That willingly they never go to battles, he can not they any better tax them of cowardice and pusillanimity? but the reason, whereby he would seem to cover this fault, is more to be accounted of, than the rest: For saith he, this proceedeth of the little heart & cowardice of the captains; as if he said, That all Italian captains, are faint hearted & cowards, which rather discourage than add heart unto their soldiers to fight. And herein I believe, he saith truth, for so many Italian captains, as we have seen in France this fifteen years, there hath not been one found that hath done any one memorable exploit: they can indeed make many vain and brave shows, and in many subtle stratagems, there are found no better warriors; but in battles and assaults of towns, they never by their wills, will come, as their own Machiavelli beareth them witness. 2. Maxim. To cause a Prince to withdraw his mind altogether from peace and agreement with his adversary, he must commit and use some notable and outrageous injury against him. BEcause (saith Machiavelli) men are naturally vindicative and desirous Discourse, lib. 3. cap. 32. to take vengeance of such as offend them, it consequently falls out, that they which have outraged or injured any, but especially if the injury be great, they can never trust him they have so injured. For every man fears and distrusteth his reconciled enemy. And therefore to find means, that a prince may never set his heart and mind upon peace, nor reconcile himself to any adversary, he must be persuaded to practise some outrageous act upon his said adversary. So by that means he will never trust him, nor be reconciled with him. BEhold here, the very counsel that Achitophel gave to Absalon, to make him irreconcilable with David his father, and to place a division Samuel. lib. 2. cap. 26. and perdurable confusion in all his kingdom. For he advised Absalon to cohabitate and dwell even with his father David's wives, which was the greatest and most villainous injury that he could have done unto him: and to this end he did it, that Absalon and all they which followed him, might be utterly out of hope to make peace with David, and by that means: playing upon the desperado, they might gather double courage, and make themselves possessors of the kingdom. For necessity and despair make men hardy and valiant, but what was the issue thereof? even this, that Achitophel, the author of this counsel, hanged and strangled himself, either with despair or fear, that he had, that David would have punished him: Absalon also soon after miserably perished, as a reward for his adherence and cleaving to so bad counsel. The like happened to Tolumnius, king of the Veians, which had caused the Fidenates to revolt from the Romans: for as the Romans had sent ambassadors to the Titus Livi. lib. 4. Dec. 1. Fidenates, to know the reason of their revoltment, Tolumnius counseled them to slay (as indeed they did) the ambassadors; to the end (saith Titus Livius) that the Fidenates might be to him the more faithful, and out of hope to be reconciled with the Romans, perceiving themselves guilty of so strange a crime. So the Romans made war upon the Fidenates, unto whose succour came Tolumnius, and as he was in the battle, Cornelius Cossus a Roman, espying him said, Behold the breaker of human leagues, the violator of people's right, now shalt thou be sacrificed, for the death of our ambassadors: and couching his spear against Tolumnius, ran at him, and carried him to the earth, where he slew him, cut of his head, and showed it, in the front of a number of the enemies, who as soon as they saw the king's head, turned their backs and fled. The Capuans, after they had received many good turns, and succours of the Romans, against their enemies, even when they yet had in their town a Roman Titus Livi. lib. 3. and 6. Dec. 3. garrison, enterprised to make their profit of the Romans calamity, received in the journey of Cans: for they seeing that by that journey Hannibal, had much enfeebled the Roman forces, revolted from them, and joined to Hannibal: they also sent ambassadors to Rome, to make the Senate understand, That if they would receive the Capuans in the same degrees of equality, with the Romans, in matters of government of the commonweal, by according, that from thence forward one of the consuls of Rome, should be a Capuan, and the other a Roman, that should be a good and an assured mean, for the town of Rome, to be succoured by the Capuans, against Hannibal. The Roman Senators, perceiving the foolish and proud demand of these effeminate Capuans, which were no better warriors than common strumpets, yea so delicate and cowardly, with luxury and lubricity, vouchsafed not to make them any answer, but caused them to be chased out of the Senat. These ambassadors seeing themselves repulsed from their demand, returned to Capua, and made report to the Senators of Capua, how they had sped in their embassage. Then these devilish Capuans (according to the guise and nature of all effeminate cowards, which are always cruel for their own advantage) enterprised in a conspiration to Hannibal, to have massacred all the Roman garrison, which they had in their town of Capua; and as they enterprised, so they executed it. The Roman garrison being thus massacred, the Romans incontinent scent to besiege Capua. Hannibal not being able without his great peril, to leave the siege of Capua, besieged Rome, hoping thereby to draw their siege from Capua: but he was no sooner removed, but the Romans approached more nigh, & delivered an assault to the town, and to enter in. Quintus Fulvius lieutenant general of the Roman army, caused a proclamation to be made, in the hearing of the Capuans, whereby they made known to all the inhabitants of Capua, That all such of the town, as would resort to his camp within certain days, should be held inculpable, and not consenting to the revolt and massacre made by the Capuans: but none durst enterprise to trust this proclamation; not that they knew not well, (saith Titus Livius) that the Romans would hold their words, but because they had left no hope, to obtain any pardon: yet the most part of the Senators of Capua, concluded to send ambassadors to Rome to obtain grace and pardon, having some hope in the clemency and placability, so many times proved in the Roman Senate: and indeed their ambassadors obtained letters of grace. But one Virius, the principal author of the said revoltment and massacre, was not of that opinion to have recourse, nor any hope in the Senate, judging his crime to be so great, as it was impossible to obtain pardon: and therefore he and 27 other Senators of Capua of his opinion, resolved thus to slay themselves. They caused a great banquet to be prepared, furnished with viands and wine, the most exquisite that could be gotten: and there at their last banquet they thought it good to drink, till their senses were taken from them; and for their last farewell they drunk every man a glass of poison, then embracing one another, they begun all to weep and lament the ruin of them and their country, and to detest the wicked counsel they had taken, to use so outrageous a part against the Romans, to take away all hope of peace and reconciliation: so having long wept and lamented, they fell dead upon the earth one after another. Is not this a notable example, to detest that wicked counsel of Machiavelli, to seek means to be irreconcilable? Is there any prince in the world, unto whom a necessity may not sometimes come to be reconciled with his inferior adversary? And if reconciliation may always come in good time and for good purpose, how durst this wicked Atheist lay down this Maxim? Reconciliation may always come in good time. Lucius Catilina (a man devoid of all virtue, and a bundle of all vice) resolving in his brain to practise a conspiration against his country (to assay either to be an exceeding great man, or altogether nothing) drew to his league many Roman gentlemen, such like as himself▪ and considering, that he could not bring to effect his conjuration, without declaring and communicating it to the chieftains of his aid, and yet fearing that some of them would discover it; he thought good to make them all take a most execrable oath, that thereby might be foreclosed from them all hope Sallust in Catiline. of retiring from his side. So he caused wine to be mixed with human blood in pots, and made all his companions drink of it, and withal procured them to swear with an execration, that they would never disclose the enterprise, he would tell them, but employ themselves with all their power to execute it. After which oath made, his partners, as already culpable of human blood (which they had already drunk) were so secret, that there had nothing ever been discovered, if God had not permitted an harlot, called Fulvia (being grieved, that Curius her ruffian, who was one of the conspirators, came not so often to lie with her, as he accustomed) to draw certain words out of his mouth, as she demanded of him where he lay precedent nights. Which Curius being drunk, to enjoy his courtesan, discovered unto her, that the former nights he had been in a company, with whom he should make an enterprise, which would make him rich for ever. As soon as Fulvia knew all the conjuration, she discovered it to the Consul Cicero. Cicero did what he could truly to open all the enterprise: but all the conspirators held so well their horrible oath, that not one of so great a number would ever reveal a word. But yet Cicero found means to know all, by the declaration which the Allobroges made, which Catiline had appointed to furnish him with people for the execution. But the end of Catiline was such, that he was slain fight, with a great number of others, and the chief of his complices were executed by justice. Briefly, all they which have practised that wicked doctrine of Machiavelli, to commit outrageous acts to be irreconcilable, their ends and lives have always proved very tragaedies. 3. Maxim. A Prince in a conquered country must place colonies and garrisons, especially in the strongest places, to chase away the natural and old inbabitants thereof. THe best remedy (saith M. Nicholas) to conserve a country or Cap. 3. of ● Prince. a province newly conquered, is to erect colonies, placing strangers there, and from thence banishing all the princes ancient and natural inhabitants: For by that means the prince should keep that country with a small charge, without troubling the country with great garrisons, only injuring such as he expulseth those places, to make room for new inhabitants. And as for them which are chased away, he need not fear them: for they will be but some small portion of the inhabitants of that province, which remaining poor and exiled, shall from thenceforth be little able to hurt: and as for such as shall be left in peace, it is likely that they will enterprise nothing, fearing by their rebellion to procure a banishment also to themselves as the others have. For men must be tamed by a certain kindness, either in not foiling or altogether discouraging such as are left in the province, or else ought he utterly to destroy and impoverish them all, as in chase away and exiling the inhabitants of those places, where he will establish colonies: for injuries done to a man, aught to be executed in such sort as they may not be subject to fear of vengeance. The Romans knew well how to observe this Maxim, sending colonies to all the nations which they vanquished, by the means of which Colonies they held the most feeble in their weakness, not suffering them to gather strength, and they also weakened the power of such as were great and most imminent. THe distinction of the propriety of the goods of this world, whereby every man ought to be master and assured possessor of his own, hath been introduced by the law and right of nature, which wils, That to every man beyeelded that which belongeth unto him, or else by the right of nations, which comes all to one end. This distinction of propriety maintaineth the commerce and traffic The propriety of goods is from the right of nature. amongst men, it entertaineth buy and sellings, permutations, loans, and such like, which are the bonds of all human society: and if the distinction of propriety of goods, be not maintained in the world, all commerce is destroyed, & all consociety decayed and resolved. For although some poets and philosophers praise the community of goods, remembering us of that old golden world of Saturn, yet it is plainly evident to all people of judgement, that community induceth and brings a carelessness, idleness, discord, and confusion into the commonweal, as learnedly Aristotle demonstrateth in his Pollitiques. Therefore very necessary it is, that the natural right therein be observed, and every man maintained in the enjoyance of his own good, and that to every man be rendered that which is his own: yea, this right aught to be so observed, that it is not lawful for the prince to break or violate it: because by reason of natural right it is inviolable, and none can derogate from it. And hereunto agreeth the divine right, whereby it is showed unto us, that Achab, a king, ought not to take away the vineyard from Naboth his subject: and hereunto also accord the rules of right, whereby it is said, That the right natural, and the right of nations are inviolable, in such sort, as that right and positive, neither can nor aught to derogate any thing from them. Hereby therefore is seen the absurdity and manifest iniquity of this Maxim of Machiavelli, who counseleth a prince, as soon as he hath conquered a new country, to dispossess the masters and right owners, of their goods, in towns and places where he shall know it to be expedient to make himself strong; and to place there other new masters and possessors of his own nation, in their places who are dispossessed and banished. For if the prince use this Maxim, certain it is: first that he violateth the right and law of nature, which he ought not to do: secondly, he acquireth the enmity of the inhabitants of that new conquered country, which may be a means to deject him from all: For in the love of subjects and in their voluntary obedience lieth the firmness and assurance of a prince's estate, as we shall speak in another place. It is folly to allege, that there will be no malcontents, but only they which are driven away: For such (saith Machiavelli) as remain in the country, will be satisfied, because they abide still: but (as I say) it is folly to think so: For certainly, always every one feareth that which he seethe happen to his neighbours; and further, not only our own losses engender in us miscontentment, but also others losses, as of our parents, friends, allies, yea, of such as are not joined unto us with other bond, than to be of our country, of our tongue, or of our religion, although that in all these there is a distinction of more and less. Thirdly, they whom the prince chaseth from their possessions and goods, will ever be so deadly enemies, that all their lives they will leave no stone to remove, to have right and vengeance of such injustice done against the law of nature. And the prince hath no cause to think they cannot hurt him, because they are poor banished people: for it is certain, that there is no little enemy but will be hurtful. Of how small a beginning did Sertorius arise? He was but a simple Roman gentleman, without authority and means: yet with certain troops of Barbarians (trained as well as he could) he possessed a good Pl●●. in Sertorio & Crass● Florus. lib. 52 55, 56. part of Spain: The Romans sent against him Metellus, with a great host, which could do nothing to him; insomuch, as they were yet forced to send Pompeius with an army, whom Sertorius braved, calling him the little apprentice of Silla: and it appeared, that if Sertorius had not been slain of his own people, he had sooner overcome Pompeius, than he him: Yet Sertorius was but a simple soldier, who had neither silver nor treasure; he had no authority to command, neither did any obey him against their wills. Spartacus also was but a poor slave, which escaping from his master, gathered together a great number of people, and made strong war upon the Romans, whom he many times vanquished: And but that Pompeius and Crassus with great armies were greatly busied to hinder his designs, he had made himself master of Italy. And was not Cleon another poor slave; yet gathered under his conduction an army of 70 thousand other slaves, wherewith he had like to have gotten all Sicily? And Viriatus was but a shepherd on the mountains of Spain, and gathering together a great number of shepherds and thieves, he made infinite work for the Romans: yet in the end certain Roman captains sent against him, not being able otherwise to overcome him, caused him traitorously to be slain: This the Senate found not good, but greatly blamed those captains, which overcame by so villainous a mean: After Viriatus was slain, his people disbanded not, but still made war upon the Romans; insomuch, as the Romans were constrained to give unto them, to appease them, the town and territory of Valence in Spain to inhabit, and so they were satisfied, and gave over their arms. Of late memory, Philibert de Chaton Prince of Orange, Antony de Leva, Andrew Doria, the Marquis of Mantua, and many others, whereof we have spoken in other places, which revolted against king Francis the first, and did him more hurt, than all the forces of the emperor Charles the fift: yet were they no great lords, in comparison of the king. Therefore he which is a wise prince, will estimate no enemy to be petty and little, but will guard himself from justly offending any man, fearing least by that means he procure enemies: For enmities will come too fast on a man, before he looks for them. As for that he saith, That the Romans had colonies in countries which they Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 1. & lib 7. Dec. 3. & lib. 8. Dec. 4. conquered, they did it not to serve their turns as fortresses in that country (as Machiavelli saith) but to disburden the city of Rome of their too great a multitude of people, which were still stirring up rebellions and seditions in their town; as in the time of the consulship of Marcus Valerius, and Quintus Apuleius: The town (saith Titus Livius) was brought to a great quiet and tranquility, by discharging it of a great part of the common people, by deduction of colonies: which when they were sent into any country, that the Romans had conquered, the public and common fields were divided amongst them; yet the old inhabitants were not chased away, neither were their goods taken from them, but only mingled with the Romans goods, which dwelled with them in their towns in houses they themselves builded, or else, which were public and conquered to the Roman commonweal. The Romans also set up colonies, as a multiplication of their race, but not to serve them for fortresses in conquered countries: and that it was so, appears; because they erected not colonies in all the countries they conquered, no not in the most strongest places, but rather in the amplest, fattest, and fertilest places: These said colonies also were no more faithful unto them, than the other subjects, but often rebelled, as well as others, as was seen after the battle that the Romans lost at Cannae, against Hannibal: for then twelve Roman colonies revolted from them, and entered league with Hannibal. And it is commonly seen, that citizens transported into other countries do incontinent degenerate, taking the manners and conditions of the country; as came to pass in the towns of Alexandria in Egypt, Seleucia in Syria, Babylon in Parthia, which were colonies of the Macedonians, and to the town of Tarentum, a colony of the Lacedæmonians: for all these foresaid towns, were strait despoiled of the manners, natures, and the original generosity of their nation, and became soft, effeminate, and cowardly, as they were, into whose countries they were removed. A great and memorable calamity, fell to Philip king of Macedon, by removing Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 4. to other places, the natural inhabitants of the maritime and sea towns of his country. This king fearing to enter into war with the Romans, because many of his neighbours, went to complain of him to the Senate of Rome, thought it good to stand upon his guard, and something distrusting the inhabitants of such towns as were nigh the sea, he took away from thence, the natural inhabitants, and gave them grounds in Emathia to dwell in, and in their places, planted the inhabitants of Thracia, in whom he trusted: This caused in all Macedon a great discontentment: for every one saw, to their great grief, their ancient poor dislodged, carrying their children on their shoulders, weeping and lamenting their calamities, and making exercations and imprecations against the king, that it might so happen to the king, and his race, to be driven from his kingdom and country: The king being advertised, of this universal murmuration, began to enter into a distrust of every man, and especially of the children of certain gentlemen, which he had caused to die; and he feared, that the said children, making use of the people's discontentment, should attempt some enterprise against him: and therefore determined to have seized certain young children, of the slain gentlemen, for his better assurance. Theoxena the widow of a great lord (which was slain by the king) called Herodicus, resolved rather to make die the children of her and her dead husband, than that they should come into the hands and power of the king: So she resolved to save herself and them at Athens: and yet if the worst fell, she provided good swords & poisons: after she was embarked with her children, to obtain the town of Athens, she was followed by another boat of the king's people, which when she saw that they rowed with great diligence to the bark wherein she was: Lo (said she my childen) you have now no other means to shun the tyranny of king Philip but death, which you may see (showing the swords and the poison) choose which you had rather die on, either on sharp whetted swords, or to swallow this poison, on (my children) let the eldest show themselves most hardy and courageous: This exhortation persuaded so much, that they slew themselves, some with swords, some with poison; then she caused them all to fall into the water, even when they yet had breath, and cast herself after them. Strait the king's people joined to the bark, but they found it empty of the persons they looked for. The cruelty of this fact, added a new flame of envy and evil will towards the king; so that it seemed to every one, they heard the infernal furies, preparing themselves to bring upon the king and his race, the imprecations, which all the world made against him: and indeed it came to pass, by the just judgement of God, that as this poor gentlewoman had caused her own children to or die; so Philip made to die by poison, his lawful son Demetrius (a prince of exceeding great towardness) by the false accusation of Perseus, his bastard-sonne. After certain time, this king having discovered, that by a false accufation he had murdered his own son, he would needs disinherit the bastard Perseus; and being continually tormented with the shadow and resemblance of his son Demetruis, which his conscience always brought before his eyes, he died desperately, detesting & execrating that wicked Perseus. This Perseus, than his only son which remained to succeed him in his kingdom, after a few years reign, was taken prisoner by the Romans, and led in a triumph to Rome, where he miserably died in a prison: So the imprecations and curses, which the poor people (chased from their country and goods by the king) had poured out against him and his race, fell upon him and his. Is not this an example, to make the hairs to stand upright on princes heads, when men persuades them to dispossess natural inhabitants of their country and goods? yet at this day, are there too many Machiavelists, which say; It is good to chase away the natural inhabitants of France, or at the least from certain places and corners, & to people them with some race, that is good, faithful and loyal, as Italians & Lombard's; yea what wants thereof an Italian colony, in the town of Lions? for beside that, a great part of the inhabitants are Italians, and that other people of the country, conform themselves by little & little, to their actions, behaviours, manner of life, and language; that scant shall you find any so vile, or paltry an artisan, but he will study to speak Italian: for these magnifical Machiavelists, will give no countenance, nor willingly hear any, but such as use their own language; by that means, seeking to bring credit both to themselves, and their tongue. The towns also of Paris, Marseille, Grenoble, and many others of France, are they not full of Italians? 4. Maxim. A Prince in a country newly conquered, must subvert and destroy all such as suffer great loss in that conquest, and altogether root out the blood and the race of such as before governed there. MEn (saith Machiavelli) do willingly change their lords, thinking Cap. 3. of a Prince. to amend themselves; and this opinion commonly makes them revolt; but most commonly they find themselves deceived, seeing by experience themselves in worse case than before: Wherefore (to such such kinds of revoltings) a prince ought to take out of the way all such as he thinks are displeased with the change, by any enormous or great loss that he hath suffered: For I am persuaded (saith he) that all men of good judgement hold this without doubt, that the estate of a prince or commonweal cannot long endure in a country, unless all such be taken away, which for some great harm they have sustained by the change, are contrary unto him. And herein Lewis the twelfth, king of France, dealt not wisely; therefore in as little time lost he the duchy of Milan, as before he had conquered it: For the Milanois found themselves deceived in opinion, and frustrated of the advantages and commodities which they looked for at his hands, and also could not suffer the proud handling of that new prince: here was then his fault, that he took not away all malcontents, which suffered loss in the change, and especially because he utterly rooted not out the race of the Sforces. But Caesar Borgia did not thus: for having occupied Romania, of all the lords that he had dispossessed, he left not one alive that he could catch, and very few escaped. Therefore it is better to follow the example of Borgia, than of king Lewis: For sometimes it succeeds not well to imitate the best men: For it was damageable to Pertinax and Alexander Severus, to imitate the mildness and bounty of Marcus Antonius: and to Caracalla, Commodus, and Maximine, that they desired to resemble Severus. MAchiavell meaning to show, that his purpose tendeth and aimeth only to instruct a prince, in all sorts of tyranny, giveth Dionysius Halic. lib. 4. him here a precept, which in old time Thrasibulus the Milesian, gave to Periander a tyrant of Corinth, & by Tarquin the proud king of Rome, to Sextus his son. For Periander having tyrannously obtained the domination of the crown of Corinth where he had no right, fearing some conspiration against him, sent a messenger to Thrasibulus his great friend, to desire his counsel and advice, how to be assured master and lord of Corinth: Thrasibulus made him no answer by mouth, but commanding the messenger to follow him, he went into a field full of ripe corn, and taking of the highest ears there, & the most eminent he bruised them betwixt his hands, and wished the messenger to return to Periander his master, saying no more unto him. As soon as Periander heard speak of bruising of the most ancient ears of corn, he presently conceived the meaning thereof, to wit, to overthrow and take out of the way, all the great men of Corinth, which suffered any loss, and were grieved at the change of the Estate, as indeed he did. As much did Sextus Tarqvinius, the son of Tarqvinius the proud: for he making a countenance of some great discontentment with his father, for his great cruelty towards him, purposely caused a fame, secretly to run to the Gabinians (than his father's enemies) that for his safeguard he would fly unto them (if it pleased them to receive him) and would bring with him a good troop of his servants and friends: These poor Gabinians, not suspecting the intelligence betwixt the father and the son, sent him word, he should be very welcome: He failed not with a good troop (by stealth) to go thither, where arriving they welcomed him; and (because he gave them to understand that he would make war upon his father, to revenge the injury done by his father to him & them) they elected him their captain: As soon as he saw his foot in, he secretly sent a messenger to his father, to let him understand what command he had in the town, and to send him word, what he should do: The abovesaid Tarquin led the messenger into a garden, where amongst many other herbs, then grown up to seed, there were great store of poppy, whose highest heads he struck of a pace, with a little staff, he had in his hand, and made no other answer to the messenger, who returning to Gabium, told Sextus, his father's actions; so as he well understood, what he should do: Then made he the people understand, That Antistius Petra (the chief lord, and magistrate of the Gabinians) with certain of his complices, had conspired to deliver him to Tarquin his father, either dead or alive; and he showed letters found in the house of Antistius, written by Tarquin, and sealed with his seal, directed to Antistius, which were found about him (where Sextus had secretly put them) which he caused to be read before all the Gabinians: as soon as they had heard them, they were so angered and moved against good Antistius (who knew not what to say of this thing he never thought) that strait they stoned him, and suffered Sextus himself to punish the compartners of Antistius: Then Sextus having the bridle lose, caused to be massacred in their houses, all the greatest and noblest of the town of Gabium; and by that means, he and his father proved masters of that poor desolate town. But this tyranny and others they committed, caused on the other side, that they lost the kingdom and domination of Rome; so that fishing for a frog, they let go out of their net a lamprey: so happeneth it ordinarily, to such as will needs practise this detestable doctrine of Machiavelli. If we look into the manner of government, practised by all great conquerors, (not such petty and tyrannous governors as Borgia) and generous monarchs, which became the greatest and noblest of the world, as Caesar, Alexander the great, Cyrus, Charlemagne, etc. we shall find, that they used most contrary means to machiavels doctrine: for they exercised no cruelties towards great or little as they made their conquests, but so far, as the necessity of war carried them: Yea they used conquered people with all kindness & clemency; they embraced, and entertained very well, such as were great personages; & altered nothing in the public state, religion, policy, customs & liberties; but maintained them all, contenting themselves only with the soveraignite: And this was the cause, why many people desired not to resist them, but to be their subjects; and they which resisted them, yielded again easily, without abiding any great battery or assaults. Therefore most generously and nobly, dealt king Lewis, to imitate the kindness and gentleness of those great monarchs, when he conquered Milan: For although he after again lost it, yet it followeth not that the fault proceeded hereof, That he would not be so cruel as to exterminate the whole race of the Sforces: but rather here of proceeded that loss by the inconstancy of the Milanese, and the machinations of pope julius the second, with the Venetians, which thought it not good to have so great a master so nigh them; as the French and Italian histories do evidently demonstrate. And whereas Machiavelli maintaineth, That it succeeds not well, for a prince to imitate sometimes the virtuous actions of generous princes, and that therefore he ought to follow the vicious actions of such as are of no account; he showed that he is together both wicked and ignorant: for what more wicked doctrine can be given to a prince, than to say, he ought to imitate wicked actions, because sometimes they succeed well? This is as much as to say, that we must by the high ways cut merchants throats, and be thieves, because thieves gain thereby. But if Machiavelli and all his favourites would judge of the success of all things by their end (as they ought to judge) they should find, that those glorious & goodly successes that happen to the wicked, are but means, wherewith God serves himself to bring them into ruin and utter overthrow, which they merited, as amply I have otherwhere showed by many examples. And as for the examples he allegeth, he shows himself by the application he makes, a very beast. It succeeded not well (saith he) to Commodus, Caracalla Spartian & Dion in Severo & Caracalla. and Maximinus, in that they would imitate and resemble Severus: o bravely applied and to good purpose spoken! for Pertinax succeeded Commodus and Severus, Pertinax; so that Commodus did never see nor know Severus, who in his time was yet unknown, being a simple waged soldier, of a base and unknown race: how should Capitol. in Maximino. then Commodus propose him for an example to imitate? and as for Caracalla his son, and Maximin, they were never imitators of Severus, but in his vices; namely, in cruelty; and therefore we need not marvel, if it succeeded not well unto them. Lamprid. in Alexan. Herod. lib. 6. Capitol. in Marco. The emperor Severus had very good virtues; for he was very well learned, and advanced to estates learned people; he maintained a very good policy in the Roman empire; he made good and holy laws, which are yet in use; he caused good justice to be administered to the people, and kept barbarous nations in a new obedience. Caracalla his son had none of those virtues, although Machiavelli being very ignorant of histories, saith he was endued with excellent virtues: for histories attribute no virtue unto him, but that from his youth he was accustomed to live a la Souldarde, like a soldier; that he was not delicate, but patiented of labour; but otherwise the most wicked man in the world in all things. And as for Maximin, he in all things resembled Caracalla, but that he was issued from a vile and base race, and a barbarous nation; and Caracalla was an emperors son: and as for that which Machiavelli saith, That it succeeded not well to Pertinax & Alexander Severus by their imitation of the emperor Antonius the philosopher, he still shows more his beastliness, and that he hath not read the histories of their lives. For histories show, that Pertinax was slain of his soldiers, because he appeared to them more covetous than he should have been: So likewise was Alexander slain for the covetousness of Mammea his mother towards the soldiers. But we never read, that Marcus Antonius was ever spotted with that vice of covetousness: but contrary, that he was a very liberal prince, nothing holding less than a covetous mind: and that herein, as in all other virtues, he was a true philosopher, that is to say, loving good, and hating evil. And therefore Machiavelli knows not what he saith, when he saith it succeeded not well with Pertinax and Alexander Severus, to have a mind to imitate Marcus Antonius: he had better have spoken only of the jests and matters written in the registers of Florence, whereof he was Secretary, than so with a foolish interpretation to inquinate and corrupt histories he knows not. 5. Maxim. To be revenged of a city or a country, without striking any blow, they must be filled with wicked manners. VAnquished cities or provinces (saith this Florentine) do mervellously Discourse, lib. 1. cap. 35. & lib. 2. cap. 19 well revenge themselves of the vanquishers, in receiving them gently, and filling them with wicked manners: for so do they easily prepare and dispose them to be vanquished, by whomsoever assaulteth them: as it happened to Hannibal's soldiers at Capua. For having a long time sojourned there at their ease in all delights and pleasures, they became all, so effeminate, that they were never after good for any thing. This corruption of manners comes ordinarily when corrupted nations frequent amongst others: for they infect them with evil manners. And therefore it is, that the Almaigne nation remains so entire and constant in his manners, because the Almains were never curious to traffic with their neighbours, nor to dwell in other countries, nor to receive strangers into their country, but always have contented themselves with their own goods, nouriture, manners, and fashion of apparel: insomuch, as shunning the frequentation of Spaniards, French, and Italians (which are the three nations of the world most vicious) they have not yet learned their customs and corruptions. I Have not here set down this Maxim, to say it is not very true. For besides the examples we read in histories, we know it by experience and sight of eye; seeing we see at this day all France fashioned after the manners, conditions, and vices of strangers that govern it, and have the principal charges and Estates: and not only many Frenchmen are such beasts to conform themselves to strangers complexions, but also to gaggle their language, and do disdain the French tongue, as a thing too common and vulgar. But if we well consider this manner of vengeance taught by Machiavelli in this Maxim, we shall find it is a most detestable doctrine, as well for them which practise it, as for them against whom it is practised. The example even of Capua, which Machiavelli allegeth, proveth it. For the Capuans in receiving into their town Hannibal's army, corrupted Tit. Livius, lib. 3. Dec. 3. rupted and infected the soldiers of Hannibal with all excess and effeminate wantonness; & also by the same means they procured their own ruin and entire destruction, which soon after happened unto them. The Persian lords, which with their manners corrupted king Alexander the Great, did nothing to their own advantage: Plu. in. Alex. For Alexander becoming vicious, they got the evil will of the Macedonians, which took displeasure to see their king corrupted: and finally, after the death of Alexander (which came unto him by his dissoluteness, learned of the Persians) these lords had part of the evil luck, whereof they were cause: And generally we may see, that the corrupters of princes and people, take part always in the evil, whereof they are cause, as in other places we have showed, by many examples of flatterers, which have corrupted their princes. We Frenchmen may yield good witness of what account the Italian and Neapolitan nation is, by the frequentation we had with them in the voyage which was made to Naples, in the time of king Charles the eight: for from thence brought they this disease, which at this day is now called the French pox, and that we have ever since kept: but yet so, as the Italians and neopolitans are not exempt therefrom, but both the one and the other have part of that corruption. Briefly, we ought to detest and hate this wicked doctrine of Machiavelli, and reject all vengeance, and follow S. Paul's lesson; who commands us to converse with good people and of good manners, because the conversation of the wicked, not only corrupteth good manners, but also soweth those that are wicked. And as for that which Machiavelli saith of the Almains, we know and see the frequentation of the Almains in France, and yet till this present we have not seen, that they have yet gathered corruption of manners. And whereas he sets down the French nation amongst such as are most corrupted; we cannot deny it: but we may well say, That the doctrine of Machiavelli, & the frequentation of them of his nation, are cause of the greatest and most detestable corruption, which is at this day in France: For of whom have the Frenchmen learned and known atheism, sodomy, treachery, cruelty, usury, and such other like vices, but of Machiavelli and of them of his nation: So that they may brag, that they are well revenged of the wars which our ancestors have made in Italy. 6. Maxim. It is folly to think, that with princes and great lords, new pleasures will cause them to forget old offences. CAEsar Borgia (saith Machiavelli) during the life of Pope Alexander Cap. 7. Of Princes, Discourse lib. 3. cap. 4. the sixth, his father, usurped the domination of Romania (which is a land belonging to the Church) and was called duke de Valentinois. In making those usurpations in favour of the Pope his father, he offended many Cardinals, and amongst others the Cardinal of Saint Peter ad vincula: yet after he consented, that he should be elected Pope, after the death of Alexander his father, whereof he soon repent. For this new Pope, called julius the eleventh, strait be took himself to arms to recover that which Borgia had usurped, although he had favoured him in his election, which he should never have done, nor suffered any election of a Pope, which was his enemy: For (saith he) new pleasures never makes men forget old injuries and offences: and therefore Borgia, which in all other things had governed well, committed a foul fault in the creation of julius, and himself delivered the mean of his final destruction. The same fault committed Servius Tullius, king of the Romans, in giving his two daughters in marriage to two Tarquins, which quarreled for the crown, and which thought that Tullius would usurp it upon them. For not only this alliance extinguished the envy and rancour which they had to Servius, but that which is more, it caused one of the daughters to enterprise to slay her own father. IF seemeth that this which Machiavelli telleth of Borgia, boweth something from the truth of the history. For Sabellicus writeth, That during the election of Pope julius the eleventh, Borgia was shut up in the Pope's tower to be safe and guarded by his enemies: So there was no likelihood, that a man brought into such an extremity, as to hide himself, and be shut up in prison, for the great multitude of enemies which he had procured, should have such great credit in the Pope's election. But suppose it was true, that Borgia helped Pope julius to the Popedom, and that Pope julius was unthankful for that benefit, for the remembrance that he had of the old and ancient injuries that Borgia had sometimes done him: what follows hereof? That all great lords will always do the like, will some Machiavelist answer; and that therefore they ought not to be trusted: Is not here a goodly doctrine for a prince? Briefly, it is Machiavels' mind to teach a prince to trust in no lord, which he hath once offended, and again, that none which hath made a fault, or offended him, shall any more trust him, whatsoever reconciliation, peace, concord, amity, pleasure, and good offices may happen since the offence. Here, behold a most wicked and detestable doctrine, to say, That an offence ought to take so deep root in the heart of the offended, that by no pleasures, services, or other means, it can be razed out. But Machiavelli seemeth something excusable to maintain this Maxim: for according to the honour of his nation, vengeances, and enmities are perpetual and irreconcilable: and indeed, there is nothing wherein they take greater delectation, pleasure, and contentment, than to execute a vengeance; insomuch as, whensoever they can have their enemy at their pleasure, to be revenged upon him, they murder him after some strange & barbarous fashion, and in murdering him, they put him in remembrance of the offence done unto them, with many reproachful words and injuries to torment the soul and the body together; and sometimes wash their hands and their mouths with his blood, and force him with hope of his life to give himself to the devil; and so they seek in slaying the body to damn the soul, if they could: God by his grace keep all countries, but especially England (which already is so spotted with other vices, and with the doctrine that Machiavelli teacheth, and which they of his nation practise) that they be not soiled and infected with that immortal and irreconcilable vengeance. For how should it be possible, that any man should be without infinite quarrels, and continual, and ordinary batteries and murders, yea, with parents and friends, and with all other persons, with whom he hath any frequentation; if offences may never be blotted out but by vengeance? Every one may well know by experience, that they which are amongst themselves great friends and familiars, yet commit offences one to another and sometimes have great stirs, despites, and contentions amongst them: But must men as soon as they receive any offence at the hand of a parent, friend, or of any other, forget and blot out all amity, Christian and brotherly charity towards his neighbour, and to pardon no faults, but seek the ruin of him that offendeth us? Surely, this is not only far from all Christian piety, but also from all humanity and common sense; yea, brute beasts, which have no reason, are not so unreasonable: Irreconcilable vengeance contrary to natural right. for a dog which we have offended, will be appeased with a piece of bread, yea, will fawn upon him which beat him, and as much will an horse do and an ox which hath been pricked and beaten, when hey is given them: and as for such as say, that vengeance is lawful by right of nature, are greatly deceived, as the beasts named before do show: True it is, that nature teacheth man and all living creatures to put back violence with violence, when a man is upon the act, and instant itself when as violence is inferred: but it teacheth not, that after the act of violence & outrage is committed, a man ought to seek vengeance, to put back that violence & outrage: for this is not to repel and repulse injury, which already being received, cannot be repulsed; but rather to infer a new injury & violence: & withal, that natural right, To repulse violence with violence, it must be understood with reason & equal moderation; that is to say, That such right hath place, when by no other mean in any other sort, we can shun the violence which is offered unto us: And indeed, the brute beasts themselves show us we must so use it: for you shall not see a wolf, nor a swine seek to put back the violence offered him, whilst they have place enough to fly, and that they be not brought to a straight: and therefore it is a beastly ignorance, to colour that detestable vice of vengeance, by the right of nature: for it is clean contrary, and especially to the irreconcilable vengeance whereof Machiavelli speaketh, which he saith, cannot be defaced nor forgotten by new pleasures. But I do well know, that some Machiavelist will reply upon this doctrine, that Machiavelli speaketh only of princes and great lords, unto whom he saith; That new pleasures cannot extinguish old injuries, and that hereunto accordeth that which Homer saith: A mighty king that angry is against one less than he, Hom. Iliad. lib. 1. Can hide full deep in spiteful heart, that hard it is to see His fierce and angry wrathful mood, till he espies his time, Revenge to take, according to the greatness of the crime. But let the case be so, that the wrath and irritations of great princes and lords, dwell longer in their hearts, than in other persons of less quality, as the meaning of Homer seems to be: hereof it followeth not, that a prince is implacable, and that he cannot be appeased by any pleasures or services. It seems that Homer noted no other thing in the particular natures of kings and great lords, but that they know how for a time to dissemble despites and offences perpetrated against them, and can attend opportunity to revenge them (a thing very true, and that we see often practised:) But it is far from Homer to say, that kings and princes cannot be appeased by pleasures and good services that may be done unto them after the offence, yea, in humiliating and reconciling themselves to them. Homer speaks here of choleric kings, which are not masters of themselves, not being able to command their passions and affections which reign in them, and which do darken their reason and judgement, such as was king Agamemnon, of whom he especially spoke in the place above alleged. For many good and wise kings and princes are seen, which Good princes incline to pardon. can so well make their passions and affections obey reason, that not only their wise judgement never suffereth, that a desire after perpetual vengeance shall take root in their hearts; but rather will not leave in their memory the offences that are done them, but will forget and pardon them of their own motion, before any pardon be demanded: for their wisdom judgeth, that those passions of vengeance, besides that they do but torment and make lean the heart of a prince, are altogether contrary to the principal virtue, which ought to shine in a prince as clemency, gentleness, and goodness, a virtue making a prince's estate pleasing and assured, which ought principally to shine in private offences, as justice ought especially to shine in public offences, as shall be spoken more at large in another place: although even in public offences it is sometimes requisite for the public good and utility, that the prince use clemency and forgetfulness. To this purpose is very regardable the opinion, that in the Senate, that great and Titus Livi. lib. 4. Dec. 3. wise person Quintus Fabius Maximus held. When the Romans begun to get up and reprosper, after their ruin at Cannae, many of their allies, which had revolted to Hannibal, proffered to come to them again: Amongst others there was one Classius Altinius Arpinus, who came to Rome, and made the Senate understand, That he had means to bring the town of Arpos, where he inhabited, into their hands: The matter coming to deliberation in the Senate, some argued, That it was not good to trust in this Altinius, nor in any other Arpinois, seeing they had violated their faith by revolting unto Hannibal, and that it were folly to make account of such people, which have their faith as variable as fortune: and as for his offer, to deliver the town of Arpos, he did it for no good affection he bore to the Roman commonwealth, but because he saw the affairs thereof dissolve and decay. But Fabius reasoned in another sort: Masters (said he) they which have spoken before, seem to give their opinion, as if we were already in good peace, forgetting the time lately passed and not considering that we are yet in the heat of war: As for me, I think we stand in need to devise all the means we can find out, to contain our allies from revolt: But if the necessity of times lately passed, and their weakness have drawn them on once to a revolt; and if after, it be not lawful for them to return and to reconcile themselves, who can doubt, but at length all our allies will turn from us to the Carthaginians? My advice then is, That we should not reject a reconciliation with such as revolt from us, although they have not been so constant as they should be in a faithful adherence unto us. The opinion of Fabius was followed by all the Senate, and by the means of Altinius the Romans reseased the town of Arpos. But it seemeth, that the persuasion which Quintus Metellus used in the name of all the Senate, unto Aemylius Lepidus and Fulvius Nobilior, censors of Rome, is very worthy the marking, to show, that vengeances and enmities ought not to be perdurable in great lords, but aught to appease themselves, and be reconciled one to another. The said two censors being two of the greatest princes and lords of Rome, which had been consuls, and endued with other great offices and estates, and at that time were censors, which was the greatest office of all: For censors took cognisance of all the abuses of magistrates and senators, and might put them out: These two being enemies (although companions in one charge) the Senate determined to seek means to agree them: so they sent unto them a great number of the principal senators, amongst which, Quintus Metellus, who had the charge to speak for all, in a temple where the censors were, begun to remonstrate and tell unto them, as followeth: We know (right honourable censors) that you are now in an estate to reprehend and correct the manners and faults even of senators, yea, it is in you to govern and correct us, and not in us to reprehend you: Yet have we one thing from the Senate to say unto you, whereat all good men in you are offended and scandalised: When we consider of you apart, we know you to be such, as in all the town there cannot be found men more capable and fit to be censors and correctors, than you: but when we look on you together, we fear you are not well coupled; neither is that wherein you please us, so profitable unto us, as it may be damageable unto us, if that you two disagree together: Therefore we all in general entreat, that you will finish in this temple your enmities and rancours, and that in a good union of counsel and amity, you will establish elect senators, review our knights, and exercise all other points of your censorship. Titus Tatius, and Romulus warred one against another, yet after governed in this city together in good concord and amity: When wars are finished, it is often seen, that men become good friends and faithful allies, which before were mortal enemies: There is a common Amity's ought to be immortal, and enmities mortal. proverb worthy of observation, That amities ought to be immortal, and enmities mortal: Therefore good masters censors, we beseech you be reconciled together, and hearken unto the Senate's just petition. Strait after this short oration, although either of the said censors desired and were instant to make it appear to the said senators, that with good & just cause they hated one another; yet they both submitted themselves to whatsoever arbitrement of those senators. The said Senators then thought it good, that they should give their hands and faith one to another in token of reconciliation and amity, and that both should swear in that temple, that earnestly and without all fiction they finished their hatred, and in all true love reconciled themselves: This they did, and solemnly swore, that with a good heart, and without all hypocrisy, they banished and departed from all evil will, and became ever after good friends: All the Roman Senate (saith Titus Livius) praised and greatly approved this reconciliation in these censors. It is then an act of a good man and of an honourable nature, to be facile and prompt to reconciliation, and not to engrave in our hearts perpetual enmities and rancours, as Machiavelli teacheth: and good men ought not only to be facile in reconciliation, but they ought also to contemn and disdain all revenges by way of action and violence, as being a course unlawful, unfitting and unbecoming him, that would conserve in himself the reputation of an honourable & good man. And this is it, which the historian Sallust notably saith: A good man (saith he) loves better to be vanquished, than by evil means to do injury: and to vanquish, in what sort soever it be, if on the vanquished there be practised too bitter a revenge, it is an evil and damageable thing, which often bringeth the total ruin of Commonweals. Moreover generous and virtuous princes, ought not only to bury and blot out all old injuries, with new benefits; but also even recent and new offences (which do more nigh than old touch the heart) ought to be forgotten, in consideration of ancient pleasures and merits. The the Romans allies and neighbours, breaking their faith and treaty of confederation, aided and succoured the Tarquinian people, which made war upon the Romans: The Tarquinians and their succours being vanquished, the could do no better, than in all humble manner submit themselves to the Romans, unto whom they sent ambassadors, which in substance made this oration to the Roman people: Masters (said they) may it please you to remember, how in the time of your calamity, when the Gauls took, peeled, and burned the city of Rome, that you sent into our town of Ceres, all your priests, Vestal nuns, and all the sacred images of your gods; insomuch as then Ceres was as your holy revestrie, yea the only refuge & safeguard for all your holy things, which there were well received and conserved: We therefore pray you, in favour of the gods, whose sacred Images we have preserved, in the ruin and combustion of Rome, that now in this prosperity, you will take pity and be merciful unto us, as we had of you in your adversity. If now we have committed any hostile thing against you, it came rather upon fury and folly, than of any good counsel: we beseech you therefore, that you will not suffer our ancient good deeds, which we placed and bestowed upon people far from all ingratitude, to perish by a new evil deed, and in your prosperity, handle not as enemies them which in your adversity, you elected for friends. The people (saith Titus Livius) were much moved by the ancient merit of the , rather to forget the new fault, than the old benefit, and a An old pleasure putteth out a new offence. peace, and remission of their offences, was accorded unto them. The same moderation of mind, used Francis the first of that name of good memory, towards the inhabitants of Rochel, in Anno 1541. The Rochelois falling to mutunie, against certain of the king's officers, about the impost of Salt, but acknowledging Du Bello. lib 9 of his Comment. their fault, they humbled themselves before that good king, demanding pardon, which he granted in an oration, with a grave and discreet admonishment, very worthy such a king and Christian prince in these words: My good subjects and friends (for such may I well call you, since you acknowledge your faults) the office and duty of subjects is so great towards their prince, that they which fail in that duty, commit so great a crime as they cannot perpetrate a greater, nor more punishable, for the inconveniences which may thereupon follow: For every estate of The public estate lieth in well commanding & well obeying a well instituted monarch, and commonweal, consisteth in two points: namely, in the just commandment of the prince or superiors, and in the loyal obedience of subjects: If either of these want, it is as much, as (in thelife of a man) the separation of the body and of the soul; for in man, life can no longer endure, than the soul desisteth to command and govern the body, and that the body desisteth from obeying the soul. God grant me grace, that I may not fail in the commandment, which he hath given me over you, which I do acknowledge to hold of him, as a thing whereof I must make account unto him: and although according to that command I have over you, I may reasonably practise the punishment of justice upon you; yet because it is a thing more covenable for a prince, to prefer mercy and clemency, before the rigour of justice; but especially towards such as repent, and demand pardon; I pardon you with a good heart: seeing likewise, that I know you are children of good fathers, whose fidelity hath been many times experimented, by my predecessors, I had rather forget your new misdeed, than your ancient merits; I hope also that from henceforth, you will as willingly be inclined to obey me, as my natural inclination is to pardon you. I will not do to you, as the emperor did to them of Gaunt, which having committed them under the slavish servitude of a citadel, defiled his hands with their blood: My hands (thanks be to God) are Cruelty takes love from subjects to their princes, clear from the blood of my subjects; and indeed he lost the hearts and amity, of his subjects, by shedding their blood; but I hope that my mercy and clemency, shall confirm your hearts & love towards me your king, who kindly handleth you as a good father; and that if you and your predecessors, have been in times past good and faithful subjects; you will be much better hereafter: I pray you forget this offence which is happened, and for my part, I will not remember it at any time of my life: I pray you also be as good subjects, as you have heretofore been, and I hope God will give me grace to be better towards you, than I have been. God our Lord and creator, pardon you, and I do heartily forgive you, all you have done without excepting any thing. At this word, proceeding from so magnifical and generous a king, all the Rochelois began to weep for joy, and crying Vive le Roy, they prayed God to conserve in all prosperity so good a king, so kind and merciful. Then upon the king's commandment, all the bells of Rochel were rung, all their guns were shot off, and bonfires made, in sign of great rejoicing. And so much there wants, that good princes have been inclined to vengeance, that contrary, the principality itself, makes them forget all affection of vengeance, Spartian in Adrian. that they had before: as we read of the emperor Adrian, who being come to the empire, forgot all his former enmities; insomuch as one day soon after he Ascending unto honour is descending from vengeance. came to the empire, encountering a capital enemy of his, he said unto him: Thou art escaped. King Lewis the twelfth, before he was king, being but duke of Orleans, had many troubles: For, in the time of king Charles the eight his predecessor, his enemies Annals upon Anno 1488. thought to have taken him prisoner, but he saved himself in Bretaigne, whither he was persecuted with an army, and battle was given him, and the duke of Bretaigne, who took his part at S. Aubin (where the king's army got the victory) and the said duke of Orleans, were taken prisoners, led to the castle Luzignen, and from thence brought to the great tower of Bourges: After all this, there was a concord amongst them, and the said duke came to the crown: Being king, they which followed him into Bretaigne, and to other places during his adversity, persuaded him to be revenged, of such as had made war upon him, at the king's command: and they showed unto him, that the cause of his then persecution, came not by king Charles his motion, who was then within age but by his principallest Counsellors and governors, such as was Messire Lewis de la Trimonille, and others. But that good king Lewis shaped them this answer, worthy of so gentle and christian a king, that could command his choler and passions: Nay (saith he) a king of France, may not revenge injuries done to the duke of Orleans. King Philip the hardy a gentle prince, a lover of peace, and very easy to grant Annal. upon the year 1272. pardon. The county de Foix in his time rebelled, but at the request of a son in law of the county, this good king pardoned him his fault, and gave him again certain land, which he caused to be seized, and moreover made him knight, and at Court retained him into his service. This is far from nourishing enemies, and perpetual vengeance, as Machiavelli teacheth. But here might I accumulate and heap up many other examples, of Caesar, Augustus, trajan, Marcus Antonius, Constantine, Charlemagne, S. Lewis, Charles le sage, Alexander the great, of Sirus, and generally of all the good princes, which ever have been, all which were endowed with that excellent virtue of clemency, and were far from all vengeance. But these I have recited, I hope may serve sufficiently, to show by good reasons and notable examples, that that passion of irreconcilable vengeance, is unseemly and unworthy a good prince. And as for the examples, wherewith Machiavelli serves himself, they be but examples of tyrants, and such as were of no account: and of such people I know men had need take heed: for although for a time, they dissemble their choler and their appetite to vengeance, yet will they not fail to discover it, as soon as they see a commodious time, to be revenged with advantage. But all Princes resemble little, the Tarquines, or Pope julius whereof Machiavelli speaketh: For Tarquin who enterprised to slay king Servius Tullius his father in law, to obtain the kingdom of Rome, showed well by that act and many other, that he was a very tyrant: His end was also such as commonly tyrants have: for he was driven from his kingdom, which he had unduly and unjustly usurped, and was compelled to pass the rest of his days in great poverty, as a private person, banished from Rome with all his children. And as for Pope julius, he was known for a true and disloyal tyrant, who greatly abused the bounty of king Lewis the twelfth: For that good king took from the Bentivolians, Boulogne, and many other towns from such petty lords as occupied them, and delivered them into the pope's hands, because they were lands belonging to the Roman church: Yet in recompense, this good Pope, by published bulls, exposed the whole kingdom of France for a prey, to whomsoever would take it, together with all the countries and lands of the allies of France; and so john de Albert king of Navarre, lost his kingdom, and king Lewis lost Milan, and almost all that he held beyond the mountains, as we have said in another place. And this was the recompense, the king received for all his benefits, of this disloyal and wicked Pope, of whom in his time was made a Pasquil at Rome, and registered in our annals, which in this sort speaks to his holiness: Of Gennua thy father was, from Greece thy mother came, A child then borne upon the sea, what good in thee can be. Genuais deceivers are, Greeks' huge liars are by fame. No faith in sea, thou hold'st these points most fully all in thee. 7. Maxim. A Prince ought to propound unto himself, to imitate Caesar Borgia the son of Pope Alexander the sixth. IT is not possible for me (saith M. Nicholas) to give better Cap. 14. Of the Prince. precepts to a new prince, than to lay before his eyes for an example the acts of Caesar Borgia, duke de Valentinois, son of Pope Alexander the sixth: And although his affairs little prospered, yet it was not wholly his fault, but rather the malignity of an extraordinary Fortune. First then by the means of the Pope his father, he troubled all the Estates of Italy, that he might the more assuredly seize upon part of them: A thing he easily effected: For at the instigation of the Pope his father, and of the Venetians, the king of France, Lewis the twelfth, passed into Italy, and so soon as he arrived at Milan, he gave succours to the Pope to subjugate Romania, which strait was reduced under the hands of Borgia, for the reputation of the French puissance. Secondly, because at Rome there were two mighty factions, the Colonoise and the Vrsine, against whose enterprises he feared they would oppose themselves; he got on his side the Vrsine faction by fair words and promises, by the means whereof, he beat down the French forces, and overthrew the Colonois: This being done, he gained the gentlemen, as well of the one faction as of the other, honestly according them, retaining them in his house, giving them governments of towns, and other honourable charges, after their merits and qualities: insomuch, as in a little time the Vrsine and Colonois faction remained without chieftains. After this, by fair and sweet words, accompanied with good presents, he caused the Vrsines to come to him unto Synagyllia, which being once together in his hands, he slew them all. Having thus suppressed those two factions, and seeing himself peaceable, and all Romania and in the duchy of Urbin, to make himself feared, & to repress the insolencies of the petty lords of that country, he sent thither, for governor, Messiere Remiro Dorco (a severe and cruel man) unto whom he gave full power: Who exercising his cruelty, committed many executions, by means whereof, he with fear made all the country tremble, and so, as peaceable and obedient as might be. What then did Borgia? To make the world believe, that such cruel executions were not done by his command nor by his consent, suddenly he caused publicly the head of Messier Romiro to be cut off: after this, being afraid of the Frenchmen, he refused any more to be served with the French forces; so he put them away, and to assure himself against them, he sought alliance with the Spaniards, which then made war in the kingdom of Naples, and so were farther off to hurt him, than the French which abode at Milan: Besides all this, he put to death all the lords, which he had wronged, and all their generation, and very few escaped; lest a new Pope after his father, should take occasion to war upon him, to re-establish those lords, or their posterity in their heritage: & as for the Lords, which he had not offended, he drew them almost all on his side, to help him to bridle a new Pope, that he might not enterprise any thing against him: his purpose was to make himself lord of all Tuscan, and after, lord of all Italy: And already he had under his protection Pisa and Sienna, and Luca inclined unto him. But Pope Alexander his father died, and failed him at his need, so that his domination being yet as a thing hanging in the air, which was nothing , Pope Julius the eleventh easily despoiled him. Borgia seeing that fortune (which before had showed him so good a countenance) turned her back, and proved so malign and contrary unto him, fell sick and died; and upon his death bed he said; He had prevented and thought upon all inconveniences that might happen unto him but death, which he never supposed would so soon have come. IS not here a gallant life, and a goodly history to propose, for princes to imitate, or rather a mark of God's just judgement, Caesar Borgia an example of God's judgement. which we see, he ordinarily exerciseth against such detestable tyrants, which by all manner of cruelties and disloyalties seek to domineer: For God in the end, brings all their designs and goodly enterprises into smoke, and makes them die in languishment and confusion, and in displeasure, that they have ever lived to see themselves fallen into a mockery and reproach with all the world, by their wicked enterprises: Yet this is not all; for dying full of all vices, not grieved for the evils they have done, but rather, for that they had no means nor leisure to do more mischief, they depart from this languishing life, to go suffer eternal pains, by the just judgement of God, who yieldeth to the wicked, persevering in their vices, the reward of their merit. Is not this wicked Borgia a fair example to us (who at his death confesseth, that he thought not to have lived so little a while) to admonish us, to be always ready prepared to appear before God? Horace himself an heathen poet, teacheth us to make no assurance upon the time to come, neither to set our care and hope thereon, when he saith: God covers, as with night obscure, Always the end of life future; Hor. lib. 3. Car. Ode. 29. And laughs to see afraid the man, Of that which no ways see he can: Of time present be careful then; All other things do flit from men, As water in the river. But to understand the goodly pattern, which this Atheist proposeth here for a prince to imitate, I think it good, a little more amply to discourse the life and genealogy Sabellicus Ennead. 10. lib. 9 and Enne. 11. lib. 2. of Caesar Borgia: He was a bastard son of Pope Alexander the sixth, but it is likely he legitimated him: for according to the cannon law, the Pope may legitimate the bastards of other priests, and by consequent also his own: This Pope by nation was a Spaniard, and before he was Pope, called himself Roderic Borgia: but coming to the Popedom, he took the name of Alexander; that he and his son, carrying the names of two of the most victorious monarches that ever were (that is of Alexander the great, & julius Caesar) they might make all the world tremble under them: He came to the Popedom, by the art of Necromancy, as some have written, which say he made a composition with the devil, which appeared to him in the form of a protonotary; but others writ, he came to it by silver, in buying cardinals voices. Philip de Comines (one of that time) saith, that he came to it by silver; as also jovinianus Pontanus, who writ this Epigram: Christ, Sacraments, altars are sold by Alexander Pope He bought them very dear, he dear then may sell them I hope, But it is not much respective I hope, whether he came to the Popedom by Necromancy, or by silver; for, it is not impossible but he might come to it by both. This Roderic besides the said Caesar, had many other bastards, and especially one, which in the night time, during his lascivious whoring in the town of Rome, was massacred, and the next morning his body was found in a sack, cast into Tiber, and it was never known who did it: He had also a bastard daughter called Lucrece, which (either for that he avowed her not for his, or otherwise) was married to one of his bastards, yet entertained by him, as Pontanus writeth: Hear lyeih she that Lucrece is by name, But Thais is indeed, also by Fame: Pope Alexander's daughter in law she is, His wife most vile, his daughter eke iwis. But above all his other bastards, he most singularly loved that Caesar Borgia, insomuch that as soon as he came to his papacy, he gave him his bishopric of Valence in Spain, and made him cardinal, and he was called cardinal of Valence: But this cardinal, having the wind in his stern, by means of the Pope his father, began to cast many things in his head; as first to cast away his ecclesiastical state, for a temporal and lay state; then took he arms determining to win all Tuscan or Hetruria, than all Italy, and after consequently, all the nations which Great and vain designs of Caesar Borgia belonged unto the empire, in the time of julius Caesar: so indeed he forsook his red cap, and in steed of cardinal of Valence, he was called duke of Valentinois, and incontinent, by deceits and disloyalties, he adventured upon great enterptises. He took for his device, Ou Caesar ou rien; as willing to say, that he made no account to be a less lord than julius Caesar was; which device in the end fitted him better than he thought: for, in place whereas he aspired but to one of the two, that is to be Caesar, or altogether nothing, he proved to be both: Caesar by name, and nothing in deed. Moreover, as for the means he took to effect his disseines and imaginations, Machiavelli hath discoursed them before: but historiographers say, that his subtle deceits and devices, were at the first suspected and discovered, and that all the potentates of Italy knew strait, the intention of him and his father, to tend unto the usurpation and domination of all Italy; and therefore prepared they to hinder them in all they could: and after that the pope his father was dead, he was incontinent left and abandoned of every man, and had much to do, to find where to hide himself; for all his enemies, which he had offended, arose against him, & especially the Vrsins, which strait sought means to massacre him. Fabius Vrsin the son of Paul (whom Borgia had caused to be slain) sought him every where, and encountering one of Borgia his familiars slew him, cut him in pieces, and washed his hands and mouth with his blood: hereupon saith Sabellicus: I do not think, that there can be found a more notable example than this of Caesar Borgia, to admonish us to govern our lives with moderation: He might have been the second after the Pope his father, in the ecclesiastical order, and have had rich and good benefices, as many as he would, but forgetting himself too much, and importuning fortune too much as a mother, he strait experimented her, a most cruel stepmother: he refused to maintain himself in a right high and honourable degree, to be altogether disgraced, and brought to nothing. But certainly there is nothing which is of less endurance, than an evil counseled prosperity: for it or dinarily rejecteth great things, to bring upon itself, calamitous and sad things. Secondly, he finding himself destitute of friends and means, in the midst of the cruel enmities of men, not being able otherwise to save himself, when his father was dead, he reputed it great advantage, that he was shut up, and guarded in the Pope's tower, till there was a new chosen. Behold the censure of this learned Sabellicus, touching the life and carriage of this Caesar Borgia, which is full contrary to the mind of Machiavelli: For where as Machiavelli counseleth a prince, to imitate the actions of Borgia, Sabellicus discounselleth it, and faith, That his life ought to serve for an example to all men, for governing themselves as he did, lest they fall into the same downfall that he did. To dispute here of the disloyalty, cruelty, and other vices, which Borgia used in all his negotiations; and to prove, that his life ought not to be imitated, but rather detested, were a superfluous thing: For the common senses of all men, which have never so little judgement, do sufficiently show to all the world, that the said vices are so detestable, that the users of them cannot but light on the like end, that Borgia did. First, because God customably doth so reward such wicked tyrants: secondly, because it ordinarily cometh to pass, that they are greatly hated of every one; insomuch as every man guards himself from them, as from a furious beast, and the first that can get him at advantage, thinks he doth good to the common weal, when he riddeth him from the world; yea, each man watcheth to catch him in his snare: Therefore no man will give a prince, so dangerous and so detestable counsel, as to use Borgia for a pattern of imitation; unless he would carry him unto the top and fullness of all wickedness and cruel tyranny, which seemeth to be the end whereat Machiavelli aimeth, as we shall see more at large hereafter. But whereas Borgea (saith he) caused the head to be taken from Messier Romiro Dorco, the executioner of his cruelty; I confess it was true, and avow, that he did well therein: For if Messier Romiro, would excuse himself and say, that his master Borgia commanded him to do such cruel executions; that were no good excuse, because he should rather have forsaken his estate and government, than to commit cruelties, without any form of justice, against the law of God and reason: The laws themselves willeth, that none should obey his prince, when he commandeth any massacre or unjust slaughter, till thirty days be passed after the command; that in the mean time either their friends, or the magistrate, may persuade the prince, to pacify his choler, and to hearken unto reason. And because the law hereupon made by the emperors Gratian, Thesiodus, and Valentinian, is worthy to be marked, I do thus translate it: If it happen that hereafter (say they) we command any rigorous vengeance contrary to our accustomed manner against any, we will not that strait they suffer punishment, nor that our command be strait way executed: but that the execution surcease the space of thirty days, and that in the mean time, the magistrate keep the prisoner safely: Given at Verone the fifteenth of the kalends of September, in the year of the consulship of Antonius and Syagrius. It is then seen by this law, that Messier Romiro was justly punished, as a man too prompt and forward to execute cruelty: And if this law had been well observed in France, there had not been found so many, and such rash massacres, but the commonwealth had been in far better estate, and the means of peace, more facile and easy. Moreover, the prince which will propose one man alone as his pattern, and exemplar True patterns which a prince ought to propose to imitate. to imitate, he shall find many, which have been as virtuous as Caesar Borgia was vicious: But seeing the greatest and most excellent persons at all times, were ever men, that is to say, not every way absolute, but defectuous and vicious some way; it is best therefore that a prince do addict himself to imitate all virtuous men in general, and each of them in their particular virtues: As if we speak of heathen princes, he may propose to imitate the clemency of julius Caesar in using his victory: for he ever simply contented himself to vanquish, without cruelty, and with out bloodshed, as far as he could: He may propose to follow the moderation of Augustus Caesar in the government of the commonweal, and his diligence to establish peace, in the whole Roman empire: For he never omitted any thing, which might be a mean to bring all the world to peace and tranquility, after the wars, and he managed the commonweal with such moderation, as it seemed rather a government, than a monarchy: He had also another virtue, well worthy of imitation; for he was a good justicer, and himself not only dealt in making laws and ordinances according to the rules of justice, but also he himself often heard men's causes, and judged them their right: he was also a lover of learned men, and of knowledge, and greatly rewarded them; and these virtues of Augustus, were fit for a prince to imitate. The bounty and lenity of Traianus; the love of peace in Pius; the deep wisdom, the humanity and facility to pardon, and the love and study of good letters in Marcus Antonine, are also worthy virtues for a prince to follow. But without any longer stay upon Paynim princes, which had not the knowledge of Christian religion, a prince shall find sufficient to imitate, yea, and not to go farther than the kings of France. Charlemagne was as generous and victorious, as ever was Caesar; yet besides this; he was very liberal towards good people, a prince continent, gentle, facile to pardon enemies, and endowed with a singular piety and fear of God; For he caused ordinarily the Bible and S. Augustine to be read unto him; and nourished poor people in his palace, which sometimes served himself at the table. Saint Lewis was a good and wise king, fearing God, and a good justicer; for he often sent into all his provinces commissaries, to be informed of the abuses, covetousness, and rapines of magistrates, and caused them which were found faulty, to be well punished. We read one thing of him, not unworthy to be remembered, That one day as he was praying unto God, reciting certain petitions of the psalms of David, fit for that action, one comes suddenly unto him, to desire a pardon for one that had committed a fault, which was death by law; he as suddenly granted it; but strait falling into a verse of the psalm, which saith : Beati qui faciunt justitiam in omni tempore. Blessed are they which do justice at all times: he immediately called him again, unto whom he had granted the said pardon, and revoked it, with this notable sentence: That the prince which may punish a crime, and doth it not, is as culpable himself, as he that committed it; and that it is a work of piety, and not of cruelty to do justice: Besides he was very chaste, far from all lubricity, and never thirsted after revenge. Charles le Sage was a very benign and humble prince, who did nothing but by well digested counsel without rashness, loving the good and safety of his subjects; he was also a prince that very much feared God, he took great delight in reading the Bible, and would his people should read it, and to that end, he caused it to be translated into French. The Prince then which will determine with himself, only to imitate those three kings, in the aforesaid virtues, certainly he shall have for himself a true pattern and example, such as Christian prince ought to have; and not to propose to himself this bastard priests son, who was a very monster, and an exemplar of all wickedness: I name him a bastard, because according to the divine and law, he was not legitimate, although by the cannon law, the Pope may legitimate priests bastards, and by consequent his own, as hath been above touched: Yet notwithstanding this question is not without doubt, whether the Pope can legitimate his own bastards? Question, if the pope can legitimate his own children. and the reason of the doubt is, because the doctors of law hold, That legitimation is an act & exercise of jurisdiction: But it is an undoubted Maxim, that none can exercise jurisdiction in his own deed; & therefore it seemeth, that the illation doth not evil conclude, That the Pope cannot legitimate his own bastards: but seeing we are entered into this talk, we will deeper look into the matter, to draw out some good resolution, from this question, by the way only of a tentative and pleasant disputation, and not of a full determination hereof: For as Cato saith amongst serious things, joyous and merry things would be sometimes mixed. Upon this question then, namely; Whether the Pope can legitimate his own bastards? there do appear unto us many strong and ample arguments, as well in law, as in speculative Theology, and as well for the affirmative, as the negative. For, on the affirmative, they allege that by law and right of nature it is given to man to procreate his like; so that when the Pope exerciseth the act of procreation, therein he doth nothing which agreeth with the law of nature: This for the first: Secondly they allege that Popes are called fathers, and therefore they ought to have children, for the name of father is relative to the name of the son, & one of them cannot be without the other: Thirdly it is a point altogether peremptory, and such as no reply can be made against it, namely, that by the cannons and papal constitutions, it is expressly determined, that the Pope ought to be garnished and furnished with genitories, otherwise he were incapable and unable to be Pope, by the disposition of law, without any other declaration. Insomuch as if there happen so great a mischief and unhappy hap to Christendom, as by adventure they elect an eunuch Pope, all whatsoever he doth were nothing worth, nor of any value; so that his bulls and collations of benefices, his dispensations, fulminations, aggravations, pardons, legitimations, and other like provisions should have no strength, vigour nor effect: which is an admirable point in law, to say that a privation of genitories should induce a nullity of bulls, as if the Pope's power depended altogether upon his genitories: But hereof some yield this reason, because say they; eunuchs commonly are effeminate, having neither the force nor power which natural men have, so that it should not be found strange, that the cannons will, that the Pope must be accounted without force and power, when he is without genitories. Others whom this reason satisfieth not, do say, That the cannons in this place contain a right positive; and whatsoever hath been constituted by a positive right, a reason cannot be rendered of it; and that we must content ourselves and be satisfied, that it hath been so ordained, That the Pope ought to have genitories, without further inquiring the reason thereof: Yet if it were requisite to yield a reason of that constitution, we must rather say, it was ordained, to shut the gate of the Popedom from Papesses or she Popes, which otherwise might have crept into that holy seat, as the Papesse joan did. But out of this doctrine of the cannons, which importeth, That all Popes ought to be furnished with genitories, men draw out corollaries and consequences, which marvelously serve to the confirmation of the affirmative of our question: For if it be so, say the canonists, that it is requisite by a necessity, that the Pope must have genitories; it followeth, that it is for some end and use: For it were very absurd to say, that by the cannon law, any thing hath been ordained without any end, because all human actions are done to some end and utility, and by consequent (with stronger reason) the ordinances of the cannon law ought to tend to some end: But it is so, that genitories can serve for nothing but for generation; and therefore it followeth, that the Pope ought to use them to that work. And if any object, that he ought to use them for generation in the estate of marriage; the reply to overthrow it, is very ready, founded upon the universal vow of the Catholic Roman Church, whereby all Ecclesiastical persons (and especially the Pope, chief of them) have made a vow never to be married: If then it be not lawful for the Pope by the doom of the Catholic Roman Church to be married, as also by canonical constitutions, it is of necessity that he have genitories (which he cannot have, but for some use) it necessarily followeth, that he may and aught to have bastards. This argument may be reduced under the first form of the first figure of Syllogisms in Barbara; which (as the Logicians say) of all other are the best concluding arguments. But (say they) taking now this conclusion for a clear and well proved Maxim, that the Pope by disposition of right aught to have bastards; we shall easily come to the affirmative of our question: For they are called legitimate children, which are procreated after the ordinance and permission of law and right, and therefore the Pope's bastards shall be found already legitimate from their creation; but much more, when farther the Pope himself (which can do all in all) legitimateth them: For this legitimation is a superabundant act, which cannot but serve, and at the lest cannot hurt; because that which is abundant, impaireth not the rest; & that each act ought to be taken to some end and profitable operation. They which hold the negative part of our question, have other contrary arguments. The Pope (say they) is bound, as other Ecclesiastical people are, to the general vow of the church, and therefore he ought to observe the vow as well as others; especially, that he may be a good example to other priests: For if the Pope (who commonly is an old man) dispense with himself to have bastards, and do break chastity and continency required in the priestly order; what an example should that be for a company of young priests, which are idle and at their case? To say that nature hath given men genitories for procreation, it is true (say they;) but they must be used in marriage: And if that be a good reason, we may then say, that it is lawful for all priests to break the vow of chastity: But the truth is contrary: For none ought to make himself priest, nor to bind himself unto that vow, unless he know in himself a power to observe it. To say also, that Popes are called fathers, this is true (say they) but it must be understood spiritual fathers, not carnal fathers: And whereas by the holy decrees it is ordained, That the Pope ought to have genitories, that is to show (say they) that he is a perfect man, having all his members, as it is requisite he have: And when that decree was made, that the Pope should have genitories, we must not understand thereby a dispensation from the vow of the universal church, whereunto he remaineth always tied and bound: For by the Cannons, the Pope cannot dispense against a statute and ordinance of the universal church: So that by consequent (say they) he cannot have bastards, which are not always bastards & illegitimate; and he cannot justly legitimate them, because he cannot exercise an act of jurisdiction in his own cause or action. These are the reasons of such as hold the negative part of our question. True it is, that they accord well, that by plenitude of power, the Pope may legitimate his own bastards, when he expressly declareth, that he will have it so of his full and absolute power: and herein all the Canonists agree. For when they speak of the fullness of the Pope's power, they speak as of a deep pit, which is bottomless, from whence none can come out, when they are once in, no more than if a man were sunk into some unmeasurable & infinite deep gulf of the sea: For they hold, that it is an infinite thing, which hath neither end nor beginning, neither up nor down, neither bank nor bottom, neither midst nor extremity: yet without wading too far in it, we will speak a little thereof something merrily: for the matter is pleasant enough, as it hath been handled of the doctors of the faculty of Theology, which do not well accord in this point with the Canonists and Decretists. Of the power of the pope and of their counsels. We must then presuppose and understand, that there is an old and ancient question, which is not yet decided for want of a judge, that is, Which is the great master, the Counsel or the Pope. This question hath been many times disputed upon, but it could never find a competent judge to dissolve it: For who durst take upon him to judge the Pope, seeing kings and emperors are his subjects and vassals (as he saith) and do own him obedience, and are bound to hold his bridle and stirrups, when he mounteth on horseback? The subject and inferior cannot be a judge over his lord and superior, this is certain: And indeed there was never found king nor superior, which durst enterprise to end that strife betwixt the Pope and the Counsel: so that until this day it remaineth undecided: yet during this said strife & contention, the Canonists have always firmly held their opinion, which is, that the Pope is the greatest master; but the doctors of the faculty of theology have held and practised the contrary, that the Council is chief master: The canonist doctors do found upon many reasons, which seem not to be weak, nor evil, to such as will not examine things too subtly: For (say they) the Pope and the Counsel represent God and the Church; and even as God is above the Church, so the Pope ought to be above the Counsel: Moreover, a certain thing it is, that every Counsel is compounded of men in kind (I do discreetly say, in kind, to cut off an objection, namely, that the Counsel might be composed of beasts in wit and knowledge:) But the Pope is more than a man, and by consequent is greater than the Counsel. As for this point, that the Pope is more than a man, there need no doubt be made thereof: for there are express texts enough in the Cannon law, which hold C. quanto. & sim. ex de translat. epis●o. & resolve it in proper terms: These canonist doctors also hold upon this point, That the Pope is neither God nor man: not that therefore they mean, that he is a beast, but that there is a certain thing betwixt them, which is more than a man, and less than God. The third argument of the Canonists, is, that they say: That the Pope representeth the great and chief shepherd, and the Counsel the petty and underling shepherds; and that therefore the Pope must needs be above the Counsel, as the head shepherd is above inferior shepherds. The fourth argument is, because the keys of Paradise were given to S. Peter, who after left them unto the Popes his successors, not to the Counsel: So that (say they) if the Pope would rigorously deal with them of the Counsel, he would not suffer them to enter into Paradise; for, to enter into it, we must only speak unto him, seeing he only carrieth the keys thereof; yet he will not do his worst unto them, although they give him great occasions, calling themselves greater masters than he. The doctors of the faculty of theology (to sustain the contrary, and to make appear, that the Counsel is greater than the Pope) use many subtle and speculative arguments, into which every man cannot enter, for their great subtlety: for when they speak of this matter, they seem to beat, into as small dust as Epicures Atoms, the subtleties of S. Thomas de Aquin, and Scotus: For they distinguish the Pope from the papality, and say, that there is a spiritual papality, and a potestative papality, and that both of them are not always concurrent in one papal subject. For the spiritual papality may be deficient in the subject, by a defectuositie of science, and the potestative by a defectuositie in the election: After this, they give many limitations to the said double papality, according to which, they say the Pope's power and actions ought to be governed. But without entering into these so subtle arguments, out of which I cannot dispatch myself with credit, I will only touch such as may best be comprehended of men of mean understanding. They first say, that the Counsel may create and depose the Pope, as hath been many times seen; therefore the Counsel is greater than the Pope: for he that hath power over another, to make and unmake, must needs be the greater master. Secondly, they say, the Counsel representeth the universal Church, which cannot err in faith: and the Popes have often erred in faith, and amongst them have been found many heretics, which for such have been condemned in Counsels: and therefore men ought rather to prefer the Counsel, which cannot err, before the Pope, which is subject unto error. They also say, that even after the Cannons themselves, the Pope alone cannot decide the articles and differences of faith, but that it appertaineth to the Counsel; and therefore that the Counsel which hath a more excellent power, than the Pope, must needs be reputed greater than he. Fourthly, the Pope, although he be precedent of the Counsel, yet he neither hath nor aught to have but one voice, no more than a simple bishop; and therefore all the body of the Counsel must needs be more than he, as the body of a court of parliament is more than one of the precedents thereof. Fiftly, they say, that when our Lord promised to give the keys of paradise, he said thus: I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven: Here you must note, that he speaketh in the plural number, addressing his speech to many, namely to all his Apostles, not to S. Peter alone, and he speaketh also of many keys, which can be in no less number than two, seeing there is a plural number: but these two keys, are the keys of knowledge, and the key of power, whereof the first belongeth to the Counsel properly, yet the Pope beareth them both in his arms: without the key of knowledge; they say the other is not to be accounted of, neither can in any sort open the gate of Paradise, for the doubtful crooks and bend of the inward parts of the lock, and the hidden bolts thereof, which cannot be opened, but by the key of knowledge: insomuch, as seeing the Counsel holdeth the principal key, it followeth, that it is greater master than the Pope. These are in sum the chief arguments of these doctors, that I remember at this present: But besides these arguments, there is also a practice held in that cause, as well by all princes as universities, which have ordinarily judged and practised, that the Counsel is above the Pope: As in the time of king Philip le bell, the fourth of that name, Pope Boniface the eight Annal. upon Anno 12●6. Monst. lib. 1. cap. 67. made a Decretal, whereby he generally forbade all emperors, kings, and princes of Christendom to levy any tribute upon the clergy, upon pain of a present excommunication, without any other commissance or declaration: The king, because this was against his privileges, (by the advice of his Counsel, the prelate's of his country, and the faculty of Theology of Paris) appealed from the Pope, as inferior, to the first future Counsel, as superior. Likewise, in the time of Pope Alexander the fift, who would needs levy tenths upon the French clergy, it was resolved by all the university of Paris likewise, to appeal from him and his bull to the first general Counsel. And to be short, appellations have been common from the Pope as inferior, to the Counsel as superior: And indeed, the doctors in theology hold all determinately this Theoric, That the Counsel is greater than the Pope: yea, some Theologians have gone so far, as to say, that men may well be without the Pope. By the abovesaid discourse is seen, that our masters of theology have desired to circumscribe the infinite plenitude of the Pope's power, by giving him a master, and a superior; namely, the Counsel, to keep him within his limits. But I find his power cut much shorter by other means: and first, upon this general rule, The Pope 1. Limit. of the Pope's power. may do all: they add a condition and moderation thus: Clavae non errant, Provided, that the key do not err. This is a moderation right pleasant, which comprehendeth as much or more than the rule itself: For if you will search the bulls, ordinances, and dispositions of the Pope, you shall not find one which containeth not some derogation from law and right: which derogation & repugnancy from right, the Pope doth, by virtue of his power, and because it so pleaseth him: So that according to the said condition, laid down by the divines, we may well say; such bulls are of no value, because they contain an error in law, against which the Pope hath no strength, according to that saying, Clavae non errant. Likewise, by the same moderation and restriction it may be said, that a great part of the Cannons and Decretals are nothing worth, because they are derogatory from the divine law, or equity, and natural reason; or else, because by these Cannons and Decretals, there is added to the holy Scripture, which God hath forbidden: The key then of Pope's being thus falsified in so many sorts and manners (as every day it is) there can little good remain in any thing the Pope hath ever done or yet doth, but all or the most part shall be nothing for want of power, which is the greatest nullity that is. There is yet another restriction or exception from the foresaid rule, which Saint 2. Limitation. Thomas de Aquin maintaineth firmly & stoutly, that is: He saith, That the Pope may do all things, but except that he can make no new articles of the Faith: This is an exception, which stretcheth far and wide, & much diminisheth the infinite power of the Pope: For if it be true, that he can make no new articles of faith, it followeth, that we ought not to believe nor give credit to any thing the Pope hath invented himself: and so we ought simply to hold ourself to the word of God, and not to look to any additions, subtractions, nor multiplications of the Pope: Wherefore by Thomas his limitation, what precepts soever are added to the Decalogue, as this: Dominicis diebus missas audito, On Sundays hear Masses, and such like, are utterly to be rejected: And generally, all that the Popes have ordained, which is contrary, or in any manner repugnant from any place of holy Scripture, must be cast off as a new article of the faith. For we must as well in deed as with the mouth, confess and believe all that is contained in the old and new Testament, and all the verses generally of the whole Bible ought to be unto us so many articles of the Faith; although there are some more principal and necessary than others: insomuch, as all the Pope's doctrine, which repugneth the least verse of the Scripture, is to be rejected as a new article of the faith, by the said exception of S. Thomas. Besides the two foresaid limitations, there is yet another very common amongst 3. Limitation. the Theologians and Canonists: For herein do they agree, That an heretic Pope hath no power, nor aught to have any obedience yielded unto him. This hath often served for a mean to cut off and to limit the Pope's power: For ever when he waxed too wild, furious, and troublesome to the world, then would they cast him this bone to knaw on, to say, Thou art an heretic: and so was he often abandoned, so that none made any account of him: as it happened to Pope Benedict of Avignon, successor of Clement the sixth: For this Benedict sent bulls to the king of France, whereby he flatly excommunicated the king and all his realm, because the king would not suffer silver to go out of France into Avignon: The abovesaid king had his recourse to the University of Paris, and especially to our masters of the faculty of Theology, which strait concluded and resolved, That Pope Benedict was an heretic unworthy the name of a Pope, and that men ought not to obey him, his bulls being of no value, as granted by one without all power: and therefore according to that resolution, the said bulls were rend and torn in pieces, and all obedience denied the Pope. You may demand why this Pope was called an heretic: I answer, that I know not, for our hystorians have not set down in what articles of the Faith he erred: And it may be, that of purpose they imposed the name of an heretic, and not because he was so, for he knew nothing of the Scriptures, neither knew he what the name of an heretic meant: yet for such was he accounted and pronounced, although he knew no Theology, nor had ever seen any thing of the Bible, but only that which is drawn out of it, and inserted in the Missal and breviary: He was also a reasonable good clerk in the Cannons, yet not one of the profoundest therein, but he knew sufficient for his provision. Likewise, the Pope Boniface, of whom we have before spoken, was declared an heretic by the said University and faculty of Theology, not that he erred in the Faith (for it was a thing whereof he had little care) but because he would needs enterprise upon the king's privileges: But as soon as he was declared an heretic, all the kingdom of France retired from his obedience. Pope julius the second, was not declared an heretic by the University, because they thought it better so to prove him in Italy at a Counsel there, that so Italy itself might also withdraw from his obedience: And indeed (do the Pope what he could) a Counsel was held at Pisa, where he was endighted for an heretic, but he died before the sentence was given. Briefly, of old it was a good and gentle means to bridle the unmeasurable power of the Pope, to declare and descry him for an heretic: Our masters also of that time (I know not what they do now) defined an heretic to be he, which either in fact or opinion doth contrary to the doctrine of the church: So it was very easy to convince Popes of heresy: for although they maintained no opinions contrary to the doctrine of the Catholic Roman faith, yet no doubt they did many things reprehensible by that doctrine; and that sufficed strait to make them heretics. You have heretofore understood the controversy betwixt the Pope & the Counsel, Monstrel. lib. 2. cap. 231, 237. lib. 3. cap. 5. 103. 112. and how the Counsels favourers & partakers have often beaten down the Pope's horns, and cut his comb: Now will I recite, how that the Pope got a good revenge once: It was in the year 1437, when Pope Eugenius the fourth held the Roman seat: At that time a Counsel was kept at Basil, by which amongst other things, it was decreed, That Eugenius should lose his Popedom, & in his place should come Am de Savoy, called Pope Foelix, who a little before had resigned to his son Lewis his duchy, lands, and seignories to become an hermit at Ripaille, a solitary place in Chablais. This Pope being chosen, Eugenius begun strait to cause very rigorous bulls to be published against him, and anathematized him, if he continued to call himself Pope. Foelix the new Pope stood stiff, and all the Counsel for him, which was translated from Basil into the town of Geneva, where this Pope held Pope Foelix sat at Geneva. his seat, and from thence dispatched as forcible bulls against Eugenius, & made no account of his anathematizations; but hoped well that he should remain master and head of the Church (at the least on this side the mounts) if once he could place his seat at Avignon, as other Popes had done: But because he placed his seat at Geneva, the king of France would not departed from the obedience of Eugenius Pope of Rome, although he something inclined to the Counsel of Basil, and approved the resolutions made there. Moreover, he did so much, that in the end he agreed Pope Foelix with Pope Nicholas, successor of Eugenius, in the year 1447: And Pope Foelix contented himself to be the Pope's perpetual vicar in Savoy, after he had enjoyed ten years the Popedom; having always his seat at Geneva, as well of Pope, as of the Pope's great perpetual vicar. And after this concord made, Foelix acknowledged Pope Nicholas for true Pope, as also did all they which had elected Foelix, & remained with him at Geneva: Therefore from that time forward was there Felix sat Pope at Geneva. no Pope at Geneva, neither would they of Geneva receive any into their city again as I hear. And for as much as the Pragmatic sanction (which were certain articles touching the matter of benefices, which were resolved upon in the said Counsel) greatly diminished the Pope's revenues, and the Bullists and Datances at Rome; the Pope never ceased, till he had abolished it in France, by the means of a bishop of Arras, a great favourite of the kings, whom the Pope made cardinal, giving him a red hat in recompense of his pains. So from that time was abolished the said Pragmatic, which had endured and was after a sort observed & kept in France for the space of thirty years, to the great discontentment of the nobles and of such as were rich (who could not so easily and fitly, whilst the Pragmatic lasted, abuse the Pops bulls and indulgences) as they did before and since. True it is, that whilst the Pragmatic was in force (which favoured learned men) the noble and rich men by quirks and litigious contentions of law, so troubled the poor graduates, that they were commonly repelled from the fattest benefices: for officers of justice have commonly more respect to the money of the rich, than to the learning of the poor: and they found it an unseemly thing, to give to some poor master of art, or to some bachelor or doctor in Theology, an abbey or bishoptick of ten or twenty thousand pound a year: They thought such fat and pleasant morsels were not for men of base qualities, which had not used to keep abbots and bishops tables in Sorbonne, or other colleges. Therefore that rule of equity, which wils, that poor & base men should not soar & mount so high, as they might become too rich, and so destroy and corrupt themselves, caused our master of the parliament still to drive away all poor masters of Art, bachelors, doctors, and licentiates in theology, and in the decrees, from great and fat benefices, notwithstanding the Pragmatic sanction: but they maintained them to enjoy cures, chapels, monarchal portions, and other little prebends of small revenue: And surely, this equity of the courts of parliament was great and admirable: For they considered, that there is nothing that corrupteth more, virtuous men, nor that sooner causeth them to be idle & given to voluptuousness and other vices, than the great abundance of goods and riches; and that there is nothing more proud than a base proud man, which suddenly ascendeth into some great degree of honour and riches: And therefore esteemed they, that it was more expedient to give the good and rich benefices to noble and rich people, than to this poor and base masters of art, and doctors, Sorbonnists and Decretists: for these would but have been corrupted and made proud thereby, and the noble and rich men could not have been more corrupted, neither prouder than they were already. But finally, the Pragmatic having been after a sort practised and used by the space of thirty years, it was quashed and abolished by king Charles the seventh: And a certain time after, Pope Pius the second (who in poesy had before been another Ronsard, and was called also Aeneas Silvius) utterly condemned to all reproach, that poor pragmatic sanction, namely, to be publicly trailed and drawn through the streets of the town of Rome, in token and sign of irrision, ignominy, and infamy thereof, and of the Counsel that made it, which so durst fasten himself unto the Pope's sanctity: After sentence was pronounced, this poor Pragmatic was ignominiously drawn through the town of Rome: And there might you have seen all the Dotaries, Bullists, Copyists, and Notaries, about the court of Rome, leap, dance, laugh, gibe, and mock at this poor Pragmatic, in revenge of the losses and damages which they had by it sustained. And herein truly the Counsel received a great check, which made it well appear to the Pope, That he was greater master than the Counsel, whatsoever our masters, Occam, Gingencourt, & Gerson have said, written & maintained to the contrary, & whatsoever all the faculty of theology have resolved, that the Counsel is greater than the Pope. The Pope not only saith he is greater than the Counsel, but also, than all the kings and emperors of the world, as is proved by many of the Pope's Cannons and Decretals: and therefore, upon this point it is not amiss to rehearse the story of Pope Innocent the third, and of an emperor of Constantinople, which reigned about the year 1200. This Pope had written certain letters unto that emperor, whereby he rebuked, and spoke to him as to his varlet: The emperor made him a modest answer, sending him word, That he was much abashed, that he should write unto him in so lofty and imperious a style, and that therein he observed not the commandment of Saint Peter his predecessor, who wils and enjoins all persons to obey and be subject unto the king, as to the most excellent, and unto magistrates under him, his deputies: concluding by this place, That the Pope ought to acknowledge himself to be subject unto the emperor, and not so bravely to speak to him, as to his inferior. But Pope Innocent failed not to frame him this answer: Thy imperial sublimity marvelleth that we durst rebuke thee, because thou hast read in S. Peter, prince of the Apostles, That every man ought to be subject unto the king, as to the most excellent, and to magistrates, by him established: But thou hast not well considered the person of him that speaketh: For the Apostle writeth to his subjects, That in all humility they will yield him obedience: and when he saith, To the king, as the most excellent; it must be understood of the temporalty: for without doubt, the Pope in spiritual things is the more excellent, and is so much the more to be preferred before kings and emperors, as the soul is to be preferred before the body: And if thou hadst read that which is written of the sacerdotal and priestly prerogative, thou mightest better have known this: for it is written, Behold I have appointed thee over nations and kingdoms, that thou mayest root out, dissipate, build, and plant: Thou oughtest also further to know, That God hath placed in the firmament of Heaven two great lights, the Sun to lighten the day, and the Moon to lighten the night: Likewise for the firmament of Heaven, that is, for the universal Church, God hath made two lights, that is to say, two powers, namely, the Papal, which lighteneth the day, and that is spiritual things: and the Royal or imperial, which lighteneth the night, that is to say, terrene and earthly things: If then thy imperial greatness did well understand these things, thou shouldest know as great difference to be betwixt us and thee, as is betwixt the Sun and the Moon: and that kings and emperors are subject under the Pope, as the Moon is under the Sun. Behold in sum Pope Innocents' answer unto the emperor of Constantinople; which containeth a profound Theological exposition, to make flies laugh. About this time there were also erected and set up in the Church two strong pillars of the Papal power and doctrine; namely, the orders of the begging Friars, and the Decretals. For the last point which we will touch of the Pope's power, shall be that which the learned Poet George Buchanan saith, who speaking of this matter, toucheth the white: for he saith, That the ancient governors of Rome (which were kings, consuls, and emperors (have subjugated and vanquished both earth and sea; but that this was nothing, or small in regard of the modern dominators of Rome, which are the Roman bishops: For the first bishops of Rome, as S. Peter, S. Clement, and certain others by their good and holy life gained heaven and paradise, which is already more than the earth and the sea, which the old Romans conquered: But what have the last bishops done, as Pope Gregory the seventh, Boniface the eight, Silvester the second, julius the second, john the two and twentieth, Alexander the sixth the father of Caesar Borgia above mentioned, and other Popes their like, they have done more than their predecessor bishops, or the ancient kings, emperors, or consuls of Rome: for they have valiantly conquered hell (saith Buchanan) and have Pope's have conquered hell. made themselves masters and peaceable possessors thereof, notwithstanding all the forces and resistance of Pluto and all his sequel, which would not suffer, that Popes should domineer in hell, but would only receive them as his vassals: But the chance hath happened contrary; for the Pope is at this day, and hath been long time, a peaceable dominator and lord of hell, and Pluto is no more but his vassal, and the simple executioner of his commandments, and as it were the gaoler of the Pope's prisons: insomuch, as when at this day the Pope dispatcheth bulls of pardons, or croisadoes (as did Pope Leo the tenth in his time) he commandeth the angels of paradise to go seek the souls of prisoners in hell (after once their ransom be paid) & Pluto and his officers to open their gates, and set them at liberty without contradiction, upon pain to lose their charges and estates: And think you that Pluto durst disobey one only word of the Pope his sovereign? It is very certain, that he durst not once grunt nor contradict him in any thing, but (all he can possible) maintain his amity, and to do him all the services he can. Here is the substance of that which Buchanan speaketh of the Pope's power, in these verses: In alder time with iron sharp, and by their naval war, Old Rome subdued sea and land, though nigh it were, or far: But after that, the Roman bishops soared to heaven on high, By knowledge, bounty, patience eke, and their humility: No more remains to their succeeding Popes, but only hell, Whereof possessors are they sure, they have it conquered well. 8. Maxim. A prince need not care to be accounted cruel, if so be that he can make himself be obeyed thereby. Caesar Borgia (saith Messier Nicholas) was reputed cruel, yet by his cruelty he brought into order, and into his obedience the Cap. 17 of the Prince. whole country of Romania: Wherefore the prince need take no great care, to see himself in reputation to be cruel, so that thereby he maintain his people in a faithful union and obedience. For the cruel and rigorous executions of a prince, do but privately hurt certain particulars, which ought not to be feared; and the two great lenity of a pitiful prince, is the cause of infinite evils, which grow up and engender in their kingdoms, as murderes, thefts, and other like: Insomuch as a man may well say, that a pitiful prince, is cause of more evils than a cruel prince. The example of the emperor Severus may serve us for proof hereof, for he was very cruel, and by his cruelty overcame Albinus & Niger, & the most part of their friends, & so wrought himself a peaceable empire, which he long time held, being well obeyed, and reverenced of all the world. I Have heretofore showed, how Caesar Borgia, by his cruelty obtained for enemies, almost all the potentates of Italy, and thereby so well assured his estate, that incontinent as his father was dead, he was environed with enemies, destitute of friends, despoiled of the lands he had usurped, and constrained to hide himself to save his life. This tragical issue accordeth not very well, with that which Machiavelli here maintaineth, saying B●rgia was erected by the credit of his father & not by his cruelty. That the cruelty of Borgia, was the cause that he got the peaceable domination of Romania: For to say truth, it was not his cruelty (which easily might have been resisted, Borgia of himself being without power) but it was the favour and fear of the pope his father, who commanded the French powers, and made himself feared of all christian princes. For at that time men feared more the pope's simple bulls, than at this day they fear either the keys of S. Peter, or the sword of S. Paul (which he said he had) or all his fulminations, excommunications, agravations, reagravations, interdicts, anathematizations, or all the forces and means he can make. And who would make account of all those at this day? seeing even the Romans themselves make but a mock of them. But in the time of Alexander Borgia, yea in the time of Pope julius the eleventh his successor, all that the Pope would and ordained, was held of christian princes for an ordinance as from the mouth of God, yea, even when the Pope ordained things manifestly wicked: as when julius delivered as a prey, the whole kingdom of France, and the lands of the king's allies. For the king of England, of Arragon, and the emperor Maximilian, believed all, that it was a sufficient cause to set upon the king and his allies, and that it was even as an express commandment of God. The world then, and even princes, being then overtaken with that beastly superstition and folly, we need not be abashed, that Caesar Borgia, had the means to possess Romania, under the shadow and favour of the Pope his father, & that with the aid of the king of France: and it was plainly seen, that that good hap to subjugate Romania, proceeded from favour, and not from cruelty (as Machiavelli saith) because as soon as that favour ceased, all his case was overthrown, and it was strait seen, that his utter ruin arrived, as is said. I do then maintain clean contrary from the Maxim of Machiavelli, and say, That cruelty is a vice which ordinarily bringeth ●o princes the ruin of them, & their estates, and that clemency and gentleness is the true means, to maintain and establish a prince firm and assured in his estate. For proof hereof reasons are clear and manifest: for we call cruelty, all executions which are committed upon men, their lands and goods, without any form of justice, or against all right and equity: hereupon it followeth, that as violence is directly contrary to right and equity, so also is cruelty, and that cruelty is no other thing but manifest violence. But according to the Maxims, even of philosophers, No violent thing can endure; So it followeth, that an estate founded upon cruelty, cannot long endure. Moreover cruelty is always hated of every one; for although it be not practised upon all particulars, but upon some only; yet they upon whom it is not exercised, cease not to fear, when they see it executed upon their parents, friends allies and neighbours: But the fear of pain and punishment, engendereth hatred; for one can never love that, whereof he fears to receive evil, especially when there is a fear of life, loss of goods and honours, which are the things we hold most precious: and of that which we hate, we by the same means desire the loss and entire ruin, and search out, procure and advance it with all our power. But it is impossible when all a people shooteth at one same mark, that a tyrant or cruel prince (for all is one) can long endure, or that he can do so much, as there shall not arrive unto him, some disaster or evil fortune: And if sometimes it please God to suffer him to live long, it is to cause him to take the higher leap, that in the end he may have the sorer fall: As we see it well painted in poets tragoedies, where many tyrants are seen (which enduring long time, have done no other thing during the space of their life, but knit cords, fasten gallows in some imminent places, whet swords and daggers, & temper poisons) for afterward to drink the poison, to stab the dagger in their bosoms, or hang themselves on the gibbet, in the sight of all the world; which laughing and mocking them, say, it is well employed: & we must not say, that such tragoe. dies are but poetical fictions; for histories are full of such tragical ends of tyrants, which have delighted to shed their subject's blood, and to handle them cruelly. Cruel people are commonly cowards. This vice of cruelty, proceeding from the weakness of such as can not command their choler and passions of vengeance, and suffer themselves to be governed by them, never happened in a generous and valiant heart, but rather always in cowardly and fearful hearts. Therefore when one day, one advertised the emperor Mauricius, that the captain Phocas intended and wrought evil against him; and another maintained that he was but a coward, and too fearful to bring any thing to pass: the emperor Mauricius answered, So much the more ought I to take heed: for those cowardly and fearful people, when they enterprise a cruelty, and that they have advantage, they can never hold any measure therein. And this vice of cruelty (saith Marcellinus) may be called the ulcer of the soul, proceeding of Amian. Mar. lib. 27. feebleness of the mind, and cowardice of the heart: And therefore sick and diseased people are more choleric than they that are in health, and miserable and desperate men, more than they which are at their ease and contented. And hereupon (saith Marcellinus) that the cause why Valentinian was a cruel man, came because of the choler, which so ruled in him, that as soon as any spoke unto him any word that displeased him, he changed colour, voice, and gate, and could not command himself, nor keep from committing many cruelties and injustices, his judgement was so with choler oppressed. Finally, it was the cause of his death: For one day the Quadians demanded peace of him, and by their ambassadors excusing themselves of a rebellion, he began to speak to those ambassadors in so great anger, rehearsing his kindness & humanity before used unto them, that at once his voice and words failed him, as if he had been strucken with a deadly blow, and withal begun to send out a mortal sweat: he was incontinent carried to a chamber, and laid upon a bed, and by the advice of one of his physicians, a vein was opened, but it was not possible to draw a drop of blood out, the said choler had so burned and dried his inward parts: so he died. A notable example, for princes to take that consideration of their health, that they never suffer choler nor cruelty to abide in them: for such passions once taking an habit in them, they burn & roast their entrails, and so will not suffer them to live long. But they ought further to consider, that such vices also do soil and defile the reputation of that generosity and magnanimity that ought to be in a prince: For we have seen, and do ordinarily see, that choleric and cruel men have almost always been and are cowards and fearful, but generous and valiant men are gentle and full of humanity. Prince's ought further to consider, that if they be once spotted with cruelty, they never make good end; and God will have it so: because he that committeth cruelty, violateth the divine law, which forbiddeth to shed man's blood, and to slay, but by form of justice: He also violateth the law of nature; for he destroyeth his like, which nature hath produced, and which hath given that instinct even to brute beasts, not to destroy beasts of their own kind; there is also a precept of the law of nature, not to offend another: He likewise violateth the law, whereby is forbidden all murder and homicide, upon pain of death: Is it then any marvel, if sanguinary and bloody princes have commonly evil ends, seeing they violate the divine, natural, and laws, approved of all people and nations. There was never a more cruel nor a more cowardly man, than Caligula the emperor: for he quaked and trembled as he went to war to hear speak only of his Sueton in Calig. cap. 45. 46. 47. ●2 58 59 enemies, without seeing them. Making war in Almaigne, in a forest nigh unto him, he caused certain Apostata Almains to lie in ambush, and commanded one of them when he was at dinner, to declare unto him that the enemy was discovered in the said forest: As soon as he heard this, he incontinent sounded the trumpet, and placing his battle in array, he caused them to assault that poor forest, which he made to be cut all down: and having so obtained this goodly victory against this forest, he came back again with great vaunt and fierceness, taxing and reproaching the cowardice of such as remained behind, and were not present at this great overthrow: Was not this an act of a generous & a valiant prince? Another time he caused to ordain and place his battle strong and in good order to fight, and commanded that every one should march in his rank, and that all their artillery and all other furniture for an assault, should be prepared for a ready fight, yet no man knew his intent what he would do: When his army had marched in order of battle to the shore of the great Ocean sea (which was nigh) he then commanded all his soldiers and men of war to fish, & gather into their hose, bosoms, and murrions, as many oysters as they could carry, saying, it was the spoil and booty conquered from the Ocean, which he would have to be carried to the Capitol of Rome, in sign of that notable victory obtained against that great Ocean: Also he caused to be builded upon this shore an high tower, for a memorial of this happy journey. After, he sent to Rome to prepare against his coming a goodly triumph as could be, to triumph upon the great Ocean, which he had so valiantly vanquished, and the spoils thereof did bring to the Capitol. Are not these heroical acts to overthrow a forest, and fish for oysters? For cruelty, whereof this monster was full, I will say no other thing, but that he had always a servant expert in cutting off of heads, which ordinarily at his dinners and suppers beheaded poor prisoners in his presence, and for his pleasure. I leave to speak of so many good people as he brought to their deaths: for I should never have done to rehearse all his cruelties. His end was, that his people conspired against him, taking for their watchword Redoubles, when they all fell upon him, and massacred him with thirty blows in his age of 29 years, after he had reigned three years and ten months. The cruelty of Nero, which caused to be slain Agrippine his mother, Britannicus his brother, Octavia his wife, Seneca his master, and all the most virtuous and good people of Rome, even of the Senate, are notorious enough, and should be too long to recite: And never man was more feminine and cowardly, than he: for he was never found in any war: But he had good and valiant lieutenants, which acquitted themselves well, whilst he played upon the cithaeron amongst singers and common players of interludes. His death was strange: For being abandoned of all the world, but of some four or five servants, he sought to hide himself in a little house of pleasure in the fields, which appertained to Phaon, one whom he had enfranchised: being there, his men pressed him to slay himself quickly, lest he fell alive into the hands of his enemies: for none of them would do him the pleasure, as to slay him: Then he commanded them to make for him a grave, and laid him down upon the earth for a measure thereof: but whilst they were making of the grave, behold a lackey of Phaons' came, who brought a decree from the Senate, whereby Nero was declared an enemy of the Commonwealth, with commandment to seek him out, & to punish him as a public enemy: After he had read this decree, he took his two daggers, and proved whether they both were sharp enough: after, he put them in the sheath, saying his hour was not yet come: yet strait he prayed his men, that they would begin a little to weep & lament. Soon after, he desired, that some of them would show him by example how he should slay himself: But perceiving knights arriving, and doubting they came to take him, he gave himself a stroke with his dagger in the throat, with the help of Secretary Epaphroditus: & he being yet alive there entered a centenier, which feigned, that he came to secure him; unto whom he answered, that it was too late, & the last word that he spoke, was Voila la foy; See what faith: He died at the age of 30 years: And it was an admirable thing, that he which had caused so many others to be slain in his time, could never find a person, that in a need would slay him, but was forced to do it himself. A thing also worthy it is to be marked, that at his last sigh he complained, that none kept faith with him, with him I say, that was full of all disloyalty: And wherefore should they? do tyrants think, that men will keep faith with them, seeing they themselves break it with every one: If they so think, they are deceived: For to abandon a tyrant, and not any way to support him, is to observe faith to his country and to the Commonweal. We have before in another place discovered the cruelties and unhappy ends of Commodus & of Bassianus Caracalla, both which were fainthearted & cowardly princes, never performing any warlike act, or which tasted of any generosity or courage. We may number with them Didius julianus, Heliogabalus, Gallienus, Maxentius, Philippus, Phocas, Carinus, Zeno, and many other sluggish and fainthearted princes, that never did any good thing, which also by their cruelty have brought themselves to miserable ends; for they died violent deaths, and reigned not long. We may also add to those examples of princes (or rather tyrants, which were very cruel & of little generosity) the example of Herodes cruelty towards his children, whereof we have spoken before: The example also of the emperor Tiberius, who constrained men to die by languishing in prison, by no means willing to accelerate their deaths, though Sueto. in Tib. cap. 6. they prayed him; & he took from them their solace, to study, read, or to talk with any person. The examples also of the emperors, Otho, Vitellius, Domitianus, Macrinus, and other like, all which were very cruel, and little generosity in them; they all in small time finished their lives, and by the sword. But for as much as the death of Domitian is worthy the noting, to show That tyrants cannot shun the divine justice, I will here recite how he was massacred. First we must understand, that this cruel tyrant Sueto. in Domitian, cap. 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, etc. caused many great lords to die, which were the principal senators of Rome, and even some which had had the consulary dignity, yet had they done nothing that merited so much as a reprehension: as Cerecalis, Salvidienus, Glabrio, which he caused to die, saying, that they were enterprisers of novelties: without either proof or available conjecture: He made also to die Aelius Lamia (whose wife Domitia Longina he had taken from him) only because he spoke these words: Alas I say not a word: & Salvius Cocceanus, because he celebrated the day of the nativity of the emperor Otho his uncle: & Metius Pomposianus, because there was a brute, that he was born in a royal constellation; and going to a certain place, he carried with him a figure of the world, and the orations of kings and captains, which he found in Titus Livius, and because he imposed those names, Mago and Hannibal to certain his slaves: He also caused to die Salustius Lucullus, because he had invented a new form of halberds, which he called Lucullienes: and junin Rusticus, because he had written the praises of two very good men deceased, called Taetus Trasea and Elvidius Priscus, whom Rusticus had called most holy persons; and therefore were all philosophers banished both Rome and Italy: He caused his cousin Flavius Sabinus to die, because the trumpeter or common criet, had (according to custom) openly proclaimed, That he was chosen new emperor, & he should have said, new consul: he put to death also Flavius Clemens, another cousin, for a light matter of suspicion: & many other great cruelties towards good people and men of quality, which for prolixity I rehearse not: yet will I say; that to make himself be the more feared and reverenced, and to heap up his execrable wickedness, when his officers made any public cry, or sent any command to the people, the subscription was always thus: Your Lord and God commands it so to be done: In the end seeing himself evil beloved of all the world; he would needs Admirable means of Domitian's death. know of the divines and astrologers, what should be his end: he sent for a very famous ginger, called Ascletarion, of whom he demanded when and how he should die? Ascletarion answered him: Sir, not to hide any thing, I know by art, and I find that you shall be soon slain: And thou, said Domitian, of what death shalt thou die? Sir, answered he, I find by art, I shall be eaten with dogs: Well (replied Domitian) I will keep thee well from that adventure: and strait to convince him of a lie, he commanded him to be slain, & to be buried, & after, his body to be burnt into ashes, according as the Romans used to bury their dead: But it happened after he was slain, as they thought to have burnt his body into ashes, in a public place, the fire being lighted to burn the body, there suddenly arose a great tempest, which ejected the body (half burnt) out of the fire, which incontinent was torn in pieces and eaten of dogs. This being reported to Domitian, he was much afraid of this hap: So that as well, for that Ascletarion had said unto him, as for that other diviners had told him the day and hour he should be slain, he thought it good to stand upon his guard: and the better to see them which came behind him, he caused to floor all his gallery (where he most often walked) with a kind of shining stone, from which as in a glass there proceeded such a brightness, as he might easily see whatsoever was behind him. The foretold-day being come, and the hour approaching (which was five) he asked what of the clock it was: one expressly answered him that it was six of the clock, to assure him that the danger was passed: but about that hour of five there knocked at his chamber door one Stephanus his chamberlain (who was one of the conspirators against him) his left arm hanging in a scarf, as if it had been hurt, signifying to him that he would declare the conjuration intended against him. This was the cause that Domitian suffered him to enter: who strait after his entry, after reverence, presented unto him a request, containing the discourse of the conjuration, whereof he let him read a good part; at which, seeing him astonished, he stabbed a poinard in his belly: wounded as he was, he would feign have revenged himself, but his other household servants entered to massacre him, giving him seven mortal wounds. Behold an admirable example to show, that there is no prudence nor human foresight, that can hinder that the judgements of God be not executed upon tyrants. But if any demand, how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperor Domitian: I answer, that we must believe, that this said prediction was not by art or science: but the evil spirit would give boldness of enterprising, unto Domitian's enemies, in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatal hour, that they might believe, the stars and heaven, to aid their enterprise. And God above (who serves himself with such means as pleaseth him, to exercise his justice) gives efficacy to the spirit of error. The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla: for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to slay him, although he never before thought of it, till the astrologers declared their divination; nay he would never have done that enterprise, if that divination had not constrained and drawn him unto it. Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable history, that happened in his time: He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus, a bastard of the house of Arragon, who was marvelous cruel, a traitor and dangerous: for none could know when he was angry, he could so well manage his countenance, yea, and often betray men, as he made them good cheer: and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercy, neither had he any compassion of the poor people: This king Alphonsus had a son also as wicked as he, called Ferrand, who had found means to bring before him (under his father's assurance) many princes and barons of the country, to the number of four and twenty; and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law, having married his sister; all which he caused to be imprisoned, notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them, insomuch, as some remained four or five and twenty years prisoners. As soon as the king Alphonsus was dead, and Ferrand his son was king; the first thing he did at his coming to the crown, was to massacre all those said great princes and barons (which he himself had imprisoned, during his father's life) by a Moorean slave of Africa, which he rewarded, and strait after the execution sent him into his country. This king Ferrand, or Ferdinand, having news of the said murder, (as the king of France Charles the eight, enterprised the conquest of Naples) judging himself unworthy to be king, because of his great and abominable cruelties, sent ambassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him, offering to yield himself tributary to the crown of France, to hold the kingdom of Naples of him, and to pay him 50000 crowns yearly: But the king, who knew there was no fidelity in the Arragonian race of Naples, would enter into no treaty with the king Ferdinand, who being in despair to be ever able to hold that kingdom against the king of France, having his own subjects his enemies, died for sorrow and despair, and left his son Alphonsus his successor. This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father, and had always showed himself pitiless and cruel, without faith, without religion, and without all humanity; insomuch, as perceiving that king Charles approached Rome, his conscience also judging himself to be an unworthy king, he resolved to fly into Spain, and to profess himself a monk in some monastery: But before he fled, he caused to be crowned king at Naples a young son of his, called Ferdinand, who was not yet hated in the country, his nails being not yet either strong or long enough to do evil: This done, he fled into Sicily, and from thence to Valence in Spain, where he took the habit of a monk, and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravel. But it was marvelous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of fear, as he should go in no good order away, but left all his movable goods, and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples: And this fear proceeded to him from a faintness of heart; for (as Comines saith) never cruel man was hardy: And when one desired him only to stay three days to pack up his goods: No no (said he) let us quickly departed from hence, hear you not all the world cry France, France? Men may see how an evil conscience leaves a man never in quiet: This wicked man (knowing, that by his cruelty he had procured the hatred of his subjects, the wrath of God, and the enmity of all the world) was tormented in his conscience, as of an infernal fury, which ever after fretted his languishing soul in the poor infected and wasted body. And to end this tragedy: strait after he had saved himself, the king of France obtained the kingdom of Naples: And a little while after, the said young Ferdinand son of the said Alphonsus, died of a fever and a flux: So that within the space of two years, God did justice on four kings of Naples, two Alfonses, and two Ferdinand's, because of their strange cruelties, which were accompanied with disloyal impiety and oppression of subjects, for always those keep company together. A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God, to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories. cruel king Richard of England, king Edward the fourth his brother. This king Edward deceasing, left two sons and two daughters all young, and in the tutelage and government of Richard duke of Gloucester his brother: This duke desiring for himself the crown of England, caused his two nephews cruelly to be slain, and made a report to go, that by chance they fell of a bridge, and so were slain; His two nieces he put into a religion of Nuns, saying they were bastards: because (saith he) the dead king Edvard their father, could not lawfully espouse their mother, for that before he had promised to espouse a gentlewoman, which he named; and the bishop of Bath being present, protested it was so, and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands. The duke of Gloucester having thus dispatched both his nephews and nieces, caused himself to be crowned king of England, and because many great lords of England, murmured at this cruelty; this new tyrant king (which named himself king Richard the third) made to die of sundry deaths, all such as he knew had murmured against him or his tyranny: After all this, when he thought he had a sure estate in the kingdom, it was not long before God raised him up for enemy, the earl of Richmond, of the house of Lancaster, who was but a petty lord in power, without silver and without force, who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne: To whom certain lords of England, sent secretly, that if he could come into England, but with two or three thousand men, all the people would come to him, & make him king of England. The earl of Richmond, hasted to king Charles the eight then reigning in France, by whose permission he levied people in Normandy, to the number of about 3000 men; after, he embarked with the troop, and took his course to Dover, where king Richard attended him, with 4000 men; but God conducted that business, sending a contrary wind, which landed the said earl in the northern parts of England; where without all interruption landing, they which sent for him met him, & by consent marched toward London: King Richard met him on the way with 40000 or 50000: as they came nigh one another to give battle, the most part of king Richard's people turned to the earl of Richmond's side: Yet that king (who despaired otherwise to be maintained in his estate, than by a victory upon his enemy) gave battle to the earl, and was slain fight, after he had reigned about a year: And the earl of Richmond went right to London with his victory, and the slaying of that tyrant: Then took he out of the monastery, king Edward's two daughters, whereof he espoused the elder, and was strait made king of England, called Henry the seventh, grandfather of the most illustrious Queen Elizabeth, at this present reigning. Alfonsus' king of Castille, the 11 of that name, who began his reign Anno 1310, & Fr●isar. lib. 1. cap. 230. 231 241. 242 243. reigned 40 years, left after him Peter & Henry his bastard sons. This king Peter was a prince very cruel & inhuman, & amongst other cruelties he committed, he caused to die Madam Blanch his wife, daughter of duke Peter of Bourbon, sister of the queen of France, & of the duchess of Savoy: He made also to die, the mother of the said Henry, his bastard brother, also banished & slew many lords & barons of Castille: Insomuch as by his cruelty, he acquired the hatred of all his subjects, yea of strangers his neighbours; so that his bastard brother, being legitimated by the Pope, at the earnest suit of the nobility of Castille, and the help of the king of France Charles le Sage (who sent him a good army under the conduction of master john of Bourbon, county of March, & of Messier Bertrand of Guesclin, after constable of France) he enterprised to eject king Peter out of his kingdom of Castille, and to make himself king, and did according to his enterprise: For, as soon as he was entered with forces into Castille, all the country of all sorts, abandoned that cruel king Peter, who fled and retired to Bourdeaux, towards the prince of Wales, praying him to give him succours, against his bastard brother: This prince who was generous and magnanimous, granted his demand, under colour that the said Don Peter was a little of his parentage (but in truth, moved with desire of glory, and to acquire the reputation to have established a lawful king in his kingdom, against a bastard which the French had set in) so did he enterprise to go inro Castille with a strong army, to establish king Peter in his kingdom: All succeeded so well unto him, that he got a battle at Naverret against king Henry, who fled into France, and king Peter was established in his kingdom: The prince of Wales exhorted him to pardon all such as before had borne arms against him, and from thence forward to become gentle and kind towards all his subjects, which he faithfully promised to be: But he did no such thing, but again exercised his cruelties and vengeances, as well upon the one as the other. In the mean while, Henry the bastard, gathered a new army with the help of the king of France, which was conducted by the said Messier Bertrand of Guesclin, and unlooked for, they gave an assault (nigh unto Montiell in Castille) to king Peter and put him to flight, with a great overthrow of his people: King Peter saved himself in a castle, which was incontinent besieged, and seeing himself evil provided within it, he by stealth sought to save himself with a few people, but he was encountered by the said Henry his bastard brother, who slew him with his own hand: By which means the said Henry with his race remained peaceable kings, in the kingdom of Castille, and king Peter finished his life unhappy by reason of his great cruelty whereof he could never be chastised. By the abovesaid examples it seems unto me, That a prince may easily judge (if he be of any judgement) how pernicious and damnable the doctrine of Machiavelli is, to instruct a prince to be cruel: for it is impossible that a cruel prince should long reign, but we ordinarily see that the vengeance of God (yea by violent means) followeth pace by pace, cruelty. Machiavelli for confirmation of his doctrine allegeth the example of the emperor Severus, who indeed was a man very cruel and sanguinary, yet reigned eighteen years, or there about, and died in his bed. But unto this I answer that the cruelties of Severus seem to be something excusable, because that he had for competitors in the empire Albinus and Niger, two of greater nobility than he, and which had more friends: Insomuch as it seemed necessary for him (to weaken the two competitors, and to withstand their friends from hurting him) to use that cruelty to kill them; Yet he pardoned many Albinians, and reconciled himself unto them: moreover he exercised part of his cruelties, in the revenge of the good emperor Pertinax, which was a lawful cause; yet withal had he in himself many goodly and laudable virtues, as we have in other places rehearsed: so that, as his cruelty made him much hated, his other virtues wrought some mitigation thereof. Lastly, he made no other end, than other cruel princes: for he died with sorrow (as saith Herodian who was in his time) for that he saw his children Dion in Seve. Herod. lib. 3. such mortal enemies one against another, and that Bassianus the eldest, had enterprised to kill his father, who yet did pardon him: But Bassianus pardoned not his father's physicians, which would nor obey him, when he commanded them to poison his sick father; for as soon as his father was dead he hanged and strangled them all. Herein also God punished the cruelty of Severus, that having exercised all these cruelties and slaughters, well to establish the empire in his house, he was frustrated of his intention: For of those two sons Bassianus and Geta, one slew the other; and Bassianus after he had slain Geta, endured not long, but was slain by Macrinus, and left behind him no children. Therefore although it seemed that God spared to punish Severus cruelty, for his other good virtues, yet remained not he unpunished; for seeing his son (who had learned of him to be cruel) durst enterprise to slay him, he died of grief and sorrow: And we need not doubt but his conscience assaulted him greatly; for he might well think, that it was a just divine vengeance, to see himself so cruelly assaulted by his own blood, and to see machinated against himself, by his own son, the like cruelty which he exercised against others, yet he dissembled this & pardoned his son: For how dared he punish that vice, that he had learned him? therefore this example of Severus serveth little or nothing to maintain the doctrine of Machiavelli; neither is one example so considerable against a million of others contrary: for men must make a law of that which happeneth most often, and in many examples, not of that which seldom happeneth. When Hannibal began to execute evil his businesses in Italy, and that the Romans having taken courage, began to follow him near, and to hold him short, he took a cruel counsel, which much advanced his ruin: For the towns and fortresses, which he could not guard, he ruinated and destroyed, that his enemies after him, might not draw any commodity from them, nor make any use of them: This was a cause that their courages, which took part with him were alienated from him; for saith Titus Livius, Example toucheth men more than doth calamity and loss. It was a great cruelty in the duke john of Bourgoigne, when he durst so much enterprise, as to cause to be slain the duke of Orleans, the kings only brother; Monst. lib. 1 cap. 38. 39 112. which cruelty cost many heads, and was cause of infinite evils in the kingdom of France, and finally was the cause that the duke himself was massacred, on the same manner that he had caused to massacre the duke of Orleans: But yet it is a thing more strange, that this duke durst maintain that he had great need to commit that massacre: Yea he found a doctor in Theology, called master john Petit, who durst affirm in terms of Theology, that that act was goodly, praisable, and worthy of remuneration. True it is that in the time wherein we are, there are found many such doctors of the bottle, patrons, & defenders of sins and vices, such as this john Petit: but as in the end he was known to be a liar and a slanderer, and his propositions condemned heretical; so God will cause his imitators of this time, in the end to be found like him: but that the ass may appear by his ears, I have briefly set down his oration. The duke of Bourgoigne, having made himself the stronger in arms within Paris, he took order that there should be held a Counsel, and an assembly, therein to propose his justifications: In which Counsel assisted Monssier le Dauphin,, the king of Sicily, the cardinal of Bar, the dukes of Berry, of Bretaigne, of Lorraine and many contes, barons, and many other great lords, and the rector of the University of Paris, accompanied with many doctors, clerk, and burgesses: There was brought in by an usher, master john Petit a doctor in Theology, before all those nobles, to justify the act of the duke of Bourgoigne. After than they had given him audience, with both his hands, he took off his great square doctoral bonnet from off his head, and began to speak in this manner; My most redoubted lords, Monseignior the duke of Bourgiogne, contie of Flanders and Arthois, twice peer of France, An oration of a doctor in Divinity. and dean of Pears, is come before the most noble, & most high Majesty royal, as to his sovereign lord, to do him reverence in all obedience, as he is bound by four obligations, which commonly are set down by doctors in Theology, and of the cannon & law; Of which bonds the first is, of neighbour to his neighbour; the second, of parent towards his parent; the third, of vassal towards his lord; and the fourth will be, that the subject not only offend not his lord, but also revenge such offences as are done against him. There are yet other obligations, that is, That the king hath done much good & honour to my lord of Bourgoigne: For it pleased him, that Monseignior le Dauphin should espouse his daughter, & that the son of my said lord of Bourgoigne, should marry madame Michelle daughter to his royal majesty; and as S. Gregory saith, Cum crescunt dona, crescunt rationes donorum, that is, when gifts increase, so do their obligations also. All these obligations are cause that my lord of Bourgoigne hath caused to slay the duke of Orleans lately dead, which act was perpetrated for the very great good of the king's person, of his children, and of all the realm, as I shall so sufficiently show, as every man shall be satisfied: For the said Monseignior of Bourgoigne, hath charged me by express commandment to propose his justification, which thing I durst not deny, for two causes: The first because I am bound to serve him, by an oath taken of me three years ago: The second, because he hath given me a good and great portion, every year to keep me at school, because he considered I was smally beneficed, which pension did me great good towards my expenses, and yet will so do me long, if it please God and my said lord of Bourgoigne. But when I consider the great matter I have taken in hand to handle before this noble company, great fear troubleth my heart: for I know I am of small sense, feeble of spirit, and of a poor memory, so that my tongue and memory flieth away, and that small sense I was wont to have, hath now altogether left me, so that I see no other remedy, but to commend me to my God and creator, and to his glorious mother, & to Monseigneur S. john the Evangelist prince of Theologians: And therefore I humbly beseech you, my most redoubted lords, & all this company, if I say any thing which is not well said, to attribute it to my simpleness and ignorance; that I may say with the Apostle, Ignorans feci ideoque miserecordiam consecutus sum, that is, I did it of ignorance and therefore am I pardoned. But some may here make a question, saying, It appertaineth not to a Theologian to make the said justification, but rather to a jurist: I answer, That then it belongeth nothing to me, which am neither the one nor the other, but a poor ignorant man, as I have said, whose sense and memory faileth: yet a man may say and maintain it, That it well belongeth to a doctor in Theology, to defend his master, and to say and preach the truth. Men need not then be abashed if I lend my poor tongue to my lord and master who hath nourished me: For it is now in his great need that I lend him my tongue; & they that love me the less for it, I think they commit a great sin, and hereof every man of reason will excuse me: Then to begin this justification, I take my theme upon that which S. Paul saith, Radix omnium malorum cupidit as, quam quidam appetentes, erraverunt à fide. These words are in the first to Timothy, the sixth chapter, and are thus englished: Lady Covetousness of all evils is the root, which makes men disloyal. Some may object to me, that pride is the first of all sins, because Lucifer by his pride, fell from Paradise into hell; and also because it is said in Ecclesiasticus, chap. 10. Initium omnis peccati, superbia: that is, Pride is the beginning and root of all sin. All men may then argue from this place; Then is not dame covetousness: But the answer hereunto is, that there are three manner of covetousness, that is, of Honour, of Riches, and of Carnal delectation: but the first kind comprehendeth pride, ergo, etc. This covetousness also of honour, comprehendeth vainglory, wrath, hatred, envy; insomuch, as he that is spotted with this kind of covetousness, is inflamed with vainglory, and angry against his lord, whose place and domination he would gladly occupy, and moreover hateth and envieth him: And all these crimes together, which proceed from covetousness, when they are committed against his prince, are called, Treason, which is the greatest crime that can be. Thus much for the first point of my theme, That dame Covetousness is the root of all evils. The second point is, That she maketh them become disloyal: for with a desire to domineer, they enterprise against their lord, whereas they should be loyal unto him, as I shall show hereafter by many goodly places. But as is fit; to show my lord of Bourgoignes justification, I will take that place of dame Covetousness, which I have alleged for my Major, and after I will come to my Minor, and so to the Conclusion. For proof then of my Mayor, I will note and propose eight principal Verities, by manner of a foundation, out of which I will infer eight Conclusions, as it were correlatives, the better to ground the justification of Monsieur de Bourgoigne. The first Verity is, That every subject and vassal, which upon covetousness enterpriseth against the corporal health of his king and sovereign lord, to take away his most noble signory, committeth the horrible crime of treason, and is worthy of double death, that is, of the first and of the second. I prove it, because every disloyal subject and vassal against his sovereign, sinneth mortally. Ergo, etc. Also I prove it by S. Gregory, who saith thus: Tyrannus est proprie qui non Dominus reputatur, non just principatur, aut non principatu decoratur: That he is a tyrant, which is not the true Lord, or which ruleth not justly, or which is not honoured by his principality. Also I prove it by S. john the Evangelist, who saith: Qui vivit non morietur nec laedetur à morte secunda: that is to say, That he that shall have victory upon lady Covetousness, and her three daughters, Ire, Hatred, and Envy, shall not need to fear the second death, namely, eternal damnation. The second Verity is, that in the aforesaid case, wherein the subject or vassal is worthy of double death; yet the vassal is more to be punished than the simple subject; and a baron more than a simple vassal; and a county more than a baron; and a duke more than a county; and a king's ally more than a stranger. I prove it, because the obligation of a duke or the king's kinsman towards the king, is by many degrees greater than of a county, baron, or of a vassal: Ergo, than the punishment must be in an higher degree: And that my consequence is good, I prove it, because the degrees of obligations and prerogatives do correspond and fully answer to the degrees of the punishment, and so as they are greater, so ought the punishment to be greater, as I have before alleged out of S. Gregory: Cum crescunt dona, crescunt rationes donorum. As gifts increase, so ought the reasons of gifts (that is obligations) to do: I prove also my said Verity by another argument. It is a greater scandal, that a duke or the king's ally should go about to take away the king's signory, than if it were a poor subject: Ergo then, the punishment ought to be greater, seeing the scandal is greater. Thirdly, I prove my said Verity, because there is a greater peril of a great man than of a little; therefore the remedy of punishment ought to be greater to withdraw great men from yielding and obeying the enemy of mankind, and dame Covetousness. The third Verity is, That in the case aforesaid, when the vassal committeth treason, meriting double death, then is it lawful for every subject, according to the laws moral, natural, and divine, to kill without any command that traitor and disloyal tyrant; and it is not only lawful, but also honourable and meritorious. I prove this verity by twelve reasons in the honour of holy Theology: The first, of a doctor, which upon the second book of the master of Sentences, saith: Qui ad liberatioonem patriae, tyrannum occidit praemium accipit, & facit opus laudabile & meritorium. That is: He which slayeth a tyrant, to deliver his country, receiveth a reward, and doth a laudable and a meritorious work. The second authority is taken out of that excellent doctor Salceber in his book of Policraton, who saith: Amico adulari non licet, sedaurem Tyranni mulcere licitum est, quia ei licet adulari quem licet occidere: that is: It is not lawful for any to flatter his friend, but with fair words he may well bring a tyrant asleep, for it is lawful to kill him. The third authority is of many doctors in Theology, all which I set down but for one, that I may not exceed the number of three, namely, of Richard de Mivile, Alexander de halls, and Astensis, which hold the foresaid conclusion: And for a greater confirmation, I add hereunto the authority of S. Peter, who saith: Subditi estote Regi quasi praecellenti: that is, Let each man obey his king, as the most excellent and sovereign. My three second reasons of the twelve, are founded upon the authority of three moral philosophers. The first, Licitum & laudabile est cuilibet subditorum occidere tyrannum: that is, It is lawful & praiseworthy for every man to slay a tyrant. The second authority is from the noble moralist Tully, who saith in his Offices, That they which killed julius Caesar, were worthy of praise, because he had usurped the signory of Rome by tyranny. The third authority is out of Boccace, who saith: That men may well conspire and employ arms against a tyrant; and that it is a thing most holy and necessary, that a tyrant ought not to be called, king nor prince, and that there cannot be a more pleasanter sacrifice, than the blood of a tyrant. After these authorities alleged out of Theologians and Moralists, I come now to the authority of Legists: And because I am not a Lawyer, it sufficieth me to speak the sentence of the laws, without alleging them: for in all my life I never studied the cannon and law but two years, and that was twenty years ago, so that I could learn but a little, and might easily forget that little by the length of time, since I learned it. The first authority out of the law, is, That it is lawful to kill forsakers of knighthood: but who can more forsake knighthood, than he which forsakes his king, who is the chief of all knighthood? The second authority is, That it is lawful to kill thieves and robbers by high ways: It is lawful then to kill a tyrant, which continually watcheth and intendeth the death of his sovereign lord. I come now to three authorities of the holy Scripture. The first is that of Moses, who without authority slew the Egyptian: who tyrannised over the people of Irael: For at that time Moses had not the authority of a judge over the people of Israel, which was delivered unto him nigh forty years after that he had slain the Egyptian. The second authority is the example of Phineas, who without any commandment slew the duke Zambry, because he allied him self by carnal love with a Sarracene woman; whereupon Phineas was commended and reverenced in three things, in love, honour, and riches. The third authority is that of S. Michael the archangel, who without the commandment of God or any other, fought against the tyrant Lucifer, so disloyal to God his sovereign, who went about to usurp the signory of God: The said S. Michael was favourably rewarded in three things, that is, in honour, love, and riches: in love, because God loved him more than any other Angel: in honour, because God made him a perpetual prince of the heavenly host: in riches, because God gave him riches as much as he desired or could carry away: so it appeareth, that my third Verity is well proved by twelve reasons, in the name of the twelve Apostles: of which reasons, three are taken from the holy Theologians, three from Moralists, and three from Legists, and the three last from the holy Scripture, and they go always from three to three. My fourth Verity is this: It is more meritorious and honourable, that a tyrant be slain by the king's parents, than by a stranger; and by a duke, than by a county; and by a baron, than by a simple vassal; because therein shineth more the love & obedience of the sleyer, and is more honourable to the king to be revenged of a great man, than a base and mean man. My fift Verity is: That alliances, promises, oaths, or confederations ought not to be kept, if for keeping them, there come any prejudice to the prince or to the commonweal; but to keep them, is to do against the moral, natural, and divine laws. I prove this Verity by thus arguing: Whensoever two contrary obligations are concurrent, a man must keep and observe the greatest, and break the least: But in this case, the bond unto the prince and commonwealth is greater than any other promise or consideration: Ergo then we must observe the obligation towards the prince and commonwealth, and break all other obligations, oaths, and confederations. Also in arguing thus: Whensoever a man doth a thing better than that which he swears to do, he is not perjured in doing that better thing, & omitting that thing which he swore to do (as expressly the master saith of Sentences in the last of the third) but in this propounded case, it is better to kill a tyrant, although a man have sworn not to kill him, than to let him live, as hath been above showed: Ergo then it is no perjury nor evil done, to slay a tyrant against his sworn promise, alliance, or confederation that he hath with him. Also Isiodorus in his book of sovereign good saith, That we must not observe an oath, whereby a man shall be forced rashly to commit an evil: but in our case a man shall be forced to an evil by such a promise and oath: Ergo he must then not observe it. The sixth Verity is: That if so it happen, that the alliances, oaths, or confederations, turn to the prejudice of one of the promisers, he is in nothing bound to keep them. This verity is proved in thus arguing: The end of every commandment is charity, as the Apostle saith: but the chief charity beginneth at ourselves: Ergo the commandment to observe the faith and promise, ought not to be observed, if it be contrary to the charity, which we ought to have towards ourselves, according to that which is said of the Canonists: Frangenti fidem, fides frangatur eidem: He that breaks faith, faith ought to be broken to him again: Also in all promises that are made, every man must include, If it please God: But certain it is, it pleaseth not God, that we should do any thing against the law and order of charity: Ergo, etc. The seventh Verity is: That to every subject it is lawful, honourable, and meritorious to kill a tyrant by deceits, speculations and dissimulations. I prove it first by the authority of the moral philosopher Boccace above alleged: Also by the example of king jehu, who dissembled to approve the service of Baal, to trap the sacrificers, for which he was praised: Also by the example of joiada, who by treason caused Athalia to be slain, for which he was praised: Also of judith, who slew Holofernes by dissimulation, whereupon she is praised: And this is the fittest death for tyrants to die on, that is, to be slain villainously by watchings and espiements. The eight Truth is: That every subject which enterpriseth and worketh against his sovereign lord by Necromancy and invocation of devils for covetousness to have the crown, is a violator of the Catholic faith, and worthy of double death, the first and the second: For S. Bonaventure (in his second book, Distinction the sixth) saith, That the devil never pleaseth the will of such men, but first idolatry and infidelity are mingled together: For as faith serveth much to the operation of the miracles of God, so infidelity is as requisite in the operation of devilish things: The devil also will do nothing for such men, unless they agree to yield him the domination over them, whereof he is very desirous: Also that great doctor in the ninth article, in Secunda Secundae, saith and affirmeth, That invocations of devils never come to effect without a foregoing of a corruption of faith, idolatry, and an express compact with devils. And this opinion do the venerable doctors, Alexander de Hales, Richard de Mivile, and Astensis hold, and commonly all the other doctors which have writ of this matter. Here you see my eight Verities well proved: I come now to eight Correlatives. The first is: If it come to pass, that in the case aforesaid, these invocators of devils and traito●●●o the king be imprisoned, and some of their partakers deliver or cause to deliver them he ought to be punished with the same punishment as they are themselves, namely, with the first and second death. Secondly, every subject that maketh a bargain with any man to empoison his sovereign lord, although the enterprise come not to effect, is also well worthy of death. Thirdly, every subject that by dissimulation of pastime causeth apparel to be made to put on his sovereign lord, and to put fire therein, thinking to burn him, is also worthy of double death. Fourthly, every subject making alliance with the mortal enemies of the king & the kingdom, is also worthy of death. Fiftly, every subject which fraudulently setteth dissension betwixt the king and the queen, making the queen understand that the king hateth her, and counseling her to go out of the realm, she and her children, offering safely to conduct her out, is worthy of the like death, as above. Sixtly, every subject that giveth the Pope to understand false things, as to make him understand, that his king and lord is not worthy to hold the crown, nor his children after him, is worthy of like death. Seventhly, the tyrant that hindereth the union of the church and the deliberations of the Clergy, for the utility of the holy mother Church, aught to be punished as an heretic and schismatic, and meriteth, that the earth should open and swallow him, as Dathan, Core, and Abiron. Eightly, the subject which by empoysonments and viands, seeks to cause the king or his children to die, is worthy of the aforesaid death. The last is, that every subject, which with soldiers causeth the people and country of his sovereign to be eaten up and exiled, and which taketh and distributeth his money at his pleasure, and makes it serve his turn to procure alliances with his lords enemies, aught to be punished as a very tyrant with the first and second death. And here I make an end of my Mayor of the justification of Monsieur the duke of Bourgoigne. But I come now to declare my Minor, wherein I have showed, That Lewis late duke of Orleans, was so much embraced with lady Covetousness, of the honours and riches of this world, that he would have taken away the signory and crown of France, from the king his brother and his children, by temptation of the enemy of hell, using the aforesaid means: for he found an Apostata monk, expert in the devilish art, unto whom he gave a ring and a sword, to consecrate them to the devil: This monk went into a solitary place, behind a bush, where he put off all his garments to his shirt, and fell on his knees, so invocating devils: Strait there appeared two devils, appareled in dark green, whereof the one was called Hernias, and the other Estramain: Then this monk did unto them as great reverence & honour as he could do to God our Saviour: and one of the devils took the ring, and the other the sword, and after vanished away; the monk went away also. He returned into that place again, and there found the ring, having a red colour, and the sword, wherewith he thought to have slain the king: but by the help of God, and of the most excellent ladies of Berry and Bourgoigne, the king escaped. Also the said duke of Orleans made an alliance and confederation with the duke of Lancaster, who in like manner warred against king Richard of England his lord, as is abovesaid. Item, He went about to have carried away the queen and her children, which he meant to have carried into the county of Luxembrough, to take his will of her, which the queen would not agree to. Item, He practised to make Monseignior le Dauphin eat an empoisoned apple, which was given to a child, who was charged to give it to none but to the said Dauphin: but it so happened, that the child gave it to one of the sons of the said duke of Orleans, who di●d thereof. Item, The said duke hath always favoured the Pope in the extraction of money out of the kingdom, to obtain of him a declaration against the king and his generation of inability to hold the kingdom, and to give it unto him. Item, He hath held armed men in the fields by the space of 14 or 15 years, which did nothing but pill, exile, rob, ransack, and slay the poor people, and force women and maids. Item, He laid tallages upon the king's subjects, and employed the silver in making alliances with our enemies, to come to the crown, and beside he hath committed many great crimes, which my said Monseignior le Bourgoigne, reserveth to declare in time and place. It followeth then by good consequence, that my said lord of Bourgoigne Conclusion ought not to be blamed for slaying the said duke of Orleans, and that the king should like that deed well, and to authorize the same as much as were needful: And beside, he ought to be rewarded in three especial things, that is, in Love, Honour, and Riches, as were S. Michael the archangel, and the most valiant Phineas: that is to say (as I think in my gross and rude understanding) That the king our lord ought more than before to bear amity, loyalty, and good reputation to my said lord of Bourgoigne, and to cause to be published letters patents through all the realm. God grant it may be so, who be blessed world without end. Amen. Here is in substance the Oration of that venerable doctor in Theology, unto which I have not added one word, only I have shortened certain long and reiterated allegations, whereby might be seen the beastliness of this our master, a man hired to justify one of the most execrable murders that ever was committed. Very notable is the rhetoric and art of this venerable doctor's Oration: which in the Exordium or beginning to obtain benevolence, confesseth, that he is an ignorant man, without sense or memory: And to make a reason why he hath enterprised to be in these cause's advocate, he saith it is for a pension, which the duke of Burgoigne gave him towards his living: After for proof of his Mayor, he allegeth places of Scripture so evil applied, as children at this day will discover his folly: And for notable authors he allegeth a sort of sottish scholastical sophisters of Theology, as Alexander de Hales, Salceber, Mivile, and other like. His Correlatives and his Minor, are the false imputations wherewith the duke of Bourgoigne charged the duke of Orleans. Moreover, this Oration was reviewed by the masters of the faculty of Sorbonne, with the bishop of Paris, and the Inquisitor of faith, and there were condemned for heresies these propositions following. Every tyrant may be slain by his vassal and subject, without commandment of justice. Secondly, S. Michael slew Lucifer without God's commandment. Thirdly, Phineas killed Zambry without the commandment of God. Fourthly, Moses slew the Egyptian without the commandment of God. Fifthly, judith sinned not in flattering Holofernes, nor john in lying, that he would honour Baal. Sixtly, it is not always perjury, when a man doth that, which he hath sworn not to do. Which articles having been declared heretical, they were condemned to be burnt publicly, as also M. john Petits bones, who had maintained them (for he was at this judgement dead and buried at Hesdin) and the said articles were executed and put into the fire, but not the doctor's bones, for they could not be gotten, because the duke of Bourgoigne then held Hesdin. Surely it is a strange thing and very deplorable, that there should be any such men in the world, which durst maintain with reasons so horrible a crime far from all common sense, and all reason and humanity, as is a massacre done and executed practisedly, without any form of justice. Is not this to call things with contrary names, that is, to call injustice, by the name of justice; cruelty, by the name of clemency; night, by the name of light; evil, by the name of good, and the devil by the name of an Angel? Is not this to praise that which is to be despised and detested, to follow that which is to be fled, to love that which is to be hated, to bring into a confusion the distinction of good and of evil, and to overthrow the order which God and nature have established in the distinction of good and evil things. But after I have showed, that cruelty cannot be but pernicious and cause of a prince's ruin (whatsoever Machiavelli saith to the contrary) it will not be to any evil purpose now to show; That kindness, clemency, and goodness, are the true means to establish a prince's estate in firmity & assurance: But because we shall handle hereafter another Maxim, where it shall be more proper to discourse this matter, we will reserve the speaking thereof to that place. 9 Maxim. It is better for a Prince to be feared than loved. MEn (saith our Florentine) do love as it please them, and do fear as it pleaseth the prince: Therefore the prince (if he be wise) ought to found himself, and to lean that way which dependeth upon himself, and not that way which dependeth upon another. If the prince can have both together, to be feared and loved, that is the best: but it being a very difficult thing for to embrace both, it is more assured to be feared, than to be beloved. THis Maxim is a saying or proverb, which our elders have attributed to tyrants, Oderint dum metuant: that is, Let them hate, so be it they fear. Caius Caligula usurped this ancient proverb, as Suetonius saith, and put it in practice during all the time of his reign; Sucto. in Caligula, cap. 30 and he ended (as commonly such princes do end) which will rather be feared than loved, as in another place we have said. The emperor Tiberius would needs something mitigate this proverb, not allowing to make himself feared, and yet disdained not hatred: For he was wont to say, as by the way of a proverb or device: Oderint dum probent, that is, Let them hate, so they allow. But it seems he made an evil match in coupling hatred with approbation: for that which a man hateth, he doth not willingly allow; and that which a man alloweth, he hateth not also. Moreover, all such sayings and proverbes (Let them hate, so they fear, and Let them hate, so they allow) are but tyrants' devices, and our forefathers have so esteemed them, and tyrants have always practised them. As Nero, when he perceived that by his cruelties he was feared and redoubted, he bragged, that none of them which had been emperors before him, had any understanding how to command, neither knew they the power they had, to make themselves be obeyed: But that power was well made known to himself, for men made him well to feel▪ That power evil exercised, acquireth hatred to him that exerciseth it, and hatred, ruin and destruction: So happened it to Caligula, so to Tiberius, and so will it always fall unto them, which seek to be feared, rather with hatred, than with love. As for that which Machiavelli saith, That the prince is feared as he will, and as it pleaseth him: If this were true, all should go well for him: for he would always be so feared, as none should oppose themselves against his designs and commandments, but that every one should come under the yoke, and obey him purely and simply: But experience shows us the contrary, and makes us see and know, That a prince cannot long be obeyed, if that which he commandeth be disagreeable and found unjust of him that should obey: insomuch, as at the first occasion that presenteth itself, they unyoke themselves, and their obedience endureth no longer than force and necessity endureth: And because no force nor necessity can actually endure long time: (because no violent thing naturally lasteth) therefore it followeth, that disagreeable commandments cannot long be observed; and that obedience, founded upon fear, is incontinent broken: For the equity & justice of a commandment is the sinew thereof: And as the body cannot move without sinews, unless only for a leap like a stone; so a commandment, which for want of equity displeaseth Equity is the sinew of the commandment. the obeyers, shall never be well put in action and practised, unless it be for a small time, and at the beginning. And as for that which Machiavelli saith, That it is very hard for a prince to be feared and loved together, it is clean contrary: For there is nothing more easy for A prince may well be seated and loved together. a prince, than to obtain them both, as reason showeth it: Because it is certain, that a prince which maintains his subjects in good peace, keepeth them from oppressions, causing all them to be punished, which would oppress them, and which will maintain their liberties, and punish the breakers of them, and who will observe a good policy in his country, that therein there may be a free & assured commerce, without imposition of tributes or burdens, and he that shall cause good justice to be ministered to every one, it is certain, that such a prince shall be greatly beloved of his subjects, yea, and feared thus: When men understand, that the prince ministereth good justice in every place, without support, favour, or corruption, leaving not punishable faults unpunished, and is not prodigal in granting favours and pardons, unless they have a good foundation upon reason and equity, certain it is, that he shall be redoubted and feared, not only in his own country, but in strange countries also. For example hereof, are all the ancient and good emperors, as Augustus, trajan, Adrian, Antonine, and others, which were together feared, beloved, and reverenced. I could here allege almost all our ancestor kings of France, which with good justice, were not only redoubted of their subjects, but also of all their neighbours: yea, that good reputation of justice in them, was a cause, that often strange princes have submitted their contentions to the judgement of the Court of Paris in France, as we read in histories: And because they caused to be ministered good justice, think you they were the more hated? no, not of the wickeder sort, which are forced by their consciences to love and admire the good and virtue, although their lives be contrary: And how should they not be beloved of their subjects, being good kings as they were, seeing Frenchmen are of that nature, that they can never hate their king, how vicious soever he be, but always impute vices and faults to some of his governors and Counsellors, rather than to him? Truly, if princes had always good men about them, they could never be vicious, at the least to the detriment of the Commonwealth: Therefore by good right, men do impute the evil government of a country, rather to a prince's Counsellors, than to himself, as we have proved in another place. 10. Maxim. A Prince ought not to trust in the amity of men. MEn generally (saith Machiavelli) are full of ingratitude, variable, Cap. 17. of a Prince. dissemblers, flyers from dangers, and covetous of gain, and so long as they profit by thee, so long thou mayest hold them in thy lap, and they will offer thee their lives, goods, and all they have, even when there is no need; but in a necessity they will turn their garment and away: So that a prince which leaneth upon such a rampire, shall at the first fall into ruin: yea they will sooner be offended when a man will use love towards them, than if by rigour he seek to be feared, because men make less account to offend him, which useth him gently and lovingly, than him of whom they are afraid: Because amity is only founded upon some obligation, which easily may be broken, but fear is founded upon a fear of punishment, which never forsakes the person. AS well this Maxim as the former, is a plain tyrannous precept: For as saith the Poet Aeschilus': No friend to trust, what common more? Amian. Marcell. lib. 16. Each tyrant hath this ill in store. This is the reason why Denis the tyrant of Sicily, caused a strong house to be built, where he dwelled, environed with deep ditches full of water on all sides, over which there was no entry but a draw bridge, which was every night taken in by himself, and certain lose planks of the bridge brought into his bed chamber, which ever the next morning he carried himself to the bridge again: He caused also his daughters to learn to be barbers, to paul and trim his head and beard, and all this did he, because he durst trust no man in the world to do those things. Yet Commodus a cruel tyrant also, used another more Lamp. in Commod. sure receipt: For, trusting no man with his hair of head or beard, he himself burned them with a candle. I leave you to think, if such people be miserable, whose consciences are tormented in such sort, that it judgeth them worthy to have all the world for a capital enemy, in such sort as they dare put no confidence in any, but are in continual fear and torment. Far contrary from this doctrine of Machiavelli, is the exhortation which Misipsa daoust in bello jugurth the good king of Numidia gave, a little before his death, to jugurtha and his other children, admonishing them amongst themselves to maintain a good amity and concord: It is not (saith he) puissant armies, nor great treasures, by the means of which a prince ought to conserve and maintain his estate, but by his friends, which are not acquired, either by force of arms, or by gold & silver, but by good offices & loyalty: But who ought to be a more loyal friend than one brother to another? or whom can he trust, who shall be an enemy to his own blood? I leave you a kingdom firm and assured, if you be good; but feeble and weak if you be wicked: for by concord small things increase, but by discord great things fall to ruin. Behold a brief exhortation, but very weighty, to show how necessary it is to have good friends, and to maintain good amity and loyalty amongst parents. Like unto this is the oration which Silla made to king Boccus of Mauritania: We are very joyful (said he) that thou rather seekest to be a friend, than an enemy of the Roman people: for, even from her birth, the Roman people being poor, have always better loved to acquire friends than slaves & servants, & have ever thought it more assured to command voluntary people, than any by constraint: King Boccus then cannot choose a better amity than ours, which can both favour thee, & aid thee, & will never hurt thee; & to say truth, neither we, nor any other can have too many friends. The amity and friends which a prince may obtain by a good and just government, may serve so to assure him of every man in his estate, that he shall have need of no guard, if he think good to be rid of them, as did that good emperor trajan, who often went to visit & see his friends, only accompanied with four Dion in trajan. or five gentlemen, without any guard of soldiers. The like did the ancient kings of France, which knew not that kind of guard we have now, of gunner's and halberdiers, but ordinarily marched without other company than gentlemen, which only bore their swords about them. Amity (saith Cicero) is the true bond of all human society; and whosoever will take amity from amongst men, as Machiavelli doth from amongst princes, he seeks to take away all pleasure, solace, contentment and assurance that can be amongst human creatures: For the friend is another ourself, with whom we rejoice in our prosperity, and our joy increaseth, when we have unto whom to communicate it: for we are also comforted with him in our adversity and sorrows, and our sadness is more than half diminished, when we have upon whom to discharge, by amiable communication, the bitterness of our heart. Moreover although we be sometimes blind in our own causes, yet our friend marketh our faults, and kindly showeth them unto us, and giveth us good counsel in our affairs, which we cannot take of ourselves: Briefly, human life without amity, seems no other thing then a sad widowage, destitute of the chief sweetness and comfort, that can be gathered in human society, as Cicero, Plutarch, and other great philosophers, have learnedly discoursed, unto which I send them, which will more amply understand the good and utility of Amity. I will not deny, but many such friends will be found, like them whereof Machiavelli speaketh; which will seem to be our friends, as long as they hope to draw any profit from us, and which will make us fair offers, when they see we have need, but will turn their backs in our necessities: There are indeed but too many such, and we are but too often deceived with them; yet we may not disdain the good for the evil; neither may we defame friendship, for the vices and incommodities which accompany it: For, amongst corn, commonly grows darnel, and amongst wholesome herbs, some are venomous, which in outward show seem to be fair and good; yet men may not cast away a thing so necessary as corn, for the fear to find darnel or drauke in it, nor the wholesome herbs, for such as be venomous: But we must seek as much as may be, to know, and to separate that which is evil, from that which is good. And here, that manner of electing friends, which Augustus Caesar observed, is worthy observation: for he did not easily retain every man in his friendship and familiarity, but ever took time to prove and find their Sueton. in Aug. lib. 66. virtues, fidelity and loyalty. Such as he knew to be virtuous people, and which would freely tell him the truth of all things (as did that good and wise Maecenas) and which would not flatter him, but would employ their good wills sincerely in the charges he gave them, after he had well proved them, than would he acknowledge them his friends: but as he was long and difficile to receive men into familiar amity, so they which he had once retained for friends, he would never forsake them, but always continued constantly his friendship towards them: Adversity also is a true touchstone to prove who are feigned or true friends: For when a man feeleth labyrinths of troubles fall on him, dissembling friends depart from him, and such as are good, abide with him as saith Euripides: Adversity the best and certainest friends doth get; Prosperity both good and evil alike doth fit. 11. Maxim. A prince which would have any man to die, he must seek out some apparent colour thereof, and then he shall not be blamed, if so be that he leave his inheritance and goods to his children. WHen a prince (saith master Nicholas) will pursue the death Cap. 17. Of the prince. of any man, he ought to colour it with some just colour; and when he puts him to death, he must abstain from the confiscation of his goods: for his children which abide behind, will sooner forget the death of their father, than the loss of their patrimony: And withal, let him know, That nothing makes a prince so much hated, as when he comes to touch the goods and wives of his subjects. THis is also another tyrannical precept, like to the former. For it Corne. Taci. annal lib. 1 and 4. is a custom with tyrants, to impose false accusations and blames, against such as they will cause to die, sometime before the execution, sometimes after. We have showed before, an example of Domitian, who for light and no causes, took occasion to make many great Roman lords to die, which were of him suspected, as to tyrants all good and virtuous men are ordinarily, which are better than themselves. The emperor Tiberius (saith Tacitus) at the beginning of his reign, hated men of eminent virtue, and such also as were extremely vicious, suspecting the virtue of some, and fearing to be dishonoured, and despised by the vicious: But after he came to the fullness of all vices, and loved most such as were most vicious; he practised too much this principle of Machiavelli, against many virtuous and honourable men: for, he caused to die a learned and most excellent man called Cremutius Cordus, because he writ an history, wherein he praised Cassius and Brutus: He slew also Aemylius Scaurus, for writing a tragedy which pleased him not, and many other like railers, whereby he sought to cover his tyranny. Nero likewise after he had slain his mother, writ lies to the Senate, to be published all over, how he had discovered a great conspiration, that his mother had intended against him, to cause his death; and that he was constrained to slay her, to prevent her. In like sort Caracalla after he had slain Geta his brother, caused a fame to be spread all over, that he himself escaped fair, for his brorher would have slain him. Briefly all tyrant's use to do so, practising their cruelties and vengeances, ever under some pretext or false colour, as Machiavelli teacheth: And there are none at this day, which cannot examplifie this position, with many late and fresh examples in our time. For the massacres of Paris, executed on S. Bartholomewes' day, and the execution after, made of captain Briquemand, of Maistre Arnand of Carignes, of contie Mongomery, and of the lord of Monbrum, and other like, were all coloured with false imputations, by these Messers Machiavellists, and by wicked judges their slaves, as every one knoweth. And as for that which Machiavelli saith, That the children, of such as are unjustly caused to die, take no care, if so be their goods be not taken from them: Dion in Nerove. and in A●to. Carac. I believe few men will accord with him, in this point, for every one which hath a good man's hart, will sooner make account of honour and life, than of goods. But certain it is, if the successor, his son or other kinsman, despise and make no account to pursue by lawful means, that justice be done, for the unjust death of the slain men, whom he succeed, that he loseth his honour, and by the laws is culpable and unworthy of the succession. Moreover the injury done in the person of the father, is reputed done to the son himself: and the contrary: As also every man esteems himself to suffer injury, when any of his parents or friends do suffer it: Insomuch as such violent executions are without doubt more intolerable, than the loss of goods, and do much more strongly wound the hearts of men, which are not destitute of natural love towards their blood, and such as have their honour in any recommendation, than all other losses and damages that they can suffer: and although the Machiavellists hold for a Maxim, That a dead man biteth not or makes no war, yet the death of a man, oftentimes is the cause of many deaths, and of great effusion of blood, as more at large shall be said, in another place. 12. Maxim. A prince ought to follow the nature of the Lion, and of the Fox: not of the one without the other. YOu must understand (saith this Florentine) that men fight in two manners: the one with laws, when matters Cap. 18. 19 Of the prince. are handled by reason: the other with force: The first is proper to men, which have the use of reason: The second appertaineth to beasts, which have neither reason nor intelligence: But because the first is not sufficient to keep men and to maintain them, in enjoying of things belonging unto them, they must needs oftentimes have recourse to the second, which is force. Wherefore it is needful, that a prince can well play the beast, and the man together: as our elders have taught, when they writ, that Chiron the Centaur, half a man and half a beast, was given as an instructor for the prince Achilles: For hereby he gave to understand, that a prince ought to show himself a man and a beast together. A prince then being constrained well to know how to counterfeit the beast, he ought amongst all beasts to choose the complexion of the Fox, and of the Lion together, and not of the one without the other: for the Fox is subtle, to keep himself from snares, yet he is too weak to guard himself from wolfs: and the Lion is strong enough to guard himself from wolfs, but he is not subtle enough to keep himself from nets: A man must then be a Fox to know all subtleties and deceits, and a Lion to be the stronger, and to make wolfs afraid. The emperor Didius julianus knew well how to play the Fox, to come to the empire, in promising men of war great sums of money, to obtain the empire: For after he was chosen; he played them a Fox's part, deceiving them, in giving them much less than he promised: but not knowing withal how to play the Lion, he was incontinent overthrown: For Severus, who was cunning to play both, came against him with great force; insomuch as he was slain by his own soldiers of his guard, which went to Severus side. And in the mean while Severus seeing that the captain Albinus, was in Gaul, with a puissant army; and captain Niger in Levant likewise with a great army, he played the Fox, to allure them by fair words: that they would not hinder him to obtain the empire: for he feared them, because they had great forces in their hands, and that they were more noble, and of more ancient houses than he: He made them great promises, especially he promised Albinus to associate him in the empire, and to give him the name and authority of Caesar, which was the like title, as at this day is king of the Romans: And as for Niger, he held his children in his hands as hostages, under colour of honour and favour, so that he the less feared him. As soon as he had thus by playing the Fox and deceit, stayed Albinus and Niger, he ended his enterprise, to make himself known a peaceable emperor: But after this, taking unto him the nature of the Lion, he turned his forces against Albinus & Niger, and overcame them both, one after another: So that by knowing well how to play these two beasts, the Lion and the Fox, he made himself a peaceable emperor without competitor. Contrary, the emperor Maximin, after he was elected emperor by the soldiers of his host, could not play one part of the Fox, but only of the Lion, which was the cause that he endured not, and that many were elected, to hinder his quiet possession of the empire, insomuch as in the end, he was overthrown and slain of his own soldiers. MAchiavell hath not yet handled a discourse more worthy of his sufficiency than this: For he teacheth by this Maxim the manner to be a beast, and especially how a prince should in all his behaviours use himself like a beast: Think you I pray you, that to teach, how being a man, you may imitate a beast, is a small matter? I know well that our Machiavelists, will say, that herein is hid a secret of philosophy, & that Machiavelli meaneth that a prince should be as subtle as a Fox, & violent like a Lion; not that he must go with four feet, or that he must dwell in the deserts of Arabia, or in holes in woods, or commit other such like actions, as the Fox & Lion do. Well I am content to agree unto them this moral sense; and that their master meant here to declare some singular & memorable doctrine: Let us now come to examine it: He saith then, when a prince cannot fight like a man, that is by reason; he ought to fight like a beast, that is, to use force and subtlety. To this I answer, that a prince in his quarrel hath either reason or right on his side, or else he hath them not: If he hath them not, he ought not to fight against any man: for each war ought to have his foundation upon reason, as other where we have showed: If the prince hath reason on his side, and he with whom he hath to do, refuseth to come to reason, than the prince may justly constrain him by force of arms: and this is not called to fight like a beast, nor like a Lion, but it is to fight as a man using reason, who employeth his own corporal force, and the force of his horses, of his armies and walls, and of all other things offensive and defensive, to serve for instruments and means to execute that which reason commandeth and ordaineth: so that force employed Force is a servant of reason. to his right use, is no other thing but a servant of reason, which obeyeth her in all her commandments: and therefore therein there is nothing of a beast, and they which thus employ their forces, do nothing that holds of a beast. As for guile and subtlety, I say likewise, that in war a man may lawfully use subtleties against his enemies, if so be his faith and the rights of war be not violated, and this is not called foxlike subtlety, or unlawful deceiving, but it ought to be called military prudence: And therefore in war to use subtlety, fraud, and military sharpness of wit (for all those names may be well used) is not to counterfeit the beast, nor to play the Fox. But I know well, Machiavelli is of another mind, namely, That a prince is not bound unto right, faith, or religious promise, to hinder him that he may not use now force, and now subtlety, according as the one or the other may best serve him, to come to the end he pretendeth: For of faith and promise, or of right and reason, men may not speak in Machiavels' school, unless it be to mock at them, which esteem such, most holy bands of human society: but concerning faith and promises, we shall have another Maxim, wherein we shall rip up this matter to the bottom: but here only I will show that these foxlike subtleties and deceits, whereof Machiavelli means in his speech, do not ever succeed well to them who use them, but most commonly they fall into their own nets. When Hannibal (by means of an ambuscado) had entrapped the captain Tit. Livius, lib. 7. Dec. 3. & lib. 3. Dec. 4. Marcellus, lieutenant general of the Roman army (who was slain upon the place) he found about him his sealing ring: he considered strait upon a subtle device, namely, to write unto the Salapians (which dwelled nigh) in the name of Marcellus, by which he sent them word, that the next night he would come into Salapia, and that they should hold the garrison of the town ready. Crispinus, the lieutenant of Marcellus, knowing Hannibal to be a master of subtle inventions; doubting this, sent suddenly through all the towns, word, that Marcellus was dead, and his ring in Annibals hands, and that they should believe no letter under the name of Marcellus: The Salapians having received this advertisement, and Annibals letters, also put their garrison in arms; and as Hannibal approached the town, he caused such to march first as could speak the Roman tongue: As soon as they arrived at the gates, they called the guards thereof, which playing well their parts, at the last took up the portcullis on high, and suffered about six hundred of Hannibal's soldiers to enter in: then let they fall the portcullis, and cut in pieces all them which entered, which caused Hannibal thus to be taken in his own net. Thus was he known and discovered for a Fox, so as often they turned his own nets upon him, as they do upon Foxes, when Counsel of subtlety perilous. they catch them, by bending their nets backward. And truly, it is most often seen, that such subtleties as taste of treachery and disloyalty, succeed not well: For as captain Quintius said to the Aetolians: Subtle and audacious counsels are at the first very agreeable and pleasant, but to guide, they are difficile and hard, and full of sorrow in the end. Concerning this subtlety and perfidious deceit, a notable advice is given by the Tit. Livius, lib. 2. Dec. 5. Senate of the ancient Romans. The Romans being upon the point to move war against Perseus' king of Macedon, they first sent ambassadors unto him, & amongst them, Martius' Phillippus, to know the designs of that king, and to try if he would repair the faults and injuries which he had committed against the Romans. The said ambassadors found that king but slenderly prepared for war, and altogether Tit. Livius, lib. 2. Dec. 5. evil disposed to acknowledge or repair his faults: Therefore making him understand, that he need to look for nothing at the Romans hands but amity, and that at their hands he might easily look for a good peace or truce, with this hope leaving him, they returned to Rome. Soon after they were arrived, they declared in full to the Senate, all that they had done in Macedon, and especially, how they deceived king Perseus, in making him believe, that he might at his pleasure have peace or Treaties of craftiness rejected of the Romans truce, wherein they thought to have wrought well: But the abovesaid old Senators begun to answer them, That they liked not, neither would countenance such treaties as be not beseeming the Romans: & that their ancestors used not to vanquish their enemies by deceits and subtleties, nor by nocturne battles, nor by simuled and feigned flight, and so suddenly to return, nor by other deceits, but by true and perfect virtue: For their custom was ever, to denounce war before they begun it, yea sometimes they assigned the place of battle. Our ancestors moved with this sincerity and loyalty, would not employ the physician of king Pyrrhus their enemy, who offered to poison his master for a certain sum of silver, but they discovered to the king the disloyalty of the Physician: that also by this said sincerity they would not take the children of the Falisques, which were delivered them by their own schoolmaster, but sent the schoolmaster bound and all his scholars back again to the Falisques: And that such doings become Romans well, and not to use the subtle deceits of the Punickes, or the craftiness of the Grecians, which esteemed it more honourable to deceive their enemy, than to vanquish him: And that although for the present time, subtlety hath profited, yet the enemy vanquished by deceits, never holds himself for vanquished, but he only which acknowledgeth himself surmounted by true virtue without any subtlety or deceit. Behold what was the opinion of these old and wise Senators, which rejected and despised the Foxlike subtleties, whereof Machiavelli makes such great account. In the year 1383, the duke of Anjou, brother of king Charles le Sage, went into Italy with a puissant army to conquer Naples and Sicily: Amongst other lords which accompanied him in this voyage, was the earl of Savoy, who led with him a good company of knights: as they were in Poville and Calabria, seeing none to resist them, they begun strait to devise of a place where they might assuredly have resistance: and it was made known to the duke of Anjou, that the strongest place of all that country, was the Egge-castle of Naples, which is builded in the sea, within which, Charles de la Paix, a competitor of the said kingdom of Naples, remained: The duke of Anjou inquired by what means he might come to have it: There came then strait an Enchanter unto him, who said, that he would help him unto it in like manner as he helped Charles de la Paix, who now held it. And how is that, answered the duke? Sir, answered the Enchanter, I will cause a gross and thick cloud to arise out of the sea, which shall have the form of a bridge, whereof your enemies shall be so afraid, that they shall yield themselves to you: Yea but (replied the duke) can men pass upon that bridge: Sir (said the Enchanter) I will not assure that, for as soon as any do make the sign of the cross as they pass, or do any way cross their legs or their arms, or otherwise, all will fall to the ground, and go to nothing. The duke of Anjou began to laugh, and after sent for the county of Savoy to have his counsel upon this matter, whereof he made a recital: The county entreated the duke as soon as the Enchanter came again to him, to send him to his chamber, for I would talk with him a little: The duke the next morning sent him unto him. When this Enchanter was come into the earl of Savoys lodging: Well sir (said the earl) you say you will make us enjoy the Egg castle: Yea (Sir) for Charles, which now possesseth it, obtained it by my means; and I know he feareth me more than all the forces that can come against it: Well (replied the Earl) I will deliver him from that fear, and I will not have him say, that so many brave knights as we are, could not vanquish so weak an enemy as Charles de la Paix is, but by the means of an Enchanter: So (saith he) call hither the hangman; who being come, he commanded, that in the court the Enchanters head should be cut off, which was done. For this wise earl had no mind to vanquish by deceits, and enchantment, but by true and natural virtue: And surely generous hearts do always disdain crafts, subtleties and deceits, which also cannot long last: for after a prince or captain hath a name that he useth it, and then especially when a thing is to be done seriously and plainly, men do always think they intent some subtlety or deceit. And if it succeeded well to Severus his using of deceit, so it doth not to all men, nor to the most part: and Severus was greatly defamed for such frauds, but his other virtues made him prosper. But should we call this beastliness, or malice, which Machiavelli saith of Chiron? or hath he read, that Chiron was both a man and a beast? Who hath told him, that he was delivered to the prince Achilles, to teach him that goodly knowledge to be both a man and a beast? Xenophon saith, that Chiron was jupiters' brother (so great a Xenoph. de Ven●t. man he makes him) full of great knowledge, and of all virtue, generosity, piety, and justice: nay he saith further, that Aesculapius, Nestor, Amphiaraus, Peleus, Telamonius, Theseus, Ulysses, Castor, Pollux, Aeneas, Achilles, and almost all great persons, which the Grecians place amongst their gods, of him learned these virtues, whereby they have obtained immortal praise, and the reputation to be gods: He saith also, that Chiron was not in the time of Achilles, but long time before: but because the prince Achilles was instructed and nourished in his discipline, virtue, and manner of life, men say he was Achilles his instructor. True it is, that the Poets have called him a Centaur, because he took great pleasure in riding of horses, and in hunting, which are exercises well beseeming a prince: But although he loved horses, and the exercise of knighthood, yet was he never esteemed to hold any thing of a beast, but rather of the divinity, as being endowed with all excellent virtues, which bring men nigh God, and take them farthest from beasts. And therefore the beastly malice of Machiavelli is seen, in perversely abusing the example of that valiant and generous prince Achilles, to persuade a prince not to stick to govern himself after the imitation of beasts; seeing that Achilles was instructed, as is said, by Chiron the Centaur, a man and a beast, which learned him how to live both like a man and a beast: for this is false and devised; for Chiron rather held of divinity, than of a beast, neither was Achilles instructed, but in all heroical virtues: And we never read, that he ever used any Foxlike subtlety or unlawful policy, or any other thing unworthy of a magnanimous prince, well nourished and instructed in all high and royal virtues. But since Machiavelli travaileth so much to persuade princes to learn how to play the Lion and the Fox, wherefore doth he not persuade them also to carry those two beasts in their arms? We see many which bear Lions (because it is in some things a generous and a noble beast) but there are seldom seen in arms any Foxes portrayed; because every noble and generous man which loveth virtue, disdaineth and hateth all deceit, falsehood, and Foxlike dissembling, as things very unfit for gentlemen. The Machiavelists, which esteem it so fit, that a prince should know how to play the Lion and the Fox together, the more to authorize this Maxim, should carry Foxes in their arms: But they would not be known to be that they are, to the end they might the better deceive the world, and lest men cry after them, The Fox, The Fox. 13. Maxim. Cruelty which tendeth to a good end is not to be reprehended. Romulus' (saith Machiavelli) at the beginning of his kingdom, Discourse, l●b. 1. slew Remus his brother; and afterward consented to the death of Tatius Sabinus, king of the Sabines, whom he associated in his royalty, that he might unite together in one same city, the two people, the Romans and Sabines: It would seem to many men of gross conceit, that Romulus proceeded evil, to begin his kingdom with the murder of his own brother, and that it was an act of evil example: But as for me (saith M. Nicholas) I am of a far other opinion: For it is a general Maxim, That the state of the Commonwealth cannot be well laid and compounded of new laws, if the Lawmakers and judges be many, but there ought to be no more than one only person and spirit, to do, rule, and ordain all: And therefore the prince which desireth to come to that point, is not worthy of any reprehension, if he commit any extraordinary exploit to come thereunto: For that violence which destroyeth all, is greatly to be reprehended, but so is not that which tendeth to make things in better state: Therefore is Romulus worthy of praise, that he himself slay his brother, & caused to slay Tatius his companion, that he alone might establish a good policy at Rome, as after he did, erecting there a Senate, by which he was counseled in all his affairs both of peace and war, and they made also good rules & ordinances. A like praise is due to Agis, king of Sparta, who sought to conform the corrupted state of the Lacedæmonians, and to establish in use, the ancient ordinances of Lycurgus, but knowing that the Ephori might hinder and contradict him in his designs, he caused them all to be slain, whereby he got great renown, yea, as much or rather greater than Lycurgus himself, the first author of such laws: True it is, that Agis could not make an end of his good intents and purposes, because of the unlucky designs of the Macedonians, who making war upon him, vanquished him to the hindrance of his gallant enterprises. THere was never murder nor cruelty, which is not coloured with some pretext or show of good: some cover themselves with justice, affirming all that they do, to be founded upon a good reason and equity, and that justice would have done no less, than that which they have executed; and that their execution is the shortest way of justice, which would otherwise have been too long: so that in place of murderers, cut-throats & massacrers, they are not ashamed to call themselves abbreviators of justice: And why should they be ashamed; seeing that justice at this day, is so practised, as they make her serve but as a palliation or coverture, for all assassiments, murders, and vengeances? Every man's eyeseeth, that in many places justice serveth to no other turn, but to lend her name to such as will seem to do well, when they do evil against their own consciences, therein following the doctrine of Machiavelli: Murderers therefore & massacrers, may well from henceforth cover themselves, with the name of abreviators of justice, without reprehension, seeing officers of justice take also that trade upon them, and cause as unjust and wicked executions to be done as they. Both of these truly (according to this Maxim of Machiavelli) do pretend for their mischievous wickedness, a laudable end, and do say, it is to minister and exercise justice, when they do the aforesaid executions: Others cover their murders with another end; namely, the public good, saying that their murders and massacres, are done to shun a greater evil, which would have come by him or them that they have slain or murdered. There are some which make a covering of peace and tranquility, and so will say, That the murders which they did or caused to be done, were executed to establish peace, and to make troubles to cease. Briefly, after machiavels doctrine, there cannot be found so cruel a tyrant and murderer, but he should be justified, praised and remunerated, because all murders, massacres, and assassinates, are always found done to a good end, and the most cruel hangman and executioners, will never want a colour for their most detestable and sanguinary actions. Notwithstanding what pallations & shows so ever that take, the work always shows who was the workman; and in the end their colours will deceive them, like the deceitful painting of harlots: so that their mask or vizard taken from them, murder will always be found murder, and theft, theft, and they wicked men, as they are, although most subtly they play the Foxes, according to their master's doctrine, yet in the end, they will be always known Murder is always murder, to whatsoever end it be done. for Foxes: And though they sometimes deceive, before they be known, they are therefore after, double punished, in regard of the profit they get by deceiving, when none will believe or trust them in any manner, no not even then, when they have an intention and will, not to deceive at all: For always men presume of them, as men ought to presume of deceivers and wicked men, which are without faith and promise, for men hold them for such, and they can be held for no other, in regard of their actions and behaviours, of their lives past. This then is the first evil proceeding from machiavels doctrine, which is that they themselves which practise it, bring evil to themselves, and are descried, hated and evil beloved of all men. The other inconvenience, which followeth this Maxim, is that, if the prince permit Cruelty overthroweth justice. men to commit murders, under colour of a good intent and end, he shall break the order of justice, which he ought to observe, in the punishment of offenders, and so shall turn all upside down, and bring his estate and country into confusion and peril: for when justice goeth evil, all goes evil, & when well, all goes well, as in another place shall be showed more at full. Murders and massacres also never remain long unpunished; for God incontinent sends them their reward, as came to Romulus (Machiavells own example) who was an unjust murderer, and in the end was murdered himself. And in our time we see examples enough, and I believe we shall see more, in such as the hand of God hath not yet touched: But amongst these evils and inconveniences, which ordinarily lay hold of these murderers, and follow them, even to their graves, with furies, fears, and torments, which vex their consciences, I could here allege, for a confirmation of this Maxim, that which S. Paul saith, That we must not do evil, that good may come thereof: But I have already said in another place, that I will not employ the sacred armour of the holy scripture, to fight against this profane and wicked Atheist, but I will still give him this advantage, to contend with his own arms; namely, with profane authors, which were not Christians, and which herein alone resemble him; for in other things he holds nothing of them, and especially in the matter whereof we speak, they have been most far from his detestable doctrine. When Tarquin the proud king of Rome, saw that he had so behaved himself, Titus Livius lib. 1. 21. Dec. as he had utterly lost the amity of his subjects, then resolved to cause himself to be obeyed by fear; and to bring it to pass, he took to himself, the knowledge of capital causes against great men, which before appertained to the Senate, to make himself the better feared and obeyed, and so he put to death, such as he thought good, under certain pretextes and colours, thinking thereby the better to assure his estate; But how did he assure it? Thus, he so practised this doctrine of Machiavelli, that he became extremely hated of all men, in such sort, as his subjects not being able to bear his tyranny, did drive him out of his kingdom, where he miserably died. And so much there wanteth, that the ancient Romans delighted in massacring and slaying, that they hated even the too rigorous punishments of offenders, as the punishment of Metius Suffetius Albanois, who was with four horses drawn to death, for a strange and damnable treason by him intended: For although he merited to be so handled, yet the Romans had the cruelty of the punishment in so great disdain and detestation, that every body turned away their eyes (saith Titus Livius) seeing so villainous a spectable: And it was the first and last time that ever they used that rigorous punishment. Likewise it greatly displeased the Romans, that some (thinking to do well) caused to be slain a Tribune of the people, a very seditious man called Genutius, who ceased not to trouble the commonwealth, by divisions, whereby he stirred the common people to uproars: If Genutius had had his lawful trial, it is likely he would have been condemned: but therein there was this mischief, that none durst lay hold upon him, for the reverence of his estate, during that year, but he must needs have been suffered either to do what he would, or else to resist his designs by other means, then by accusation, and not at all to condemn him, before he were out of his office: This seemed a goodly colour to dispatch him, to shun seditions and troubles, which this Tribune raised, yet the execution which was made without course of law, was found nought, and of an evil example and consequence, and was the cause of great mischiefs and broils which followed after. And as for that which Machiavelli writeth, that Romulus caused to slay Tatius Dioni. Halic. lib. 2. Titus Livi. lib. 1. Dec. 8. his companion in the kingdom, the better to rule and govern the town of Rome, this is false: for histories do witness, that after he had caused this execution to be made, he became cruel and proud, towards the Senators, exercising tyranny in many things, insomuch as the Senators themselves slew him, even in the senate house, and cut him in little pieces, whereof every man took one piece in his bosom: so that the body of Romulus was not found: for they hired one to say that he did see the body fly into heaven, and the said Senators helping this bruit and report, Plutarch in Romulo. placed him in the litany of their Gods, and persuaded the people, that he ascended into the heavens both in body and soul. But they gave Romulus his reward, for the murdering of his brother Remus, and his companion Tatius, and they murdered him, as he had done them. For briefly it is a general rule, that murderers are always murdered, which rule hath seldom any exceptions. But whereas Machiavelli saith, That well to rule and govern a common wealth, there would be but one person to meddle therein, there hath been always the contrary Titu● Livi. lib. 3. Dec. 8. practised. When the Romans thought it good, by good laws and ordinances to govern the estate of their common weal, they considered, that the number of two Consuls (which were their sovereign magistrates) were too few, and therefore they abrogated and took them clean away, and elected ren men in their places, Dionysius. 14 Halic. lib. 10 unto which they gave the same authority, which the Consuls before had, and especially gave them power and express charge, to make laws and ordinances, for the policy, government and justice of the common weal. They made the laws of the twelve tables, which endured long after them, yea at this day some of these are in good use and observance. Natural reason also showeth us, that a law and rule made and examined by many brains, must needs be better, than when it is made by one alone: but because I have touched this point more at large in another place, I will wade no further therein. As touching that which Machiavelli saith, of Agis, Plutarch in his life, speaketh otherwise thereof; for he saith, that he was the most meek and quiet man, in Plut. in Agid the world, who sought to reform the estate of Sparta, by all good and honest means, and to bring into force and use, the ancient laws of Lycurgus: and because the Ephori opposed themselves against his designs and purposes, he practised that Lysander and Agesilaus, should be advanced to the estate of Ephori, as they were: But Agesilaus, overtaken with avarice, refused to stick to the effecting of this good purpose of king Agis, so that he could not any way bring to pass that good reformation which he intended. Hear is all which Plutarch saith, he speaks no word that Agis should cause the Ephori to be slain, but contrary that the Ephori brought Agis to his death, neither speaks he of any enterprise of the Macedonians: And I know not where Machiavelli hath fished for that he here writeth, unless he take it out of his own brain, and then oweth he nothing to any man, seeing it is his own: But howsoever it be, he can learn it of no author, which shall not be always convinced of a lie, by that learned Plutarch, who speaketh as I have set it down. 14. Maxim. A prince ought to exercise cruelty all at once, and to do pleasures by little and little. HE which will invade a principality (saith our Florentine) Cap. 17. Of the prince. whatsoever, is to be sharply and cruelly practised, would at the first entry be dispatched with all expedition, that there may be no occasion to return often to one business, to the end, that afterward by gracious and good dealing he may the sooner bring under and tame his subjects: for injuries and offences ought to be committed all at once, that being the less time felt by subjects, they may stir and anger them the less: And contrary, pleasures must be done by little and little, that by often iteration thereof, they upon whom such benefits are bestowed, may the more desirously and pleasantly drink them up, and imprint them in their hearts. It is true indeed, that many there have been, which because they were cruel, could not long time continue their principality in peace; but that happened unto them, because their cruelties were not handsomely and well exercised: But they may be accounted well exercised, when they are committed but once, as it were upon a necessity to assure himself, and to avoid and shun a greater inconvenience, for augmentation of the Commonweal. Agathocles the Sicilian, by the practice of this Maxim, became king of Siracuse: This gallant was but a potter's son, and all his life wicked and full of vices; yet those his vices were accompanied with a great braveness of courage he followed arms: By little and little he did so much by his journeys, that he became Praetor of Siracuse; and being in that estate, desirous to make himself king, and to usurp the tyranny, he caused the people and the Senate of Siracuse to be assembled, making them understand, that he would execute some great matters of importance before them. The people and the Senate being assembled (at a watch word he had given unto his soldiers) they put to death all the Senators and the most noble of the people, and so made himself sovereign lord of the town without any impeachment. Whosoever then considereth the prudence of Agathocles, and the greatness of his courage, to enterprise and to execute so great a thing, men would not judge him inferior to any other captain before him. In our time during the reign of Pope Alexander the sixth, Oliver de Farm was educated and brought up young, by one that was his mother's brother, called john Foglian, who sent him to learn the military art under captain Paulus Vitellius, thereby to come unto some honourable estate. This Oliver being a gallant and personable man, and of a quick wit, after a good space he had followed the war a la Sold, for wages, he scorned this base manner of life, and determined with the help of certain citizens of the town of Farm, to get possession, & to make himself master and lord of the town: To obtain this, he writ a letter to his uncle john Foglian, whereby he signified, That whereas he having been long time out of his country, had not all the time seen his parents and friends, and now coming to visit them, that they of the town might think he had been honourably employed in his pursuit of war, desired his said uncle to find means that he might as honourably enter, with an hundred horse of his friends and servants; and that he would do so much as in some good order also to meet him; which should be not only to his honour, but also to his uncles that had nourished him Messier john greatly rejoiced at these news, and failed in nothing to prepare all that was possible to honour his nephew; insomuch, as the whole town every way celebrated and rejoiced at his coming thither, conducting him with all honour agreeable to his descent, unto the townhouse, where he abode certain days, whilst he made all things ready for the execution of his enterprise: At the last he prepared a great banquet, unto which he invited his uncle, and all other most noble persons of the town of Farm: At the banquets end, he begun to fall into talk of weighty matters concerning Pope Alexander and his son the duke de Valentinois, and their enterprises, whereunto his uncle, making a certain answer; Oliver began to smile, and withal told him, that such an answer would have been made more private, as also all their whole talk of that matter: Therefore giving them to understand, that he would discover unto them certain secrets of that matter, he drawn them apart into a chamber, and as soon as his uncle and the noblest & greatest of the company were there set down, suddenly entered a great company of soldiers (which he had hired and hid in some place nigh) who massacred and put to death in a moment his own uncle and all the others in his company: This murder being executed, Oliver being followed of his soldiers, overran strait all the town, besieged the sovereign magistrate in his palace, and did so much, as finally every one was constrained to yield him obedience: This done, he made himself sovereign lord of the town, and he there established a certain politic government, but yet caused all such to be slain as might be malcontent with that change, or could any way hurt him: And within a little while after, by good, , and military ordinances, he not only made himself assured in the signory of the city of Farm, but also made himself redoubted of all his neighbours: Yet the evil luck was, that he suffered himself to be deceived by Caesar Borgia, who by fair words drew him to Sinagallia, where catching him, he caused him to be hanged and strangled, and if had not been this evil adventure, he was a man likely to have done great things. MAchiavell persisterh in giving tyrannical precepts unto a prince, teaching him by this Maxim a very exquisite mean, to tame a people newly reduced into his obedience, & to obtain their grace and favour: That is (saith he) that a prince at his first entry and at once do make an horrible slaughter of all such, as he doth suspect might hinder his designs and purposes; the others which remain, he may bring on with gentleness, and assure them unto him, by bestowing pleasures upon them by little and little. But I pray you, is there so brutish a man in the world, who sees not the absurdity and wickedness of this doctrine? How is it possible, that a Great cruelty cannot be put out of men's hearts. prince should make himself either loved or obeyed in a new conquered country by such barbarous usage, seeing they themselves, which use all the kindness they can, have much a do to obtain it? Assuredly, there is no nation so effeminate and servile, that will not suffer themselves to be cut in pieces, before they will subject themselees under such a prince, whose entry hath been so cruel and sanguinary, as Machiavelli counseleth: yet if it so fall out, that for a time a people be forced under such a yoke, it is impossible that such a subjection should longer endure than that force continueth. The example alleged of Oliver de Farm, doth well show it: for he continued not long, no more than did Caesar Borgia, who by the like means had usurped the domination of Romania, as hath been before said. But can a man imagine a more cruel and detestable act, than that which Machiavelli rehearseth of Oliver de Farm? who (under the pretext of amity) massacred most wickedly his own parents, and such as had given him so honourable an entertainment as was possible? Yet Machiavelli proposeth this gallant example, for a prince to imitate, as he had before done, with the example of Caesar Borgia: And as for Agathocles, true it is (as Suidas and others writ) he usurped the tyranny of Sicily, by causing with treason and treachery the chief rulers of Siracuse to be slain: but what end made he also? even such as he merited: For, being desirous to make great his domination over Italy; he thought best to practise with intelligencers, which kept not their word with him, insomuch as his purpose being broken and annihilated, by the same means of treason and unfaithfulness, by which he made himself great, he died with grief and heaviness of mind. And still are not these the judgements of God, who ruinates tyrants by the same ways, which he suffers them to get up and come to advancement? And although Agathocles had so bad an end, as his life also had been very wicked, yet dare Machiavelli compare him with the greatest and most virtuous captains, that have in times past been, and to offer him as an example, for a prince to imitate: So that men may well say, that this wicked Atheist, hath no other purpose in his books, than to persuade a prince to become a tyrant and most wicked, by embracing all vices, and chase away all virtue: but heretofore I have sufficiently discoursed upon the effects of cruelty, and therefore need speak no more hereof. But is not this a wise reason, to say, That cruelty ought to be exercised all at once, that it may not be too often felt, as that is which is practised by little and little at many times: And why? that which is practised all at once is not felt, but at the instant it is practised: Nay contrary we commonly see, that such great cruelties as men commit against a great number of persons, do so wound and irritate the hearts of all the kinsfolk and friends of them that be murdered, that they feel it during their lives, yea sometimes the wound bleedeth even to the third generation: But the cruelties which are committed at many and diverse times, do not so far penetrate the courage, nor prick men so lively to the quick, although continuance increaseth discontentment. No man also can deny, but that it is a thing far more fearful and horrible to our senses, to see a great slaughter, and a great heap of murdered persons, than to see one only or two: And no man can promise to himself, that that prince will handle him kindly, who practseth such a general massacre and slaughter, as Machiavelli counseleth, whatsoever good countenance he after showeth of his gentle and kind carriage: For the first apprehension of his cruelty, will be found so fast sticking and engraven in the hearts of men, that no demonstrations of gentleness and humility succeeding, can abolish or raze it out. 15. Maxim. A virtuous tyrant to maintain his tyranny, aught to maintain partialities and factions amongst his subjects, and to slay and take away such as love the commonwealth. IT most commonly happeneth (saith Machiavelli) in countries governed by princes, that that which is profitable to Discourse lib. 2. cap. 2. and lib. 3. cap. 3. him, is damageable to subjects, and that which is profitable to his subjects, is damageable unto him: Which causeth oftentimes princes to become tyrants, better loving their profit, than their subjects: As also the contrary makes subjects often arise against their prince, not able to endure his tyranny and oppression. To keep subjects then, that they do not conspire and agree together to arise against his tyranny, he must nourish and maintain partialities and factions amongst them: For, by that means shall you see, that distrusting one another, and fearing that one will accuse and disclose another, they will not dare to enterprise any thing: But herewithal he must cause all them to be slain, which love liberty, and the commonwealth and which are enemies to tyranny. If Tarquin the last king of Rome, had well observed this Maxim, and had caused Brutus to be slain, no man would have been found, that durst have enterprised any thing against him, and then might he always after, have exercised his tyranny at his pleasure without controlment. Here before Machiavelli hath showed, how a prince should best become a tyrant; namely, by exercising all manner of cruelty, impiety, and injustice, after the examples of Caesar Borgia, of Oliver de Farm, and of Agathocles: Now he shows how he in his tyranny, may maintain and conserve himself, that is, by feeding and maintaining partialities and divisions amongst his subjects, and in causing such to die, as appear to be curious lovers of the common weal, because none can love the good and utility of the commonweal, but he must be an enemy of tyranny: as contrary, none can love tyranny, but he must needs be an enemy to the common weal: For, tyranny draweth all to himself, and despoileth subjects of their goods and commodities, to apropriate all to himself, making his particular good of that which belongeth to all men, and applying to his own private profit and use, that which should serve to all men in Tyrant's draw all to themselves. general: So that it followeth, that whosoever loveth the profit of a tyrant, by consequent hateth the profit of his subjects, and he that loveth the common good of subjects, hateth also the particular profit of a tyrant. But thus speaking, I do not mean of tributes, which are lawfully levied upon subjects: for the exaction of taxes, may well be the work of a prince, and of a just ruler, but we speak of the proper and particular actions of tyrants. Surely indeed if there be any proper and meet mean to maintain a tyranny, it seems well, that that which Machiavelli teacheth is one, To maintain subjects Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 4. in partialities and divisions: For as Quintius saith, (when he exhorted the towns of Greece, to accord amongst themselves) Against a people which are in a good unity amongst themselves, tyrants can do nothing, but if there be discord amongst them, an overture is strait made, for him to do what he will: I freely then confess (& if I would deny it, experience proves it) that in this point Machiavelli is a true doctor, who well understands the science of tyranny, & no man can set down more proper precepts, for so wicked a thing, than such as this Maxim containeth; namely, to slay all lovers of the commonwealth, and amongst other subjects to maintain partialities. Surely if anything serve to maintain a tyranny, these seem most proper and covenable: for they are made from the same mould that tyranny itself is, and drawn from one same spring, of most execrable wickedness and impiety. But yet I will hold, that neither these tyrannical precepts, nor any others can long maintain a tyrant, or a tyranny: For the ordinance of God, being far Tyrant's are impious. stronger than the detestable precepts of Machiavelli, repugneth them, and never suffereth tyranny to be of any long endurance; as we have before showed, by the examples of Nero, Caligula, Caracalla, and Domitian, as Sophocles saith: No man did ever see, Sopho. in A●ac. Flagel. A tyrant once to prove godly. And because tyrants are always full of impiety, God (with whom they strive) brings his justice upon them, yea commonly he makes them pass the edge of the sword, or else to die some other strange and violent death: For as juvenal saith: A tyrant seldom life doth end, But by the sword, which God doth send. Corneli. Taci annal. 5. And besides that, God brings them to a tragical and miserable end, even during their lives, are they continually tormented in their consciences with fears, distrusts, and furies, which so trouble them day and night, that they obtain no rest. To this purpose Tacitus rehearseth, That when the emperor Tiberius was come to the highest degree of his tyranny, remaining in a place nigh to Rome, called Cheurieres, he writ a letter to the Senate, which showed, that he felt himself every day more and more tormented and troubled in conscience, because of the cruelties and injustices which he exercised. This is then not without cause (addeth Tacitus) that an excellent wise man affirmeth (meaning Plato) That if tyrant's souls might be seen uncovered, a man should see them torn and wounded with blows of cruelty, riotousness, and wicked counsel, as we see bodies ulcerated with rods and cudgels. What pleasure could Denis the tyrant of Sicily have, who trusted none? Also when one day a certain philosopher told him, that he could not be but happy, who was so rich, so well served at his table, and had so goodly a palace to dwell in, and so richly furnished: he answered him: Well, I will show thee how happy I am: and withal he led that philosopher into a chamber gallantly hanged with tapistry, and caused him to be laid on a guilded rich bed to repose himself; there were also brought him exquisite and delicate viands, and excellent wines: but whilst certain servants made these provisions for Monsieur the philosopher, who was so desirous of a tyrannical felicity, another varlet fastened by the hilts to the upper bed feeling, a bright shining sharp sword, and this sword was hung only in a horse hair, the point of it right over the philosopher's face so newly happy, who incontinent as he saw the sword hang by so small a thread, and so right over his visage, lost all his appetite to eat, drink, or to muse at, or contemplate the excessive riches of the tyrant, but continually cast his sight upon that sword: And in the end he prayed Denis, to take him from the supposed beatitude, wherein he was laid: saying, That he had rather be a poor philosopher, than in that manner to be happy: Did not I then say well to thee (answered the tyrant) That we tyrants are not so happy as men think, for our lives depend always upon a small thread? What repose could Nero also have? who confessed, that often the likeness of his mother (whom he slew) appeared to him, which tormented and afflicted him; Sueto. in Nero, cap. 34. and that furies beat him with rods, and tormented him with burning torches? What delicateness or sweetness of life could Caligula and Caracalla have? which caused always to be carried certain coffers full of all manner of poisons, as well to poison Tyrants tormented of furies. others as themselves in cases of necessity, for fear they should fall alive into the hands of their enemies. Heliogabalus also, what comfort had he in the world? who provided always cords of silk to hang himself in, and brave poniard and golden swords, exceeding sharp, in like manner at a need to slay him. And indeed it is one of the greatest wisdoms that can be in a tyrant, to take a good course for his death, when it is necessary and expedient for him: for they are often troubled, & do come short therein: as we see of Nero, who in his need could find no man that would slay him, but he was forced to slay himself: True it is, that his secretary held his hand, that with more strength and less fear he might dash the dagger into his throat, yet neither his secretary nor any other person would of themselves attempt it. If this secretary had been one of Machiavels' scholars, it is likely he would have proved more hardy. But we have to note, as well upon this Maxim, as upon the former, that as by his precepts here, Machiavelli tendeth and goeth about to form a tyrant, that also we ought to hold for a true tyrant, every prince and ruler, which useth these precepts, Marks of tyrants. and practiseth them: that is, he which useth the cruelties before commended by Machiavelli, which maintaineth his subjects in division and partiality, and which seeks to slay all them which love the commonweal, and which desire a good reformation & a good policy in the commonweal: There are also other tokens and marks whereby to know a tyrant, as them which we have before alleged out of doctor Bartolus, and them also which historiographers have marked to have been in Tarquin the proud: For they say, when he changed his just and royal domination Dioni. Halic. lib. 4. into a tyrannical government, he became a contemner and a despiser of all his subjects, as well the mean people, as the nobility and patricians; he brought a confusion and a corruption into justice; he took a greater number of waiting servants into his guard, than his predecessors had; he took away the authority from the assembly of the Senate, which it always before had; moreover, he dispatched criminal and causes after his fancy, and not according to right; he cruelly punished such as complained of that change of estate, as conspirators against him; he caused many great and notable persons to die secretly without any form of justice; he imposed tributes upon the people against the ancient form and regality, to the impoverishing and oppression of some more than of others; he had also spies to discover what was said of him, and afterward punished rigorously such as had blamed either him or his government: These be the colours wherewith the histories do paint Tarquin, when of a king he became a tyrant: and these are ordinarily the colours and livery of all tyrant's banners, whereby they may be known. It seemeth that Tarquin forgot nothing of all that a tyrant could do, but that he slew not Brutus, which was a fault in the art of tyranny (as learnedly Machiavelli noteth it) which fell to be his ruin: But the cause hereof was, that Brutus in the court counterfeited the fool, whereby Tarquin had no suspicion of him: For none but wise men and good people are suspect and grievous to tyrants, but as for counterfeiting fools, unthrifts, flatterers, bawds, murderers, inventors of imposts, and such like dregs and vermin of the people, they are best welcome into tyrant's courts: yet even amongst them are not tyrants always without danger: for amongst such fools sometimes happeneth a Brutus, who at last will plat out their ends: so that ever their lives hangs by a small thread, as Denis the tyrant saith. But the example of Hieronimus (another tyrant of Sicily) is to this purpose well to be noted. This Hieronimus was the son of a good and wise king, called Hiero, (whom also they well called tyrant, because he came not to that estate by a legitimate title, although he exercised it sincerely and in good justice) who when he died, left this Hieronimus his son very young and under age: For the government therefore of him and of his affairs, he gave him fifteen tutors, and amongst them Andronodorus and Zoilus, his sons in law, and one Thraso, which he charged to maintain the country of Sicily in peace, as he himself had done by the space of fifty years of his reign: but especially that they should maintain the treaty and confederation, which he had all the length of his time, duly observed with the Romans. The said tutors promised to perform his request, and to change nothing in the estate, but altogether to follow his footsteps. Strait after Hiero was dead, Andronodorus being angry because of so many tutors, caused the king (who was then but 15 years old) to be proclaimed of sufficient age to be dismissed of tutors, and so dispatched himself as well as others, of that dutiful care they ought to have had of their king and country: After, he got to himself alone the government of the kingdom, and to make himself to be feared under the king's authority, he took to him a great number of waiters for his guard, and to wear purple garments and a diadem upon his head, and to go in a coach drawn with white horses, altogether after the manner of Denis the tyrant, and contrary to the use of Hieronimus: yet was not this the worst; for, besides all this, Adronodorus caused the young king his brother in law, to be instructed in pride, and arrogancy, to contemn every man, to give audience to no man, to be quarrelous, and to take advantage at words; of hard access, given to all new fashions of effeminacy and riotousness, and to be unmeasurable cruel, & thirsty after blood. After Andronodorus had thus framed to his mind this young king, a conspiration was made against him (unto which Andronodorus was consenting) to dispatch and slay him, but it was discovered, but yet executed, which A conjuration discovered, yet executed. was strange: For one Theodorus was accused, and confessed himself to be one of the conspiracy: but being tortured and racked to confess his complices and partners in that conspiracy, knowing he must needs die, and by that means desiring to be revenged of that young tyrant, he accused the most faithful and trustiest servants of the king: This young tyrant rash & inconsiderate, strait put to death his friends and principal servants by the counsel of Andronodorus, who desired nothing more, because they hindered his designs: This execution performed, incontinent this young tyrant was massacred and slain upon a strait way by the conspirators themselves, which before had made the conjuration, the execution whereof was the more easy, by the discovery thereof, because (as is said) the tyrant's most faithful friends and servants were slain. Soon after the tyrant's death, Andronodorus obtained the fortress of Siracuse, a town of Sicily: but the tumults and stirs which he raised in the country (as he thought for his own profit) fell out so contrary to his expectation, that finally he, his wife, and all their race, and the race of Hieronimus were extermined, as well such as were innocent, as they that were culpable. And so doth it ordinarily happen to all young princes, which by corruption are degenerated into tyrants: So falls it out also to all them, which are corrupters of princes, to draw them into habits of all wickedness. Lastly, here would not be omitted altogether this wickedness of Machiavelli, who confounding good and evil together, yieldeth the title of Virtuous unto a tyrant: Is not this as much as to call darkness, full lightsome and bright, vice good and honourable, and ignorance, learned? But it pleaseth this wicked man thus to say, to pluck out of the hearts of men, all hatred, horror, and indignation, which they might have against tyranny, and to cause princes to esteem tyranny, good, honourable and desirable. 16. Maxim. A Prince may as well be hated for his virtue, as for his vice. THe emperor Pertinax (saith Machiavelli) was elected emperor Cap. 19 Of the prince. against the wills of his men of war, which before had customably lived licentiously in all vices and dissoluteness under the emperor Commodus, his predecessor: insomuch, as Pertinax, a wise and virtuous prince, was hated of his men of war, because they feared he would reform them and bring them into their old military discipline. The like happened to the emperor Alexander, a prince endowed with many goodly virtues. Hereupon ye may note (saith he) that malice and evil will is acquired and got, as well amongst men by their virtues, as by their vices: And therefore if a prince will conserve himself in his estate, he must accommodate and apply himself to the humours of such as can hurt him, he must also imitate and follow their vices and corruptions: For in such cases, good works and virtues are pernicious and contrary unto them. TO the end that a prince, if he have any love & inclination to virtue, may utterly despoil himself of all, and make no accout of it, but as a thing not only unprofitable, but damageable also, Machiavelli here proposeth this Maxim: as though he would say, that betwixt virtue and vice there is no difference; and that it makes no matter which of them a prince do follow, provided, that he follow that which will be most profitable to maintain him: And because vice seems to be most sit to maintain a tyranny, his counsel is, that a prince should follow it: And if any will reply hereunto, that vice will make a man be hated and evil beloved of all the world, yea, and of his own subjects, he answereth, that so will virtue do also, and allegeth the examples of two emperors, Pertinax and Alexander Severus, which (saith he) were hated of their soldiers for their virtues. I pray you is there any devil in hell that could sow and maintain a more wicked doctrine than this? If we take away the difference of vice and virtue, and that we make them but one, wherein differ we from brute beasts? Surely herein only, that we shall be more full of vices and wickednesses than they are, because the spirit of man is more ready to invent all sorts of vices and deceits, than the nature of beasts: But the common sense, reason, and judgement of all men, and the daily experience which we perceive with our eyes, do manifestly show us, that as well in this Maxim, as in others, Machiavelli is a most impudent liar: For not only all good and virtuous princes have always been well Good princes loved, & evil princes hated. beloved and liked, but also the vicious and wicked princes have always been & are evil beloved and hated of all the world, if it be not long of their flatterers, which make a show they love them, whilst they have means to draw any profit from them. But because I have somewhat at large handled this point by examples, in another place, where I spoke of the friendship of flatterers, I need not again here to repeat it. Yet I must needs say and confess, touching men endowed with excellent virtues, that sometimes it falls unto them, as it doth to men which be blear and weak eyed, touching the light of the Sun: for like as they cannot bear nor endure the light and brightness of the Sun beams: so men of small virtue cannot abide and endure men of great and excellent virtue: As many times it fell out amongst the Athenian people, which could not suffer men in whom appeared virtues more great and imminent, in comparison of the common virtues of other men: insomuch, as they had a law in their commonwealth, whereby from ten year to ten year they banished ever, some of the most excellent persons of their city, and they called that law, the law of Ostracism: and their reason was, because people of high virtue were something suspected, that they would seize upon all the domination of the commonwealth, if they should be always suffered to increase: And it may be this reason was not altogether impertinent in the popular estate of the commonwealth of Athens, where there was some likelihood, that a great man endowed with great virtues, might by little and little steal away the people's hearts and favour, and afterward to take to himself the sole domination and authority of the commonweal: and notwithstanding they had this law at Athens, which they often practised against the greatest and most virtuous persons, as against Pericles, Themistocles, Alcibiades, and other such like great and good men: yet this was not because they hated their great virtues; but contrary they greatly admired them, yet were they suspected unto them, and could not endure them by comparison, no more than men that are blear eyed, can abide the Sun. And men must not think, that when they banished men by their Ostracism, that therein they imputed unto them any villainy or dishonour, but rather this kind of banishment was honourable, and they which were banished, were esteemed men of great & excellent virtue: True it is, they could have been content to have escaped that honour, as also many persons of base virtue, which would have been glad to have been so banished by an Ostracism, as it happened to one Hiperbolus, a man of small virtue, whom yet the Athenians so honoured, to banish him by an Ostracism, but they never showed the like favour to any other of his quality: Neither was this, because Hiperbolus had committed any fault, which merited, that they should so banish him; but because it so fell out at the end of ten years (at which time they must needs put in practise that law:) The Athenians having then, necessary use of their good and greatest men, knew not upon whom better to practise it, than upon this bad companion, who with his audaciousness and popular sermons, had gathered together great riches: Hiperbolus then (having no long time made himself known to the Athenian people by his orations) received this honour and recompense, to be banished by the Ostracism, the greatest honour that ever he had in his life. At Rome likewise all the world had in great honour and admiration the great honesty, plainness, and severity to maintain laws of Cato the less, yet the people never employed him in any great charges or estates, Plutarch in the life of Cato de Utica but rather bestowed their like upon men endowed with meaner virtues: and the Romans could not persuade themselves, that it was expedient for them to elect into the Consulship, or into any other supreme magistracies, any man of excellent virtue, such as Cato was, yet could they not but admire and highly praise him. Titus Livius Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 1. lib 8. Dec. 4. & li. 5. Dec. 5 also witnesseth, That the great virtues of Furius Camillus, Paulus Aemylius, and of Scipio the African, were much admired of that people, yea, praised and exalted even to heaven: but yet were they suspected, and for such accused and rejected: Their accusers could say no other thing against them, but that they were too much honoured and esteemed, because of the great victories and magnifical triumphs which they had had. Petilius, the accuser of that great Scipio, said, That it was a great shame, that every man esteemed that the city of Rome (governess of the whole world) was as it were hid under the shadow of Scipio, as though he alone should and ought to have all the honour and credit of the whole commonwealth, and to hold it covered under his shadow: Scipio replied nothing to this accusation, neither knew he indeed what to reply, unless he had said, that there was no reason his virtue should hurt him: but knowing well that his citizens could not abide him, he banished himself from Rome, and withdrew himself to Liternum, into a rural house which he had there, where he finished his days: Briefly, than it may be said, that men are sometimes made suspected (but especially to the common sort of either base or no virtue) because of their great and imminent virtues, but yet neither hated nor despised. But in a prince this aught to have no place; for the more virtuous that men be, Excellent virtues ought not to be suspected of a prince. the more they ought to love and honour them, and to serve themselves with them: for in so doing, the virtues of such good and virtuous servants are imputed unto the prince himself, as we have before showed; neither can a prince ever draw any great services from men of small virtue: for good services are the effects of virtue: And as no man out of a bush or bramble, can get good pears or other pleasant fruits, because such kind of plants have not that kind of virtue in them to produce such kind of fruits; in like sort, a prince cannot look for gallant and good services from vicious men of base virtue: A prince also can have no just occasion to hold for suspected, men of great virtue, for many reasons: first, because such persons have in greater recommendation the integrity of their fame and honour, than men have which are of mean fortune, or (as they say) of a base hand, and therefore will not easily attempt any filthy or wicked thing, which may turn to their dishonour. Secondly, because seeing themselves beloved, honoured, and recompensed for their good services by their prince, their love and desire well to serve him, will more and more increase, and so prove a means directly contrary to all evil enterprises. Thirdly, because men of excellent virtue are always of generous and great courages & minds: but it is a thing altogether repugnant to all generosity, to commit wicked enterprises against a good prince: yea, and a work of fainthearted villains. Finally, in the time wherein we are (principalities and kingdoms being bestowed either by hereditary succession, or by the election of certain nobles, and not by an election tumultuary and violent of corrupted persons) they should be very mad, to aspire to his place, or to enterprise any evil against him, to deprive themselves of that good they already enjoy, without all likelihood to attain unto better: And if with all this, a virtuous man have any fear of God, he will enterprise no evil against his prince, even for this only cause, that God willeth and commandeth, that we obey our prince and that we honour him above all things in the world: so that he which disobeyeth him, disobeyeth God; and who despiseth him, despiseth God also: And hereunto, more than to any other reason, ought all such as account themselves Christians, to have especial regard, to deliver faithful & voluntary obedience (seeing God commands it) to their lawful prince. And as for that which Machiavelli saith, That the emperor Pertinax was hated Capitol. in Pe●●in. Herod. lib. 6. of his men of war, for his virtue, is very false: for although in all other things he was a notable good and virtuous prince, yet was he much and sore spotted with that filthy vice of covetousness and illiberality (which hereafter Machiavelli teacheth to be a notable virtue for a prince) insomuch, as being come to that high degree of a Roman emperor, yet commonly dealt he in the traffic of merchandise, for the inordinate desire of gain: and as soon as he was created emperor, yea, and even by his people of war, yet was he so far from being bountiful in recompensing them, that he cut off from his soldiers, certain pensions which the emperor trajan his predecessor had given them for their nourishment & maintenance: This covetousness was the cause he was despised of them and slain. And as for Alexander Severus, it was also the covetousness of Mammaea his mother, which was the cause that the people of war hated them, yea, and slew them both together, as Herodian witnesseth, who lived at that time. And therefore the examples of Pertinax and of Alexander, are by Machiavelli to no purpose alleged, to show that princes are hated for their virtues: yet although it were true, that such soldiers as slew Pertinax, were people hating virtue; as also they which slew Alexander Severus (which had gathered all corruption of vices under his predecessor Heliogabalus) it followeth not, that of such examples we must make a rule and Maxim: For thieves and murderers do hate justice and magistracy, yet followeth it not, that a prince is not always more loved than hated, by doing good justice. Briefly, such examples are exceptions and defailances of the rule, which notwithstanding do not cease to remain always true and certain, no more nor no less, as philosophers say, that that rule is certain and true, That the Summer is hotter than Winter, although there be some days in Winter more hot, than there be other some days in Summer. 17. Maxim. A Prince ought always to nourish some enemy against himself, to this end, that when he hath oppressed him, he may be accounted the more mighty and terrible. PRinces (saith our Florentine) make themselves great, when they Cap. 19 Of the prince. overcome weighty and difficult things, which hinder their designs: Therefore a good and wise prince with a certain ingenious care, will nourish some enemy against himself, to the end, that happening to oppress him, his riches and greatness may the better increase: For such an enemy shall serve him as a sufficient matter to increase his greatness, and as a ladder, to ascend the higher. BEhold a Maxim of the same note as the former, hereunto tending, That a prince do always seek means to make himself to Tyrant's want not enemies. be feared, rather than loved: But a prince which observeth the doctrine of Machiavelli, needs take no great care to seek means to nourish an enemy against himself: for there will be enough, and more than one would, both within and without his country, yea, in his own house: But to say that he can oppress them all, to make himself feared and redoubted, that is no assured thing: but rather contrary he may assure himself, that in the end, either one or other will oppress and ruinated himself. When Milicus Cornel. Tacit. Annal. 15. had discovered to Nero a great conjuration practised against him, he performed that which Machiavelli prescribeth: for by oppressing and causing to die, all the conjurators and enemies, and all their friends and allies, he made himself so feared and redoubted, that there was not in Rome, great or little, but he trembled for fear, only to hear the name of Nero: Such great men, whose friends and parents were put to death, came and fell down on their knees before him, and thanked him for the good and honour he had done them, to have purged and cleansed their parentage and alliance from so wicked men as those he had slain: Others in sign of joy for the death of their friends and parents, caused their houses to be hung with laurel, and made sacrifices to the gods, to give them thanks for so great a good as was happened unto them: They celebrated also great feasts of joy as they had been marriages: The Senate also for their part (being also in a great terror) ordained, there should be processions and public sacrifices, to yield thanks to the gods, that this conjuration was discovered; yea, they caused to be builded and consecrated a chapel to the Sun, in the house where the conjuration was made, because it shined to the discovery thereof: They builded also a temple to the goddess Health. Nero thinking that all these joys were true and unfeigned (yet were they but simulations) exercised still more and more his butchery, and in the end made himself so assured, (by reason he was feared and redoubted of all the world) that he was of opinion, that he had obtained the upperhand of all his enemies: but it was clean contrary: For by this strange slaughter with so many other wickednesses, whereof he was full, he brought himself into a deadly hatred of all the world: insomuch, as the provinces of the empire revolted from his obedience one after another, and in the end he was abandoned of every man, unless it were of some four or five of his meanest servants, which kept him company in his flight, until he had slain himself, as is said in another place: therefore Nero needed to take no thought how to nourish enemies against himself, as Machiavelli teacheth in this Maxim; for he never wanted a great number, as all tyrants have ordinarily. And how should not tyrants have good store of enemies, seeing even good De Com. lib. 1. cap. 107, 108, 109, 100, 111. and wise princes, do not want them? To this purpose master Philip de Comines makes a very good discourse, saying, That it pleased God to give to all princes, kingdoms, and common weals, an opposite and contrary unto them, that both the one and the other might the rather be held in their duties; as England hath France; Scotland hath England; Portugal hath Castille; Grenado hath Portugal; the princes and common weals of Italy, are contrary one to another, and so it is of all God hath given to every signory his opposite. countries, and seignories of the earth: For, if there be any prince or commonweal, which wants his opposite to hold him in fear, strait one shall see him fall to a tyranny and luxuriousness: Therefore God by his wise providence hath given to every signory and to every prince his opposite, that one by the fear of an other, might be stirred up to a modest and temperate carriage. And there is indeed nothing (saith he) that better holdeth a prince in his duty, nor which causeth him to walk more upright, than the fear of his opposite and contrary: For the fear of God, nor the love of his neighbour, nor reason (whereof commonly he hath no care) nor justice (for there is none above himself) nor any other like thing can hold him in his duty, but only the fear of his contrary. After that Comines had dispatched this question, he entereth into another, which dependeth hereof: What is the cause (saith he) that commonly princes and great lords have Princes have not the fear of God, nor of charity, for want of Faith. not the fear of God, nor love to their neighbours? He answereth, the want of Faith: for if a prince believed verily the pains of hell, to be such as indeed they are, he would do no wrong to no man, nor retain an others goods unjustly: For, if they believed assuredly (as it is true and certain) that they are damned in hell, and are never like to enter into paradise, which retain other men's goods, without making satisfaction, or that do any wrong to any, without amends unto him: It is not likely there would be found a prince or princess in the world, or any other person, which would withhold another's goods (were it of his subjects, vassals, or neighbour ) in good earnest, or would put any to death wrongfully; no, not to hold them in prison, nor take from one to give to another, nor procure any dishonest thing against any person: If then they had a firm faith, and believed the pains of hell to be horrible and great, without other end or remission for the damned, knowing again the shortness of this life, they would not do that they do: And for example (saith he) when a king or a prince is a prisoner, and that he feareth to die in prison, is there any thing so dear in the world, which he would not give, to come out? Certainly, he would give both his own, and his subjects goods altogether: As we have seen king john of France, being taken prisoner, by the prince of Wales at the battle of Poitiers, who paid 3000000 of franks for his ransom, and acquitted to the English all Aquitane, or at least as much as they then held, and many other cities, towns, and places, all which came to the third part of the kingdom, which was thereby brought into great poverty, that no coin was there currant but it was made of leather, with a little nail of silver in the midst of it: And all this gave king john, and Charles the sage his son, for the said king's deliverance out of prison: And, if they would have given nothing, yet the English would not have put him to death, but at the worst have kept him in prison: And yet if they had caused him to die, the pain that he had suffered, had not been comparable to the thousand part of the least pain in hell: Why then did king john give all that hath been said, and so overthrew his children, and the subjects of his kingdom? because he believed that which he saw and knew well, that otherwise he could hot be delivered. But you shall not find a prince (or else very few) that if he had a town of his neighbour's, would yield it for the fear of God, or the pains of hell: It is then the want of faith, because princes believe not that God will punish the wrongs they do to another, and that they do not also believe, that the pains of hell are horrible and eternal, as they are. Yet is this certain, that god will punish them, as well as other men, though not in this world, yet assuredly in the other: Yea will some say, but who will inform against them, or dare stand before God, for that purpose? I answer that the complaints, tears, and clamours of the people, will be informers, and shall complain before God against princes; the dolorous and sorrowful lamentations of orphans and widows, whose fathers and husbands they have caused to die, shall stand as complainants before God; and generally all they, which they have afflicted and persecuted in their persons, or in their goods, shall present themselves before our lord, the true judge, with piteous tears and dolors, and shall serve for witnesses and accusers: and God who is a just judge, shall punish such princes, as do not fear him, and it may be will not attend to punish them in the other world but in this world: But let them know, that when it pleaseth God to punish princes, as they are greater than simple people, so he will bring them to a greater fall: and a true token, that God beginneth to ruinated a prince, is when he so diminisheth his senses, that he makes him fly the counsel of the wise, and elevateth into Signs of a prince's ruin. credit with him, new people, violent, unreasonable, and foolish, slothful, and flatterers, which do and speak all things to please them: for when we see this happen to a prince, we may well say, that God prepareth his ruin. Behold in some, in his proper terms, the opinion of that wise knight Messire Philip de Comines, of the cause why God raiseth enemies unto princes; which opinion truly is very christian, and proceeding from a man of a wise judgement, and well experimented in affairs of State, wherein the said Comines was exercised, by the space of thirty years, in the time of king Lewis the eleventh, and Charles the eight his son, in embassages and other great and honourable charges: He was no such petty burnepaper as Machiavelli, who dealt in nothing, but in registering and writing of the small broils and troubles, of one house of the town of Florence, and coming out of no better aschoole, dare deal to give lessons and documents to princes and mighty kings, to teach them how they should govern, or rather how they should become tyrants: But contrary, he that will read the history of Comines, shall find many good precepts, which that good knight hath marked by experience in his time, which indeed are good and proper, as well to inform and instruct a good prince, as they of Machiavelli are to inform a most wicked tyrant. Upon this speech above alleged of Comines, that God diminisheth the senses of such princes as he will ruinat, I will add for a confirmation, the saying of an ancient wise man, alleged by the poet Sophocles. Agreeing well to verity, The saying of the wise man is: Sophocl. in Aulig. That which most evil you do try, Most good it seems to you iwis. Thus when we stir up God to ire, He plague's us much for our desire. 18. Maxim. A prince ought not to fear to be perjured, to deceive, and dissemble: for the deceiver alwates finds some which are fit to be deceived. THe prince (saith master Nicholas) which will become great, Discourse lib. 2. cap. 13. & cap. 18. of the prince. and make great conquests, it is necessary that he learn well the occupation and art of deceiving, as John Galeace did, who by that art took the duchy of Milan, from Messire Bernard his uncle: The Romans also under that name of allies and confederates, so deceived the Latin people and many others, that they reduced them into a servitude and subjection, yet they never espied it, until the end. True it is, in this art of trumpery & deceit, men must needs use great feignedness, dissimulations, and perjuries; and the prince which shall be hereunto (as it were) made by nature and art, shall always obtain prosperous success in his affairs: For men are commonly so simple, and do so soon bend to present necessities, that the deceiver always finds some, which will suffer themselves to be deceived: Hereupon we may allege infinite examples of peace, truce, and promises which have been broken by princes, yet have had good event: And hereof we may allege one example of fresh memory, of Pope Alexander the sixth, who never did other thing, but made an art of abusing men, neither ever applied his mind to other study, neither ever was there found man, that would confirm his promises with more horrible oaths, nor that less kept and observed them: Yet his trumperies and perjuries succeeded all well unto him, for he knew well enough therein, how all sorts of men must be handled. IN this Maxim is an amplification of that which hath been before set down by Machiavelli, when he said, That a prince ought to know how to play the Fox; for now explicating, what it is to play the Fox, he saith, it is to know how to deceive, to dissemble, and to be perjured; and that a prince ought to be adorned with these goodly virtues of trumpery, dissimulation, and perjury: But as for trumpery, which men call subtlety, we have of it above sufficiently spoken: And as for perfidy and perjury, we shall afward speak in another Maxim, and therefore hereupon we will make no long discourse, because we will not often repeat one same thing: And withal that there is no man in the world, of so small a judgement, who doth not well see that this Maxim containeth a detestable doctrine, altogether unworthy not only of a prince, but of every man, of what condition so ever he be: And I do not believe that the Bohemians, who go from country to country, telling good fortunes, jugglers, or rather runagate rogues, which make an occupation of deceits and abusing of the world, will not condemn this Maxim, as wicked and abominable, if they be made judges. And as for that which Machiavelli saith, That the deceiver will always find some that will suffer themselves to be deceived, I confess there will be ever found some idiot fools and sots, that he may deceive, yea that sometimes he may deceive sharp witted and wise men: yet notwithstanding, it is as certain, that there is not so great a deceiver, but he is sometimes deceived: For as soon as a deceiver is discovered to be one, every man takes heed to negotiate and traffic with him, or if they be forced to have to do with him, for fear to be deceived, they will do their best to deceive The deceiver is often deceived. him: And herein the most part of the world make no conscience, but think it not only lawful, but praiseworthy to deceive a deceiver: insomuch, as he which hath once a name to be a cozener and deceiver, all men will dispense with themselves to deceive him if they can: and by that means the deceiver having cause to take heed of many sundry persons, it is impossible but he should be often deceived, and be often catched in his own nets. Therefore Machiavelli his reason, That the deceiver shall always find them which will be deceived, doth not so well conclude, as it seemeth: For if the deceiver find always some to deceive, he shall also find some which will deceive him: and it may be sometimes, for one that he deceiveth, he may find six which will deceive him: because none can be so perfect in the art of trumpery (which art Machiavelli so much recommendeth to a prince) but also he shall always find others, which know more than himself in some points, and many together do know more than one alone, in all points of that art, one in one point, and another in another: So that in the end he himself shall see always (according to the common proverb) the deceiver shall be deceived. As it happened even to Pope Alexander the sixth, whose example Machiavelli here allegeth; for the end of all his trumperies and perjuries, was to make his bastard Caesar Borgia, lord & king of all Italy, and after, of all christendom if he could: But the issue of his designs and purposes was a tragical act, as we have before discoursed in another place. Moreover, the cause why that many times this Pope deceived christian princes, and even the king of France Lewis the twelfth, was: For that in that time men so greatly feared the Pope's bulls and interdictions, and that they believed him to be a true lieutenant of God, on earth, so that they durst not discredit any thing he did, but rather believed all his words as oracles: but at this day children would mock at his actions, and few men will be baited with his allurements. But for whereas Machiavelli saith, That the ancient Romans under the deceit of The Romans allies & subjects were not slaves. those names, Allies and confederates, brought into their subjection and servitude the Latin people their neighbours, is a plain and pure lie: For they subjugated all men by war, at diverse times as we read in histories. True it is, that after once they vanquished and brought them under, they then made treaties of peace and confederations, which were not greatly to the advantage of such as were overcome, as in reason they might: For if by the right of nations, such as are vanquished by wars, may be bondslaves of the vanquishers: by a stronger reason may the vanquishers reserve to themselves some pre-eminence, over the vanquished: But the pre-eminences which commonly the Romans reserved to themselves, in all their treaties, were that the allies and confederates, should not make war upon any without their consent, and that they should contribute unto their soldiers in their wars: Moreover they left to all people, their franchises, liberties, goods, religion, magistrates, and all other things, without altering any thing, and without imposing upon them tributes of money or such like. This cannot be called a servitude, as Machiavelli calls it; or if it be a servitude, there are no people in christendom, whether they be subjects of princes, or common wealths, which are not in a double, and quadruple servitude. And whereas Machiavelli saith, That a prince ought to know the art of trumpery, and deceit, some will ask (to take heed of it) which are the precepts of the art: Whereunto I answer for Machiavelli, that no man can give precepts, practical or singular which may be applied to every business, to avoid deceit and fraud: But the general precepts of art (which the philosophers call Axioms in philosophy) are these; Boldly to forswear themselves; Subtly to dissemble, to insinuate into men's minds and to prove them; To break faith and promise, and such like as heretofore we have handled, and shall do hereafter: But here we must note one thing, which is, That one well experienced in the art of trumpery, will not always practise that principle, To break faith, for if he ordinarily do it, he shall offend against another principle, which commands, To dissemble subtly: For by, every where and ever breaking of faith, he shall discover himself to be a manifest deceiver, whereas he ought to dissemble, and to make an outward countenance not to be so, but rather to be a good and an honest man: And therefore to observe all the principles, of that art together, without breaking one in observing another, he shall in small matters keep his faith, to break it in great things, and in matters of consequence. Hereof Fabius Maximus admonisheth Scipio to take heed: Thou desirest Scipio Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 3. (saith he) to make war upon the Carthaginians in Africa, under an hope thou hast to have the favour of king Syphax, and of the Numidians, which have promised thee aid and succours: But take good advice how thou trustest in the barbarous nations, which commonly make no account to break their faith & to deceive: True it is, in small matters they will keep their faith with thee, well to assure thee in their promise and loyalty, that they may afterward break it, to their great profit and advantage, as soon as they see they have means and occasion in their hands, altogether to ruinated thee. This was the admonition, which that wise Fabius, gave to Scipio, than a young captain. What then should a man do, to guard himself from such deceitful faith of deceivers, which appears and shows itself in little things, and is defective in great matters? A man must do that which Scipio answered to Fabius: I know well (lord Fabius saith he) how a man must lean upon the evil assured faith of Syphax, and the Numidians. I think so much to lean, and rest myself upon them, as may serve my turn, so that yet always I hold myself upon my guards, to warrant myself from all perfidy and treachery. Moreover there is yet another remedy against such deceivers and dissemblers, which promise much and in their hearts have no other intention, then in no thing to keep their promises: that is to shun and fly from them, as from hell, and from more than capital enemies, as Homer teacheth us: He that one thing in heart, another in mouth doth bear: Fly him an enemy thine, and as hellfire him fear. Homer. Iliad. lib. 9 20. Maxim. A prince, who (as it were constrained) useth Clemency and Lenity, advanceth his own destruction. IN an hundred times (saith Machiavelli) it will scant happen Discourse, lib. 1. cap. 32. once, that the good and comfort which a prince doth to his subjects, when he seethe himself as it were forced to do it, by fear of rebellion, or otherwise, is gratefully received of them: For commonly the people, for benefits so granted by their prince, are not thankful, but rather thinks themselves beholden to such as draw their prince unto the bestowing of such benefits upon necessity and constraint: And this is often the cause that the people seeketh occasions and means to draw the prince into that necessity. And therefore a prince ought never to attend that extreme necessity, to show himself kind and liberal; for there is like to be so little help therein, as it will rather advance his ruin. IT should be best and more expedient, for a prince to prevent all his subjects, with good and courteous dealings, than to attend till he see himself constrained to diminish his rigour, and (as the common proverb saith) to bend or break. Notwithstanding the counsel here given by Machiavelli, is altogether wicked, and cannot but bring into ruin a prince and his estate: for in sum, his counsel is, To hold hard against his subjects, nothing to abate his rigour, nor to use any kindness or graciousness, then and when he sees himself, to do it, constrained and pressed thereunto. If a prince than will stand stiff always rigorously to handle his subjects, and to oppress them, The rigour of a prince is the cause of denial of obedience. without abating any thing thereof, although he hear of their grievances and complaints, and that he see them prepared to rebellion, and to deny their obedience; what other thing can there follow, but the entire ruin of him and his estate? For wherein consisteth the estate of a prince, but that his subjects agree together for to yield him obedience: If then by his obstinate rigour and evil dealing, he so do, as he brings his subjects into that necessity to deny him obedience, will not that be the ruin of him and his estate? There is no man of good judgement, but he knows this: Therefore said the poet Sophocles: Even as hard steel in fire we see In pieces break most easily: So minds too hard and fierce which be, Most oft with fall on ground doth lie. Wherefore this precept whereby Machiavelli would make a prince stiff and inflexible against his subjects, can bring to him but his own ruin: as it happened to Roboam the king, who when his people humbly desired an ease and mitigation of their tributes, he obstinately and proudly denied them: For this king following such counsel as Machiavelli giveth here, made answer to his subjects, that so much there wanted, that he had any intent to abate any thing of his former dealing with them, that contrary he determined to augment rather his rigour towards them: And for this cause did the greatest part of his kingdom cut themselves from his rule and obedience. And to say, that the people are unthankful to their prince for benefits accorded Constrained grants are not without profit. as it were by constraint, this is false, and experience shows us the contrary: For the people is not so speculative, that they will cause to seek out and examine the impulsive cause, which moved the prince to commit or ordain any thing, but holds themselves contented with the good and profit which redounds to them by that ordinance; and the enjoying of the good they receive, bringeth unto them such a pleasure and contentment, as it moves them to thank their prince for that good, and to praise and bless him, yea, to pray unto God for his conservation and prosperity. In all the peace that was made in France since the wars, there hath always been seen an experience thereof: For a man may well say, that the king accorded peace to the Protestants as it were by constraint, which indeed is contained in the edicts of peace: for the king himself so declared it in other edicts which he made when the war was renewed; as he declared by an edict in the year 1568, wherein he saith, That he had always had in his heart to abolish the religion of the said Protestants, and the cause of his before suffering it, had been as by constraint, and to accommodate himself to the time. The Courtiers also have always called it the Suffered Religion, and the Catholic Roman, the authorised Religion: Although then that those goodly edicts of peace were accorded by the king against his heart, yet ceased not the people to be thankful unto the king, yea, to praise and exalt him as a lover of the good, and repose of his poor people, and to bless and praise God for him both publicly and privately. But put the case, that were true which Machiavelli saith, That the subjects of a prince cannot be thankful for a benefit accorded by constraint, it followeth not therefore, that such a benefit and a better handling must needs be unprofitable and without fruit: For certain it is, that always this will make cease the complaints of the people, and cause them to desist from all rebellions and whatsoever enterprises are intended & machinated against him. Titus Livius showeth us by many examples, this to have many times happened at Rome, where the commons entered into seditions and rebellions against the Patricij, and such as were great men in authority, but they were appeased incontinent as soon as the great men granted that which they desired: And yet we find not, that the great Patricians and nobles of Rome did almost at any time accord unto the commons, but as constrained and against their wills: There was amongst them men of as good wits and judgement, as Machiavelli, (such as Coriolanus, Appius, Caeso, Fabius, and other like) which cried, that they must not accord to common people (under the pretext of their seditions and rebellions) what they demand, because it is an evil example, and as it were to give occasion to the people ever to rebel, and be seditious, causing their faults to turn to their profit: but notwithstanding all these reasons, the most part of their wise Senators found it more expedient, to bow and give place to the tumultuous people, than to resist them. There hath been many times seen in France, rebellions and stirs of the people for new imposts, which strait were stayed, by taking them away: And indeed natural reason showeth well, that it ought so to be: For in all things, of what sort soever they be, as soon as the cause is taken away, men also take away the effect thereof: Moreover, I will not deny but this is of very evil consequence, that a profit should come of a rebellion and sedition: but upon this point it is worth noting, that seldom or never people arise without some great, just, and urgent occasion: & therefore if the prince have not done his duty to cut off that occasion before, but that thereby there arise rebellion & sedition, he may not find it strange nor evil, to remedy it, rather late than never, and so to purge his negligence. A prince in stead to harden his heart against his subjects (as Machiavelli teacheth) shall do better, not to be so obstinate, but to ply and bow his courage, when the good of the commonweal and his own requireth it? following the admonition which that wise knight Phoenix gave to the prince Achilles his disciple. Appease thyself Achilles' strong, thy hardened heart abate, A mortal man it not becomes implacable to be: Hom. Iliad. 9 Though power most, and honour eke on gods attend and wait, To prayers of us mortal men, yet yield they, we do see▪ Good princes have ever so used, and neve● were hindered by Machiavels' subtle distinctions: That he which oweth obedience, aught to humble himself first, and Foolish distinctions of the Machiavellists. that the prince ought to accord nothing to his subjects, but of his own proper motion, lest he be seen to receive a law of them, unto whom he should give laws, and that he ought not to capitulate with them: and that it should be a very dishonourable thing for a prince to be seen doing any thing by constraint and against his will, with many other such speculative, frivolous, and foolish reasons. For we see by the historiographers, that wise princes never regarded such childish reasons, but bowed and mitigated themselves, as they did see the safety of their subjects, and the conservation of their own estates required: And they never esteemed an healthful and good counsel, dishonourable, neither such means & conditions to be wicked or disadvantageous, when thereby they might conserve the love and obedience of their people. 21. Maxim. A wise prince ought not to keep his Faith, when the observation thereof is hurtful unto him, and that the occasions for which he gave it, be taken away. A Prudent and an advised lord (saith Messier Nicholas) neither Cap. 18. Of the prince. & discourse, lib. 3. cap. 42. can nor ought straightly to keep his Faith, when such observation is prejudicial unto him, and that the occasions and necessities, which caused him to make his promise, are already past and extinguished. If all the men of the world were good, this precept were to be blamed: but seeing the ordinary wickedness of men, which themselves keep no Faith; neither is the prince also bound to observe it towards them. Neither is it to be feared, that a prince cannot always find sufficient reasons to cover and colour that violation and breaking of his Faith: Likewise, it must be considered, that all forced promises may be broken (especially when they concern the Commonwealth) as soon as the force is passed. Hereof do we read many examples, and this is every day seen and practised in our time, That not only forced promises are not kept amongst princes after that the force is out, but also all other promises are no more observed, after that such occasions fail, which were the cause of making such promises. ALthough the other Maxims of Machiavelli may be called wicked and detestable in the higest degree, yet doth this Maxim carry away the prize above all others, which concern duties amongst men: For whosoever will take away Faith and loyalty from amongst men (as Machiavelli would do) he withal takes away all contracts, commerce, distributive, and politic The life and human society cannot stand without Faith. justice, and all society and frequentation one with another; none of which can stand, but by the observation of Faith. But if it were so, that for want of observation of Faith one towards another, men durst not sell, buy, exchange, lend, or make other contracts, and that men durst not make any commerces of merchandise one with another, nor observe any public policy; wherein should we differ from brute beasts? In nothing, but that we should be worse than they: for then every one must dwell by himself; there should need no towns nor boroughs to dwell together, but men might be vagrant and separated one from another, taking by force the goods one from another: insomuch, as a man might say, that to take away Faith from amongst men (as Machiavelli doth) is to bring them into a brutish estate, wherein they cannot live, nor subsist, nor enjoy the necessary commodities which one receive of another, and by consequent it is to induce and to bring a ruin and an universal deluge to all mankind. Yet if any Machiavelist will reply, that the intent of their master, is not to take away all Faith from amongst men, but only to break Faith, when there is profit in doing it: I answer him, that in effect that is all one, and that these two things are almost equipollent, to take Faith altogether away, and to break it ever when there is appearance of profit: For he that buyeth, and promiseth to pay, may say after he hath received the merchandise, that by this doctrine he is dispensed withal to pay nothing, because it is for his profit to have both silver and the merchandise: He also unto whom a man dareth any thing, may say he hath a dispensation from Machiavelli, not to yield again that which was borrowed, because it is for his profit to keep it: And so in all contracts and commerces, men may cover the breach of Faith with the vail of utility and profit, and by that means banish and chase away all Faith from men. Behold the effect and consequence, of this detestable and wicked doctrine of Machiavelli. Which to confute, might well suffice the apparent evidence of evil, and the absurdity which followeth thereupon: whereof the most rustical idiots of the world may judge: Sufficient also were one place of holy Scripture, whereby God commandeth us to hold our Faith and promise, yea, to our damage: But I will (as I have said before) combat against this profane Machiavelli, by paynim and profane authors, and show him, that he hath but slenderly read his Titus Livius, upon whom he hath written his discourses full of ignorance and wickedness. Sextius and Licinius (Tribunes of the Roman people) to obtain the favour and grace of mean people indebted, would needs that a law should pass by authority, whereby all debtors might preaccount in payment of their debts to their creditors, all the interest money which they had before paid them, and that the rich men which possessed more than five hundred acres of land, should be constrained to release the land they had more, to be divided amongst the poor. Appius Claudius Crassus, Patrician, opposed himself against this law, and showed, that it was pernicious and damageable: Because (saith he) by such a law, public Faith, which is the bond of all human society, is broken: for the goods and possessions which the rich men hold, they have obtained them or their ancestors, by contracts of buying, selling, exchanging, and other like, wherein there always passed Faith and oaths: and that therefore they which will take from the rich, that which they have gotten unto them by a good and lawful title, confirmed by that bond of Faith and oath; it were the means to abolish, and to take away all Faith from amongst men, without which no human society can stand: and likewise to make creditors lose their debts, by imputing unto them interests long time before paid in satisfaction of the debt; that should be also to break Faith and promise of obligations, and to make an overture to all deceit and distrust, in such sort, as the contract of love and such like should be abolished. By those remonstrances, founded upon good and solid reasons, Appius Claudius hindered that law from passing, or being authorized: there was then such account made of Faith, which they preferred before all difficulties and particular necessities: And afterward, many times, that law of taking away from rich men that which they possessed more than five hundred acres, was refreshed & brought into question by other Tribunes, to have it to pass, but it never came to effect; yet there arose of it infinite seditions, murders, pillories, and other innumerable evils: A thing which well showeth, that the violation of public Faith draweth always with it, a great Iliad of evils and Titus ●ivius lib. 3. Dec. 3. calamities. The Romans seeing themselves one day want money for the maintenance of their armies, and payment of soldiers; the Senate consulted what provision to make for this want: none of them thought it good to impose a taillage or tribute upon the people, which would prove very grievous in many sorts: at last they all agreed, that soldiers must needs be paid: For (said they) if the commonwealth stand not by Faith, it cannot stand by riches: It were therefore better to spend the good of the commonwealth in loyally paying soldiers wages, and so acquit themselves of their Faith towards them, than to spare the commonwealth by the failing of Faith and word. All the Senate being of this advice, expedient than it was as they thought to find money: and therefore a charge was given to the Praetor Fulvius, in an oration to the people, to show them all their public necessities, and to exhort such as were grown rich by farming grounds belonging to the commonwealth, to lay out some silver for the maintenance of the army in Spain. Fulutus so well persuaded, that the farmers accorded to lay down a certain sum of money, as much as was demanded, upon conditions, to enjoy their farms for three years, and that the commonwealth would take upon them the perils of the sea, which might come unto them in their commerces, by shipwrecks and hostile incursions: For they were certain, that such money as they lent to the commonwealth, was as assured unto them, as in their hands, upon the public Faith: and if the Romans had not had that good reputation, they should not so soon have found money for their need: But they that have that virtue, Well to observe their word, shall never want with whom to contract. King Perseus of Macedon determining to make war upon the Romans, sent ambassadors to the Achaeans, a people of Greece, and allies of the Romans, to draw them on his side, and only required of them a Diet, where they were assembled to hear the said ambassadors: But Callicratides (a notable man amongst the Achaeans) was of advice, That they should give no ear unto that king Perseus, nor to his ambassadors, because the Achaeans had already confirmed an alliance by Faith and oath with the Romans, & that upon that Faith was founded all the assurance of their estate; and that Faith had that property, that it will not be violated nor suspected in any sort whatsoever: And therefore it was a breach of Faith, only to afford audience Faith will neither be violated nor suspected. to that king, whom they saw plainly prepared to make war upon the Romans: This reason founded upon the authority of public States, was the cause that nothing was accorded to Perseus. And likewise hereunto accordeth the saying of the emperor Antonine: That the most lamentable thing in this world is, when Faith is broken and violated by friends, and without the same, no virtue can be Dion in Marcel. assured. To this purpose, that Faith cannot be suspected, that is notable, which Fabius Titus Livins lib. 2. Maximus, Dictator, did. Hannibal being in battle array nigh Rome, conceived this subtle device, to ruinated and utterly to destroy all the houses in the fields, both for pleasure and for other necessary uses, but only the houses and commodities appertaining to Fabius: And this he did to bring a suspicion upon Fabius, that he had made some secret compact with Hannibal against his Faith and duty. Fabius knowing well, that it was not sufficient perfectly to observe his Faith, but that also he must be exempt from all suspicion, sent strait his son to Rome, to sell and rid him of all he had without the town, which he did: and so assured his public Faith, by his particular damage, taking from the people all sinister opinion they might take of him. And assuredly, there is nothing in the world more pleasant, than when Faith is sincerely kept, even in adversity, and when we have most to do: Therefore the Romans esteemed such, their good and loyal allies, as kept their Faith loyally, during the time they had wars in hand: as did Ptolomeus, king of Egypt, when the Romans had to do with Hannibal and the Carthaginians: for he was always firm in the confederation and alliance which he had made with them; insomuch, as their war being finished with Hannibal, they sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, to thank him, for that in their so doubtful and hazardous affairs, his Faith had not altered, and to pray him to continue. Attalus, king of Pergamus in Asia, came to the degree of royalty by his virtue: Titus Livius lib. 3. & 7. Dec. 4. for he was neither son nor successor of a king, neither had he the heroical virtues of Hercules, of Alexander or Caesar to conquer a kingdom: yea, briefly he had nothing in him (saith Titus Livius) that could either aid or bring hope unto him at any time to be a king, but only riches, which he bestowed and used so well, that by the means of them, and by his fidelity towards the Pergames, he became king of Pergamus, after he had once vanquished the Gauls of Asia: As soon as he was come to this degree, he allied himself by confederations with the Romans, and always kept his Faith perfect and entire: insomuch, as well by the integrity and constantness of his Faith, as by good justice, he reigned four and forty years, and left his kingdom stable and firm to Eumenes his son, whose domination Fidelity a good inheritance. the Romans greatly augmented, because he continued in his father's loyalty, who at his death charged him, to repute that fidelity to be the best heritage he left him. There was nothing in the world which the old Romans had in greater reverence Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 1. lib. 4. Dec. 3. and observation than their public Faith: Therefore had they a temple of Faith, where men swore and solemnly promised all their treaties of peace, truces, confederations, alliances, and other such like, and those who first did violate it, were esteemed dedicated to the gods of hell: and with a like sincerity did they also observe their Faiths in particular contracts: so that every one thought they could not better assure a debt, than in lending to the commonwealth: yea, when by reason of great wars their treasuries were empty of money, such as had the custody of pupils and widows portions, and other like, would bring all to the treasurers of the commonwealth: For every man (saith Titus Livius) thought he could not better place his silver, nor better assure it, than under the public Faith. When Scipio the African entered into Sicily, with his army, to pass into Africa, because he entered into it as a friend, he would suffer no man to take any thing from the Sicilians: But (saith Titus Livius) thinking that the first thing he should do, was to maintain & defend the public Faith, he by a proclamation commanded every man in his camp to yield, and to give to the Sicilians all their own whatsoever: He also deputed judges to hear and determine all complaints, touching such causes: This so pleased the Sicilians, that from thence forward, they showed themselves very affectionate to aid the Romans, in their Afric war. Whilst Hannibal was in Italy, Valerius Levinus being Consul, there was a loan of money made of the Roman people: Afterward it came to pass that Scipio having passed into Africa with his army, the Carthaginians sent unto Hannibal to come and defend Carthage, and the countries of Africa, insomuch as he was constrained against his will to return: As soon as he was voided Italy, although the Romans had not ended their war, neither were out of great affairs, yet Levinus certified the Senate, that during the time of his consulship, there was a great somme of money borrowed of the people, that it was time to pay it, and that he in particular was bound in this case to acquit the public Faith: therefore he desired that that borrowed money might be restored: The Senate liked well of his speech, and it was decreed that the said money should be paid at three payments, the first incontinent, the other within two years, & the last within two years after that: When it came to the third payment, there was no money in the treasury to pay it, because of the great affairs, that the commonwealth had in their wars: Upon this necessity, the Senate resolved, that whatsoever came of it, they must acquit their public Faith, and therefore they gave to particular persons the lands & possessions belonging to the commonwealth, in payment, for every man's debs, retaining only upon every acre three half pens rend, to show, that that land had been the commonwealths, with this covenant, that such detbters should have their payment in money, as soon as the common wealth had silver, if they had rather have money than land. This Roman virtue, straightly to observe Faith, was not only resplendishant in the body of the commonwealth, but also amongst particular persons, which never Titus Livius lib. 10. Dec. 3 had regard to any thing in the world so much, as in the keeping of their Faith. When Scipio was in Africa, warring upon the Carthaginians, he accorded a truce with them, if they would for that purpose send ambassadors to Rome, which they did: Whilst the said ambassadors made their voyage to Rome, Asdrubal a Carthaginian captain, breaking the truce, distressed and took 230 Roman ships, upon the sea: Whereof Scipio being advertised, sent to Carthage ambassadors, to show the Senate that breach of the peace, so unfit for people that demanded peace: But these Roman ambassadors were so evil entertained at Carthage, that the common people had like to have stoned them, so that they were forced to go back again. Not long after, the ambassadors which the Carthaginians had sent to Rome, returned, and passed through the camp of Scipio: What did Scipio, he sent for them, and showed them how their people had violated the public Faith, by breaking the truce, and offending the right of nations, by the violent repulsing of his ambassadors which he sent, Yet, said he, I will do nothing against the custom of the Romans, in the holy observation of the public Faith, neither any thing uncomely to myself: and after this speech, he sent them away, not doing to them any harm. Hereby men may know, that at that time, the scoff and jest so much used of the Canonists, was not in use: Frangenti fidem, fides frangatur eidem: Faith must be broken to him that breaketh Faith. Caesar also had this property, that he would never imitate the treachery and disloyalty of his enemies, nor break his Faith unto them, although they broke theirs: And indeed (as that wise captain Quintus Cincinnatus said) natural reason, showeth us, that we must not sin, for others example, nor break a law, because others have already broken it, nor commit that fault which we reprehend and condemn in others. These ancient Romans were so scrupulous and exact observersiof their Faith, Titus Livius lib. 8. Dec. 2. that not only they esteemed, that a man did violate it, when he did any thing against it, but also whensoever he suffered any thing to be done by others, which seemed to be to the detriment of that Faith. As when Hannibal besieged and ruined the town of Saguntum in Spain, which was an ally of the Romans; because they could not give succours to the Saguntines, before the taking of the town, they thinking that herein their Faith was something engaged, never ceased till they had rebuilded and repeopled it: And therefore warred they in Spain, by the space of fourteen years, at unspeakable charge, and vanquished the Turditans, which brought in Hannibal against the Saguntines, & made them tributaries to the Saguntines, & drive the Carthaginians wholly out of Spain, and redeemed all the Saguntine slaves, which Hannibal had sold, after the taking of the town; and recalled from all parts, such as were escaped, to repeople the town: So well affectionated were these old Romans, to leave nothing behind, whereby they might make known, That a public Faith, was the thing of the world, which they had in most singular recommendation. jugurtha king of Numidia in Africa, slew wickedly his two brethren, the natural Sallust. de bello jugurth. and legitimate children of good king Micipsa, who left his kingdom, as well to the said children, as to the said jugurtha, his adoptive son, borne of his brother: The Romans which greatly loved that good king Micipsa, were much grieved, that this adoptive, had dealt so wickedly with them, unto whom the kingdom better belonged than to him (yet he had both spoiled, and withal bereft them of their lives:) Notwithstanding, he desiring to go to Rome, they gave him a safe conduct to go and return, because he made the Senate believe that he would justify himself: When he came at Rome, he sought (for his justification) to obtain friends by great presents; but he could no way cause his fact to be approved; yet he returned into his kingdom in all assurance: for although he merited well, by reason and justice to have been stayed, seeing the execrable act which he had committed, and that it appertained to the Romans, to do justice thereof, because they had the protection of the children of Micipsa, yet notwithstanding saith Sallust, the public Faith got the victory. After that the emperor Nerva, was chosen emperor, he entered into the Senate, Dion. in Nerva. when it was assembled, and after he made them understand how kindly and temperately, he meant to behave himself in the government of the empire, he added for a conclusion an oath and promise, That never by his ordinance and command, he would put to death any Senator: A thing which greatly pleased all the company, and especially because that cruel emperor Domitian his predecessor, whom he succeeded, had caused a great number to die, yea for frivolous and trifling causes: What followed? It happened that certain Senators conspired against that good emperor, and that the conspiration was discovered: but that good prince seeing that the conspirators were Senators, and that he had given to them all, his Faith and oath, that he would cause none of them to die, loved better to observe his Faith and oath, than to punish with death those Senators, which had well merited it: What will our Machiavellists say here, which most cruelly put to death & massacre against public Faith, even such as no way have deserved any punishment. But it is time to leave those ancient Roman examples (for we should never Beliay. lib▪ 1. Of his memories. have done to rehearse them all) now let us come to domestical examples. In the year 1508, king Lewis the twelfth (who then held the duchy of Milan) made a league at Cambray, with the emperor Maximilian, and pope julius the eleventh, to expulse at their common charge and expenses, the Venetians, out of the firm land, as usurpers of that they held, upon the empire, upon the Church, and upon the duchy of Milan: And it was accorded, that in the year following, at a convenient and good time, every one of the said three princes shoule appear upon the place with his army, and every man should have that yielded unto him, that was his own, after they had conquered the said countries, which the Venetians held: The king according to this accord, came himself in person, with his army, and many great princes and French lords, but the emperor and the pope failed: Yet the king feeling himself strong enough alone, gave battle to the Venetians, and got the victory, insomuch as their chieftains were taken, and 2000 slain, and almost all the towns, which the Venetians had on firm land, yielded to him: What then did this good king? although the other two held not their Faiths unto him, and that having then the duchy of Milan, he alone might easily have kept, all that he had conquered, yet notwithstanding he voluntarily yielded to the emperor, Verone, Vicence, Padua, and otherplaces belonging to the empire, and to the Pope, Rimini, Faence, Cervia, Ravenna, and other church towns: Hereby this good king showing in what great recommendation he had the observation of his Faith, and to maintain whole and perfect his promise: For if with excuses, he would have dealt deceitfully, to have broken his Faith (as Machiavelli saith he ought to have done) had he not a fair pretext, to say that others had not held promise with him, might he not have the said, that he was nor bound to reconquer theirs at his own charges, by the traict of their league? Might he not well have beaten the Pope with his own Cannons, alleging as before. Frangenti fidem, fides frangatur eidem: But he was a plain man, without guile, and sincere, he sought no evasions or refuges, but an upright observer of his Faith and promise, yet Machiavelli reprehends him, because he used not deceits and tromperyes, as the pope's Alexander & julius did. The memory is yet fresh, of the great wars which the emperor Charles the fifth, and Francis the first, king of France had together: as also how they objected Bellay. lib. 8. Of his memories. one to another, the observation of Faith in their public escripts and writings, yet whatsoever imputations were laid by one to another, experience manifested the truth in the year 5539, when the emperor under the word of the king passed through France, to go from Spain into Flanders, where the people of Gant were risen up against him, for in that passage, the emperor showed well that he believed, the king was a prince, who would keep his Faith unviolated, when he trusted his own person under it, notwithstanding all the wars, enmities, hostilities, and other differences which had so often happened betwixt them two, and were not yet extinguished: And certain it is, that if the emperor (who was a wise prince) had had the least doubt in the world of the king's Faith and loyalty, he would never have put himself in his hands, and especially for so small an occasion, as in haste to go build a citadel, in the town of Gant; insomuch as his fact, contradicteth his mouth and word: For before he had many times given an intimation to the king, not to hold and observe sincerely his Faith, but as by his own fact, he showed that he believed the contrary of that he had said, so found he by experience that the king was the part he played with the king of Armenia, succeeded not alike unto him; which king he sent for, to come unto him, being then nigh his country, making him to understand, that he would agree him, with his children, with which then the king had some dissension: For as soon as he came to him, he caused him to be taken prisoner, and to be bound, and to be cast into a strait prison, as he had done with Augarus: But the Armenians having discovered this perfidy and disloyalty, rose up in arms, and would not submit themselves under the obedience of that perfidious Caracalla. He also played another part of treachery, under the pretext and show of marriage, with the king of the Parthians, Artabanus: For he writ letters unto him, whereby he signified unto him, that the empire of the Romans, and that of the Parthians, were the two greatest empires of the world; and that he being the son of a Roman emperor, could not find a party more sociable unto him for a wife, than the daughter of Artabanus, king of the Parthians: he therefore prayed him, to give her to him in marriage, to the end to ally and join together the greatest empires of the earth, as thereby also to impose an end to their wars: This king at the first denied him his daughter, saying, that such a marriage was very unfit, because of the diversity of their tongues, manners, and habits; as also for that the Romans never heretofore allied or married with the Parthians: But upon this refuse, Caracalla insisted and pressed him more strongly than before, and sent to Artabanus great gifts, so that in the end he gave to him his daughter: Whereupon Caracalla assuring himself, that he should find no hostility in the Parthian country, entered boldly far into the country with his army, making men understand, wheresoever he passed, that he went but for to see and make love to the king's daughter: On the other side, Artabanus prepared himself and his retinue, in as good order as was possible, without any army, to go meet his new son in law: What did this perfidious Caracalla? As soon as the two parties were joined, and that king Artabanus came nigh him to salu●e and embrace him, he commanded his soldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians: Then strait the Romans embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians, with great blows of swords and other arms, as enemies, and as if there had been an assigned battle, in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians; but the king Artabanus, with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficulty and danger: So that this simuled and disguised marriage, although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends, yet were they sorrowful to many poor Parthians. Artabanus being saved, determined well to revenge himself of that villainy and treachery: but Macrinus relieved him of that pain, who within a little time after, slew that monster Caracalla, who was already descried through all the world because of his perfidy. Besides, that perfidy and violation of Faith, is the cause, that none will believe nor Perfidy is the cause of the ruin of the perfidous. trust them which once have used it, yet proceeds there another upon it: which is, That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the total destruction & ruin of the perfidious and disloyal person. The example above alleged of Hannibal, may well serve to prove it: for his treachery was first a cause that none would trust him: secondly, it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or means, enterprised to play another part of perfidy, which forced him to poison himself. We have also in another place before, recited the example of Virius, and other Capuans, to the number of seven and twenty, which desperately slew themselves, because they had broken their Faith with the Romans: But amongst other examples, that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable: This king promised Scipio, that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians. The Carthaginians knowing this, found means to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9 & 10. Dec. 3. a fair Carthaginian damosel, called Sophonisba, one of a great house, who by her enticements so drew him into her nets, that she caused him to break his Faith with Scipio, and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians (by the marriage of Sophonisba) whereby they accorded, that they would have alike friends and enemies. Scipio being hereof advertised, was much both astonished and grieved, yet he thought it good resolution not to attend, whilst the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together: He then so hasted, that he placed his army before king Syphax, who was going with thirty thousand for the help of the Carthaginians, and overcame all those succours: insomuch, as Syphax himself was taken prisoner, his horse having been slain under him, & was brought alive to Scipio; who demanded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs, which he had so solemnly sworn betwixt his hands: This poor captive king confessed, that an enraged folly had drawn him unto it by the means of the Carthaginians, which gave him that pestilent fury, Sophonisba, who by her flatteries and enticements had bereft him of his understanding. After, this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome, & died miserably, & his kingdom brought under the obedience of the Romans, which gave a good part of it to Massinissa, another king of Numidia, who had ever been loyal and faithful unto them in the observation of their Faith: So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdom by his perfidy and breach of Faith, and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour, and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdom, for rightly observing his Faith and loyalty. Charles the simple, king of France, in his time made strong war upon Robert, Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine, and vanquished him in a battle nigh Soissons, where duke Robert was slain. Heber, county de Vermandois, brother in law of that Robert, was so grieved and displeased at that overthrow, that he enterprised a part of perfidy and villainy, to catch the king his sovereign lord: therefore with a countenance of amity, he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone, whither the king came with many other great princes and lords: but the said county caused them all to be taken prisoners, and shut them within the castle of Perone: Afterward he enlarged all the said princes and lords, upon condition of their promises, never to bear arms against him, but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle, where he died within two years after. Lewis (the third of that name) his son, succeeded him in the crown; who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon county Heber, fearing some insurrection in his kingdom, because of his great kindred and friends: yet at the last he also made a great and solemn feast, unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdom, and even county Heber, and his friends and kinsfolks: As they were all assembled at that feast, behold there arrived out of England a currier (a thing feigned by king Lewis) who (booted and spurred) fell upon his knees before the king, and presented letters unto him on the king of England's part: The king took those letters, and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor, the rather to deceive: As soon as he had read them, the king began to smile and say on high to the company: Truly men say true, that the English are not wise: My cousin of England sends me word, that in his country a rustical & clownish man had summoned his lord (whose subject he is) to a dinner at his house; and as soon as he came there, he took and detained him prisoner, and after strangled him, and villainously caused him to die: Therefore he sends me word, to have the opinion of the princes, barons, and lords of France, to know what justice should be done upon that subject: I must make him an answer, and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices. What think you (said he to the county de Blois the most ancient) to this matter my good cousin? The county de Blois answered, that his opinion was, That the said rustical fellow should die ignominiously, and that according to his desert. All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion, yea, even Heber, county de Vermandois. Then took the king the word, and said: County de Vermandois, I judge thee and condemn thee to death by thine own word: for thou knowest, that in the show of friendship, and under the shadow of a feast in thy house, thou didst invite my dead father, and being come, thou retainedst him and brought him most villainously to his death: therefore by thine own confession thou dost merit a most ignominious death. Strait after, the king commanded that he should be hanged and strangled, which was done: So this perfidious and disloyal Heber received the reward of his perfidy and breach of Faith, as he himself judged to have merited. Edward king of England, the second of that name, was much governed by the Frois. lib. 1. cap. 5. 13, 14. house of the Spensers, which took upon them the handling of all the affairs of the kingdom, and despised far greater lords than themselves: The said king having lost a battle at Esturmelin against the Scots, all England imputed the evil luck of that loss unto the evil government of the Spensers. They believing that the great lords of England, which envied their credit, had caused this brute to be sown, resolved to take vengeance thereof, by a most perfidious & disloyal means: For they persuaded the king to convocate a general assembly of States, to advise and provide (as they gave to understand) for the affairs of the kingdom: The princes and lords of the kingdom not doubting any thing, assembled at the king's command: But incontinent as they were assembled, king Edward (whom the Spensers had persuaded, that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdom from him) commanded them to be taken, & arrested prisoners: which was done; and without any knowledge of cause, he cut off the heads from two and twenty of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdom: and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster, the king's uncle, who was a good and a sage prince, and who after was cannonized and sainted. This perfidy joined with cruelty (for commonly the one goeth with the other) was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England, of his royalty, as unworthy to carry the crown, and was confined to prison, where he finished his days: And the Spensers, authors of such disloyalty, were executed and rigorously punished, according to their merits: For after they had been drawn on hurdles through the streets all over the city of Herford; their privy parts were first cut away and cast into the fire; then were their hearts taken out of their bellies, and also cast into the fire; after their heads were cut off and carried to London; and the bodies of every of them were quartered, and every quarter carried into other several towns, to be set on the tops of their great gates, in detestation of their great perfidy and disloyalty, which they used towards the said lords. It was also a great perfidy in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne, in that he De Comines, lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France, to come to him with good assurance, and then took him prisoner, and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh, who making his process at Paris, his head was cut off in the place de Greve. True it is, that the said county had committed great faults, as well against the king, as against the duke: he had also always studied to nourish war betwixt the said two princes; yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonourable and infamous thing, for the duke to take him prisoner, after he had given him his faith and assurance, by the safe conduct which he granted him: For if he had not been, he had (according to his determination) with his silver, fled into Almaigne, & from thence in time he might have made his peace, and again have come into the king's favour: But he was deceived as before: and the said perfidy was so much the more infamous and dishonest, because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne, for the covetousness to gain the towns of S. Quinten, Han and Bohain, which belonged to the said county, which the king gave to the said duke, to the end, he would deliver and betray him. But behold the just judgement of God, who permitted, that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith he had beaten the county of S. Pol: for being twice overthrown at Granson and Morat, by the Suissers, the siege of Nus, succeeding evil unto him, and also, having lost the duchy of Lorraine (which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine, who conquered it) all these traverses and troubles engendered such grief, sadness, and confusion in his spirit, and great indisposition in his person, that he was never after whole, either in body or mind: His wits thus coming into decay, there came into his brain a distrust of his own subjects, and therefore thought good to serve himself with strangers, and to choose a loyal and faithful nation, he addressed himself to a county de Campobache, an Italian, and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service, as he did. This was the last act of the Tragedy of his life: For this county de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy, which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged, and there was slain in an assault, which the duke of Lorraine gave him, to constrain him to raise the siege. And so in like sort, as by perfidy and violating of his faith, he had caused the constable of S. Pol, to lose both life and goods: so by the treason and perfidy of Campobache, he both lost his life and his house was ruinated and ●ent in pieces, which was the greatest house in Christendom, next unto that of France. He should never have done, that would set down all the calamities & mischiefs proceeding of perfidy and breach of public Faith. It caused the ruin of Carthage the great in Africa, which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweals that ever was in the world. It was the only ruin of Corinth, of Thebes, of Calchis, which were three of the greatest, fairest, and richest cities of Greece. It was the cause of jerusalems' destruction and of all the country of judea: yea, briefly, there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world, were it of cities, commonweals, kingdoms, empires, great captains, great monarches, or of strong and flourishing nations, but it came upon perfidy and the breach of Faith. True it is, that it draweth at the tail with her cruelty, avarice, and other like companions: but yet perfidy is the mistress and governess of all: She breaketh peace; she reneweth and strange wars; she troubleth people & nations which are quiet; she destroyeth and impoverisheth them; she overthroweth right and equity; she profaneth and defileth holy and sacred things; she banisheth and chaseth away all piety, justice, and the fear of God; she bringeth in Atheism and contempt of all religion; she defaceth all amity and natural affection towards parents, our country, and nation; she confoundeth all politic order; she abrogateth good laws and customs: Finally, what mischiefs hath there ever been in the world, which that hideous monster (Perfidy) hath not engendered: Assuredly, it is an Allecto, an infernal fury, excited and called lately from hell, to the vexation and Perfidy an infernal fury. Subtle palliations are not profitable. Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 3. utter overthrow of this poor world. And as for that which Machiavelli saith, That a man may find reasons and covertures to cloak and colour the breach of Faith, this hath no place amongst good men which respect their honour, which also repute palliations but trumperies and frauds, and do make men's perfidies but the worse and more damnable. The Carthaginians after the first Punic war, made a treaty of peace with Caius Luctatius, lieutenant general of the Roman army, upon which treaty, Luctatius made this reservation; Under the good pleasure of the Senate and Roman people: This treaty pleased not the Romans; and therefore as soon as they were advertised thereof, they certified the Carthaginians, that they would not ratify it. Not long after, Asdrubal, lieutenant general of the Carthaginian army, made another treaty with the Romans, wherein they comprehended the Saguntines: This treaty a long time was observed on both sides, yet the Carthaginians, never expressly, only secretly, approved and ratified it: At the end of which time, the Carthaginians sent Hannibal to besiege Saguntum, which they took and ruinated. The Romans after this, sent ambassadors to Carthage, to know wherefore the Carthaginians had done contrary to the treaty of peace made with Asdrubal, wherein expressly the Saguntines were comprehended. The Carthaginians in their Senate would have cloaked and coloured this fact (according to Machiavels' counsel) with certain fond subtleties, saying, that they never ratified the treaty made by Asdrubal, and that it was as well lawful for them to disavow that which Asdrubal had done therein, as the Romans had abrogated the truce of Luctatius. This colour seemed to have some appearance in it, but being more narrowly entered into, nothing will be discovered, but deceit and fallacy: For there must a greater estimation be made of a ratification by Deed, than by Word, as the assurance of Deeds is far greater than that of Words: so that the Carthaginians, which by the space of many years had approved effectually the treaty of Asdrubal, could by no means afterward reprove it, as also because in that truce there was no reservation contained, as there was in the treaty of Luctatius: The Roman ambassadors then espying the palliation and quarreling deceit of the Carthaginians, vouchsased not otherwise to reply, but to present to their choice, either peace or war: The Carthaginians left that choice to the Romans, which choosed war; by which the Carthaginians lost themselves and their country: And this came of their deceitfulness and breach of Faith. Not unworthy the rehearsal, are the subtle distinctions of king Antiochus his Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 4. ambassador unto Titus Quintius, lieutenant general of the Roman army, then resident in Greece, to defend the Greek towns in their liberties against that barbarous king. This king perceiving his affairs, could not well succeed against the powers of the Romans, which by the Grecians themselves were drawn into Greece, purposed to seek peace without any further hazard: Quintius made Menippus and Hegesianax, the king's ambassadors, to understand, that the only mean of peace was, that their king should avoid Europe, and leave Greece at liberty: Hereunto Menippus replied by goodly distinctions well trussed together, whereby he showed, that there are three kinds of confederations and treaties of peace: one, with such as are vanquished by war, unto whom the vanquishers may give law: the second kind, when two enemies, equal in forces, do make peace without battle; in which kind, as they are like in force, so ought the compacts and conditions of peace to be alike and equal: and the third is, when they which never were enemies before, are reduced to amity and confederation, in which kind, neither of them ought to give law to the other: adding to this distinction, that the king their master was of this third kind, and that therefore they were abashed, that Quintius would give him a law, saying, That he must needs avoid Europe. Quintius, who was nothing expert in making distinctions, unless it were with the sword, although otherwise of good natural sense: Well (said he) you have made me a distinction, and I will make you another: There are two kinds of wars; the one may be made in Asia, the other may be made in Europe: Touching the last kind, the Romans have just cause to enterprise wars against your master for the guard of the towns of Greece, lest they should fall into the hands of Antiochus, according as they have preserved them from the hands of Philip king of Macedon: and as for the first kind, the Romans are content not to deal at all: and if king Antiochus your master will make war in Asia, let him do it, we will not hinder him. The said ambassadors (which accounted to have brought much to pass by their subtle distinction) were much astonished, when they heard this contradistinction of Quintius: for they could not reply one word: And in the end there was no remedy but Antiochus must pass (by the distinction of Quintius) to avoid Europe. Hereby is seen, that such subtleties and palliations in treaties of peace and observation of Faith, are but ridiculous things: For the affairs of the world ought to be governed by a common sense and solid judgement, and not by subtleties of distinctions, which should be sent unto Sophisters and Logicians, to maintain their arguments in schools. The Grecians have always been great masters in subtleties (as their writings Thusi. lib. 1 de bello Pe●o. show) yea, too much: for often it hath happened, that determining to govern the affairs of their commonweals, rather by subtle reasons, than by arguments founded upon good judgement, they have overthrown themselves into utter ruins and confusions. Hereof there is a very memorable example in the Peloponesiake war described by Thucydides, which endured eight and twenty years, and well nigh ruinated all Greece from top to toe, as we say: for it was founded upon a subtlety of small importance. This was the matter: Two of the greatest commonweals of all Greece were the commonweals of the Athenians & of the Lacedæmonians, for all the rest were small in comparison of them, and were in a conjunction by a association either with the one or the other, except some few, as that of the Corcyrians, which neither associated with the Athenians nor with the Lacedæmonians. These two great commonweals had a treaty of confederacy together, wherein amongst other articles there was one which said, That if any of the cities of Greece, which were not then leagued with either the one or the other of the commonweals, would associate themselves either to one or the other, they lawfully might. But so it happened, that the Corcyrians had war against the Corinthians, which were associated with the Lacedæmonians: insomuch, as the Corcyrians feeling themselves weak, practised to enter into league and society with the Athenians, showing them, that they might receive them into their society: The Corinthians on the contrary demonstrated to the Athenians, That if they received the Corcyrians into their society, to aid them in this war against them, it were to do against the said article, the which was to be understood in the wholesomest and best sense, and not to the detriment and ruin of the confederates: and that such as would so interpret it, That it were lawful for the Athenians to receive the Corcyrians into their society, for them to war upon the Lacedæmonians, Corinthians, and other confederates, comprehended in the said treaty, should be an interpretation to an evil sense, too easily making an overture to break the said treaty of peace, after the appetite of a third, which was no confederate: And that therefore the said article must of necessity be understood, in such manner, as the reception of new associates might be without the damage and prejudice of such as were comprehended in that confederation. The Corcyrians replied, That although in the said article be not expressed, that it should be lawful to receive associates, to make war against confederates or others: yet must it be so understood, especially, when new associates make war for a good right and just quarrel, as ours is (said they) against the Corinthians: and that the treaty could not be violated, neither is the interpretation contrary to equity, whensoever men will maintain right and reason. The Athenians made no account of the interpretation of the said treaty which the Corinthians set before them, although it was conformable and agreeing to the sense and equity of that confederation, but rather held it better to stick unto the Corcyrians: On the other side, the Lacedæmonians banded themselves for the Corinthians their associates, as reason required, and by that means those two great commonweals were brought to the skirmish of war one against another, by means of the Corcyrians and Corinthians, which set them together by the ears. After the Athenians and Lacedæmonians entered wars together, they drew after them all the rest of Greece, or the most part into the same skirmish, some of the one part, some of the other: but this Peloponnesiack war was great, cruel, long, and such as had almost utterly overthrown the estate of Greece upside down: and all this came upon the captious interpretation (contrary to all equity and reason) which the Corcyrians made of the foresaid article of the treaty of confederation. In like manner was the subtle disputation of such as caused Pompeius, that famous Plutarch. in Pomp. captain, to die. After Pompeius had lost the battle of Pharsalia against Caesar, he embarked on the sea with his wife & certain of his friends, hoovering about Egypt, hoping there to be welcome, and entertained by the young king Ptolomaeus, in consideration of the pleasures which he had sometimes done to his father. At his approaching the land of Egypt, he sent a messenger in a boat to that young king, who was in the town of Pelusium, to know if he would receive him in assurance: But indeed the king's affairs were then managed by three base persons, which understood nothing less, than well to govern affairs of State, whereof the first was a mean chamberlain of his; and the other two, Theodotus the Rhetorician his schoolmaster, and Achillas his domestical servant: These three venerable persons fell to counsel, to deliberate what answer the king their master should make to Pompeius: At the beginning they differed in opinion, one saying, that it were good to receive him, and the other, not: But in the end all three accorded in the worst opinion they could have taken, which was, to receive Pompey, and to slay him: Which opinion, this goodly Rhetorician Theodotus persuaded to the other two by his subtle reasons. If we receive Pompeius (saith he) certain it is, we shall have Caesar for an enemy, and Pompeius for a master: If we receive him not, they will be both our enemies; Pompey for rejecting him, and Caesar, because we have not stayed him: But if we receive him, and put him to death, Caesar will thank us, and Pompeius cannot revenge himself upon us, nor endamage us: for a dead man is no warrior. Upon these goodly reasons of that subtle rhetorician, the conclusion was taken by these three bad people, to put to death this great person Pompeius, who had had so many triumphs and victories in his life, & who had seen to wait on him sometimes five or six great kings at once, to entreat him as an arbitror of their contentions and differences. If these bad Counsellors had considered the greatness of Pompeius, who had so many parents and friends, virtuous and great lords, as also the magnanimity of Caesar, which would vanquish by true force, and not by perfidies and treasons, they would never have stayed upon the cold and foolish subtleties of this gentle Rhetorician, and they would not have concluded the death of so great a man: But yet they concluded it, and executed their conclusion, causing Pompey to die, as soon as he had taken port in Egypt: But it was not long ere they received the reward of their perfidy, founded upon that subtlety: for Caesar soon after arrived in Egypt, unto whom Pothinus and Achillas presented the head of Pompeius, thinking greatly to pleasure him: Caesar turned his face backward, because he would not see him, and begun to weep, and withal commanded to put Pothinus and Achillas to death, which had proffered him that present, which was presently done: And that subtle reason of Theodotus, who persuaded them, that Caesar would thank them for their murder, was not found true. Theodotus seeing this execution, and finding himself very culpable, fled, and yet lived certain years, miserably wandering and begging here and there, fearing (being known) to be massacred of the world, which every where had him in execration: But in the end, after the death of Caesar, Brutus by chance light upon him, and caused him to die miserably, after he had made him endure infinite torments. Behold the end of those three Counsellors of that young king Ptolomaeus, who also by their evil conduction made but a poor end: for he was slain in a battle nigh Nile, and none could ever find his body. Would to God such as resemble at this day these three Counsellors, might receive semblable guerdon and reward as they did, to learn them to conclude the committing of massacres and the use of perfidies and treasons, which will not fail them in the end: for God is just. But the scoff which Theodotus alleged in the forementioned counsel, That a dead man makes no war, is at this day ordinarily in the mouths of our Italianized courtiers, & thereupon they ground their counsels, to slay and massacre all such as they hate: We must (say they) slay this and that man, it is good to dispatch them, for a dead man makes no war: But if a man reply upon them, that a dead man yet may because of war, although he can make no war: what would they answer? Dare they deny so apparent a thing, as we see with our eyes, and whereof histories furnish us with infinite examples. Lewis duke of Orleans, king Charles the sixth his brother, after the duke john of Bourgoigne had caused him to be slain, made no war indeed, but yet was the cause of a war in France, which endured more than sixty years. Pompeius' after he was slain, made no more war: but his death was the cause of a great and long war, in the Roman empire. The violating and judges, 19, 20. death of a Levites wife, was it not the cause of a war, wherein there died more than sixty thousand men. They which were slain at Vassi, Anno 1562, drew not they on a war, which endured too long? They also which were slain in Anno 1572, in the month of August by the great towns of France, but especially Paris; were not they cause of great wars? It is therefore a foul and an inconsiderate saying, to allege, that a dead man makes no war, thereupon to found their massacres and slaughters, without considering the consequences thereof. Hereupon is very memorable, the speech that Geta the young prince made to the emperor Severus his Spar. in Geta father. Severus having vanquished Albinus and Niger his competitors to the empire, begun to make a great slaughter of the greatest lords and gentlemen of Rome, which had taken part with Albinus or Niger, because they were of a more noble house than Severus: As then, day by day he was committing his slaughter, he one day said unto Bassianus & Geta his children (as men spoke of that fact) I shall by this means ease you of all your enemies: Hereupon Geta his son demanded of him: My lord and father, them which you mean to put to death, are they a great number? Yea (answered Severus) and told him the number: All they (replied he) have they neither parents, allies, nor friends? Yea, they have many (said Severus:) You then (said Geta) will leave us more enemies than you take from us. This wise speech of this young prince, touched so well the heart of Severus (although he was cruel) that he would needs cease from his slaughter, but that Plautianus and other courtiers, which attended the enriching of themselves by confiscations, incited him to continue. Let murderers than hold themselves assured, that for one they have slain, they stir up ten enemies: And yet is not this all: for all the rest of their life they have souls and consciences tormented with the remembrance of such as they have most wickedly murdered: and the shadows and remembrances of them shall always be before their eyes, as a fear and terror unto them. O how the shadow of that great Admiral shall strangely torment these great enterprisers of massacres! it will never leave them at rest, but shall be a burning flame, which shall aghast and fearfully accompany them even to their sepulchers. Let them then hearken unto the menace and threatening he makes in his tomb against them: Although the soul from body mine cold death hath ravished, Virgil Aene. lib. 4. Yet absent I will follow thee, yea, with a flame full black My shadow always shall appear about thee as one dead, Which shall revenge on thee my blood, thou, who no ill dost lack. I thought good by the way to touch, what war the dead makes or what cause of war they are, to refute that saying of the Machiavellians, That a dead man makes no war. Let us now come where we left, Of subtleties, which we say ought not to be practised in the government of the affairs of State, and that thereby none may cover any perfidy. When Hannibal had gotten the battle of Cannae, against the Romans, he took a great number of prisoners, and because he more loved money, for their ransom, than to hold them, he sent a certain number of them to Rome, to practise and work their redemption, but he made them swear and promise, that they would return to him, and so did let them go upon their Faith: But one advised himself of a subtle device when he came at Rome, to return no more, yet none should say he broke his Faith: For having passed a good piece of his way towards Rome, he suddenly returned back again to Hannibal, feigning he had forgotten something; after again followed his companions, and so they all came to Rome: But their affairs coming to be debated in the Senate, none would yield to redeem the prisoners; insomuch as they all which came to Rome for that purpose, returned very sad to Hannibal's camp, except he which returned by the way, who with these came not to the camp, but remained in his house, thinking he was well discharged of his Faith and oath: But when the Senate heard tell of the fallacious and deceitful return of the said soldier, so unworthy and unseemly for a Roman, they commanded him to be drawn out of his house, and by force to be led unto Hannibal. Hereby you may see then, that no wise people of good judgement (such as were the ancient Romans) can approve such subtle palliations and covertures of an infraction and breach of Faith, such as Machiavelli persuadeth to a prince. A like deceit was in the king of France, Philip the sixth of that name: for having Froisart, lib. 1. cap. 10. made an oath (as almost all his ancestors, kings of France had done) never to run over or attempt to besiege, or take any thing belonging to the empire; yet desiring the castle of Tin; the Bishops nigh to Cambray (which troubled him much) caused his son the duke of Normandy, as the chief general of the army, to besiege it, and himself went thither also, as a simple soldier, without any command at all: By which subtlety the king Philip could not save his oath; for he that doth any thing by a mediator, is as much as if he had done it himself, neither did the deceit succeed well unto him: for both the duke of Normandy was constrained to raise his siege, from before the castle, and not long after the king lost the battle at Cressy. The emperor Valentinian, in his time was cruel in his actions and dealings, Amm. Marel. lib. 28. and had many officers like himself: Amongst other such, there was a criminal judge called Maximus, who as he examined certain criminal persons, promised them if they would confess the truth▪ they should suffer no punishment, either of sword or fire: These poor accused persons (as often men do) confessed things they had never perpretated, trusting upon his Faith and promise: But this wicked judge caused them to be beaten down and slain with leaden hammers, thinking by this cavillation to save his oath: God would, that for a recompense he should after be hanged and strangled, under the emperor Gratianus, a gentle and kind prince: For it often happeneth, that such cruel judges, which have bestowed great pains to make their diligence allowed of the cruel princes, have been after paid their wages and received their due recompense, of some good prince succeeding. Nabis was a tyrant, who without right or title got sovereign possession of the commonwealth of the Lacedæmonians, and there committed many cruelties and Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 4. indignities: The Aetolians (a furious and cruel kind of people) esteemed that it would be a great glory and honour unto them, if they could slay this tyrant any way, and that all Greece, especially the Lacedæmonians, would thank them: So they enterprised to join themselves unto him, under a pretext and show of Faith and socie●●e the better to overthrow him. Alexamenes was deputed captain and conductor, of the Aetolian forces, to effect that enterprise, who did so much, as he entered into league and confederation with Nabis, who at that time greatly feared the Romans: This league being past, Alexamenes persuaded Nabis, that both together they must often exercise their soldiers, by bringing them into the fields to wrestle, leap, skirmish, and practise other military exercises, to shun idleness, and to make them good soldiers: Nabis believed him, insomuch as one day being in the field together, Alexamenes came behind him, and threw him clean over his horse with a blow he gave him, and then presently caused him to be slain and massacred. This being done, Alexamenes & his people returning towards the town of Sparta from whence they departed, thinking to seize upon the castle, to guard themselves, from all assaults of the tyrants friends, but they could not obtain it: For the Lacedæmonians so disdained & grieved at that most perfiidious & villanus part of the Aetolians against their king Nabis (although they desired no more than his death) that they furiously rushed upon the Aetolians, which were dispersed through the town, (and looked not for their pains to be so recompensed) that they slew them almost all, and amongst them Alexamenes himself: such as escaped the sword were taken prisoners and sold. For the last example of this matter, I will set down that of joab, David nephew 2. Samuel. 2. 3. 20. 1 Kings. 2. and constable, unto whom he did good and great services: Yet David commanded Solomon his son, that he should put to death joab his cousin german (as he did) because of his perfidy: for he had slain Abner and Amasa (too other great captains) traitorously, under the colour of amity. joab seemed to have great causes to justify his fact: For Abner had slain Asahel, joabs brother, and therefore joab could not but receive just sorrow and feeling thereof: Moreover Abner had followed the contrary part to David, standing for the house of Saul: Amasa was a rebel and a seditious person against David, and had followed Absalon's part; so it was evident, if joab had had our Machivellists, judges of his fact, they would not only have adjudged him innocent, but for a remuneration they would have made him some great amends, with the goods of Abner and Amasa: but the judgement of David, which he made at his death, against his sister's son, who had done him infinite good and great services, showed well how execrable and detestable joabs perfidy was to him: And hereby princes have to learn, to imitate this holy and wise king, by whose mouth God teacheth them, that they ought to observe their Faith and promise, yea to their damage; a doctrine fully contrary to the doctrine of this filthy and wicked Machiavelli. To conclude, Perfidy is so detestable a thing, both to God and the world, that God never leaveth perfidious and Faith-breaking persons unpunished: Oftentimes he waits not to punish them in the other world, but plagnes them in this, yea often strangely and rigorously, by exterminating (as it were) in a moment all their race, wives; and children, as the Poet Homer (although a Panim) hath wisely taught us, saying: Though strait the God of heaven lay not his punishment divine, Homer. Ili. 4 At all times on the perfidious for his great perjury: Yet neither he himself, nor child can scape his ire in fine, No nor his wife, but all destroyed by hand of his shall be. 22. Maxim. Faith, Clemency, and Liberality, are virtues very damageable to a prince, but it is good, that of them, he have only some similitude and likeness. THere is no necessity (saith our Florentine) that a prince Cap. 18. Of the prince. should be garnished with all these virtues, but it is requisite that he have an appearance of them: For I dare well say this, that having and observing them in all places, they will fall out mervelous damageable unto him: And contrary, the mask and semblance of them is very profitable: and indeed we see, each day by experience, that a prince is often constrained to go from his Faith, and from all charity, humanity, and religion, to conserve and defend his own; which verily he shall incontinent lose, if exactly he will observe all points, which make men to be esteemed virtuous. MAchiavell sets here down three virtues, Faith, Clemency, and Liberality, which he reproveth in a prince as damageable and pernicious, effectually to use them: But whosoever can recover the masks and similitudes of them, as they are naturally portrayed, he shall do well to adorn and deck himself with them, as whores and courtesans do, which apparel themselves like women of honour, to make men believe that they are honest and good women: But I will not stand here upon invectives, to confute, or cause men to detest such a filthy doctrine: For what man is so brutal or ignorant, that seethe not with his eye, how Machiavelli delights to mock & play, with the most excellent virtues amongst men? As for the Faith which is and aught to be amongst men (for Machiavelli speaks not of the Faith, which is towards God) we have discoursed upon it, in the former Maxim: And as for Liberality, we shall speak upon it in another place: Hear we will speak of Clemency, and examine machiavels doctrine, whether this doctrine can be damageable to a prince or no? To show that Clemency cannot be damageable, but profitable to him, unto Clemency profitable & honourable to such as are clement. whom God imparteth that grace, to be endued therewith, an argument drawn from the contrary concludes well and evidently for this purpose: For if cruelty (which is directly contrary to Clemency) be pernicious and damageable to him, that is infected therewith, as we have above showed: It followeth, that clemency, and gentleness is both profitable and honourable to him that is endued and adorned therewith: And indeed it is a virtue, both agreeable and amiable with every man, which bringeth to whatsoever person it dwelleth in, favour, grace, amity, honour, and good will of every man to do him pleasure: All which are affections that can never be idle, nor without some operation of their natural effects, as the fire cannot be without his heating, nor light without shining: so that, a man debonair and gentle (I speak of all men in general, but especially of a prince) the chief means to obtain the favour, grace, amity, and reverence of the people, he cannot avoid when he will, but feel great utilities, agreeable contentments, pleasures, benefits, great assurance far from all fear, and most exceeding great repose and tranquility in his soul and conscience: But in order to diduce the good effects & utilities, which proceed from clemency: I do advertise the reader, that I speak of that virtue in his most ample signification, according whereunto it comprehendeth, not only mercy and kindness towards offenders, but also bounty, goodness of nature, mansuetude of manners, popularity and facility to accommodate himself to the people's humours, and (to all such as a man hath to command) also humanity, and officious affability towards all men. For briefly, all these aforesaid virtues, are like the honey and sweetness of a well complexioned and settled soul, which sweetness may well be called in one word, Clemency, although according to his diverse effects and respects, men give it diverse names. This natural kindness and bounty of the soul then (which men call Clemency) being in a prince, the first produceth this effect, that she will soften and mitigate the punishments of offenders, yea sometimes will forgive and altogether acquit them, according as the circumstances of the fact, and of the persons do require: For a prince ought well to consider, When, How, To whom, & Wherefore, he pardoneth a fault, because it is not clemency but cruelty (as the king S. Lewis said) when a prince may do justice, and doth it not: But forsomuch as equity is the soul of justice, which oftentimes is repugnant and contrary to the rigour of laws and ordinances, therefore a prince must needs employ his clemency, to bring equity in use, by dispensing with the punishment of offenders, which should suffer by the rigour of laws: But if there be no equity nor available reason to persuade a prince to dispense with the law, then is he bound to do justice, otherwise he merits to be reputed, not clement, but cruel and culpable of the crime, which he would not vouchsafe to punish: And in this point very necessary it is, that a prince be wise and vigilant to guard himself, that he be not surprised nor deceived, and that he use not cruelty in stead of clemency, by the ordinary opportunity of such as sue for pardons: And not to fall into this inconvenience, whensoever the fact is of evil example, and that the commonwealth hath interest therein, the prince ought not to use remission and grace, without knowledge of the cause, and without good counsel. The emperor Marcus Antonine governed himself very wisely in his use of clemency, to such as committed crimes: for as to them which had not perpetrated Capit. & Dio. in Mar●o. Vulc. Gallicanus in Avidio Cassio. great and erroneous faults, and had not taken a custom therein, he mitigated and lenified such punishments, as were ordained by laws, by some other lighter punishment: So in weighty crimes of evil consequence, he was inexorable, & for them had no favour, much less pardon: And in regard of offences committed against himself particularly, he was as prompt and voluntary, to pardon as was possible, and so it appeared in the case of Avidius Cassius: For Cassius being in Esclavonia with a Roman army, hearing a false report, that this good emperor was dead; and believing this fame to be true, he enterprised to make himself emperor, and for such made himself to be known and saluted by his army: After, having certain notice that he was in good health, he was much abashed and withal troubled, that so rashly he had enterprised upon his master's estate: yet notwithstanding he desisted not from holding & carrying himself as an emperor, fearing that some would slay him so soon as he forsook his forces, having so far embarked and engaged himself therein: yet could he not shun that which he so much feared, for he was slain by certain of his captains, which thought thereby greatly to please Marcus Antonine, and carried to him his head: Antonine seeing the head of Cassius, was exceeding grieved and sorrowful thereat, and said to them which brought it, That they should not have slain him, since he had not so commanded, for so had they taken from him the use of mercy: He rather desired they had brought him alive, that he might have reproached the benefits received at his hands, and with reason have showed him how little cause he had to conspire against him, so also might he have showed himself a better friend unto Cassius, than Cassius had done to him. Yea but Sir (replied one of the captains:) What if by sparing the life of Cassius, he had gotten the victory of you? We do not fear that, answered the emperor: for we have not so honoured the gods, nor lived in such sort, as Cassius could have vanquished us. No good princes or very few were at any time vanquished or slain, or despoiled of their estate, but only such as well merited it, as Nero, Caligula, Otho, Vitellius, and other like, which were cruel and full of vices, and like Galba and Pertinax, which were exceedingly given to covetousness, than which vice, nothing becomes a prince worse: But Augustus, trajan, Adrian, our father Antonius Pius, and such like, as they modestly governed, so deceased they honourably and without violence. Cassius was a good and valiant captain, whose fault we desired to have pardoned, because it rather proceeded of temerity than of evil will against us, being persuaded when he made his enterprise, that we had been dead: and although he could never have excused himself, but that he had greatly injured our children, which by right and reason ought to succeed us in our estate, yet would not we have had him to die for that: for if our children merited to succeed us in the empite, Cassius could not have overthrown their estate: but if contrary, Cassius had better deserved than they to govern the comomwealth, and had been better beloved, it had also been reasonable and just he had been emperor. By this answer of that good emperor, a man may see how facile and easy he was to pardon offences against him, which is a very covenable virtue in a prince: for a prince can hardly rigorously punish faults committed against himself, but he shall be taxed and blamed for rigour and cruelty, although the fault merit grievous punishment, as the same emperor witnesseth by his missive rescribed unto the Senate, which made too rigorous a pursuit against the complices of Cassius: And because the said letters contain notable sentences worthy of such a prince, I will here translate them. I pray (saith he) and require you (Masters) that in regard of the Cassian conspiration, you will depose and lay aside your censure, and conserve my piety and clemency, yea, your own, and let none die that be culpable: let no Senator be punished, nor noble blood be shed: let such as are banished, be called again, and let their consiscated goods be yielded unto them again, and would to God that I could revoke and call again to life such as are dead: For there was never found, that a prince committed a good vengeance of his own grief, but it was always thought too rigorous and sharp, though never so just: I would have you then to pardon Cassius his children, his son in law, and his wife: How should I not say pardon, since they have done nothing, let them live in all assurance, and so know that they live under the empire of Marcus: Let them enjoy their father's patrimony, his gold, his silver, and other their goods, that they may be rich, assured, free, and let them be examples of our piety and clemency, also of yours, in the mouth of all the world. Neither (o ye Conscript Fathers) is it any great clemency to pardon the children and wives of such as are banished and condemned, since I demand and pray for pardon, even of the culpable themselves, whether they be Senators or knights, that you may deliver them from death, from confiscations, from infamy, from fear, from envy, & from all injuries, and that you will do this, whilst we reign, that they which were slain in the tumult for enterprising against us, be not defamed. After this missive was read in the Senate house, all the Senators with an honourable acclamation begun to cry, The gods conserve Antonine the clement, Antonine most pitiful, Antonine most merciful: The gods perpetuate thy empire into thy race: We wish all good to thy Wisdom, to thy Clemency, to thy Doctrine, to thy Nobility, and to thy innocency. This acclamation declareth well how amiable & acceptable Clemency makes a prince: for there is nothing in the world that better gains the hearts of men, nor that brings to a prince more reverence and love, than this gentleness and lenity of heart: And indeed this good emperor by his Clemency got thus much, that after his death, all Rome made a certain account, that he was ascended into heaven, as to the place of his original: Because (said they) it was impossible, that so good a soul, endowed with so excellent virtues, should come from any other place than from heaven, either return again to any other place. The very name of Antonine was also so reverenced and loved of all the world from father to son in many years and generations after him, that many emperors his' successors caused themselves to be called antonine, that the rather they might be beloved of the people, though that name belonged not unto them, nor were of the race or family of Marcus Antonine: as did Diadumenus the emperor Macrinus his son and his companion in the empire, and as also did Bassianus and Geta, Severus his children, and Heliogabalus, they were all surnamed antonine. But as this name appertained not unto them, so held they nothing of the virtues of that good emperor, with whose name they decked themselves. Yet many reprehended in Marcus Antonine this his great Clemency, whereby he so easily pardoned such as had conspired against him, saying, That he provided evil for the safety of himself and his children, to suffer conspirators to live: This was but a means to emboulden wicked people to enterprise conspiracies: and amongst others, the empress Faustine his wife, found it evil and of bad consequence, that he punished not rigorously the partakers of Cassius, whereupon he writ a very memorable letter to this effect. Very religiously dost thou (o Faustine, my dear companion) to have care of the assurance of us and our children: but whereas thou admonishest me to punish the complices of Avidius Cassius, I do advertise thee, that I had rather pardon them: for nothing more recommendeth a Roman emperor amongst all nations, than Clemency. That was it which placed julius Caesar in the number of the gods; which hath consecrated Augustus; which gave that most honourable title of Pius, that is, gentle and godly to thy father: Finally, Cassius himself had not been slain, if my advice had been demanded in the slaying of him. I pray thee therefore my dear companion be not afraid, but hold thyself assured under the protection of the gods, who no doubt will guard us, because piety and Clemency are so pleasant and agreeable unto them. For a resolution then, certain it is, that nothing can so become, or is so worthy of a prince to practise, as Clemency, by pardoning such as offend him, and even them which have committed some fault, that may be excused by some equitable reason, and by mitigating the punishments of the law to such, as upon custom commit no excess, and which otherwise are virtuous and valorous people, and their offence not exceeding great and heinous: for if otherwise a prince use his Clemency, without having these considerations before his eyes, his fact will rather hold of cruelty and injustice, than of clemency: but for a man to practise it with a counterpoise and equal balance of equity, justice can be nothing interressed, but rather shall be reduced and applied to his true rule. But assuredly, as a prince's Clemency bringeth to his subjects the fruit of a good equity, so doth it also acquire unto himself this inestimable good, to be beloved of every one, as was Marcus Antonine the emperor. The like happened to Vespasian Sueto. Vesp. Pas. cap. 14. & 15. in ●i●o. cap. 1. & 9 the emperor, who was greatly beloved for his great Clemency and gentleness: for he was so gentle, kind, and clement, that he easily forgot offences committed against him, yea, he would do good to his enemies: As when he married and endowed very richly and honourably the daughter of Vitellius, his enemy, which warred upon him: Moreover, he would never suffer, that any were punished, who did not well deserve it. Likewise his son Titus was so good and clement, that he was never blamed for bearing evil will to any man, & often he had this word in his mouth: That he had rather perish himself, than lose any: He was of the people surnamed, The delights of mankind, for his kindness and Clemency. In like sort trajan, Adrian, Pius, Tacitus, and many other Roman emperors were so beloved and reverenced of their subjects for their natural humanity and Clemency, that they are placed after their deaths in the roll of their gods. Moreover, whensoever a prince shall be soft and clement, there is no doubt but Clemency cause of good works his subjects will imitate him therein: for it is the people's nature to conform themselves unto their prince's manners, as the Proverb saith: The example of the prince's life in all things commonly The subject seeks to imitate with all his possibility. But whensoever subjects do imitate that most excellent virtue of Debonairetie and Clemency, certain also it is, that the whole body of the commonwealth is much better composed, more quiet, and better governed: For when men are given to that virtue, they will withal addict themselves to justice, Temperance, Charity, Piety, and all other virtues, which do ordinarily accompany Clemency, from whence cannot but arise the estate of a most perfect commonwealth. Therefore we read, That in the time of the aforesaid emperor Marcus Antonine, the world Capit. in Marcel. was commonly well reform in good manners: for every man studied to imitate him in his virtues, and especially in his moderation and gentleness; insomuch (saith Capitolinus) as he made many good men of such as were very bad before, and such as were good, he made them better. This is also the cause why debonair and gentle princes are always so praised and esteemed, not only by men of their time, but also by all Historiographers, and all posterity, because they are ordinarily cause of many goods to all their subjects: as by contrary, cruel princes are always defamed during their lives, and after their deaths, because of great mischiefs, whereof they are cause, authors and executors. This is well painted out by Homer, when he saith: A wicked man, full of fierce cruelty, Behind his back of all accursed shall be; Odies. lib. 19 Both during life, and after death also, Defame on him in every place shall go: But contrary, the good and sincere man Will grave in mind his praise all that he can. How all men in each place set forth his praise To borders even of nations strange always. But I do well know, that hereupon the Machiavellists will say and reply, That if a A prince's Clemency is not the cause of evil. prince will be so facile, to pardon and to practise Clemency, he will thereby incite men to take experience of that his virtue, and by consequent provoke them to commit evil and excess, under the hope of impunity: hereunto I answer in a tripartite sort: First I say, That if a prince use Clemency, without derogating from his justice (as above we have said he ought to do) there will follow no impunity of a punishable crime, nor by consequent any provocation to commit any excess punishable: for justice shall always have her course, although by Clemency it may be moderated. Secondly, suppose that the Clemency of a prince might be a means or occasion unto men, to take more licence to do evil, yet could not this take place but in persons of evil nature: for men of good natures and disposition will rather be incited by a prince's clemency to be good like him, by following his virtues, than to be wicked and ungodly thereby: The prince also which shall be endowed with Clemency, will love and follow other virtues, and hate vices, and by consequent will honour and advance virtuous people, and hate and recoil from him such as are vicious: This will cause the wicked, which are inclined to vices, to guard themselves from committing punishable faults: for although they promise to themselves an easiness, to entreat pardon for their faults by the prince's Clemency, yet can they not promise to themselves to be beloved and entertained of him, but rather evil liked and unadvanced. Thirdly, although Clemency cannot but draw with it some iniquity and injustice (as verily a prince cannot so evenly poise and weigh his affairs in the practice of Clemency, but there will be always found within them some injustice) yet that evil which followeth Clemency, is not so great, that we ought therefore altogether to take away Clemency from a prince, from whence proceeds infinite goods, profitable and commodious, as well to the prince himself, and his estate, as to his subjects & the whole commonwealth, as may easily be collected out of that which hath been already said, and shall be spoken hereafter. The ancient Romans do confess, that their facility to pardon, hath many Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 4. times brought wars upon them, as also revoltments of their allies and confederates. But what then? Left they therefore always to show themselves prompt and voluntary to use Clemency towards such as offended them? nay rather it was the virtue, whereof they made greatest estimation, and which they most practised, knowing well, that Clemency was the true foundation of the greatness and estate of the commonwealth. And this is it which the ambassador of the Romans spoke in an assembly of the Aetolians (a people of Greece) which were solicited rather to ally themselves with king Philip of Macedon against the Romans, than with them to renew their alliance. Our ancestors (saith he) have often experimented, and we also have seen, that because ever we have been easy to pardon, we have occasioned many to experiment our Clemency; yet were we never so discouraged, as we would not at all times use equality to such as have broken their Faiths unto us, and such as holily observed them, as also reason will, that such as are loyal and faithful be better beloved, favoured and respected than others: Have we nor warred upon the Samnites, by the space of seventy years? and during this time, how many times have they broken their Faiths? how many times have they risen up against us? yet have we always received them for our allies, after, by marriages have we come to an affinity with them, and finally, we have received them for concitizens into the the town of Rome. The Capuans revoulted from us, to ally themselves with Hannibal; but after we had besieged them, there were more in the town which slew themselves, pressed with an evil conscience, than we caused to die, after we had taken the town by force, and left them their town whole and their goods. Having also vanquished Hannibal, and the Carthaginians, which had done us so many mischiefs and so often broken their Faiths, yet left we them in peace and liberty. Briefly o Aetolians (said he) you should know and believe, that the Roman people will always have Clemency, in most singular recommendation, and you shall do far more for yourselves, to replant yourselves into our amity and alliance, unless you love better to perish with Philip, than to vanquish and prosper with the Romans. Unto this remonstrance of the Roman ambassadors, the Aetolians States would deliver no answer, but amongst themselves resolved secretly, neither to be on the one side, nor the other, and that at the end of the war, they would join themselves to the strongest, which in the end was their bane, yet found they refuge in the Romans Clemency: And verily Clemency is such a virtue, as a prince may never despoil himself of, although sometimes it seem he get harm thereby: For Clemency is not cause of any evil, but only the malice of men doth abuse it; yet it doth not therefore follow, that it is to be rejected, because a man may abuse it, no more than to cast away all wine, as a pernicious thing, because therewith many are drunk: But let us now come to the other effect of Clemency. Besides the effects whereof, we have above discoursed, which are to temper the rigour of justice, to make the prince beloved, reverenced, and praised of all the world, and to fill his subjects with good manners, there are yet, three other effects worthy of note in a prince's Clemency, that thereby he may be better obeyed, more assured in his estate, and may augment his domination: And to touch those three points in order one after an other, I will presuppose for the first point: That a prince makes himself easily and well obeyed, when the wills of his subjects are of themselves A clement prince better obeyed. well disposed to yield obedience: But it is certain, when a prince is debonair and clement, that his subjects will be always well disposed to obey him, for two reasons: The one because he shall be beloved, & the amity which his subjects bear him, shall incite and stir them more willingly to obey him; The other reason, because being soft and gentle, his commands also are sweet and gracious, founded upon reason and equity, and this will cause them easily to yield obedience, because there is nothing that more enduceth a subject to render his prince obedience, and to obey his command, than when themselves do see and judge, that the commandment is both reasonable & equal, for equity is the sinew of the commandment & of the law, which makes it forcible and brings it into action, and without this equity, the law cannot endure, nor long be observed. Therefore the laws and ordinances which the Romans, gave to the Macedonians, Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 5. after they had brought Macedon under their obedience, endured very long before they were in any thing changed or corrected: For they were so upright and convenient for that nation, as the usage itself (saith Titus Livius, which is the true corrector of laws) found nothing to reprehend or correct, by the experience of many years. Very memorable also is the manner of the Romans use, to make How to make good laws. laws, and especially those which they gave to the Macedonians: For they were not contented to handle and deal with them in their Senate, to cut and stretch them after their fancies (as some do at this day, which make laws in their chambers with such as themselves) but elected ten delegates or deputies, wise and honourable men, which went all over Macedon, to inquire and be informed of the manners and conditions of the country people, and of their ancient customs and liberties, and to have their people's advice of such laws as were fittest for them: By this means they made very covenable laws for the nation of the Macedonians, which they found good, holy and equal, and they willingly obeyed and observed them, with good hearts, without any constraint: And assuredly this is the best mean when men makes new laws and ordinances, that is to have the advice of such as are to have & obey them, to know of them the discommodities that by them may fall out, which they must needs know better than any other: And for this reason the ancient kings of France, made their laws and ordinances, by the advice of the States general, or at the least by the assembly of a great number of barons, prelate's, and wise people of each great town, of the kingdom, which assembly they called the king's great Counsel: And the Roman emperors, made their laws by their Senate's advice, as we have in another place said. And indeed it is a rash presumption of one man alone, or a few men, to think they can make laws of themselves and covenable ordinances, for a people and a nation, without having the advice of them of that nation, yea of many & of diverse countries: The ancient Romans were of a better judgement, than such presumptuous persons, and they never received law, till it was well tossed and handled, and till every one were hard speak, that would either persuade or disuadethe law, which was to be enacted: Therefore (saith Titus Livius) it came often to pass, that the Tribunes (whose office it was to cause the law to be received or rejected by the people) desisted from the receipt of a law, being moved so to do by the reasons and remonstrations of such as dissuaded it: and often times also opposing themselves against the reception of a law, they departed from their opposition, being moved thereunto by the reasons of such as persuaded, and truly if the laws and ordinances, which are made for the government of a kingdom or other principality, were so well examined before they were concluded, and that every man were heard, in a general assembly of States, to persuade or disuade them, so many absurd, and weak laws, would not be made as are, neither by consequent would they be so evil observed as they are: For they should be made equal & commodious for such as should obey them, and so would each man obey them with good will, because as is said, Equity is that which holdeth law in action & observation. Moreover none need to doubt, but when he that hath authority to command, Dion. in Pompeio. Plutarch in Lucul. is beloved, that by that means he shall not be better obeyed. Lucullus was a valiant and wise captain, who executed great matters against Mithridates & Tigranes, two of the greatest kings of Levant, and of all Asia, but in the end not being able to obtain the love of his soldiers, he was in hazard by their disobedience to have overthrown all the glory and honour, which he had acquired: This disobedience of his army, was the cause that the Romans called him from Levant, before he had altogether ended the subjugating of those two kings, and sent in his place Pompeius, who did nothing else but (as I may say) gathered the fruit that Lucullus had sown, and carried away the honour and triumph of his pains and travels: For the necessity was such, that Pompeius must necessarily be sent in Lucullus his place, for that Lucullus was nothing obeyed of his people of war, because they loved him not, he was so stern and uncourteous: and as soon as they had obtained Pompeius for their captain general, they greatly obeyed him, because he was unto them gentle, clement and affable, insomuch as he did with them, what he would, and by their forces and valloures he brought all the East under the Romans obedience: This than was a great evil hap for Lucullus (who otherwise was endowed with excellent virtues) that he could not use softness, clemency, and kindness towards his soldiers, and have gotten love, and to have contained them in his obedience, but so to lose the fruit of his travails and victories, not wholly finishing that whereof he had taken charge. But yet greater evil luck happened unto Appius Claudius, who was so exceeding Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 1. rigorous and imperious, that he caused his soldiers, rather to hate than love him: He being Consul and captain general of the Roman army, against the Volsques, practised in the camp towards the soldiers, the same rigour and severity which he did against the common people at Rome, and cared not to be beloved, but only sought to make himself to be feared: This was the cause that his people of war would not obey him, but as constrained, they executed their charge cowardly and negligently: When he commanded to march quickly and swiftly, his soldiers would go slowly and softly; when he came towards them to command them any thing, they would not vouchsafe to regard him, but fixed their eyes on the ground, and as he passed by, cursed him: He once went about to assemble them all in one place, to have persuaded them to have performed their duties in a battle, but in place being assembled, they scattered themselves hither and thither: When he saw this manifest disobedience, in am to correct his rigour (which was cause thereof) he augmented and redoubled it, by causing them to be whipped with rods, and by putting to death the captains, which dispersed themselves, when they should have joined together, and at last he fell to decimer and to tithe all the rest of his army by lot, putting to death one of each ten through his army: Yet for all this he did nothing of account or to his honour: Returning after to Rome, he was accused by the tribunes of his great severity and inclemency, and by not getting the love of his soldiers, he effected nothing but his dishonour and shame: But fearing to be condemned, he procured his own death in his house: and this evil hap accompanied with great opprobry & ignominy, had not happened unto him, if he had been of a gentle and good nature, to have obtained love. The Bounty, Clemency, and Gentleness of a prince manifest themselves by many means towards his subjects, as by good tractations and comforts, far from oppression, by maintaining their liberties and franchises, by making edicts & equal ordinances, and in observing, and causing good justice to be observed: But the pleasantest mean which most contenteth the subjects, is, when the princed doth them this honour, to communicate himself to them, deals in public affaries with them, and demands their advices, aids, and means: for subjects seeing themselves on the one side so much honoured of their prince, as to be called into the participation of his counsel, and seeing and understanding on the other side the urgency of the public affairs, and just reasons wherefore the prince demandeth such a thing or such a thing, it is certain, that they will obey much more voluntarily, than when they know nothing of his affairs, and when they know not wherefore, nor wherein, money should be employed that is demanded. This was seen and practised at the beginning in a parliament held at Tours of the general States during the reign of king Charles the eight, Anno 1483, as M. Philip de Comines witnesseth: for the poor people De Comines, lib. 1. cap. 109, 110. of France were before vexed and eaten up by the space of 20 years and more with great tallages and imposts, and great wars, which never comes without a great ruin: yet notwithstanding, seeing themselves so much honoured by their prince, as by him to be convocated together with the States to understand public affairs, and therein to give their aid and advice, not only the States accorded to their king, the impost which he demanded, but also humbly besought his majesty, that it would please him to assemble them again within two years after, and that if his said Majesty had not money enough to dispatch his affairs, they would at his pleasure furnish him: and that if he had any war, or that any would offend him, they would employ their persons and goods for his service, and never would deny him any thing whereof he had need. Behold then how this soft and sweet manner of a prince's actions, to confer of his affairs with his subjects, makes him so obeyed, as by this means he may sooner obtain a great thing, than by rigour a small thing. And to this purpose he asks certain questions with a good grace▪ Might it Comines. not be accounted a far more just thing both before God and the world by such force as this, to levy money, than upon a disordinate will? For no prince cannot otherwise levy it but by tyranny: would privileges, to take it at their pleasure, be alleged against so good subjects, which so liberally give that which is demanded? was such an assembly dangerous and treasonable? according as some men of base condition and base virtue say, alleging that to congregate the States, is, to diminish the king's authority, and to commit treason: but rather those commit treason towards God, the king, and the commonweal, which hold estates and offices, which they never merited: neither serve they to any other thing, but to whisper and tattle in princes ears, things of small account: and they fear nothing more than great assemblies, that so they may not appear and be known as they are. These words of Comines are very notable to be applied to our time. Let us now come to the other effect of the Clemency of a prince, which concerneth the assurance of his estate. Hereupon I think every man will confess unto me, A clement prince assured in his State. that there is nothing that better assureth a prince in his estate, than when he hath no enemies: But a debonair and gentle prince shall never lightly procure enemies, but rather daily friends: because that virtue of Clemency is of itself so amiable and attractive, that they are always loved, which are endowed therewith: And if sometimes enemies arise against a good and gentle prince (as the envy and desire to have and to make themselves greater, causeth ambitious and covetous men sometimes to enterprise upon such clement princes) yet very hardly shall such enemies shake their estates, or prevail against them, and especially if that prince with his Clemency, have about him a good Counsel: For his virtues will procure him many friends of his neighbours, and make his subjects voluntary and obeisant; insomuch, as it shall be very easy for him to resist the enterprises of such as will invade & set upon him. We read, that the emperor Alexander Severus was very modest, Lampri. in Alex. Sever. soft, clement, and affable towards all his subjects, wherewith Mammaea his mother was not content: So that one day she said unto him, that he had made his authority not regarded, but contemptible by his Clemency: Yea, but (answered he) I have made my estate so much the longer and more assured: And in truth he had in likelihood lived longer time: but she so ruled him, that he got the evil will of his subjects, and so did his son by the extreme avarice and arrogancy that was in her, which caused the death of them both. The same notable speech of Alexander is attributed to Theopompus king of Sparta, who knowing, that the puissance of a king is good and Plutarch in Apo. excellent, when kings use it well: but because there were far more kings which abuse their powers, than that use them well, he provided for himself and his successors certain Censors and correctors, to reprehend them of their faults, which were called Ephori: Certain then said unto Theopompus, that by this establishment of Ephori he had lessened and enfeeblished his power: Nay then (said he) I have fortified it, and made it perdurable, meaning to say (as true it is) that there is nothing which better fortifieth, nor which makes more firm and stable a prince's estate, than when he governs himself with such a sweet moderation, that even he submits himself to the observation of laws and censures. The emperor Severus otherwise endowed with Sparta. & Dion. in Carac. many great virtues, had not this good, to be debonair and clement, but rather was rigorous and cruel: yet he knew well, and himself confessed, that Clemency is a virtue most worthy of a prince, and he much desired to be so esteemed, although his actions were contrary. I know well, that here the Machiavellists may reply upon me, that he feigned and only made a show, to esteem of Clemency, upon a certain kind of playing the Fox, and dissimulation, which Machiavelli holdeth to be convenient for a prince: Here unto I make a double answer: And I say, suppose in this place Severus meant to play the Fox, yet when he so much praiseth Clemency, and so feign would seem clement, he thereby seems to approve that virtue, as both lowable and good. Secondly, I say, that it is credible, that Severus, although he was exceeding sanguinary and cruel during his reign, yet in the end he found, that it had been better for him, if he had been Clement: for with his own eyes he saw Plautianus his greatest and especiallest friend, and Bassianus his eldest son (whom with himself he associated in the empire) both of them (though not together) conspire to slay him; insomuch, as he durst not punish them, because they had learned of him to be sanguinary and cruel: and at the end of his days, the last words he spoke, were, That he left the empire firm and assured to his antonine (meaning Bassianus and Geta, which he named antonine, that they might be beloved) provided, that they proved good princes: but if they were wicked and cruel, than he left them weak and evil assured: And indeed these last words were as a prophecy to his children: For Bassianus his eldest son (who succeeded him in the empire) was as cruel as he, and begun to exercise his cruelty, in slaying with his own hand Geta his brother, and after continued it upon his friends and other notable people a great number, which he brought to their deaths: and therefore was not his foot long in the empire, but (according as his father prophesied of his death) he was soon despoiled thereof, and of his life withal: for he was slain by Macrinus his lieutenant, and lived but nine and twenty years, whereof he reigned six. The emperor Domitian also was a very cruel prince, yet he greatly praised Clemency in a prince, and ordinarily, when he reasoned upon any affair in the Senate, he often interlaced amongst his speeches some commendations of his own Clemency, although he was most cruel and wicked. And briefly, we may say and conclude, that this virtue of Clemency is so excellent and lowable of itself, that even the wicked, which reject it, are notwithstanding constrained to have it in estimation, and to confess it is a virtue worthy of a prince. From the beginning that Rome was reduced into the form of a commonweal, and delivered from the tyranny of the Tarquins, the people were sent to the war Dioni. Halic. lib. 5. without wages, and whilst they were at the war for the commonweal, the interests and usuries which they ought to the rich (for always the poor are debtor to the rich) left not to increase and multiply; insomuch, as when the soldiers returned from the war (some being maimed and wounded) in stead to have rest in their houses, they had the usurers on their backs, which demanded the usuries run on, during the time of the war: Hereupon arose there in the town a great sedition, for the poor amongst the people could not suffer this rude handling, that they thus should be tormented with seizures and pawning of their goods, and with imprisonments of their persons, for the interests growing during the war, and being in the commonwealths service. This cause finally coming in deliberation in the Senate house, Valerius Publicola (who was one of them which helped away the tyrant from Rome) spoke thus: This the usurers rigorous dealing, is but a new tyranny: and it is but a small thing for us to have expulsed from Rome the tyranny of the Tarquins, if now we will establish another: & that it was too unreasonable, that soldiers should pay interests running on, whilst they served the commonwealth, since also they served without wages. Therefore he exhorted the Senate to relieve the people of those interests for their content, and that afterward they might with so much the better will serve the commonweal at a need: For else (saith he) certain it is, if there be a continuance of this rigorous dealing, it will bring the people into a great disobedience, & a sedition into the commonwealth, the estate whereof by this means may be shrewdly shaken and hazarded: But if the people be kindly and graciously used in acquitting them of the said interests, by this means you shall make most assured the estate of the city. The Senate followed this advice of Publicola, knowing well, that the firmity and assuredness of the public State is founded upon Clemency and Gentleness. Hannibal making war in Italy, meaning to go to Capua, commanded one of Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. the prisoners he held, to guide him to a place called Casin, which was in the way to Capua: This prisoner supposing Hannibal had bidden him guide him to Casilin (and that because Hannibal spoke not well the Latin language) he conducted his army on that side to Casilin, far from the way to Capua: Hannibal perceiving he was evil guided, caused to whip and hang the prisoner which had done this before he would hear any excuse. This rigorous execution and other cruelties that he used, never caused such as were allied with the Romans, to break from them, although on every side they saw themselves in great peril, because (saith Titus Livius) they knew that they were commanded by a just and a moderate government, and by good people that hated cruelty, therefore refused they not to obey (which is the true bond of Faith) the best, most prudent, and human. Antiochus' king of Syria, and a great dominator in Levant, having enterprised a Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 3. war against the Romans, they sent against him Lucius Scipio, for captain general of their army, although otherwise he was no great warrior: But the cause why the Romans delivered so great and honourable a charge unto him was, because the great Scipio the African, his brother had declared, that if Lucius his brother were chosen general captain to go against Antiochus, he should be there as his lieutenant: As than they both were in Greece with the Roman army, making war upon that king, it so happened, that the only son of Scipio the African was taken prisoner by Antiochus soldiers: Antiochus having this young lord in his hands, entertained and used him very honourably, knowing that that great Scipio was of such Clemency, that he would never forget, that the pleasure and that the amity of so great a parsonage might stand him in good stead in some great necessities, as loss of a battle, or of a captivity, or such like. Not long after Scipio fell sick, whereof Antiochus hearing, he sent him his son without ransom, fearing Scipio would die with grief and melancholy, by whose death he doubted to lose a good refuge: For that king (saith Titus Livius) trusted more in the Clemency and authority of Scipio alone, for the uncertain and doubtful haps of war, than in his army of 60000 footmen, and 12000 horsemen. Is not here, think you, an admirable effect of Clemency, that an enemy doth better assure his estate upon his enemy's Clemency, than upon his own forces? But what need we any more to amplify by examples or authorities this point? doth not ordinary experience show, and ever hath done, that all good and clement princes have always been very assured in their estates: as Augustus, Vespasian, trajan, Adrian, the antonine, and many other Roman emperors, and the most part of our kings of France, which were clement and debonair, do fully prove this which I say: for they reigned very peaceably; died of natural deaths; and after their deaths were greatly lamented of the people. Here I may not forget a notable sentence of the emperor Antonius Pius, which he received from Scipio the African, Capit. in Pio. Sue●. in August. cap. 35. which was this, That he loved better to preserve one of his subjects, than to slay a thousand of his enemies: Assuredly, a sentence of a good and clement prince, who delighted not in shedding of blood, as our Machiavelists do at this day, which are so covetous of such blood, as they account their enemies, that whensoever any of mark, falls into their hands, they will not give him for an hundred pounds: They may well say contrary to Scipio and the emperor Pius, that they had rather slay an enemy, than save an hundred friends. Are not these people worthy to command? Neither make they any account more of their prince's subjects, than of slaves, which men may beat, scourge, or slay at their pleasure, as beasts: as indeed there hath been lately a burne-paper-fellow, a writer for wages, one of these Machiavelists, who durst publish by writing, That the authority of a prince over his subjects, is like that which a lord hath over his villain and slave, having power over death and life, to slay and massacre them at their pleasure without form of justice, and so to despoil them of their goods. And how comes this? Thinks this sot, that the office of a king is like to the office of a galley captain, to hold his subjects in chains, and every day to whip them with scourges? Surely, they which hold that opinion, do merit to be so handled, yea, that some good galley captain would twice or thrice a day practise that goodly doctrine upon their shoulders: but how much more notable and human, is the doctrine we learn of the life of Augustus Caesar? who so much feared, that men had such an opinion of him, that he would not take away, but only diminish the liberty of the people, that he could never abide and suffer to be called Dominus, that is to say, Lord, but abhorred it as an injurious name, & full of opprobry, because it hath some relation to Servus, which is to say, servant, or slave: he being far from the affectation of such great and magnifical names, as many great men have since well liked of, without showing the effect of them. The third point now remaineth, which is to show, That the Clemency of a prince A prince by Clemency increaseth his domination. Dionis. Halic. lib. 2. Plutarch in Caesar & Alexand. is cause of the increasement of his domination. Hereupon we read a memorable history of Romulus, who was so clement, soft, and gentle towards his people, which he vanquished and subjugated, that not only many particulars, but the whole multitude of people submitted themselves voluntarily and unconstrainedly under his obedience. The same virtue was also cause, that julius Caesar vanquished the Gaulois: for he was so soft and gracious unto them, and so easy to pardon, and used them every way so well, far from all oppression, that many of that nation voluntarily joined themselves unto him, and by them he vanquished the others. When Alexander the Great made great conquests in Asia, most commonly the citizens of all great cities met him, to present unto him the keys of the towns: for he dealt with them in such Clemency and kindness, without in any thing altering their estates, that they liked better to be his, than their own. Hannibal having taken the town of Saguntum in Spain, was so feared and redoubted, Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. that the most part of Spain submitted themselves under his obedience, and abandoned the Roman society, because they had not aided Saguntum against Hannibal: The Romans (to repair their fault whereat they took much grief) sent great forces into Spain under the conduction of Publius Scipio, father of the African, and of Cneius his uncle: Hannibal to contain in obedience the Spaniards, took in hostage their children, their brethren, or parents of all the nobility of the country, and the notablest citizens of the good towns, and set them under guard at Saguntum, under the charge of some small number of soldiers. God would, that those hostages should find means to escape from their prison, yet it was their haps to fall into the hands of the Scipios. The Scipios having possession of them, in place to revenge themselves upon them (as they feared) for the fault they and their parents had made by their revoltment from the Romans, they welcomed and dealt with them very graciously, and sent them all to their parents and houses. This Clemency and kindness of the Scipios was cause, that soon after all Spain forsook the obedience of Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and fell under the government of the Romans, which they would never have done, if these hostages had been dealt with after the counsels and precepts of Machiavelli. Yet the example of Clemency in Scipio the African, is more notable than this Titus Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. of his father and uncle. After the deaths of his said father and uncle, this young lord full of all generosity and hardiness, came to besiege new Carthage in Spain (which the Carthaginians of Africa had founded there) and did so much, as he got it by assault: Besides, the great riches which he found within the town, he found there also within that town a good number of Spanish hostages, which the Carthaginians held there for the better assurance of other towns of Spain, which they had regained upon the Romans after the death and overthrow of the Scipios and their host. Scipio as soon as the town was taken, caused all the hostages to be brought before him, and wished them to take good courage, and that they should fear nothing, for they were fallen into the power of the Roman people, which loved better to bind men unto them by good deeds than by fear, and to join all strange nations unto them, rather by a society, than by a sad servitude. After he had thus encouraged them, he dispatched messengers through all Spain, to the end every man might come thither to seek his hostages, and in the mean while gave express charge to Flaminius his treasurer to handle them well and honourably: Amongst other hostages, there was a young lady of a great house, which was brought to Scipio, which was of so great beauty, that as she passed by, she dreweach man's regard upon her: This lady was fianced unto one Allucius, prince of the Celtiberians. Scipio taking knowledge of her parents, and to whom she was fianced, also that Allucius extremely loved her, he sent for them all: Her parents came with a great quantity of gold and silver for her ransom: Allucius came also: They all being present before Scipio, he said to that young prince Allucius: My dear friend, understanding, that ardently you love this young lady (as her beauty well meriteth it) I thought it good to keep her for you, as I would my affianced should be kept for me, if the affairs of the commonweal permitted me to think upon the action of legitimate love: in favour then of your affections, I have preserved your loves inviolated: in recompense whereof, I only desire and pray you, that from henceforth you will be friends unto the Roman people: and if you will credit me as a good man, that is desirous to follow the traces of my father and uncle, which you knew: Know you, that in our town there be many like to us, and that there is no people in the world, which you ought lesser to desire for enemies, nor more for a friend. After Scipio had thus graciously entertained this young prince, he was so filled with shame and joy, that presently he prayed the gods that they would acquit to Scipio that great benefit, for he could never do it. The said ladies parents stepped forward, and presented unto him a great quantity of gold and silver for their daughter's ransom, which although Scipio refused, yet they pressed it so sore upon him, that he accorded to take it, and bade them lay it before him; which they doing, Scipio called Allucius, and said unto him: Good friend, besides the dowry which your father in law will give you, my desire is, that you will take this silver at my hands, as an increase of her dowry. Allucius very joyful of so great a benefit, thanking him greatly, returned with his lover in great contentment unto his country: where as soon as he came, he sowed the fame of those things through all Spain, saying, That there was come into that country a young lord, like the gods, which vanquisheth all men, by arms, by clemency, and magnificence: Within a small time after he came to the service of Scipio with 1400 horse. Not long after came also to Scipio the parents of the other hostages which he had taken in new Carthage, all which he yielded unto them, conditionally to be the Romans friends. He gave also to a great lord called Mandonius, his wife, who was sister of another great lord, named Indibilis, which were exceeding joyous thereof, and promised Scipio all fidelity: Amongst those prisoners also, there was found a young prince, called Massiva, the nephew of Massinissa king of Numidia, which he sent to his uncle, after he had honourably appareled, mounted and accompanied him. This was the cause that Massinissa stuck so firmly to the Roman party, wherein he constantly persevered all his life, and greatly aided Scipio, to the overthrow of the Carthaginians: And as for the Spaniards (whose hostages Scipio had sent home without ransom) they performed many great favours to him in all his Spanish wars: Briefly, this great Clemency, kindness, and gentleness of Scipio, were the cause that all his high & mighty enterprises were ever facile & easy unto him: But herein appeared in him a double Clemency, namely, that the two lords abovenamed, Mandonius and Indibilis revolted, and so caused all their country to revolt also, upon a false fame that run of Scipio's death: But after finding the report false, they resolved yet once again to prove his Clemency as an assured refuge, and so went & fell on their knees before him, desiring pardon, & confessing their faults. Scipio after he had rebuked them, said unto them in this sort: My friends, by your merits you shall die, but you shall live by the benefit of the Roman people: And although the custom be, to take all arms from rebels, yet I will not take them from you, but if you fall any more into such a fault, I shall have reason with arms to take arms from armed people, but not from disarmed: Therefore seeing you have many times experimented the Romans Clemency, take heed also you prove not their vengeance and wrath. By this example then of Scipio it appears, that a prince ought always to be inclined to Clemency, whereby he may obtain friends, augment his dominations, shun God's indignation, the envy of men, and to do to another that which he would should be done to himself. This is it which Romulus said to the Antenates and Caeninians, which he had vanquished & subjugated: Although (said he) you have merited to suffer all extreme things, for that you rather loved war against us, than our amity: yet many reasons Dioni. Halic. lib. 2. move us to use our victory moderately, in respect of the indignation of the gods, unto whom pride is odious, the fear of the envy & evil will of men, and because we believe, that Mercy and Clemency is a great relief and remedy for the miseries and calamities of mortal men, which we would gladly entreat of others in our own distresses and calamities: We therefore pardon you this fault, and leave you in the same enjoiance of your goods, as you were before. The Roman Senate had always Clemency in great recommendation, yea, even towards them which had often rebeled. The Ligurians (which now we call Genevois) Titus Liviu●. lib. 2. Dec. 2. rose up against the Romans many times; insomuch, as they sent against them Marcus Popilius, Consul, with a puissant army. Popilius having subjugated and vanquished them, he took their arms from them, dismantelled and destroyed their towns, and sold the goods and persons of such as were taken in war. The Senate thought this very hard, to sell so many men, which implored the Romans mercy, and took it to be an evil example, to cause their enemies from thence forward in desperate sort to have recourse to arms, as an extreme necessity, rather than to their Clemency: So it was ordained, that they should be redeemed which were sold, & their goods also that could be recovered; that the Ligurians should also have their arms: and withal, Popilius was countermanded to return, and give over the government to another of Liguria. Camillus, general captain of the Roman army, besieged the town of Falisques, Titus Liviu● lib. 5. Dec. 1. the Romans enemies: The schoolmaster of Falisques enterprised a great wickedness and villainy: for making a countenance to lead (for sport & pastime) the youth of the town, which were committed unto him to be instructed, he strait brought all that youth to Camillus his camp, hoping he would give him some good recompense, speaking in this manner: Lord Camillus, I yield into your hands the town of Falisques, for I here bring you their dear & loving children, which to recover, they will easily yield themselves to you. To whom Camillus answered: Wicked wretch, thou addressest not thyself to thy like: We have by compacts no society with the Falisques, but by nature we have: we are not ignorant of the right of war and of peace, which we will courageously observe: we make not war upon young children: for even when we take towns, we pardon them, so do we also to them which bear arms against us: Thou wouldst vanquish the Falisques by deceit and villainy; but I will vanquish them by virtue & arms, as I overcame the Veians. After this, Camillus commanded to bind the schoolmasters hands behind him, and to give all the scholars rods in their hands, which whipped him naked into the town. As thus in this sort the children brought their master to the town, all the people ran to see the spectacle, which so changed their courages, before full of wrath & hatred against the Romans, that strait they sent delegates to Camillus, to desire peace, admiring the Roman clemency and justice. Camillus knowing, that he alone could not enterprise to conclude a peace, sent the said delegates towards the Senate of Rome; where arriving, they made this speech to the Senate: Having (my masters) been vanquished by an agreeable victory both to gods and men, we yield ourselves to you, knowing, that our estate shall be better under your domination, than in our own liberties and customs: The issue of this war will serve hereafter for a double example to all mankind: for it seems you do better love loyalty in war, than present victory: And we being provoked by your kindness and loyalty, do gladly and willingly yield you the victory. We offer ourselves your subjects, and we shall never repent ourselves of your domination, nor you of your loyalty. The peace and alliance accorded to the Falisques, Camillus entered Rome in triumph, and was more esteemed to be a victor by Clemency, than if it had been by Arms. He that would here collect so many examples as histories do furnish us concerning this matter, should never have done, but I satisfy myself with the most memorable amongst them: for in a notorious and evident thing, there is no need to insist more amply. 23. Maxim. A Prince ought to have a turning and winding wit, with art and practise made fit, to be cruel and unfaithful, that he may show himself such an one when there is need. IT is good (saith our Florentine) that a prince should appear Cap. 18. Of a prince. to be loyal, piteous, liberal, yea, and effectually to be so, whensoever he seethe it is profitable unto him: But yet a prince's spirits must be so flexible, so ductible and easy to be led, so handsomely and naturally fitted, and with custom used, as he can do the contrary at all times at a need: For most commonly necessity requires, that a prince should show himself disloyal, cruel, fierce, and niggardly. THe Philosophers call habitude that promptness & aptness which men acquire by frequent exercise of the actions of every art. As a Tailor by customable exercise of cutting and shaping, obtains an habit and dexterity, to know well how to make garments. An Archer in a crossbow or gun, by the often exercise of shooting, obtaineth that habitude, to draw well, and to shoot nigh the white: and so it is in all other actions and sciences, every man may get an habitude by frequent exercise. Machiavels' mind than is, That it is not sufficient for a prince sometimes to be cruel, perfidious, fierce, covetous, and illiberal; but by frequent exercise of cruelty, perfidy, and covetousness, he must obtain an habitude, promptly, dexteriously, and handsomely at his pleasure to practise these goodly virtues at a need. For if by frequent exercise he could not obtain this habit, it might so fall out, that in his necessity he should be found to seek in the practice of them in that sort which should be requisite and necessary: even as an Archer or Gunner cannot know how handsomely to handle his Bow and Gun to come nigh the mark, who not past once or twice before hath handled them: Because (as Aristotle saith) one sole action makes not an habitude, no more than one alone Swallow brings a certain assurance of the Springs coming: But I pray you, is not this a triumphant doctrine for a prince to be taught? nay, rather to teach some devil of hell: for since the nature of devils cannot tend but to evil, a man may say, that it should be very covenable that they had (as I believe they have) Machiavelli to teach them the precepts of the art of wickedness: As this Maxim must needs be one of them, whereby he wills, that these vicious qualities of cruelty, perfidy, and niggardliness should be in a prince, not as in an habit and perfection: But I will not stand to confute here this Maxim: for before, we have sufficiently spoken of cruelty and perfidy, and at large demonstrated, how unworthy they are for a prince: And as for Covetousness, we shall have occasion to speak of it in another Maxim: yet I would desire all persons which have in them any piety and love of virtue, to learn to detest so abominable a doctrine, as this which Machiavelli here teacheth: for there was never Arabian, Scythian, or Turk, which ever taught a more strange & barbarous doctrine, as to persuademen to make habitudes of vices? Let us also learn to discern spirits before we believe them. If Machiavelli had been known to be such a man as I hope he shall be deciphered by this discourse, it is likely he should not have done so much harm as he hath done. And finally, let us thank our good God, which hath not permitted, that our spirits should be infected with such a corruption, as to approve or follow such abhorrent doctrine from piety and reason, and such monstrous & savage opinions: For as Thucydides calleth them, servants and slaves of absurd opinions, such as follow evil counsel sooner than good, as the Athenians often did: So do I believe them to be double, yea, centuple slaves and miserable, which suffer their spirits to be persuaded and deluded with the doctrine and impiety of Machiavelli. 24. Maxim. A prince desirous to break a peace, promised and sworn with his neighbour, aught to move war against his friend. THe prince (saith Machiavelli) having made certain capitulations with his neighbour, which long time have Discourse. lib. 2. cap▪ 9 been established and well observed, so that he feareth directly to break them, lest he fall to open war with his said neighbour, he must stir him by taking arms against his friend, knowing that the other will feel himself touched, when the assault is delivered to his friend and confederate, and will sustain and revenge him, and so shall it seem that he himself▪ is the first provoker of war and breaker of peace▪ MAchiavell, because he hath above taught, that a prince may always find colours enough to palliate and cover the infraction of faith, now he gives a rule, saying; That to palliate a rapture of peace or confederation, with a prince his neighbour, he must assail his confederates friend: We have before amply disputed against these subtle palliations, and have showed by many examples, that the issue hath always proved evil to them that use them: And surely such cautells and subtleties, are not only most unworthy of a generous prince, but also of all other men, and by laws he is no less punishable, that hath done wrong to a man, by cautel and subtlety, than if he had done it by force. The ancient Romans, by the form and course they had to make confederations and peace with the people their neighbours, showed well how far they were from Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 2. this doctrine of Machiavelli: For the Pater Patratus (who was the stipulator or master of the ceremonies or arbitrer of peace) after all articles accorded, of the one part, and of the other, & oaths taken, pronounced a great height, these words; The first of the two people which breaketh the peace, be it by deliberate counsel, or by subtle deceit, grant o jupiter, that the same day, he may be bruised and beaten, as now with this flint stone, I bruise this pig: and therewithal after this speech, he with a stone beats down a pork pig. Briefly they no less detested the rapture of a peace, made by a subtlety, than if it had been made by an open war: They also held it for a thing certain, that always the evil fortunes of a renewed war, fell upon them which had broken the peace: but because we have above discoursed upon this matter, we will pass on to the next Maxim. 25. Maxim. A prince ought to have his mind disposed to turn after every wind, and variation of Fortune, that he may know to make use of a Vice, when need is. A Good thing is not always profitable, nor in season, and oftentimes a prince who would practise it, shall thereby draw Cap. 18 & 25 Of a prince. on his own destruction: For sometimes it falls out, that necessarily he must use that which is evil, and vice: Therefore a wise prince, aught to take great heed to the time, and to the windlike variation of Fortune; and aught to have knowledge, to serve himself with a vice, for his profit and advantage, when time requireth it: Otherwise if he always follow virtue, and that which is good, there are seasons so contrary to it, by the chance of Fortune, that incontinent, he will fall into ruin. BEcause a Prince that hath been nourished in virtue, as he reads Machiavelli, might make some difficulty to believe him, and to esteem that it should evil become him, altogether to despoil himself of virtue, to put on vice: For this cause, Machiavelli (desirous to resolve this doubt) showeth here that it is not uncomely for a prince, to change from virtue into vice: And to encourage him to make this change, he saith, That sometimes, such a time and season may happen, that it is necessary for a prince, to know how to use a vice, to serve fortunes turn, which commonly oppugneth virtue: Yet there is no man, of so small judgement, that sees not with his eyes, that this doctrine containeth two points, altogether wicked. One to say it is necessary to a prince, for the conservation of his estate, to use vice: The other to approve and allow lightness and inconstancy of manners, by changing good into evil: As for the first point, we have heretofore amply handled it, where we have showed, That good princes, which were given to virtue, have always prospered in their estates: but contrary, the wicked, which exceeded in vices, have always had hard fortunes and evil haps in their kingdoms, and have come to unlucky ends: As for the other point Inconstancy, we must here touch, in few words. Constancy is a companion of all other virtues. I will then presuppose, that Constancy is a quality, which ordinately accompanieth all other virtues: yea it is as it were of their substance and nature: Therefore is justice defined, A constant will to yield to every man, that which belongeth unto him: And Temperance may be also defined, A constant moderation to use well all things: and Prudence, A constant provision in all affairs, and so of all other virtues: Hereupon I make this illation, Since constancy is of the nature and substance of all virtues, and as it were mixed amongst them, that thereof it followeth, That he which is inconstant, can have no virtue in him, for virtue goes not without Constancy: Machiavelli also (as beastly as he is) so understood this: for by degrees going about to lead a prince, and all them, which follow his doctrine, to a sovereign wickedness (as philosophers lead men to a sovereign good) he hath considered, that he must make for his foundation, Inconstancy: For an inconstant man disposed to turn with all winds, can never be but full of all sorts of vices, and void of all virtue: Because in virtue there can fall out no change nor variation, since all virtues do accord and agree amongst themselves: But amongst vices, there may be changes, inconstancies, & variations, because often they are contrary, and do hold the places of extremes: As for example: Avarice and Prodigality are contrary vices, as also are temerity and Cowardice, Ignorance and malicious subtlety, Cruelty & Dissolute lenity, Ambition, and the Despite of Honour, and so of other vices: Inconstancy then may well perch amongst vices, flitting and moving from one to another: But amongst virtues, she can find no place, because as I have said, they all naturally so hold on Constancy, that without it they cannot be virtues. Machiavelli then was not any thing deceived, when thinking to lead a prince, unto a sovereignty of wickedness, he furnisheth him with inconstancy and mutability as the winds: for as soon as the prince shall clothe himself with Protheus garments, and that he hath no hold nor certitude of his word, nor in his actions, men may well say, that he is abandoned of physicians, and his malady is incurable, and that in all vices, he hath taken the nature of the chameleon. At the hands of such a prince which is inconstant, variable in his word, mutable in actions and commands, there is nothing to be hoped for, but evil, disorder, and confusion. How much more notable and worthy to be engraved in princes hearts, is that Titus Livius lib. 6. Dec. 3 sentence of Scipio the African: That they are vanquishers, which being vanquished, do give place unto Fortune: But the better to understand this, I will set down the occasion of this notable speech. After by an evil hap of war, Scipio his father and uncle were overthrown, with the most part of their army in Spain, the day being come, whereupon they elected their magistrates at Rome; none durst hazard himself, to demand the government of Spain, for evil luck which happened to the two brothers Scipios: hereat the Roman people, being very sad and sorrowful, cast their eyes upon the great men of the city, to see if any of their hearts would arise, to demand the government of Spain: and because none did it, they esteemed the affairs of the common weal, to be in a deplored and desperate estate: The above said young lord Scipio (who after was called the African, of the age only of two and twenty years) arose and demanded of the Roman people, the said government of Spain; showing by a grave oration, full of magnanimity, and assured constancy, That his carriage should be good, and that they needed not fear, that in regard of his young age, there should be found in him any temerity; for he would do nothing but by good counsel: And although the name of the Scipios might seem unlucky, in regard that his father & uncle, had been vanquished & slain in Spain, that notwithstanding he doubted not, but to turn the chance of Fortune: Briefly by a great and favourable consent of all the people, he was chosen governor of Spain, and general captain of the Roman army: As soon as he was in this estate well assured of his virtues, he began to speak to every one, with such a majesty and constancy, as all men became fully resolved that he would well acquit himself of this charge, to the honour and benefit of the common weal: After being in Spain, he convocated the old bands, which remained after the defeating of his father and uncle, and used unto them good words & reasons, giving them thanks for the fidelity, they had borne to his diseased father and uncle, and that joyfully they had received him, for their captain general, although he was young of age, for the good hope they had of him, which was of the race of their dead captains, and that he would so well perform his duty, that they should truly know, that he was of the race of their dead captains: The public Fortune (said he) of the Roman common weal and your virtue, must needs keep us from all despair of our affairs: For this good luck, hath ever been fatally given us, being vanquished in our great wars, yet ever notwithstanding to remain victors, by resisting by constancy and virtue, all malignity of Fortune. The same Scipio another time (but long after) speaking to Zeusis and Antipater, Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 4. ambassadors of the king Antiochus, which demanded peace of him, after he had been vanquished, used these words full of gravity and wisdom: The peace (saith he) which you demand now that your are vanquished, we agree unto you, with like conditions as you offered before our victory: For in all fortune, good or evil, we have Constancy stirreth not for prosperity or adversity. always the same courages; neither can prosperity exalt us, nor adversity humble us too much: And if you yourselves were not good witnesses thereof, I would allege no other testimony, then that of Hannibal, who is in your army: Therefore make known unto the king your master, that we accord unto him, the same peace which we offered him before our victory. Hear may you see, how constant the Romans were in virtue, without any change either of prosperity, or adversity. Hear is no Machiavelizing, we must not go to the school of Scipio, nor of the ancient Romans, nor of any other valiant princes, to learn machiavels doctrine, to have an unconstant and mutable courage, to change and to turn as the wind: This must be learned in the school of a sort of Italian Machiavelists, resembling harlots which love every man, yet love no person, and which with doubtful and unstayed minds, run here and there, like Tops. We commonly say, That the king is the lively law of his subjects, and that the prince ought to serve for a rule to his people: but is it not a ridiculous thing▪ to say, That the law ought to be a thing unconstant and mutable with every wind? Nay contrary, the law ought to be firm, constant, permanent, inviolable, and inviolably observed, else it is no law: And therefore amongst all mortal men, the prince is he, which ought to be most constant and firm, to show, that he is the true and lively law of his people and subjects, unto whom his carriage and actions, aught to serve for a rule. A prince than must be of one word, and to take heed, that he be Constancy of a princen wherein it ought to be employed. not mutable nor double of his promises, and that he always have a magnanimous and generous courage, tending to virtue, and the public good of his kingdom, & principality, and that no trouble nor adversity, may abate that generosity and constancy of courage; nor any prosperity, make him swell with pride, whereby to draw him from virtue: In a constant course, he must show himself grave and clement, & these two should be in him with a temperature: such gravity is requisite for the majesty of his calling, with such clemency and affability, as his subjects desire in him: In all his actions he must always show himself to be one man, loving and amiably entertaining men of virtue, and of service, and always as constantly rejecting vicious people, flatterers, liars, and other like, from which he can never draw out good services: Finally, he ought to be constant in retaining his good friends and servants, and not to take a sinister opinion of them, without great and apparent causes, and in all things to govern himself constantly, by good counsel, and to be master of himself, that is to say, of his affections and opinions, for to direct them always to good and sage counsel, such as were those great Roman monarchs, Augustus Caesar, Vespasian trajan, Adrian, the antonine, Alexander Severus, Constantine the Great, Theodosius, and other like: Such before them, were the great Darius, king of the Persians and Medes, conqueror of the monarchy of Africa; the great king Sirus, and Alexander the Great: Such also were the ancient kings of France; the great Cloius, the generous Charlemaigne. the good S. Lewis, Philip August the conqueror, Charles le Sage, Charles the seventh, the victorious Lewis the twelfth, father of the people, Francis the great restorer of letters, Henry the second le Debonair, and many others: These be they that a prince must propose to imitate, not such of no account, as deserves not a place amongst princes, such as Agathocles a potter's son, and usurper of the Sicilian tyranny; or Oliver de Farm, a barbarous and most cruel soldier, who massacred his own parents & friends, to usurp the tyranny of the place of his nativity; or that Caesar Borgia the Pope's bastard, full of all disloyalty, cruelty, inconstancy, and other vices, and far from all Royal virtues, which Machiavelli proposeth for patterns to be imitated of princes. Reasonless creatures themselves, do they not show that a prince ought to be constant, to maintain his subjects in peace and tranquility, without stirs or motions? The king of honey Bees, is he not always resident and abiding in his hive with constancy, to keep his little subjects in tranquility? And whensoever amongst these small creatures, there are found some unconstant and straying kings, which cannot abide in their hives, and within the circuit and limits of their power, do we not see that they bring all their little people out of order? For strait as their king gins to stir and go out, his subjects remove withal; so that oftentimes by the removing of the king, he himself is lost, with all the troop of his little subjects, by precipitation & headlong casting himself, by his inconstancy, into marishes & pools, where, both himself and his are lost: Set princes then, and all other meant learn of these petty creatures, how necessary Constancy is unto them, and that they being unconstant and variable (as Machiavelli teacheth them) they can not fail but destroy and ruinated themselves and others. Hereupon is very worthy to be noted, that which Euripides saith, That a good and virtuous man never changeth his manners, for the change of either air or country, or either for prosperity or adversity: his verses englished are these. An evil ground under an heaven siren, good store of Corn oft times doth bring we see: Eurip. in He●●ba. Good ground also, with a sharp air I ween, bad store of fruit produceth unto thee: Yet by the heavens a good man or an ill, his nature change will not for any hap: For always wicked, wicked proveth still, and good men, good will prove, for evil clap In good men's hearts there's no adversity, in life of his can breed diversity. And assuredly this fashion of the Machiavellists, with each wind to change manners, cannot be found any way good, by good and virtuous men, who have their hearts in a good place; no more than they can approve the rhyming verses, which the Machiavellists have always in their mouths. Cum fueris Romae Romano vivito more, Cum fueris alibi vivito sicut ibi. That is to say, When thou at Rome, a Roman life than must thou lead, when other where, do as they do, in the other stead. For these manners are proper to the Chameleon, which take all colours of the place where he is, and of the Polypus, which always seems to be of the colour of the earth, whereupon it shineth: But this is not convenient nor comely for a good man, who ought always to be constant in virtue, without changing or varying, no not though the heavens should fall upon him: But because the Poet Horace, very elegantly describeth what kind of person a constant man ought to be, I will set it down, as an end of this Maxim. So constant is a good man always in his life, that he stirs not for all the people's rage and strife: Hor. lib. 3. Carm. Ode 3. The tyrant's fierce cannot move him, nor boisterous wind which all the sea doth turn: nor thunder claps I find: His constant virtue cannot alter any way, No though the heavens should fall upon his head, I say No fear could touch his haughty heart, by night or day. 26. Maxim. Illiberality is commendable in a prince, and the reputation of a mechanic or handicrafts man, is a dishonour without evil will. IF the prince (saith he) will be liberal, incontinent he impoverisheth Cap. 8. & 16. Of a prince. himself, and being poor shall be despised of every man: And if he will repair and help his poverty, by pilling his subjects, he shall make himself hated of them, and shall be reputed and handled as a tyrant: But contrary being covetous, he shall be judged puissant, and having wherewith to furnish any affair, when it happeneth, he shall be honoured and esteemed: And if the reputation of a mechanic or illiberal person, be dispersed of him, this cannot be hurtful unto him, seeing by force he seeks nothing at his subjects hands: Yet a prince may well be prodigal of another's good, as of booties, acquired by war, as Cyrus, Alexander, & Caesar, but of his own he ought to be an houlder, and illiberal: For there is nothing that more consumeth itself, than largeness and freeness of giving, which by the practising thereof, loseth the means to be practised. In our time, we have seen no great matters effected, but by such men as had the reputation to be covetous, all others have come to nothing. Pope julius was liberal, till he obtained the Popedom, but as soon as he had gotten it, he forsook that trade, to the end to make war upon the king of France, Lewis the twelfth, as he, did. The king of Spain likewise, he understood that king Ferdinand (grandfather of the emperor Charles the fifth) had not so happily achieved so many great enterprises, if he had affected to be esteemed liberal. IN my opinion, this Maxim should not please courtiers, either Machiavellists or others, which ever like best, that a prince be not only liberal, but rather profuse and prodigal, so far are they from opinion that he should be covetous: But certainly as illiberality and covetousness is damnable, and no way beseeming a prince, so also is profusion and prodigality: But most praisable it is, that he hold a course between both, and that he be liberal, acknowledging the services which is done him, and to use bountefulnesse toward good and virtuous people, and for the advancement of the commonwealth: For that is true liberality, when men employ to good uses the goods and gifts dispended, and not when they employ them to evil uses: But to show how liberality ought to be exercised in a prince, we will first speak of illiberality and prodigality his two extremes. As for Covetousness, which Machiavelli holds to be covenable for a prince, certain it is, that there is nothing in the world which makes him more contemptible Covetousness cause of a prince's ruin, and despighted than it doth: for of itself it is odious in all men (because it is filthy and mechanical) but especially in princes, which as they are constituted in a more ample and opulent fortune, than other men are, ought also to show themselves more liberal, and further removed from illiberality and Covetousness. The emperor Galba, otherwise a good and sage prince, but suffering himself to be governed by some about him, which were rapinous and covetous, he himself also Tacit. lib. 17 annal. Dio. in Galba being too hard to his soldiers, thus destroyed and defiled all his virtues: But that more is, this his covetousness and the rapines of his officers, cost him his life, brought him into contempt, and after, to be slain of his soldiers. The emperor Pertinax was good and one of the most wise and moderatest princes, that ever was, Dion & Cap. in Perti. and who a man might say, to be as it were irreprehensible, and a very father of the people (he always so studied every way to comfort his subjects) but he was so spotted and defiled with that vice of covetousness, that he thereby became hated and contemned of his men of war, so that they slew him. The emperor Mauricius was Pomp & Laetus in Mauritio & Pho●a. a very niggard, yea so great was his covetousness, that he delighted in nothing, but heaping up of treasures, and would spend nothing: whereby every man took occasion to blame and despise him: The great store of treasure which he had, made Phocas his lieutenant (who otherwise was a man of no account & a coward, but as covetous as his master) to slay him, and to obtain the empire: But yet Phocas being come to the empire, continued in his covetousness more than ever was found in Mauricius his predecessor, and respected nothing but heaping up of treasures, by rapines and extortions, without any care of government of his empire: This miserable covetousness & carefulness of this traitor Phocas, was the cause of his own ruin, & the entire dissipation of the Roman empire: For during his government there were cut off from the Roman empire, Germany, Gaul, Spain, the most part of Italy, & Slavonia, and Mesia, the most part of Africa, Armenia, Arabia, Macedonia, Thracia, Asiria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, and many other countries; whereof some cut themselves from the empire, and other were occupied by the king of Persia, and other potentates, which was an exceeding great evil hap, and very memorable, that thus the Roman empire should fall in pieces, by means of this emperors covetousness. This happened not alone to Phocas, to have lost his domination, by the means of his covetousness; for the like fell to king Perseus of Macedon: This king having Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 5. enterprised war upon the Romans, gathered together great store of treasures, but when it came to be distributed, to have soldiers, he showed himself so holding and covetous as was possible: For having caused to come from the Gaulois, very great succours into his country, by the covenant of a certain sum of money, which he promised them; yet refused to deliver them silver when they came, excusing himself amongst his people, that it was a dangerous thing, to receive so great a number of strangers in his country, for fewer would serve him: Briefly saith Titus Livius, he did but find means, to bring all those treasures into the Romans hands, for their booty: for the Gaulois seeing themselves thus mocked by this king, returned, spoiling all his country as they passed: and after, the Romans vanquished Perseus, and got all his treasures, which he lost with his crown, and his life, and this fell unto him, by his covetousness. Marcus Crassus a Roman citizen (being worth 350000 crowns of annual revenue) joseph. Antiq lib. 14. cap. 8. & 13. Pluto. in Crasso. was yet so covetous, that seeing Lucullus, had enriched himself by the Levant war, never ceased till he had obtained charge and commission to make war upon the Parthians: And that which incited him, most to purchase that charge, was, that he had heard say, that Pompeius (who had made war there not long before) had had goodly means to heap up great treasures, if he had listed, as he might have peeled the temple of jerusalem, where the treasures of sacred vessels, and of the widows, and orphans, mounted to the sum of two thousand Talents, or five millions of Crowns: So Crassus resolved to rob that temple, to redouble his riches, and therein not to be so scrupulous, as Pompey had been: And so indeed Crassus passing by Jerusalem against the Parthians, peeled the temple, and to himself appropriated all that treasure, which partly was the goods and substance of poor widows and orphans: Crassus going on, came into Armenia, and from thence came to the Parthians, where he gave battle to king Herodes, or rather to Surena his lieutenant: but Crassus losing the battle (where his only son was slain) escaped on foot, thinking to save himself, which he could not do, but in the end was overtaken and slain, and his head carried to Herodes, who with it served himself in a play of a Tragedy, which was played before him, where they talked of an hunter which had slain a great savage beast. Here may you see the tragical end of this insatiable covetous wretch Crassus, who was justly and soon punished, for his great and horrible sacrilege which he had committed in the holy temple of Jerusalem. By these examples than it is evidently seen, That Covetousness is customably the cause of the ruin of such princes and great lords as are infected therewith: so far is it off, that it is profitable, as Machiavelli saith: Yet true it is, that there have been some (but very few) which being covetous, notwithstanding have not been ruinated by that vice; as the emperor Vespasian: but the reason wherefore the covetousness of Vespasian was not cause of his destruction, is for that he exercised it not Dion. in Vespasi. cap. 16, 17. else but upon his rapinous magistrates, and because he employed on good uses, and for the utility of the public good, such money as his avarice heaped up, yea, he even practised great liberalities towards good people; and ruinated cities, to rebuild them. Surely, if those reasons be well considered, they will serve Vespasian for a lowable excuse, if it so be that a vice can be any thing excused: For first there was no great harm, that he should draw water from such sponges (as such magistrates were) which had sucked and drunk up the substance of the people, and to cause them to regorge and cast up the booties whereof they were full: And (in my opinion) there were no harm if they did the like at this day; for what harm is there to take from a thief? The other excuse is yet more considerable, that Vespasian employed not upon his own pleasures and delights, the silver which his covetousness had collected, but bestowed it on good uses for the good of the commonwealth. And certainly, there is nothing that more troubles subjects, which pay tributes, than when they see, that the prince spendeth evil, the silver which is levied upon them, which would always more liberally furnish them with a crown, than they would do with a penny, if they saw their money well bestowed. Our king Lewis was herein something like Vespasian: for he levied much money upon his subjects, yea, triple so much as his predecessors had done: but he spent it not in his pleasures and delights, nor other dissoluteness, nor in practice of liberality upon unworthy people, but upon good things, about the affairs of the kingdom: as to buy peace with his neighbours, and to corrupt strangers, which might serve therein or in other affairs: Moreover, he did not as the emperor Mauricius, or as king Perseus, which heaped up great treasures, and then durst not touch it: for (as Comines saith) he took all, and spent all. Prince's then which levy money upon their people, are something excusable, when they employ them upon good uses; and especially, when they have that discretion to pill the pillars, and to tansacke thieves and eaters of the poor people, and Profusion cause of ruin in a prince. Sueto. in Calig. cap. 37, 38, 40, 41. spare other good subjects, which are not of that sort: But such as make great levies upon the people, and do bestow them evil, they cannot be any thing excused in their covetousness and prodigality. The emperor Caius Caligula succeeding Tiberius, found an inestimable treasure, even 67 millions, and 500000 crowns. To calculate this unmeasurable sum after the proportion of 1240000 crowns, which made 32 Mule loads (as du Bellay saith) which were sent to Fontarabie in the year 1529, for king Francis the firsts ransom, it should be found, that the 67 millions of Caligula should make about 1800 Mullet loads, which is an huge and a most admirable treasure: yet did this monster spend all this, in less than a year: But was this possible, will you say, that so great heaps should be laid out in so little space? Yea I say: for this brainless fool caused houses to be builded upon the sea, yea, and that should be only, where men said it was deepest: So that there to make good foundations, he was forced to cast in great heaps of stones, as great as high mountains, and so much more, as any thing was impossible, so much rather loved he to do it. Moreover, he delighted to bring down mountains and rocks, to equal them with flats and plains: so in plains to erect mountains: & this also must needs be done, even the very day that he commanded it, upon pain of life: He would also cause baths to be made in waters of very precious scents, he would make prodigal banquets, wherein he would serve excellent pearls and other precious stones, which he would cause to be liquified and dissolved, as they might be drunk: Again, he caused ships to be made of Liburnian Cedars, whose sterns were all covered with pearls, and within them were builded baths, galleries, halls, and orchards, and there sitting amongst dancers and players of instruments, he caused himself to be carried in those ships about the coasts of Campania. By these unmeasurable and monstrous expenses, he saw the end of that great treasure (left by Tiberius) in less than a year: Hereof came it, that wanting silver, he converted himself to rapines, and to lay great and new imposts upon his subjects, yea, tributes upon victuals, upon processes, upon labourer's salaries, upon harlot's gains, upon players gains, and upon many such like things: and so having again gathered huge heaps of crowns, upon a covetous pride, to touch and handle money, he delighted to walk bare foot, and to tumble upon it: By this means (and with cruelty and other vices) he was hated of all the world, and incontinent slain: And in truth he was inexcusable, for inventing new and great imposts upon his people, seeing he so evil employed the money. The emperor Nero likewise laid great imposts and levies of money upon his Sueto. in Nero. cap 27. 30 32. Dion in Nerone. subjects, and quashed and made void the Testaments of such as would not make him their heir: As an ingrate person to his prince, he by force took treasures out of temples, and committed infinite other extortions: But how expended he all this money? In making sumptuous banquets, as Caligula did; in giving unmeasurable gifts to flatterers and bad people, and upon other strange dissoluteness: He always appareled himself with exceeding rich & precious habits, yet he never put on garment twice; he played away great sums of money at once: he fished always with golden nets, the cords whereof were knit with purple and scarlet; he never went abroad with less than a thousand coaches or litters drawn with Mules, whose shoes were all of silver, all the Mulleters also were gallantly and costly appareled: Sabina Poppea, his wife, caused the coaches wherein she rid; to be drawn with cords, and all other furniture for her mules, of gold: Whensoever she went abroad, there waited on her 500 she Asses, which gave milk, and that milk was drawn out every day to make baths for her to bathe in: Briefly, Nero made so great and riotous expenses, that no silver could suffice him: insomuch, as spoiling his provinces of their goods and riches by rapines and imposts, and withal practising great cruelties (for rapine and cruelty are always companions) he brought upon himself the hatred of all the world, and came to a miserable end, as we have above said. The like happened to the emperor Vitellius, who in a year spent in banquets without all measure, nine millions of crowns. Dion saith, That in a vessel served at Dion. in Vitelli. Sueto. cap. 13. his table, he had so many tongues, brains, and livers of certain strange and exquisite fishes and birds, as cost ten thousand crowns. Suetonius saith, That his brother bestowed a supper upon him, whereat was served two thousand exquisite fishes, and seven thousand exquisite and precious birds, besides all other services. These so exorbitant and unreasonable expenses, drew him into covetousness, rapine, and cruelty which was the cause that he was massacred and slain, and reigned but a year and ten days. Here might I add to these, the examples of Domitian, Commodus, Bassianus, and many other Roman emperors, which held of the two extremities of Liberality, namely, Covetousness and Prodigality, using Covetousness and rapine, to heap up silver, and Profusion to spend them; all which had the like end, as Nero, Caligula, and Vitellius had: But hereby is sufficiently showed in those examples, the contrary of the Maxim, which Machiavelli saith is true, and that a prince which is covetous and hard, cannot prosper, but especially, when he naughtily bestoweth the treasures and money which he heapeth up. Now there remaineth to show, That Liberality is profitable and necessary for a prince, when he apply it to good uses. When Alexander the Great departed from Macedon to go to the conquest Plutarch. in Alexand. of Asia, he caused all the captains of his army to appear before him: At their coming, he distributed unto them almost all the revenue of his kingdom, insomuch, as he left to himself almost nothing: Amongst them, one of the said captains, called Perdiccas, said unto him: What then will you (Sir) keep for yourself? Even Hope, answered Alexander: We then shall have our part thereof (replied Perdiccas) since we go with you. Thus Perdiccas and certain other also, refused the gifts which their king offered them, and were as thankful, as if they had accepted them: So that they accompanied him in his voyage of Asia, full of good will, to serve him, as they did: For he was so well served of these valiant Macedonians, his subjects, that with them he conquered almost all Asia: so the Liberality of Alexander was very profitable unto him. The ancient Romans had this custom, ordinarily to increase the seignories and Titus Livius lib 7. Dec. 4. Plutarch. in Caton. dominations of the kings their allies, as they did to Massinissa, king of Numidia, unto whom they gave a great part of the kingdom of Syphax his neighbour, and some part of the country of the Carthaginians, after they had vanquished Syphax and the Carthaginians: as also they did to Eumenes, king of Pergamus, in Asia, unto whom they gave all they conquered upon king Antiochus from beyond the mount Taurus, which came to more than four times so much as all Eumenes his kingdom. They also practised great Liberalities towards Ptolomeus, king of Cyprus; towards Attalus, another king of Pergamus; towards Hiero king of Sicily, and many others. And what profit got they by all this: even this, that in the end all the countries and kingdoms fell into the Romans hands, either by succession and testamentary ordinance of those kings, or by the will of the people, or otherwise. And this reputation of Liberality, which the Romans acquired, was the cause, that the kings and potentates of the world affected and so greatly desired their amity and alliance. Silla, Marius his lieutenant, making war upon king jugurtha, persuaded Bocchus, king of Sallust. de bello. Mauritania, to take part with the Romans against jugurtha, because (saith he) the Romans are never weary with vanquishing by beneficence, but do always enrich their friends and allies. The king Cotis of Thrace having promised the Romans, that he would prove their good and faithful friend, and to that effect having delivered them hostages, notwithstanding they aided king Perseus of Macedon against the Romans, when after by war king Perseus was vanquished, wherein Bitis the said king Cotis his son was taken prisoner, this king would have ransomed his son, and withal made certain frivolous excuses: The Senate made him this worthy answer, That the Romans knew very certainly, that he had preferred the good grace and favour of Perseus before their amity, but that therefore they would not cease to give him his son and his hostages, because the benefits of the Roman people are free: insomuch, as they better love to leave the price and the recompense within the hearts of such as receive their said benefits, than to be ready to receive prompt and quick satisfaction. Augustus Caesar seeing himself have many enemies, which he had gotten by Dion. in August. wars, he knew not whether he should put them all to death, or what he should do: For he on the one side considered, that if he caused all to die, than the world would think, that either he was entering into the butchery of a war, or else to usurp a tyranny: and on the other side he feared, that some mischief would happen unto him, if he suffered them to live. The abovesaid Livia his wife (which was a good and sage lady) showed him, that he ought to gain his enemies, which he feared, by liberality and beneficence: He followed this counsel, and begun with one Cornelius the nephew of Pompeius, whom he advanced into the office of Consul, and in like sort to others, which he took to be his enemies, he practised beneficence and bountifulness, in such sort, as he gained all their hearts. But because the remonstrance which Livia made to Augustus, is very memorable, I will here summarily recite it: I am very sorrowful (my most dear lord and spouse) to see you thus grieved and tormented in your spirit, so that your sleep is taken from you: I am not ignorant, that you have great occasions, because of many enemies, which you will have still, feeling in themselves the deaths of their friends and parents, which you have caused to die during those civil wars; & withal, that a prince cannot so well govern, but there will be always mailcontents and complainers. There is this moreover, that this change of estate which you have brought into the commonweal, by reducing it into a monarchy, makes, that a man cannot well assure himself of such as they esteem to be their friends: yet I beseech you (my good lord) to excuse me, if I a simple woman take that hardiness to tell you my advice upon this matter: which is, that I think there is nothing impossible to repress by soft and gentle means: for the natures of such as are inclined to do evil, are sooner subdued and corrected by using clemency and beneficence towards them, than severity: For princes which are courteous and merciful, make themselves not only agreeable and honourable to them upon whom they bestow mercy, but also towards all others. And by contrary, such as are inexorable, and will abate nothing of their rigour, are hated and blamed not only of them, towards whom he shows himself such, but of all others also. See you not (my good lord) that either never or very seld physicians come to cut the sick members of the body, but only seek to heal them by soft and gentle mendicaments? in like sort are maladies of the spirit to be healed: And the gentle medicaments of the spirit may these well be called, Affability and Soft words of princes towards every one, his Clemency and placability, his Mercy and debonairetie, not towards wicked and bad persons, which make an occupation to do evil, but towards such as have offended by youth, imprudency, ignorance, by chance, by constraint, or which have some just excuse. It is also a very requisite thing in a prince, not only to do no wrong to any person, but also to be reputed such a man as will never do wrong to any man; because that is the mean to have the amity and benevolence of men, which a prince can never obtain, unless he do persuade them, that he will do well to the good, and that he will do wrong to none: For fear may well be acquired with force, but amity cannot be obtained but by persuasion: so that if it please you (my lord) to use benefits and liberality towards such as you esteem your enemies, and towards such as fear, you will do them wrong, you shall easily gain them and others from henceforth for your friends. This remonstrance of Livia was the cause that Augustus let lose and set at liberty all them which were accused to have enterprised any thing against him, satisfying himself with the admonishments he gave them, and beside gave great goods and benefits unto some of them, so that as well those as other of his enemies became his friends and good subjects. Behold here what good came to Augustus by his beneficence and liberality. The emperor Marcus Antonine feared nothing more than the reputation of an hard and covetous man, and always wished and desired, that such a spot of infamy Dion. in Marco. might never be imposed upon him: And indeed, all his carriage and actions were such, that none could impute unto him any spot of Covetousness, but all Liberality worthy of a good prince: for first he established public professors of all sciences in the town of Athens, unto which he gave great wages, which proved a most profitable act to the commonweal, worthy of such a prince: and this was partly the cause, that in his time there was so great store of learned people in all manner of sciences: insomuch, as the time of his kingdom was and hath been since called the golden world. In our time, king Francis the first of happy memory, did imitate the example of this great and wise emperor, establishing public lectures at great wages in the University of Paris, a thing whereof his memory hath been and shall be more celebrated through the world, than for so many great wars as he valiantly sustained and demeaned, during his reign. Secondly, the emperor Antonine forgave the people all the fiscal debts and arrearages which they ought him, by schedules, obligations, or otherwise for fifty years before, which was an huge and unspeakable liberality: But he did this to take away all means & matter, from all officers and fiscal procurators, of molesting and troubling his subjects afterward with researches and calling on of old debts. Thirdly, he never laid impost or extraordinary exaction upon his people, but handled them in all kindness and generosity: He never made profuse and superfluous expenses, but held an estate both at home and in the court, sober and full of frugality: And finally, to show how he delighted in liberality, he caused a temple to be builded to Beneficence. Behold here a true pattern, after which princes should conform themselves to know how to practise that goodly virtue, Liberality: And very notable is that point that that good emperor Antonine held the estate of his house ruled by frugality and sobriety, and far from the strange profusions of those monsters, Caligula, Nero, and Vitellius: for he considered, that it were much better to employ for the public wealth of his empire; the revenues and money thereof, than in riotousness and vanities; and that such unmeasurable profusion constraineth a prince to fall to rapines, and to deal evil with their subjects, because (as the common proverb saith) Unmeasurable largesse hath no bottom. Therefore did that great emperor trajan Dion in Traiano. Lampr. in Alex. Spar in Andria. also hold his estate soberly governed, and he maintained no unprofitable persons in his service. No more did the emperor Severus, who would not suffer in any offices any persons to be placed, which were not necessary: They had also good salaries and rewards of him, yea, he would often rebuke them, for not demanding gifts of him: And wherefore (saith he) will't thou, that I should be thy debtor, seeing thou askest me nothing. Adrian also had this property, that he gave great gifts unto his good friends and servants, and made them rich, before they demanded any thing: And above all, he was liberal towards professors of letters, and learned men, which he enriched: but he much hated such as by evil means became rich, and generally all good emperors were adorned with the virtues of liberality and munificence, which they practised with such moderation and prudence, that they were never spotted, neither with Machiavels' Covetousness, nor his Prodigality: And therefore they flourished and prospered during their reigns, and left after them a perpetual memory to posterity of their virtues and praises. Our kings of France, as Clovis, Charlemaigne, Lewis the piteous his son, Robert, Henry the first, Lewis le Gros, Lewis the eight, S. Lewis, and many others, were very liberal, but they exercised their liberality and principality upon the Church and Churchmen, which they but too much enriched. Yet we read, that Charlemaigne was also very liberal towards learned men, and that he spent much in founding and maintaining the University of Paris. And a man may generally mark in our kings of France, a Christian liberality, which they have always had, that is, That they have been great Almoniers, exercising their liberality upon poor people, which is an exercise of that virtue, exceeding worthy of a Christian prince, which he should never forget. By this abovesaid, I hope the Maxim of Machiavelli is sufficiently confuted, and that it evidently appeareth by our examples and reasons, That Covetousness is damageable and dishonourable to a prince, as also is his contrary profusion, and that Liberality is profitable and honourable unto him: And as for the reasons which Machiavelli allegeth, they are foolish and false, as his Maxim: For to say, That a rich prince shall be esteemed puissant, because he hath great treasures, that reason doth evil conclude. King Perseus of Macedon (of whom we have spoken) had The power of a prince lieth not in treasures. great treasures, yet left he not to be esteemed a king pusillanimous and of small valour, and such was his reputation in his own country, and amongst his own subjects. Crassus also was known to be more richer than Pompeius; but he was not esteemed so valiant nor so good a man, neither in his life had he the tenth part of Pompey's honours. Mauricius and Phocas Roman emperors, by their covetousness heaped up great treasures; but were they therefore esteemed puissant and valiant? nay contrary they were esteemed cowards, and in the catalogue of such emperors as held the most abject and infamous places. But I pray you let us come to the reason. When a prince hath the fame to be a great treasurer, doth he not give his neighbour's occasion to seek means to enterprise upon him to obtain those treasures? Wherefore is it, that the Venetians (which if they list, might be the greatest treasurers of the world) have made a law amongst De Con. l. b. 2. cap. 21. them, to have no treasure in their commonwealth, other than of arms? It is because they know well (as they be wise) that if they heap up treasures in money, they shall but prepare a bait to draw rheir neighbours on to make war upon them: but wars come too soon, and under the pretext of more occasions than we would, therefore we need no baits to draw it upon us. It is not then best for a prince to be reputed a man full of treasures and silver, as Machiavelli thinketh: for money of itself cannot but serve us for a bait to attract and draw upon us them which are hungry and desirous of it. And although commonly, money is thought to be the sinews of war, yet are they not so necessarily required, that without money war cannot be made. I will not here allege the poor Huguenot soldiers, which most commonly warred without wages: but I will only allege the military estate which was in the Roman empire in the emperor Valentinians time, and since: For in that time the military art was so policied, that every soldier took for a month so much bread, so much wine, so much lard, and so much of other necessary things: His habits also were new from tearmeto term, and all other things necessary, so that he touched either none or very little money, yet had he all that he wanted. And indeed, money serves but for commutation: for men cannot eat it, nor apparel themselves with it, nor if he be sick, can it heal him: Wherefore then serves it? For a prompt, quick, and easy commutation: For if you have money, you strait have whatsoever you need: If then by other means and policy order be taken, that a soldier have all he needs (as was done in Valentinians time, and others) it will be found, that money makes not a prince puissant. Moreover, I do confess, that it is certain, that in the military policy which we have at this day, which is, that a soldier shall receive in money all he needeth, that money is very necessary, and that without it a man can do no great thing, and that they are as sinews, or as the maintenance of the sinews of war, but yet by good husbandry a prince may have sufficient of it, and without Covetousness. As for that which Machiavelli makes no account of, that a prince be reputed to be a Mechanic, I leave it to them to think which have, I will not say, the heart of a prince, but only of a simple gentleman, that hath honour but in a little recommendation, if they would not be grieved to be reputed a mechanic person. I know well, that the nobility of Italy, which more commonly trade and deal with merchandise, than with arms, care not for that name of a mechanic, so they may get money: But the gentlemen of France, of Almaigne, of England, and of other countries of Christendom, are not of the humour of that mechanic nobility, neither would they for any thing in the world be so reputed, as Machiavelli would persuade them. And as for the examples which Machiavelli allegeth of Pope julius and of Ferdinand king of Spain, which (he said) were covetous, yet effected great matters: I answer him in one word, That it proveth nothing of that he saith: for Pope julius made no great prowesses not conquests, as every man knoweth: and king Ferdinand in the exploits and enterprises of wars was not covetous, for any thing we read in histories: And if that were true which Machiavelli saith of those two, I will oppose always against those two obscure examples, them above alleged, which are far more illustrious and notable, and by the which I have showed, that Covetousness hath always been pernicious to princes; and Liberality without profusion, profitable and honourable. For a resolution then of this matter, I say, That the vice of Ingratitude accompanieth ordinarily covetousness, and that none can be covetous and illiberal, unless he will prove ingrate to his friends and good servants, which is one of the greatest vices, wherewith a prince can be noted: For it is impossible that his affairs can be well governed, without good and loyal ministers and servants, such as he can never have, being ingrate: Therefore a prince ought well to engrave perpetually in his memory, the sentence of king Bochus, who said, It was less dishonourable, for a prince to be vanquished by arms, than by munificence: And therefore that good emperor Sallust in bello jugurth. Titus, whensoever he passed any day, without exercising some liberality and beneficence, said to his friends: O my friends, I have lost this day, meaning that that was the chief mark, at which a prince should shoot, to wit, Beneficence, and that otherwise he emploies his time evil. 27. Maxim. A prince which will make a strait professiion of a good man, cannot long endure in this world, in the company of so many other that are so bad. MAny (saith Machiavelli) have written books, to instruct a prince, and to bring him to a perfection in all virtues, as Xenophon Cap. 15. Of a prince. did in the institution of Cyrus: There are also many philosophers and others, which by their writings have form Ideas and figures of monarchies and common weals, whereof there were never seen the like in the world, because there is a great difference betwixt the manner, that the world liveth in, and that it ought to live: He than that will amuse and stick upon the forms of philosophers, monarches, and common weals, by despising that which is done, and praising that which ought to be done, he shall sooner learn his own ruin, than his conservation: Leaving then behind, all that can be imagined of a prince's perfection, and staying ourselves upon that which is true, and subject to be practised: By experience I say (saith Master Nicholas) that the prince which will maintain himself, aught to learn how he may sometimes not be good, and so ought to practise it, according to the exigence of his affairs: For if always he will hold a strait profession of a good man, he cannot long endure in the company of so many others, which are of no value. THis Maxim meriteth no other confutation, than that which resulteth from the points before handled, for we have at large demonstrated, that the truth is clean contrary, to that which Machiaveell saith here, and that princes which have been good men, have always reigned long and peaceably, and have been firm and assured in their estates: and the wicked contrary, have not reigned long, but have violently been deposed from their estates: And as for ideas and forms of perfect monarches, and commonweals, whereof some philosophers have Patterns to imitate must be perfect. written, they handled not that subject, saying there were any such, but to propose a pattern of imitation for monarches, and government of commonweals: For when a man will propose a pattern to imitate, he must form it the most perfect, and make it the best he can; and after, every man, which giveth himself to imitate it, must come as nigh it as he can, some more nigh, others less: But a prince which proposeth to himself Machiavells patterns, such as Caesar Borgia, Oliver de Farm, Agathocles, how can he do any good thing, or approach to any good, seeing the patterns hold nothing thereof: Patterns then which men propose to imitate, must be the best set down that they can be, that if in our imitation we hap to err, from a perfect image of Virtue, yet we may so so & in some sort express it in our manners: But what means Machiavelli, when he saith, That men must leave behind, that which authors have written, of a prince's perfection, to draw us unto that, which is now a days practised: What is this? but in a word to tell us we must leave the good precepts of virtue, to abide and stay ourselves upon vices, and a tyranny: For they which have written of a prince's perfection, have set down nothing which may not well be practised, and if a prince cannot fully do and practise all the precepts which are written, he may at the least practice part of them, one more, another less: But we must not say, that if a prince cannot be perfect, that therefore he must altogether forsake, and cast off all virtue and goodness, and take up a tyranny and vice: For as Horace saith: He that in highest place cannot abide, Let not the meanest place him be denied. So that it seems, Machiavelli knows not what he would say, when he holds, That we must not stay upon that which authors have written of a prince's perfection, but upon that which is practised, and in use: For if he mean, that vice alone is in use, he than giveth wicked counsel and advice, and if he will confess that good and virtue is in use and practise, then will it follow, that we must not reject that, which is written of a prince's perfection, although a man cannot come to the perfectness thereof, for always it is good and praisable, to come as nigh thereunto as we can. And touching that which Machavell saith, That a prince who is a good man, can not long endure amongst so many others, that value nothing: I see well that he means, hereby to persuade a prince to apply himself to the wicked, and to do as they do, and to be wicked with them which value nothing: But if Machiavelli had well considered, That goodness and virtue, are always in price and estimation, yea even with men of no value, which are constrained to praise that, which they hate: And if he were resolved (as it is certain) that subjects do commonly apply themselves willingly to imitate their prince, (Dion witnesseth that in the time of the emperor Antonine the philosopher, many studied philosophy to be like him) he would never have given this precept to a prince, to accommodate himself to the vices which are in fashion and use: but contrary, he would have taught him to follow goodness and virtue, to draw his subjects thereunto, and to receive honour and good reputation in the world: But in truth we need not marvel, if Machiavelli hold opinions so far discrepant from the way of virtue, for that is not the path, whereby he pretends to guide and conduct a prince; but his way, is that which leadeth to all wickedness and impiety, as we have in many places demonstrated. The ancient Romans one day, found certain verses of their prophetess Sibilla, where it was said, That the Romans should always chase out of Italy, every strange enemy, if the mother of the gods were brought to Rome: The Romans (which were very superstitious in a vain religion) sent strait ambassadors to Delphos, towards the oracle of Apollo, to know where they might find the mother of the gods: The oracle sent them to king Attalus of Pergamus: Attalus led them into Phrigia, and showed them an old Image of stone, which in those quarters, they had always called the mother of the gods: The said ambassadors, caused that image strait to be embarked, and brought to Rome, whereof the Senate being advertised, it fell in deliberation amongst them, who he should be, that at the gates should go to receive the mother of the gods: and it was concluded, that that must be the best & most virtuous man in the city: When then it came in question, who was the best in all the town; every man (saith Titus Livius) desired the lot might fall upon him, and there was not any, but he loved better to be elected the best man The title of a good man more esteemed of the Romans, than to be Consul or Dictator. of the city, than to be chosen either Consul or Dictator, or into any other great estate: The election fell upon Scipio Nasica (cousin german of the African) who was a young man, but a very good man, and the son of a good father; who went to receive that old goddess of stone, mother of the Gods: But I do demand of you, if those good Romans, had been instructed in the doctrine of Machiavelli, and had learned of this Maxim, That it is not good to make a strait profession of a good man; would they so much have wished, that this election had fallen upon them and preferred this title of a good man, before so high dignities of a Consul or Dictator? certainly no: but they which hold contrary to the doctrine of Machiavelli, make more estimation of goodness and virtue, than of the greatest riches and dignities. And indeed, there is nothing more certain, but that it is the goodliest and most honourable title, that a man can possibly have, To be a good man: And let it not displease great lords, which are embarked in the highest title of honours of Constables, Marshals, Admirals, Chancellors, Precedents, Knights of the order, Governors, and Lieutenants of the king, and other like great States: for all those titles, without the title of a good man, value nothing, and indeed are but smokes to stifle them which have them: But I confess, that if they have the title of a good man, with these titles, then are they worthy of double honour, and to be beloved and respected of all the world. 28. Maxim. Men cannot be altogether good, nor altogether wicked, neither can they perfectly use cruelty and violence. IOhn Pagolo (saith Machiavelli) usurped Peruse (which was Church land) by murdering his cousins and nephews to come to the signory: This was a man accomplished in all vices, without conscience, and kept his own sister: Pope julius the eleventh, in Anno 1505 going about to reunite to the Church, such lands as were dismembered from it, by the usurpation of many particular lords, took his journey to Peruse, without any arms, accompanied of many Cardinals, with but a simple guard; yet this train was garnished with baggage and moovables of value inestimable: Pagolo who knew well, that he came thither to dispossess him of his signory, yet had not the courage to slay both him and his Cardinals, although he might easily have done it, and have enriched himself with the booty, but suffered himself to be taken, and carried away by the Pope his enemy: This was not any remorse of conscience, that made Pagolo commit this fault, but it was because he knew not in a need to be altogether wicked: Hereupon I conclude, That men leave to lose great fortunes and occasions, which happen unto them, because they knew not how (in a need) to be altogether wicked. THis Maxim is a true end and scope, whereunto Machiavelli would lead a prince, and all such as follow his doctrine; namely to Machiavelli teacheth a sovereign wickedness. be altogether wicked, in all perfection of wickedness. The degrees to come to this so high and sovereign wickedness, have (for the most part) been already declared: For Machiavelli hath showed, That cruelty, perfidy, impiety, subtlety or deceit, covetousness, and other like (which are the degrees whereby men mount the top of all wickedness) are very fit and meet for a prince, and that he ought to be decored and adorned with them: But now complains he, that men (although they be otherwise full of vices) yet they cannot use them so dexteriously and handsomely, as that they may mount to the highest, greatest and soveraignest wickedness: and that it is a great fault and brings unto them great damages in their affairs. I pray you can there be found amongst the Scythians, Arabians or any other barbarous nation, which live without law or policy, a more detestable and infamous doctrine, than here is taught in machiavels school? May not any man see that he buildeth by his precepts, a true tyranny? yea that he useth the like method to teach his sovereign wickedness, that philosophers do to teach the sovereign good: For as Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, and others which dealt in writing of the sovereign good, first showed the virtues and good manners, whereby they must ascend thereunto, as by degrees: so this stinking doctor Machiavelli, useth the same manner, teaching a prince all kinds of evil and wickedness, which may lead to the highest degree and top of all vices, and of all evil. But I will not long stay in refuting this Maxim, for I think I have before so well beaten down those degrees, whereby he would have princes ascend to that height of all wickedness, that he that followeth the way which we have showed shall not need to fear mounting thither, but rather not doubt the contrary: We have also made appear by reasons and notable examples, That they which give themselves to the vices of perfidy, impiety, cruelty, & other vices, which Machiavelli teacheth, come ordinarily to evil ends: so far is it off to be damageable, That a man cannot be perfectly wicked, as most impudently he affirmeth: And as for the example of Pagolo, which he allegeth, it is a strange thing, how this gallant should not attain to the full top of all wickedness, since they of his nation, have commonly their spirits so prompt, and quick to all evil and corruption: But it is credible, he was some luskish and faint hearted fellow, which wanting no good will to slay the Pope, only wanted courage to enterprise and perform it: But some may say that Pagolo feared to do well, if he had slain the Pope julius, and therefore he would not do it, because he would not do good, but only apply himself to evil and v●ee, as Machiavelli teacheth: And indeed if he had slain this Pope, he had done great good to all Christendom of that time, for he lighted and stirred up wars amongst Christian princes, and delighted in nothing so much, as to sow trouble every where, yea he vaunted, that he would do more with S. Paul's sword, than all his predecessors had done, with S. Peter's keys. Pagolo then (who had sworn to the doctrine of Machiavelli, as is to be presumed) would not be the cause of so great good, as by slaying that monster, to do so much good to Christendom: But Machiavelli found he did evil, that he slew not the Pope, and speaks thereof, as a man passionate: for there was never man, a greater enemy to the Pope, than Machiavelli. I therefore do greatly marvel how Papists can esteem of Machiavelli: But indeed they which esteem so much of him, are not papists, though they say they are; but are a people, which in their hearts, make no care either of God, or of the devil, nor of the Pope, nor of the popedom, no nor of any religion; but are very Atheists, full of impiety, like their master, yet indeed they go well to Mass, & there is good policy in it; for therein they make to appear, that they have so well profited in their Machiaveline philosophy, that they are come to the perfection, that their master taught them in this Maxim. 29. Maxim. He that hath always carried the countenance of a good man, and would become wicked to obtain his desire, aught to colour his change, with some apparent reason. WHen a man desires to change from one quality to another (saith Discourse lib. 1. cap. 42. our Florentine) as when he will become wicked for some cause, having always before carried the countenance of a good man, he must do it discreetly, and before seek occasions (by providing himself in the mean while new friends) to lean upon in the place of the ancient, which abandon him: And herein a great fault was committed by Appius Claudius, who was one of the ten sovereign potentates of Rome, for he having always showed himself a lover of the people, human, kind, communicative, of easy access, a good justicer going after about to usurp the sovereign domination of Rome, he too suddenly changed his qualities, into other clean contrary, turning his robe, as it had been from white to black, which was the cause that the world incontinent discovered his hypocrisy and pourpensed malice, and pointed at him with their fingers: So could he not attain his designs and purposes, which he might have had, if fairly by little and little he had changed, always seeking some apparent occasions, to become cruel, fierce, rigorous, unsociable, and to have provided himself friends of like qualities, to maintain him as is said. THis Maxim is like that of Renardizing and fox like deceit, whereof we have before spoken: For this is a precept, how of a good man to become wicked, and yet the world should not perceive it: And (saith Machiavelli) he must not be so gross as at the first arrival, to change from good to evil, as from white to black, because this change may be perceived of the world; but he must proceed unto it, by a cautel and subtlety, seeking palliations and colours to hide his change, and to give apparent reason thereof: As if a man will become cruel, he must cover his cruelties, with some appearance of justice: if he will become rapinous and a catchpoll, he must cover his rapines, with some appearance of necessity and public utility: Thus doth he change himself by little and little, and so from good shall he become wicked, and none perceive it: And it is good to be noted, the comparison which Machiavelli makes of the change and variety of manners, by the chance of colours: For as black never takes white well, his contrary, unless first white be tainted with some other colour, as blue or red: So the change (saith Machiavelli) from good to wicked, is never made unto any good purpose, without some pretext and show, which gives to a man an appearance betwixt good and evil. Here is a singular precept in the art of wickedness, To become wicked, and yet the world shall not perceive it: for if the world know it, than it is an ignorance of the art which wills a knowledge, well to dissemble, and that a man should be apt and fit to know handsomely, to feign and deal, with his visage and countenance, to deceive men: By joining then together these two precepts, To be a dissembler, and to be wicked, to do evil, it will follow, that this Maxim is very proper for this art: for it teacheth how to do to become wicked, and not discover himself to be so, but always to observe the pretext of dissimulation. You see then (and he that sees not is very blind of sense and understanding) that this abominable Florentine persevereth still to teach a prince the art of wickedness: But for so much as before we have disputed against all the kinds thereof, as likewise against hypocrisy and dissimulation, I will speak no more hereof. And as for the example of Appius Claudius, one of the ten potentates of Rome, which Machiavelli allegeth, serves nothing for his purpose: For Appius exercising an office which endured but a year, carried himself well for that first year, which was the cause that he and his companions were continued in their estate another year: but with great difficulty obtained they that continuation; for it was as it were a breach of their law to continue an office to any person more than a year: Appius seeing, that it should be impossible to obtain of the Roman people, a continuation for a third year, thought it good now to make himself feared, by seeking to obtain his estate by force: and like enough he had gotten again his office, had there not happened a war against the Romans, which came nigh unto them: and therefore Appius and his companions, could do no less (if it were but to defend themselves) then levy an army: but none would obey them, because the time of their offices was expired, and that they acknowledged them no more for lawful magistrates: so that for want of obedience they were constrained to forsake their offices, & to submit themselves to the people's mercy, who set in prison Appius Claudius and Spurius Opius, where they died, and banished the other eight, and confiscated their goods. The cause then why Appius could not obtain the tyranny which he had enterprised, was not, for that he changed too suddenly from good to wicked, but because the time of his office being expired, he could not be obeyed: and herein, all the dissimulations and foxlike dealings of Machiavelli, could have done him no good: for as soon as any man's office was expired at Rome, he that held it, must come out, were he good or wicked, because such was the law. Moreover, this Maxim here, is not only wicked, but also hard to practise: For very difficult it is, that a man should change from a good man to a wicked, and not be perceived, though in his actions he use many palliations and dissimulations: For amongst people there are always some one which is not a beast, but (as the proverb is) can know flies in the milk, and which strait can discover the dissimulations of those Machiavelizing Foxes, and can cry, The Fox, that men may take heed of him. 30. Maxim. A Prince in the time of peace, maintaining discords and partialities amongst his subjects, may the more easily use them at his pleasure. Our ancestors of Florence (saith Machiavelli) especially such Cap. 20. Of a prince. as were esteemed the wisest, have always held this Maxim, That Pistoye must be held in obedience by the means of Partialities: And for that cause they nourished in certain towns belonging unto them, discords, the more easily to govern them. The Venetians also, moved with the like opinion, maintained in the towns of their government, the factions of the Guelphs and Gibelines, that their subjects minds being occupied with such studies, might have no leisure to think upon rebellion: yet a prince, which (as they say) hath any blood in his nails, will not nourish such Partialities in time of war: For so may they bring him much hurt: But in time of peace he may by such means handle his subjects much more easily. WHensoever the commonwealth is governed by a good prince, who useth good counsel in the conduction of his affairs, and gets the love of his subjects, it is certain, that both in time of peace and war he shall be obeyed always: For the most part of the people will obey him voluntarily and without constraint, some for love, others for fear of his justice, which he shall have well established in his domination. And therefore this Maxim cannot be but damageable and pernicious to a good prince, which being Partiality pernicious to a prince. practised, alienateth him from the love of his subjects: for if he nourish Partialities amongst his subjects, he cannot possibly carry himself so equally towards both parties, but in them both will be jealousy and suspicion: insomuch, as each party will esteem the other to be more favoured of the prince than they, whereupon he will hate his prince, and by that means it may come to pass, that the prince shall be hated of both parties, and so both the one and the other shall machinate his ruin, which he can hardly shun, having all their evil wills. And suppose he had but the evil will of the one party, yet could he not be assured, seeing men are naturally inclined to a desire to ruinated and destroy that which they hate, and that not only many, but even one alone particular, may well find and encounter means to bring to pass his purpose, and to execute an enterprise, as before we have demonstrated by many examples: Therefore this Maxim cannot but be very pernicious and very perilous for a prince, who will use it: But it may be a tyrant may make use of it, to hinder a concord of the people, which may prove ruinous and perilous unto him: for when a people accordeth, a tyrant's nails have no great power upon them, neither can easily introduce or practise tyrannical actions upon a people which is in good concord; because he refuseth the yoke, and denieth obedience unto wicked ordinances and new burdens, and without obedience nothing by him is brought to effect. Therefore Partiality the foundation of tyranny. they which mean to introduce a tyranny into a country, do first cast this foundation of Partiality, as the certainest mean to establish and build a tyranny: and although no tyranny be ever firm or assured, & that we seldom or never see, tyrants live long, because all tyranny comprehendeth violence, and that by nature violent things cannot endure; as also, that God sets in foot and exerciseth his justice upon them, yet for all that, is there not a better nor more expedient mean to establish a tyranny, than to place and plant a Partiality amongst the people: And this is the mark and end whereat Machiavelli shooteth to establish a tyranny, as we have before showed in many places. It may be Machiavelli learned this Maxim of Claudius Appius, who was a man of courage, and very tyrannical towards the Roman people▪ and if all other Senators had been of his humour, assuredly the Senate had usurped a tyranny in the city, and changed the Aristocratical estate into an oligarchy: but most commonly, he remained alone in his opinion: But we must understand, that at Rome there was ten Tribunes of the people (which were magistrates established to conserve the liberties and franchises of the mean people, against the tyrannical enterprises of the great men of the city) which had power to oppose themselves against all novelties, as new laws, new burdens and imposts; and after a firm opposition, none might pass any further: They also had power to propose and pursue the reception of new laws, as they knew it was requisite and profitable for all the people; whereby it often came to pass, that the Tribunes sought to make pass and to receive laws, to the great dislike of the Patricians and Senators, and to the utility of the mean people. The abovesaid Claudius Appius always gave the Senate advice, to sow a Partiality Titus Livius Dec. Dionis. Halic. lib. 9 amongst the said ten Tribunes, and by the practice of that same amongst them, they might oppose themselves against laws, which others would have to pass: For (said he) by this means the Tribunes power shall ruinated itself, without that we shall seem any way to meddle therein, and without that the people shall know, that any of our action is in it. This counsel of Appius was many times followed, but in the end they found it did them no good: For after the Tribunes were partialized one against another, and that thereby nothing could pass nor be concluded by way of deliberation and accustomed suffrages, than fell they to arms and seditions: So that in the end the people were constrained by force to pluck from the Patricians, that which they would not permit to be handled and disputed, by the accustomed way of good deliberation and conclusion by plurality of voices. Thus oftentimes the Patricians were constrained (to appease the people) to grant them things which by reason they might have persuaded them to leave: for it is the nature of men to desire always that which is denied them, as the Poet Horace saith very well, expressing that which happeneth ordinarily in the world: That which denied is most commonly, Desired is of us most ardently. Moreover, it often came to pass, that the Patricians desired to make pass to the people (by means of the Tribunes) some law, which seemed unto them profitable for the commonwealth, but they could not come to their pretences, because they had fashioned the Tribunes to a contradiction one of another: And of those Tribunarie partialities arose at Rome, great insurrections of the people, and great murders and effusion of blood, as there did, when the two brethren Graccht were slain: And therefore that goodly counsel of Appius (whereupon Machiavelli hath made his Maxim) was cause of great evils and calamities, as surely it is easy to judge, That all Partialities and divisions are cause of ruin and desolation amongst a people: whereof we are also advertised by him who is truth itself, our Lord jesus Christ, who saith, That every kingdom divided in itself, shall be desolate. And if there be any Machiavelist so gross headed, as he cannot comprehend this in his spirit, yet may he see this by experience in France, if he be not altogether blind: and if he be French, he cannot but palpably touch it in the loss of his goods, and in the death of his parents and friends, unless he be a lazar▪ or without sense: For all the late ruins of France, from whence have they proceeded, but from the partialities of Papists and Huguenots, which strangers sowed and maintained thereof. It is solly to say, that the diversity of Religion was cause thereof: For if men had handled all controversies of Religion, by preachings, disputes, and conferences, as at the beginning they did, they had never fallen into any Partiality: but since men came to arms and massacres, and that, by constraint they will force men to believe, partialities sprung up, which was the only mark whereat all stranger's shot, that thereby they might plant in France the government of Machiavelli. The Chalcedonians were well advised, not to believe the counsel of the Aetolians, which resembled this doctrine of Machiavelli, and the counsel of Appius: for when the war was open betwixt the Romans and the king Antiochus, the Chalcedonians, allies and friends of the Romans, caused to be assembled the States of their countries, to resolve upon that which Antiochus made them understand, That his only coming into Greece, was to deliver the country from the subjection and servitude of the Romans, and therefore required them to ally and conjoin themselves with him. The Aetolians (which were very unconstant and mutable people with each wind, as are the Machiavelists) chanced to be in that assembly, and persuaded the Chalcedonians, that it was certain, that the king Antiochus had passed from Asia into Europe, to deliver Greece from the Romans servitude, and that they thought it best, that all the cities of Greece ought to ally and contract amity with both the two parties, the Antioches and the Romans: For (said they) if we ally ourselves with both parties, when the one would offend us, the other will revenge us. The Chalcedonians not finding good this counsel of the Aetolians, knowing well, that as none can serve two contrary masters, so neither can they ally themselves with two nations enemies, and that they which will entertain two contrary parties, shall often fall into the malegrace of both: And therefore Mixtion, one of the principals amongst the Chalcedonians, made to the Aetolians a very wise and notable answer: We see not (master's Aetolians, say they) that the Romans have seized upon any town in Greece, neither that therein they have placed any Roman garrison, nor that any payeth them tribute, neither know we any, unto whom they have given any law, or any thing changed their estate: And therefore we do not acknowledge ourselves entangled in any servitude, but that we always are in the same liberty which we have always been: Being therefore free, we stand in no need of a deliverer, and the coming of the king Antiochus into Greece, cannot but hurt us, who can perform no greater good unto us, than to withdraw himself far from our country: And as for us, we are resolved to receive none within our towns, but by the authority of the Romans, our allies. The Chalcedonians then governed themselves after this answer, and it happened well unto them. But the Aetolians were almost all ruined and lost by practising their foolish opinion, to entertain both the Romans and Antiochians, together: for so were they of necessity forced to seek practices, always to maintain war betwixt that king and the Roman commonweal, to the end, that the two powers might always stand on foot, without ability one to overthrow another, because otherwise could they not attain to their design and purpose, which was to keep themselves in friendship with both parties: yet thus seeking and practising to sustain them both, and maintain them enemies, they made themselves hated of both: So that after the retreat of Antiochus into his country, these miserable Aetolians fell into a desperate case, like to have torn one another in pieces, burdening and accusing mutually one another to be the inventors of that wicked counsel: yet in the end, by the Romans clemency and bounty, which pardoned them, they had a certain subsistence, though in a mean sort. In the town of Ardea, a neighbour of the Romans, there was a like partiality, Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 1. as there is at this day at Genes: for now at Genes the people is banded against the nobles, and they will by no means receive any for duke of Genes of the nobility; insomuch, as all dukes of Genes must needs be villains and base men of race, and it may be there will be found in France of the like race, as at Genes: The like partiality (I say) being in the town of Ardea, betwixt the nobility and the people, it happened that two young bachelors, one of the people, and another of the nobility, fell at debate one against another, about the obtaining in marriage a young maid of excellent beauty, but of a base and carterly race: Great bandying there fell out about this marriage, they of the nobility all casting their heads, and employing their abilities for their gentleman, who loved and desired that maid; and they obtained so much, as they got the maid's mother on their side, who affected, that her daughter might be placed in a noble house: But contrary, the people which were for the other young man of their own race and quality, did so much for him, as they gained the maids tutors, which thought, that it was more reasonable, that their pupil should espouse an husband of her own quality, than to mount into an higher degree: for that equality ought (as much as might be) to be observed in marriage: Upon altercation of this marriage, the parties were drawn unto justice, and the maid was adjudged to the gentleman, after the advice of the mother: yet although by law the gentleman got the cause, by force he could not: for the tutors with strong hand forced the maid from her mother: The gentleman unto whom she was adjudged, being almost enraged at this tape and injury that was done him, gathered together a great company of other gentlemen, his parents and friends, and gave charge upon those which had taken away his betrothed wife: Briefly, there was a great stir and noise through the town, and a great number slain on both sides; and at last the gentlemen remained masters of the town, and the people were driven away: The people straying about the fields, ruinated the houses and possessions of the nobles: The abovesaid nobles sent to Rome, ambassadors for succours: The people likewise sent to the Volsques (people of Tuscan) for their aid: By this means the Romans and the Volsques fell to war one against another: But the Romans carrying away the victory, beheaded the principal authors of the insurrection, which happened for this marriage in the town of Ardea, and confiscated all their goods, which was adjudged to the commonalty of the Ardeates. Here you see how the partiality which was in the town of Ardea, was cause of that great calamity and combustion: and therefore well to be noted, are these words of Titus Livius: The Ardeates (saith he) were continually in an intestine war, the cause and commencement whereof proceeded of the contention of partialities, which always have and will be ruinous and damageable to people far more than extern wars, than famine, than pestilence, or than all other evils, which the gods do send upon cities, which they will altogether destroy. These words are full contrary to the Machiaveline doctrine, as indeed they are the words of another manner of author than Machiavelli, at whom I do much marvel, that he dare attempt to write discourses upon Titus Livius, since any may see, be understands him not, and his doctrine is also clean contrary to that of Titus Livius. Unto the said sentence of Titus Livius, I will add that which he reciteth from Quintius Capitolinus, who admonishing the soldiers of his army: Our enemies (said he) come not to assail us upon any trust they have in our cowardice or their own virtue, for many times already they have assayed both the one and the other; but it is for the confidence they have in our partialities and contentions which now are betwixt the Patricians and the people: for our partialities are the venom which empoysoneth and corrupteth this city, because we are too imperious, and you too unmeasurably desirous of liberty. The partialities of the Carthaginians, were they not cause of their utter ruin? There were two factions at Carthage, the Barchinian (whereof was Hannibal's house) Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 3. and the Hannoenne contrary. As soon as Amilcar the father of Hannibal, was dead, the Carthaginians elected for captain general of their army, Asdrubal their citizen, one of the Barchian faction, which they sent to make war in Spain with a great army. This Asdrubal had learned his art of war under Amilcar, which was the cause why he sought to have Hannibal nigh him (who at that time was very young) to administer unto him the same benefit which he had received at his father's hands, and therefore writ to the Senate of Carthage. The Senate brought this to deliberation, and Hanno his advice being demanded, he reasoned in this sort: Masters (said he) me thinks the demand of Asdrubal is very equal, yet I am not of opinion, his request should be granted him: For it is equal in that he desireth to restore a like benefit to the son, as he hath received of the father: yet may not we herein accommodate ourselves to his will, and give him our youth to nourish after his fancy. I am then of advice, that this young Hannibal be nourished and educated in this city, under the obedience of laws and magistrates, and that he be learned to live after justice, and in egalitie with others, lest this little fire do one day raise up a far greater. The wisest and best advised of the Senate were of this opinion, but the plurality (which was of the Barchian faction) was to send young Hannibal into Spain to the war, who as soon as he came there, was much beloved of the soldiers; as well because he resembled his father Amilcar, as for his military virtues. Not many years after, he was chosen captain general of the Carthaginian army: But as soon as he was settled in that estate, he accomplished the prophesy of Hanno, for he lighted the great fire of the Punic wars against the Romans, whereby in the end the Carthaginians were utterly ruined: All this proceeded but from the Partiality which was at Carthage: for as soon as the Hannonians reasoned one way, the Barchinians must needs reason to the contrary, and they studied for nothing, but that by the plurality of their voices, their opinion might obtain the upper hand, without any care or consideration, what opinion was the best: And thus ordinarily happeneth it, where there is any Partiality: For than men give themselves more to contradiction, than to judge after an wholesome sentence, and without passion of that which is profitable and expedient. The Partialities of the houses of Orleans and Burgoigne (in our grandfathers memory) were they not cause of infinite miseries and calamities, wherewith France was afflicted by the space of more than threescore years? and of the entire ruin of the Bourgonianne house? Lewis duke of Orleans, the alone brother of king Charles the sixth, took for his devise (Mitto.) Duke john de Bourgoigne took for his (Accipio) challenging as it were thereby an egalitie with the only brother of the king, under colour, that he was richer than he: This commencement of contrary devices, which they caused to paint in their banners of their lances, and on their servants livery coats, erected a great Partiality; insomuch, as the duke of Bourgoigne enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to be slain (as he did.) The children of the duke of Orleans (because justice was not executed on their father's massacre) levied arms: Duke john also by arms resisted them, insomuch, as all the realm was partialized about the quarrel of these two great houses: After, duke john was slain at Monterean-fante-Yonne, in a strange manner: whereupon his son Philip, willing to revenge himself, sent for the Englishmen, which he caused to pass through France, and occupied at least the third part of the kingdom of France. This duke Philip made peace with the king, but he had a son (Charles his successor) who would never put trust in the king of France, fearing himself, because of the wars which his father and grandfather had raised in the kingdom, but would needs grapple with king Lewis the eleventh. This king (who was too good for him) raised him up so many enemies on all sides, that the house of that duke came to ruin. Behold the fruits of partialities, which Machiavelli recommendeth so much to a prince! And hereupon should well be noted, the saying of master Philip de Comines: That Divisions and partialities are very easy to sow, and are a sure token of ruin and destruction in a country, when they take root therein, as hath happened to many monarchies and commonweals. De Comines to prove his alleged saying, setteth down other examples, The Partiality of the houses of Lancaster and York in England, whereby the house of Lancaster was altogether ruined and brought down, and the one house delivered to the other, seven or eight battles betwixt three and fourscore princes of the royal blood of England, and an infinite number of people. This here is no small thing, but it is rather an example, which should make us abhor all Partialities. He further saith, That by the means of the said Partiality betwixt these two houses, many great princes and lords were banished and chased from England, and amongst others, that he saw a duke of the house of Lancaster, the chief of the league of that house, and brother in law of king Edward the fourth, who saved himself in Bourgoigne, yet in so poor estate, that he went bare foot and without hose after the train of duke Charles of Bourgoigne, demanding his alms from house to house. He after reciteth the tragical acts of the duke of Warwick; of the kings, Edward and Henry; of the prince of Wales; of the dukes of Gloucester and Somerset, which are strange histories, that cannot be heard or read without great horror, and cannot but make men detest all Partialities and divisions. In the time that Hannibal made war upon the Romans, there were created Titus Livius lib. 1. & 7. Dec. 3. & lib 4. & 5. Dec. 1 Consuls together at Rome Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero, which bore great enmity one towards another, and of long time: The Senate fearing that these enmities betwixt those two Consuls, should cause some Partialities in the administration of their estate, which might turn to the damage of the public good, admonished them both to be reconciled together. Marcus Livius made answer, That it was not needful, and that their enmities and Partialities, should cause them with envy, to seek one to do better than another: but the Senate was not of that advice: For they remembered, that in the time of the Proconsulship of Quintius Paenus, Caius Furius, Marcus Posthumius, and Cornelius Cossus, the Roman army had been vanquished and chased by the Veians, because of the Partialities of the chieftains, which could not accord in their counsels and designs, but tended always to contrary ends. The like also happened in the Proconsulship of Publius Virginius, and Marcus Sergius: But the most memorable and latest example, which the Senate had before their eyes, was the loss of the battle at Cans, where the Romans lost fifty thousand men, which loss happened by the discord & Partiality of two chieftains, Paulus Aemylius, and Terentius Varro. These examples moved the Senate to exhort these two Consuls, Livius and Nero, to a reconciliation, not believing that their Partiality could serve them for any thing, but evil to conduct the affairs of the commonweal; insomuch, as being constrained by the Senate's authority, they accorded and reconciled themselves together, and very well acquitted themselves in their charge, and overthrew together a succour of fifty thousand men, which Asdrubal conducted and brought over into Italy, to Hannibal his brother: In this defeat also, Asdrubal himself was slain, and his head secretly carried and cast into Hannibal's camp, who yet knew no news of that journey: When Hannibal saw the head of his brother, he then deplored his fortune, and despaired of his affairs, knowing, that the Roman virtue would never bow nor stoop for either misfortune or calamity. The reconciliation then and concord of Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero, were the cause of a great good and utility to the commonwealth, and remounted the affairs Concord very profitable to the commonwealth. thereof into a great hope, and abated the pride that Hannibal had taken of the battle at Cans; as also by the contrary, the Partiality of Paulus Aemylius (who was a wise captain) and of Terentius Varro (who was very rash and heady) was the cause that the Roman Commonwealth was almost utterly overthrown, and that Hannibal was mounted into so great pride and hope, to be master thereof. Concord then, & not Partiality, is profitable and healthful to a commonwealth: and to this purpose is very memorable, the oration of Fabius Maximus, to the Roman Titus Livius lib. 10. Dec. 3. people. Fabius being elected Consul (which was the greatest magistracy in the Roman common weal) five times, and twice having had for his companion Publius Decius; the people at this time would needs take for his companion, Lucius Volumnius: But the above said Fabius arose upon his feet▪ and turning himself towards the people, said: My masters, I have already had in two Consulships, for companion Publius Decius, and we have carried ourselves together, in a very good concord, therefore I pray you to give me him, yet this time also, in favour of my age, which hardly can now accustom itself with any other companion: You know that there is nothing more firm, for the tuition of the commonweal, than magistrates which accord well: for every man will communicate his counsel more privately, with him he knoweth, and who is of manners and conditions accordant with his own, than with another. At this request of Fabius, the people accorded unto him, Decius' for his companion, yea, and that with such joy and comfort, as each man thought that from so good concord of two Consuls, there could not proceed any thing, but good and profit, to the commonwealth. The Romans one day, having no silver in their public treasure, to make war which they then had on their arms, the Senate gave charge to certain Senators, Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 1. to remonstrate to the people, that each man should make them ready to do their best, for the defence of the common wealth, and that none ought to abandon the defence of their counrrey, for want of sold and payment of wages: This was so well done, as first the knights offered, for nothing to serve the commonweal: Incontinent after this offer made, there run to the palace great troops of people, to cause themselves to be enrolled to march in war without wages: The abovesaid Senate, caused and ordained, that the colonels of soldiers, as well foot as horsemen, should assemble their regiments, and by orations give them great thanks, in the name of the Senate, and of the commonwealth, for this their good will, freely to serve the commonweal: which commission they all executed, highly praising the generosity of the Roman soldiers: Hereby all the world was taken with so great joy for this great concord and unanimity of great and small, to conserve the commonweal, that every one wept for joy, and cried on high: That assuredly the city of Rome was most happy, invincible and eternal, by this concord: That the knights were most brave men, worthy of praises: That the people were good and lowable, and that the debonaritie and kindness of the Senate had been vanquished by the prompt and voluntary obedience of the people. Here you may see what opinion the Roman people had of concord, so far were they off to think that Partialities were good. But when we say, That concord is good, necessary and profitable for the conservation of the public good; I say not, that herein is meant, that all persons which deal in the commonwealth, aught of necessity, to be of one humour, of one vice and complexion; For rather contrary, they must needs be gentle and sharp, affable and fierce, severe and pitiful, such as Appius, and Publicola, Cato's and Caesar's: For as in the Lute, if the strings were all of one sound, the harmony were worth nothing, but being of diverse sounds, tending to one melody, it proves a pleasant and agreeable harmony; so in a commonweal, or in a prince's Counsel, if all were of one humour and inclination, their advices and government could not be good, but being of diverse natures (yet tending to one end, which is the common good) their opinions shall always be better debated, by diverse and contrary reasons, and by conclusions, better taken and better digested. This it is which Tullius Hostilius king of the Romans, said to Suffetius dictator of the Albanois; The Partialities (saith Dion. Halic. lib. 3. he) which thou reprochest unto us, are profitable, and not damageable to the commonwealth, as thou sayst: For we contend together, who shall most profit it, great, or young, old, or new citizens: And because to maintain a public estate, two things are necessary, Force in war, and Prudence in counsel, we will contend and debate upon them both, who shall do best, and who shall show himself most virtuous in war, and most prudent in counsel: This Partiality then, which is in counsel, when all men tend to the public good, are well according discordances, which in the end make a very sweet harmony. I conclude then this matter, with the saying of Comines, That if a prince which is in peace, maintain Partialities amongst his subjects, they will bring him into war, and if he be once in war, they will bring him unto ruin and confusion: I conclude then, That a prince above all things, aught to take heed, that he nourish no Partialities, unless it be (saith he) amongst women: For a prince may take pleasure Partiality amongst women. in maintaining a Partiality amongst the ladies and gentlewomen of his court, and so may always have some pleasant news to laugh at, and take his pastime: But yet I could like better, that amongst the ladies of a prince's court, there should be such a Partiality, as there was in times past, amongst the Roman ladies: The Titus Livius lib, 10. Dec. 2. Patrician ladies had a chapel, dedicated to the Parrician Pudicitie or chastity, unto which place they often went, to make their devotions, in a great troop: These ladies being one day in their chapel, there arrived Virginia, who was a Patrician, but she was married to Lucius Volumnius, who was of the third estate, although also a great lord: These Patrician ladies would by no means suffer Virginia to enter into their chapel, because she was not married to a Patrician, but thrust her back: Virginia said, she was by race a Patrician, and that she was a chaste wife, without reproach, and married to a lord, who had received great honour and estates, in the commonwealth, and was now in a high degree thereof, although by race he were but of the third estate: Notwithstanding whatsoever she could say, these Patrician ladies would not suffer her to enter into their chapel: Virginia seeing this (to show that she was a chaste lady) caused an altar to be erected to Pudicitie, and dedicating it in the presence of a great troop of other Patrician ladies: I dedicate (saith she) this altar to the Patrician Chastity, and do admonish you all, that the same contention, which is amongst our husbands who shall be most valiant and virtuous, may also be amongst us, who shall be most chaste, and that you may so do, and behave yourselves, as this altar may be more holily and chastened reverenced, than this chapel here. Behold here a contention worthy of virtuous and sage ladies! But at this day, ladies contend, who shall best dance, paint, and deck, themselves, and to do such like thjngs, as do not lead them into the chapel of the Roman Patricians, nor to the altar of Virginia her Chastity, but rather do lead them clean contrary. 31. Maxim. Seditions and dissensions are profitable and blameless. I Say against the advice of many (saith master Nicholas) that dissensions and seditions, are good and profitable, and that they were the cause that Rome is mounted into the lofty degree of empire, wherein it hath been: I know well that some hold, that it was rather her valiancy in arms, and her good fortune, which so high hath lifted her up: But they which hold this, do not consider, that deeds of arms cannot be conducted without good order and good policy, and that is it policy, which commonly leadeth to good fortune: But certain it is that seditions have been cause of good order, and of the good policy, which was established at Rome: And in sum, all the goodly acts and examples of the ancient Romans, have proceeded from this fountain of seditions: For good examples proceed from good nurture and education; good nurture proceeds from good laws and policies; and the mother of good laws, are seditions, and dissensions, which inconsiderately most men condemn. IT were to be desired, that Machiavelli and his nation, which esteem Seditions and dissensions so profitable, had reserved them for themselves, with all the utility and profit that is in them, and not have participated them with their neighbours. As for France, they might well have spared the Seditions and partialities, which the Italian Machiavelists have sown on this side the mounts, which caused so much bloodshed, so many houses destroyed, and so many miseries and calamities, as every man feels, sees and deplores. Would to God than all dissensions, had remained amongst the Florentines, and other Italians, who do love & find them good, so that the French men, had been without them; then would not France be so rend and torn in pieces, as it is, and it should not be enfeeblished more than half in his forces; the people should not be so poor as we see them, nor so naked of his substance, and all good means: For dissensions have brought to the realm, such a ransack and discomfiture of goods, and have so abandoned and overthrown all free commerce and good husbandry (which are the two means to store and fill a country with abundance of goods) that at this day, there are seen no good houses, but they which were wont to be, are ruinated and altogether impoverished and made barren: Seditions cause of ravishments, of goods, & of cessation of commerce▪ and agriculture. And truly it is as in a forest, when a man sees all the goodly oaks hewn down, and that there remaineth no more there, but thorns, shrubs, and bushes; For even as such a forest, which either hath none, or few trees in it, meriteth rather the name of a bush, than of a forest; so the kingdom or commonweal, whose good & ancient houses are impoverished, deserveth rather to be named by the name of a desert, than of a kingdom or commonweal. Moreover, the reason which Machiavelli allegeth, whereby he would prove Seditions to be good, is very gross and foolish: for follow with this, Because Seditions are sometime not the cause but the occasion, that there are made some good laws and rules, That they are therefore good: This reason is like the argument of a certain philosopher, whom Aulus Gellius mocketh, who would maintain, that the fever quartain is a good thing, because it makes men sober and temperate, and to guard themselves from eating and drinking too much. Such philosophers as delight to broach such absurd opinions, deserve to be left without answer, with their Seditions and fever quartaines, to draw out such profit from them, as they say do proceed out of them: Doth not the common proverb say, That from evil manners, do proceed good laws? and doth it therefore follow, that evil manners are goods? that is, doth it follow, that white is black, or black white? The grossest headed fellows know well, that law makers, never set down laws, but only to reform vices, and abuses, which are in a people: so that indeed, no laws would have been made, if the people walked uprightly, and committed no abuses, nor had any vices: For laws are not set down, but for transgressors, and to hold intemperate persons within limits, and bounds: Hereof followeth it, that abuses, vices, straying, and lusts, are occasions of good laws, and prudent princes and law makers are the efficient causes of them; but it doth not therefore follow, that vices, abuses, and straying lusts, are good things. Moreover, it is not always true, that which Machiavelli saith, That Seditions are causes, or occasions of having good laws and rules: The Seditions which were raised up at Rome, by Tiberius Gracchus, and Caius his brother, Tribunes of the people, which were so great and sanguinary, were not cause of any good laws: They were the cause, that they both were massacred, as they merited, but they were neither cause nor occasion of any good law or rule: and how should they be cause thereof, seeing they tended to authorize and make pass wicked laws, and to despoil true masters and proprietors of their goods? For Tiberius Gracchus, pursued by his Seditious faction that a law (called Agraria) might be received and authorised, whereby it was not lawful for a Roman citizen, to possess above ten acre's land, which was as much to say, as to take away the more from them, which had more: And because Marcus Octavius his companion, in the Tribunate, opposed himself to hinder the passage of this law, as both wicked and unjust; Gracchus would needs have had him dispatched of his estate, and sought to make a Triumvirate of himself, of his brother, and of his father in law, to divide amongst the people, rich men goods: This was the cause that the great lords of the city, by the advice and counsel of Scipio Nasica (who was accounted the best man thereof) slew him in the Capitol, and caused his body to be cast into Tiber: His brother Caius Gracchus being Tribune of the people, a certain space after, sought again to bring up that law Agraria, and would needs devise one out of his own brain; whereby it was ordained, that in all judgements and conclusions of affairs, there should be 600 knights, and 300 Senators, all having voices; & this did he, to have the plurality of voices, at his command, knowing that the knights, would always easily incline to his pursuits, and so could he not fail to obtain what he would, if at all deliberations, there were twice as many knights as Senators. But this was a wicked law, tending to overthrow and weak the authority of Senators, and therefore they hindered it: For Lucius Opimius Consul (by the decree of the Senate) caused the people to arm themselves, and to go assail Caius Gracchus, with the seditious of his troop: and in the conflict Gracchus was slain, with Flacchus his fellow in the Triumvirate. Finally, the seditions of these two brethren Gracchi, tended but to bring forward wicked laws, and hereof came no good, but they were cause of infinite murders, and of great effusion of blood. The seditions also, which were raised up at Rome, by the Triumvirate of Octavius, Antonius, and Lepidus, what good brought they to the commonwealth? They Dion. in Augusto. were cause of infinite mischiefs, of great and long war, of the death of an infinite number of persons, of the ruin, impoverishment and pillage of the provinces of the empire, and finally of the change of the estate of the commonwealth, into a monarchy: And although that the subjects of the Roman empire, did not then feel any harm by that change, because they light on a good prince, Augustus; yet after they felt it, under five or six emperors, all which successively followed, Augustus, that is to say, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Otho and Vitellius, all which were bad emperors, and governed very tyrannically. Herodianus writeth, That the Greeks' were first subjugated, and brought under subjection by the Macedonians, and after, by the Romans, because of their accustomed Herod. lib. 3. seditions, whereby they banished or caused to die ordinarily, the most valiant and generous persons that they had in their commonwealth: And yet after they were brought under the Romans yoke, they could not hold themselves from being seditious, yea even when there were many competitors to the empire: for ever they banded for some one, which was after cause oftentimes of the racing, ruinating and destroying of their best towns, as happened in the time of Severus, to such as partialized for Niger. Before the Romans had subjugated the Gaulois, Gaul was divided into petty commonweals (as julius Caesar saith in the commentaries) which notwithstanding were leagued together, and held a diet, once a year at Dreux to parley and confer of the whole country's affairs: But at last there fell a partiality amongst them, insomuch, as there became great war betwixt the Sequanois and the Autunoys: The Sequanois drew to their succours the Alemains, under the conduction of Ariovistus; and the Autunois the Romans, under the conduction of Caesar: Caesar arriving in Gaul, to secure the Autunois, did so well, as he planted greater division and sedition through all Gaul, and by that means subjected it to the Roman empire. And it was a province, which the Romans esteemed most opulent and rich of all them under the empire: so made they their account, to draw ordinarily out of it, greatest store of silver: And indeed, after Gaul was made subject unto the Romans, it was always much vexed with imposts, and tributes, and with the extortions & pillages of governors; which (to cover their robberies with some colour) said, it was needful to hold the Gaulois poor, lest they rebelled against the Romans, against whom they had anciently made war, and obtained upon them many victories. The ten Potentates which were created at Rome in the place of Consul, would Dionis. Halic. lib. 11. needs usurp a tyranny, and continue in their estate beyond the time established by laws: But what means used they? even sedition: For so long as they could maintain sedition betwixt the people, and the Patricians, their tyranny was in some assurance, but as soon as great and small of the city, were at an accord, the ten Potentates, were withal strait ruined and overthrown. But this example, is very fit to confirm the Maxim of Machiavelli, according to the end whereunto it tendeth, which is, to establish a tyranny: for seditions and dissensions, may something serve a tyrant's turn to maintain him in his tyranny, but because heretofore we have sufficiently parleyed of tyrannical actions, and alleged many examples, which in their places may be found, we pass on. 32. Maxim. The means to keep subjects in peace and union, and to hold them from Rebellion, is to keep them always poor. THe towns (saith Machiavelli) which are placed in lean Discourse lib. 1. Cap. 22 lib. 2. cap. 7. lib. 3. cap. 16. and 25. and barren soils, are customably united and peaceable, because the inhabitants there, being ever occupied in ploughing, and labouring the earth, have no other means nor leisure to think upon seditions & rebellions: And contrary, towns situated in fat and rich countries, are easily inclined to stirs and disobediences: For truly, strifes & debates, which arise every day amongst men, proceed only of riches, and abundance of goods, & rich people will not suffer themselves to be handled as we commonly see Therefore did the Romans maintain in poor estate, their Colonies, and assigned them small possessions, lest they should rise up against them; yea even within their own town, a long time reigned, a very great Poverty, notwithstanding which, the citizens left not to be virtuous people, & employed in great public charges, as were Quintus Cincinnatus, Marcus Regulus, Paulus Aemilius, and many others which were very poor, yet executed great things. And surely we have ever seen that poverty, hath produced better fruits than riches, and that a people being rich and fat, have always been more prompt to rebellion, and disobedience: Therefore it is an healthful and good remedy, to hold subjects poor, to the end that by their riches they neither may corrupt themselves nor others. Here may a man see the very counsel, which Guiemand gave to Giles, governor for the Roman emperor in the town of Soisons, and the neighbour countries. chilperic the fourth of that name, king of France, had for one of his most especial friends and counsellors, this Guiemand, who was a valiant and sage French baron. This king sometimes led a slippery and disordinate life, so that to furnish his pleasure and unmeasurable expenses, he was constrained to impose upon the people great imposts, and to commit great exactions. The French, which at that time were of an austere courage (saith the history) begun to hate him and bear him evil will, and to resolve amongst themselves to seize his person, and to appoint a tutor for him, and so to take from him all his young and bad counsellors about him: which he perceiving, demanded Guiemand his advice, what he should do: Guiemand counseled him to fly, and to give place to the French ire, which in his absence he would appease, and as soon as they were quieted, he would recall him: He also parted a gold ring in two, and gave one moiety to the king, saying: Sir when I send you this other half, which I keep, it shall be unto you a certain token, that you may boldly come again, and without fear. chilperic then retired towards the king of Thuringe, and in his absence the French elected for their chieftain, the said Giles, governor of a great part of Gaul, which the Roman emperor then held: This Giles called Guiemand to be about him, as one of his Counsel, because he was reputed a wise man: Guiemand dissembled the best he could by the space of nine years, all which time he was about this Giles, yet never forgetting the amity and fidelity which he bore to his king: But amongst other things which he counseled this governor, this was one, that he gave him to understand, that the Frenchmens natures is, to be rudely handled in great subjection, and to take great heed they do not enrich themselves; for they are far better poor than rich, and when they are rich, and at their ease, then do they incontinent rebel against their prince. Briefly, by this goodly counsel (whereof he desired such issue as after happened) he put in that Roman governors head, to lay great imposts and exactions upon the French people, and withal to practise cruelties. This was the cause that the Frenchmen (by the advice and secret handling of Guiemand himself) called again their king chilperic, unto whom Guiemand sent the halfering which he had. The king returning, the French gentlemen met him even at Bar, where they dealt with him most honourably: The king also forgave them all new tributes and imposts, and from thence forward governed himself wisely, and of a Sardanapalus, which he had been before his flight, he became after his return a noble and valiant prince, and chased the Romans from a good part of Gaul which they held, and greatly enlarged the limits of the realm of France. Therefore is it evidently seen, that the Maxim of Machiavelli, or the counsel which Guiemand gave to Giles (which is one same doctrine) is not very good, and that the issue thereof cannot be but evil. And to argue this point by reason, I think every man will confess unto me, that The force of a prince consists in the riches of his country. it is more expedient for a prince to be king and lord of a rich and plentiful country, than of a barren and poor country: for a withered and poor country cannot nourish any great people: Moreover, a poor and barren country cannot produce and bring forth things necessary to the tuition thereof, as abundance of corn, wine, fodder, money, and other things. Finally, to make a kingdom strong and puissant, (as well to maintain it, as to augment it) there is a necessity, that it be copious and rich of all things. And although Machiavelli in a certain place where he speaketh of war, maintaineth, that the common saying is false, That money are the sinews of war, this hindereth not, but that which we say may be true: For suppose it be true (as Machiavelli by his foolish subtlety maintains, that it is the good soldiers which are the sinews of the war and not money; yet these sinews cannot stir, nor be brought to any great actions, without clapping upon the cataplasm of money: So that if money be not the sinews of war (after the foolish subtlety of Machiavelli) because they have not of themselves either motion or operation: yet at the least are they the means which causeth the sinews to move, and without which soldiers can do nothing, or at least, without payment, in equipollent kinds to money, as victuals, apparel, and armour. And if it be objected unto me, that there are some poor nations, which notwithstanding are puissant and warlike, as were the Macedonians in the time of Alexander the Great, and these were poor in regard of the Greeks, Persians, and Medes; and as at this day are the Tartarians and Scythians; and as the Swisses were within this hundred years: Hereunto I do many ways answer: That first I will not deny, that the nations or poor countries cannot be but naturally good warriors (as commonly all Northernly nations are, of which number, are the Macedonians, Scythians, and Tartarians; yea, the Swisses also & the Almains hold now of the North) But this their martial virtue proceeds not from their poverty: For in Africa, America, and in many other places of Asia, and in many Islands there are many poor nations, yet nothing warlike: But if poor nations, which are naturally warlike, become rich in their country, they will not therefore lose their warlike virtue: As the Swisses at this day are very opulent and rich, yet are they nothing less valiant in war, than they were in the time of the battle of Morat (about a hundred years since) which they got against the duke of Bourgoigne: in which time they were so poor, that many of them could not discern vessels of silver from pewter, as M. de Comines saith. The Macedonians also, became very rich, after that under the conduct of Alexander, they had conquered Asia, yet remained they always generous and valiant. The Romans also in time of the foundation of Rome, were very poor, but within a small time they became very rich, yet therefore lost not their valour and generosity. It is not then the poverty of the country which makes a warlike people, but rather the nature and inclination of the heaven, which likewise is much aided, when the country may become rich. If there be opposed unto me also, That we see many princes and private persons, Riches is more requisite for a general, than particulars. which do evil abuse their riches, as Caligula did 67 millions of gold, which Tiberius left him; and as Caesar did the great treasures which he heaped up in Gaul, and as many others did. Hereunto I do two ways answer: First, I say, it followeth not, that r●ches and treasures are evil, because some abuse them, no more than wine is to be condemned, because many are drunk therewith. And although there be some princes and other persons which have abused their riches, there are also many which use them well. I moreover say, that the consequence is not good in this case, from the particular to the general: For I confess well, that it should be better and more profitable for the commonwealth, that in a country there were many houses meanly rich, than some little number excessively rich, because oftenest that excess proves very pernicious to him that enjoyeth it, who is thereby sometimes incited to stray out of the limits of laws and temperance. But suppose it true, that great riches is most commonly damageable to particulars; it therefore followeth not that they are not, nor may be in a country in general: but the more rich a country is, so much more is it strong and puissant, if so be that it be so well governed, as the particulars abuse not their richesse: which they will not do (especially being under the yoke of good laws and good magistrates) if every man have not too great abundance thereof, but in a mediocrity according to their qualities and degrees: for such a mean seems very requisite and profitable, because they are means and aids to come unto virtue, and to be exercised therein: but the excess is often pernicious, as it was in many particular Romans in Caesar's time, which were so exceeding opulent & rich, that their excessive riches drew them out of the limits of virtue, to give themselves unto all luxury, and to enterprise novelties and changes. But when I say, that unmeasurable riches are pernicious most often to particular A prince ought not to the sawrize. persons, I mean also of the person of a sovereign prince: For it is neither good nor profitable, that a prince do treasure up nor make heaps of riches: for it serves but for a bait, to draw unto him enemies, or to engender quarrels and divisions after him: & we often see, that princes great treasures are causes of more evil than good. That infinite treasure of threescore and seven millions of gold, which Tiberius left after him, for what good purpose served it? It served to commit a thousand villainies and unprofitable expenses, full of corruptions, which Caligula would never have made, if he had not found that treasure? And the treasure which Charles le Sage, king of France, left behind him, wherefore served it, but to sow enmity and division amongst brethren: for Lewis duke of Anjou got it, for which the dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne bore him evil will, and on their sides also (to get treasures) they caused great exactions to be laid upon the people. And what good did this treasure to the duke of Anjou? but tended to the destruction of him and his treasure, in the conquest of the realms of Naples and Sicily. The great treasures of king Croesus of Lydia incited him to war against king Sirus of Persia and Media, to his own destruction. The treasures of Perseus, king of Macedon, made him put so great confidence in his forces, that he would needs have war with the Romans, and so lost all, together with himself. Briefly, it is neither good nor profitable for a prince to heap up, nor to have great treasures and riches enclosed in one place. And what then? must a sovereign prince be poor? No: But contrary, he had need be rich and very opulent: for otherwise he shall be feeble and weak, and cannot make head against his enemies: but his riches and treasures must be in the purses and houses of his subjects, that is to say, a prince must so deal, that his subjects by good handling The surest treasure of a prince, is in the subject's purses. and maintenance of good peace, may abound and be rich, that their towns may be maintained in their liberties and franchises, and in free commerce, and that the labourer and all others may be comforted and preserved from extraordinary and excessive imposts, and from exactions and pillings of magistrates, and of a company of ruffians and violent persons, which under colour, that they hold the place of an Archer in the king's military ordinances, or some horseman, therefore will they eat and ruinated the poor labourer and others, under colour of a commission to receive tenths, and of others under pretext to receive some tail or money royal, and of others under divers other pretexts: For to say true, the petty and inferior people is as much or more foiled and spoiled by magistrates, and such as usurp the office of magistrates, as by the imposts of money which are destined for the prince. If a prince then shoot at this mark, that through all his country and lands of his obedience, his subjects be rich and abundant, and that there be the greatest number that can be of good and rich houses, then shall there be so many treasurers for him, and he shall never want in his need: For the nobleman shall servein good order, yea, at his own expenses if need be in affairs of war; the merchant and labourer shall furnish him with silver and soldiers; the Clergy will willingly contribute their tenths: briefly, the prince shall find ordinarily good and assured recourse in his subjects purses, which will be the best treasuries he can have: for in place to give great wages to other treasurers (which can often subtly steal from their prince, without being perceived) these treasurers will take no wages of their prince, nor steal from him, neither will his treasure perish in their hands. And truly, the true and assured riches of a prince, which he cannot lose, and which cannot fail him, is the richesses of his subjects: for other of the prince's treasurers may be undone by the poverty of collectors of the prince's debts, or by some other chance of war or shipwreck; but the treasure that is in all the people's hands, is not subject to hazards: And therefore the prince cannot better treasure up wealth and enrich himself, than by growing rich by good dealing with his subjects. The Venetians (which are wise politics) use this: For it is a capital crime in their commonwealth, to speak of gathering money for a public treasure: But their particulars are so rich, that the public cannot be poor. By the abovesaid reasons it seemeth unto me, that the Maxim of Machiavelli is Poverty makes men enterprise novelties. sufficiently confuted; and that it is seen, that a prince for the good of his estate, aught to maintain his subjects rich and not poor: For to say that poor subjects will be more tractable and obedient, and will more easily thrust their heads under the yoke, and will better bear burdens when they are laid upon them, it is rather contrary. This was the opinion of the emperor Galba, who said (when one told him, that Vitellius enterprised upon the empire) that there were no people less to be feared, than such as are every day in thought to live, and therefore he being such an one, was not to be feared. But Galba knew well in the end, to the loss of his life, that his saying was not true, and that a person in necessity will seek all means, good & bad, right and wrong, to obtain his purpose. The same cause of poverty made also Otho to enterprise to aspire to the empire: For he himself said, that he had rather die in war, in hazarding himself to come to an empire, than to die in prison for his debts. Therefore said julius Caesar to such as were poor and great spenders, or which were loadened with crimes, that they stood in need of a war; meaning, that the Sueto. Caesar. Dict. cap. 1●1 best mean to put away their poverty, was to see pillories and thefts permitted (as they are in wars) to gather silver and other goods good cheap, with little labour. And to this purpose is very notable the sentence of Sallust: Always (saith he) men of one city, which have no goods, do envy good people; do make most account of such as are nought; do hate the present government, and desire a new; and disdaining their own affairs, do study for a change, because poverty cannot incur any hazard of loss. If it were needful to confirm this by examples, to show, That poverty hath many times been cause of great insurrections and wars: We read that at Rome Dion Halic. lib. 5. 6. 7. there were many stirs and seditions against usurers, which eat up, and impoverished the people, and caused great faintness. The like often happened in France: for in the time of king Philip Augustus the conqueror; in the time of S. Lewis; in the time of king john; and many other times, the jews and Italians, which held banks, Annal. 3. and practised usuries in France, whereby they ruinated the people, were chased and banished out of the kingdom. The factions of Mailotins, and of such as carried cowls, and hoods of diverse colours, and other like popular inventions, tending to seditions and wars, were not founded upon any other foundation than that, For poor people of base estate, are always the authors & executioners of such factions and seditions. In the time also that France was under the obedience of the Roman empire, we read that the Gaulois rose up often, when they sought to impoverish Dion in Aug. them by undue exactions: As in the time of Augustus, there was in Gaul one Licinius, a receiver of imposts, who practised great and undue exactions upon the people, unknown to Augustus; and because at that time, part of Gaulois paid tributes, each chief of every house a certain sum by month; this master deceiver made a week but six days, and a month, but of twenty four days; so that in the year, were fourteen months, and so two fell to his profit: Augustus being advertised hereof, was much grieved, yet did no justice thereon. Not long after, Augustus sent for governor into Gaul, Quintilius Varus, who was a great lord, and before had had the government of Syria, where he had filled his hands: Arriving in Gaul, he sought to do there, as he had done in Syria, and began to commit great exactions upon the people, and to deal with them, after the Sirian manner, (that is) like slaves: The Gaulois seeing this, made a countenance, voluntarily to accompany Varus and his army, against the high Almains, upon which he made war; but after they had conducted him and his army into a strait, whence he could not save himself, they set upon him, & defeated & cut his army in pieces. Varus & the other great lords of his company, slew themselves in despair: And hereupon the Gaulois rebelled against the Roman emperors many times; as under Nero, under Galen, & under many others, and at the last freed and cut off themselves altogether from the obedience of the empire: Whereupon I conclude, That to go about to hold the people poor (as Machiavelli counseleth) there can arise nothing but insurrections, feditions, and confusions in the commonwealth. But the means that a prince ought to hold, to enrich his subjects without weakening his own power, is first to take away all abuses, which are committed upon Means how a prince may enrich his subjects. on the people, in the collection of ordinary tributes: For a prince most righteously may levy ancient & accustomed tributes, to sustain public charges, otherwise his estate would dissolve: And he ought not to follow the example of Nero, who once would needs abolish all tributes and imposts: and because the Senate showed him that he ought not to do it, he imposed other new, without number. For a good & wise prince, will do neither the one nor the other, but without inventing any new tributes, will maintain himself in the exaction only of the ancient, which he will cause to be received, the most graciously, and without stir of the people that can be; which to do, it seems to be requisite, that such taxes & imposts, be duly laid without favour, or respect of persons: which in times of old, was a reformation that the king Tullius Hostilius made in his time at Rome, whereupon he was much praised, and his poor people comforted: Men must also imitate the ancient Romans, which excepted no person, from patrimonial tributes, which are such real burdens Titus Livin. lib. 6. Dec. 3. lib. 3. Dec. 2 as are paid in regard of grounds, whereunto they belong: For there was neither Senator nor bishop, but he paid as well as they of the third estate: There must also be a provision made, that the receivers and treasurers (which are they which do most hurt to the people) may no more pill and spoil the world: There must also an hand be holden, that so excessive usuries be no more practised, under the name of pensions and interests; and that it be permitted to deliver silver, to a certain moderate profit, which upon great pains it may not be lawful to exceed: for to forbid at once all profit, is to give unto men occasions to seek out palliations in contracts, by sales of pensions; by letting to hire fruits; by selling to sell again; feigned renumerations, & such like colours: There must be a provision made, that strangers, bankers, nor others, may no more make themselves bankrupts: And here would be brought in use, a law, made in the time of the emperor Tiberius, whereby it was ordained, that no man might hold a banque, upon a great pain, which had not two Sueton. in Tib. cap. 48. third parts of his goods in ground of inheritance: moreover there must be expressed the superfluities of apparel, of banquets, and other like, whereby men do so impoverish themselves, this shall be a cause that poverty or to have little, shall be the more tolerable: For as Cato the elder said, in an oration for the law Oppia (against the great estates and luxuries of women:) It is a great evil, and dangerous shame, the shame of poverty & parsimony, but when the law forbiddeth superfluities & excesses of apparel, and other vain expenses, it covereth that shame with an honourable mantle of living after laws, seeing that it is a most praisable thing, and the contrary, punishable and vituperable: And assuredly saith he, it ordinarily cometh to pass, that when we are ashamed of that, whereof we should not, we will not be ashamed of that, whereof we ought to have shame. Finally a prince must be a good justicer, ever respective that the meaner & poorer sort, be not oppressed by the greatest, neither by such men as are violent or evil livers: All those things shall be no charge to the prince, to bring to pass: yet by these means, he may greatly enrich his subjects, which then will never spare any thing they have, at their prince's demand. The people of the earldom of Foix, are of their own natures rude and stubborn enough, yet we read, That in the time of Gaston, contie of Foix (who was in the time of king Charles the sixth) his subjects paid him so great tallies and imposts, as he held a king's estate, though he were but a count: Yea they paid him them, very liberally, without constraint, and bore unto him, great amity and benevolence: and whereupon came this? but because he maintained them in peace, when all his neighbours about him, were in great war, and that he maintained so good justice amongst them, as none but he alone peeled and vexed them. And certain it is, that if men must needs be rob and spoiled, they had rather to be so dealt with, by one man alone, then of many; and that subjects will bear it better at their prince's hands, than of particulars; but especially, when extreme and hard tallies and imposts are laid upon subjects, if they be descried to be employed for the public good, and that it be something softened and sweetened by a good peace & justice: And therefore de Comines together praiseth and reprehendeth king Lewis the eleventh his master, saying That he peeled and oppressed his subjects, but yet he would never suffer any other to do them any evil, or any way to rob or spoil them. But to many it may seem, that that we have abovesaid, tendeth too much unto the dispraise of Poverty, which notwithstanding seems to be praised and recommended by our Christian religion: But hereunto I answer, That Poverty of itself, is neither praisable nor vituperable, but men must judge of them according to circumstances. For if it be suffered with an holy patience, by a Christian man, who takes in good part, and contenteth himself with the vocation, whereunto God hath called him, and with the means which he hath given him: and if it be accompanied with a simple and gentle spirit; assuredly such a Poverty may be placed in the rank of the greatest virtues: For it is no small virtue to be able well and constantly to bear Poverty, without straying out of the path, but rather a very difficile and rare thing: Therefore the paynim themselves, praised and admired Aristides, Photion, Lisander, Valerius Publicola, Fabricius, Curius, Quintus Cincinnatus, Menencus, Agrippa, Paulus Aemilius, and many other great persons, which have carried themselves, like good and virtuous people, though they were very poor, because they suffered Poverty, with a great and constant courage, and without straying any thing from virtue. Yet so much there wanteth, that Christian doctrine approveth this Poverty of begging; that contrary it forbiddeth plainly, that none be suffered to beg: And likewise the word of God witnesseth unto us, That good men will not willingly suffer their children to beg their bread, for always God assisteth, and giveth them means: Therefore Monks called Mendicants, have gone too far, in praising, extolling, and exalting Poverty, not taking it as it must be understood by the word of God: And so it is like they will soon repent, that from the beginning they have made so deep a profession of Poverty, against which they have many times since pleaded, kicked, and spurned, yet could never be rid, nor dispatched of it, but always have been compelled by Popes and Parliaments, always to hold and observe it as a thing wherein lay and lieth all the perfection of the orders: But because this account and narration is pleasant to tired and wearied readers, I will a little discourse upon the wars of these Mendicant friars. You must then know, that these Mendicants, at their first entry into the world (to renown their names) proposed to themselves, straightly to follow the estate of perfection, How the Mendicants pleaded against Poverty & lost the cause. that by their own merits they might enter into Paradise, and cause others to enter into favour of them, and with their authority: This estate of perfection, they constituted in three points, Chastity, Obedience, and Poverty: Of the two first points, we will not speak here, but only of the last point, which is Poverty: Of this Poverty also they have made three kinds, High, Mean, and Base: High Poverty (which the Franciscan Friars attribute unto themselves) is that which hath nothing in this world, neither in proper nor in common any way, that is, neither fields nor house, nor possession, nor rents, nor pension, nor beasts, nor movables, nor apparel, nor books, nor rights, nor actions, nor fruits, nor any other thing in the world. Behold here indeed a sovereign, pure, and exceeding near Poverty, wherein there neither wanteth any thing, neither is there any thing to be reproved, since it hath nothing at all. The second kind (which is for the Dominicans and jacobins) is a Mean Poverty, which hath nothing particular or proper, but only somethings in common, as books, apparel, and daily victuals. The third and last kind (which the Carmelites & Augustine's have retained for themselves) is Base Poverty, which may have proper, common, and in particular, whatsoever is justly necessary to life, as apparel, books, certain pensions, and some lands, for help of their kitchen, and necessity of their living. And it is good, to note in those good brethren the Carmelites and Augustine's, how humble they show themselves, to be contented with so base a kind of Poverty, without any desire to mount higher, as acknowledging themselves, unworthy and incapable, for to ascend into so high and superlative a degree. These Mendicants then (being obliged and restrained unto Poverty, by a solemn vow which they make at their profession, in their orders) they are so annexed, united, and incorporated in it, and with it, that never after they could be never so little separated or dismembered, what diligence or labour soever they used to do it; hereof they have found themselves much troubled and sorrowful: For howsoever gallant and goodly the Theoric of Poverty is: yet in practice they have found it a little too difficile and hard. And indeed, if you consider more nigh, the Theoric thereof (especially of that high and sovereign Poverty) I know not whether you can find any thing in the world more excellent or more admirable: For they which make profession thereof (in my opinion) come something nigh an Angel like nature; because the Angels have no need of the use of the earthly & corruptible goods of this miserable world, but only take care of divine and spiritual things. More also, they which make profession of this high Poverty, have this advantage over the rich men, which possess the goods of this vale of misery, that they are not wrapped in so many mischiefs and travails, which accompany those goods; but are frank and free, taking no care nor thought for ploughing, manuring, sowing, reaping, grape-gathering, lopping of trees, grafting, eradicating, cutting, planting, building, selling, buying, or doing any other like things, which concern the affairs of the world: From all these things they are free and exempted, having nothing which hindereth them to be in a continual contemplation and meditation of divine things, to come in time unto a great and deep wisdom, yea, to approach to the Angelical nature of the Cherubins and Seraphins, which have no other occupation, than to contemplate and exalt the Divinity. But also if on the other side you consider the great difficulties in this so strict and strait use of Poverty, you shall find it verily a sad and unpleasant thing: For it is an approved Maxim, as well of the Mendicants, as of all other monks, yea, of all men in general, That every man must live: But a man cannot well live, with contemplations and mediations; for the belly is not satisfied with such viands, but it must needs have bread and victuals, which grow and proceed from the earth and possessions of this world: Whereof it followeth, That they must needs have possessions to obtain victuals, or at least, they must buy and obtain of them, unto whom possessions do belong. But the profession of Poverty (especially of that high one) repugneth and cotrarieth all this: For thereby it is not lawful to have any possessions, nor to acquire corn, wine, or other victuals, for as much as by the acquisition thereof (whether it be by sale, donation, exchange, or other like) the acquirer and obtainer thereof makes himself a proprietor and master of the thing which he obtaineth; which is not lawful to do for such as make profession of high Poverty, which can no way be propriators of any thing, be it moovable or unmoovable, victuals, apparel, or any other thing whatsoever, as is said. Therefore you see, that the practice of Poverty is something grievous and troublesome, and not so pleasant as the Theoric: For as for Theoric, you cannot find a thing more pleasant nor facile, nor which less hindereth a man in worldly affairs, nor which meriteth more to be praised and esteemed in all good companies, and especially in great feasts and banquets, after the old proverb, which saith: He that implete is of viands, Fasting, to others recommends. But upon these difficulties touching the practice of Poverty, the Mendicants have made many great questions and scruples of conscience, which many Popes have sought to resolve, yet could never satisfy nor content those brethren. Amongst others, the friars Minors were greatly troubled in their spirits upon this; that by their rule (which the blessed S. Francis left them) it is said by an express article, That the brethren of that order can have nothing proper in any manner, neither may they have any means to live, but to beg hard and without shame: For there are amongst them which think, that this may be understood of simple propriety, and not of usufructe or use thereof: So that retaining the usurpation only of possessions and other things granted unto them, rejecting the propriety of them, they think not to violate any part of their rule. But they that give this interpretation of the rule, dare not justify their interpretation thereof, lest they contradict the testament and last will of blessed S. Francis, their founder; whereby he had ordained and expressly forbidden, That none should gloze upon his rule; and that none should say, that it ought to be understood thus or thus; and that none should obtain Apostolical letters from the Pope, either to add thereunto or declare: insomuch, as on the one side, not daring to adventure to give declarations and new sense to the rule, & on the other side, being held so short thereby, that they dare, neither have nor acquire any thing, their consciences are mervellously troubled and tormented; and especially, since some of their adversaries call them thieves, and proving it by this argument. Whosoever possesseth or eateth another man's goods, whereas he hath nothing, nor can have any thing of his own, he is a thief: But the Mendicants, and especially the friars Minors do possess habits, books, moovables, chambers, bribes, asses, and other moovable goods, and do eat bread and pittance, in all which goods they can have no right of propriety, nor other: Ergo then, etc. Unto which argument assuredly they cannot answer: For if they reply, that in these goods by them possessed, they have the use simply without any propriety; beside, that they have given an interpretation to the said rule, against the testamentary prohibition of their glorious founder; a man may reply upon them, that if they will say they have a right of use in the said goods, it will then follow, that that right should be to them in propriety, and that therefore having the propriety of that right, they should always find themselves breakers and gainsayers of their rule, which prohibiteth, to have any thing proper, whether possessions, rights, or other goods. Hereat let every man think, if it must not needs be very grievous to those good friars Minors, that men should thus argue against them by subtle arguments, to prove them thieves, as living on other men's goods, and of that which was not theirs, like birds of prey: And so much the more this pincheth them, because they see, that high Poverty (whereby they pretend to mount to the degree of perfection) is the cause whereupon this blame and diffame cometh. But they dare not well complain nor speak a word, but only tolerate all things in all patience and humility, not without great scruple of conscience, which many amongst them make, whensoever they think in their spirits, that that which they eat, is not their own, neither the apparel that they wear; and that they have not nor can have in them any property, any right, any usufructe, nor any simple usage: yet could they not so repress this their grief of mind, but it would by many tokens break out; yea, and that meat, which with sad minds and striving consciences they had crammed their bellies withal, was again disgorged and vomited. Finally, after they had remained a long time in that anguish and perplexity of spirit and of conscience, it happened that they created a Pope at Rome, who in his youth had been a Friar Minor, who was called Pope Nicholas the C. Exist. de verb. sig. 6. Platina in Nicol. 3. third. The Friars seeing, that such a Pope (who once was one of theirs, and who knew the difficulties which were in the practice of this High Poverty) could not be but favourable unto them, held a Chapter general, where they resolved to send certain delegates and ambassadors to this Pope, humbly to beseech him to do them this favour and grace, as to take away and cut off all the said difficulties. These delegates then in the year 1280 hasted towards the S. paternity of this Pope, and showed him from the Chapter general of their order, the great and indissoluble difficulties wherein they were, for the intelligence of the rule of blessed S. Francis, and for the observation of the prohibitions contained in his Testament, and generally for the whole practice of that High Poverty; humbly beseeching his said paternity to provide therefore, as he knew to be requisite: yet they most humbly showed unto him, by form of advice (without any mind of presumption, to give any interpretation to the said rule) that it seemed unto them, that the glorious S. Francis neither understood nor would, that they should be left naked of all goods: For by the same rule, he had commanded them to observe the Gospel, and to follow the traces of jesus Christ: But jesus Christ (said they) had a purse and silver in it, as we read in the Gospel, and that therefore they thought it should be permitted unto them so to have also. Moreover, they said, by rejecting the goods and testimentarie legacies, that good Christians would give them, that they so should be homicides of themselves, and tempters of God, because they deprived themselves of things necessary for the conservation of their lives: Also, that this great and High Poverty leadeth to the estate of bestiality: because we can obtain no knowledge, without having books either in propriety, or in use. Also, suppose they ought to have nothing at all proper in particular, it therefore followeth not, that they ought to have nothing in common: and therefore that his Holiness might well permit them to have goods under the common name of the Covent. And that the blessed S. Francis having commanded them by his rule to beg hardly, & without shame, by consequent hath permitted them to take whatsoever any man giveth them in alms, be it moovable or unmoovable, silver or cloth, to enjoy or use as their own. Moreover, they humbly remonstrated unto him, That often in cases of maladies, and other necessities, they were forced to borrow, which they could not repay, unless they had whereof to do it: and that therefore it was necessary unto them to be permitted to acquire & heap up, to satisfy such as had lent them in their necessity for their credit sake. Upon this supplication and remonstrance, Pope Nicholas caused to assemble the college of Cardinals, which in their Conclave examined well this great cause; and by their advice he ordained and declared, That the friars Minors could have nothing in propriety, neither in particular, nor in common, because the true perfection of the order consisteth in this point, to be dispropriated every way of all goods, without having or retaining in them any right: But he reserved unto them the fact (and not the right) of the usage of goods, which by legacies, or otherwise, might fall and appertain unto them, retaining to himself and to the Roman Church the propriety of those goods: Conditionally also, that this fact and deed of usage be not excessive, and that in the said Friars, there always shine a notable and apparent Poverty: And answering to their reasons, he said, That our Lord jesus Christ desiring to yield to our infirmities, and to condescend to our imperfections, thought it good to have a purse and silver in it, but yet that notwithstanding to have a purse and silver, is of itself an action of human infirmity and of imperfection. And as for that they say, that the abdication and rejection of all propriety of goods, may prove an homicide of himself and a temptation of God: he answereth no: but that the true way to perfection, is altogether to commit himself to the providence of God, without having any care to provide for living; and that the means of begging (which by their rule was permitted unto them) could never fail them: and that also neither was it needful to have store of victuals, that they might the better observe their said rule: but especially in that article, whereby they are enjoined to fast every Friday, the Vigiles, Advent, and Quadragesima, which cometh to half the year or thereabouts: And that as their Poverty ought to be strait, so their victuals also ought to be strait and sober, and that they ought to eat little: for it agreeth best with that so high Poverty. And as for that they say, that it may be lawful for them to have goods in common: he answereth, that is very evident, no, because the rule restraineth them to a rejection and abdication of all propriety: and that which is common to many, may well be said by right to be proper to all in Genere, or general, and to every one in Specie or particular. And finally, upon that last point wherein the Friars do understand, that in cases of necessity they are forced to borrow, and that therefore they desire permission to acquire, to repay; Pope Nicholas answereth them, That they have not well proceeded therein, to contract either borrowing or lending, because in that kind of contract there is a translation of propriety from him that dareth, in him which receiveth: And as the Legists say: Mutuum est cum fit de meo tuum, that is, A thing is lent, when that which is mine, is made thine. To shun therefore this inconvenience, he gave them an acute and an ingenious counsel; which was to procure and find means, that they which had devotion to give to their Covent, should appoint for them principal payers in their place, of things which were necessary unto them in their maladies, or otherwise, towards them, which would furnish them thereof; or that they should name some one (of whom they might be assured, to him that would give them any legacy) to be executor of his will, by employing the legacy to satisfy the furnitures made, or to make, for the Friars: Upon condition notwithstanding, that the propriety and possession of the silver or other thing bequeathed, be in no sort transferred unto the said Friars, but always to remain with him that bequeathed it. Behold in sum, how Pope Nicholas resolved the difficulties of the Mendicants, touching the practice of their poverty: For he permitted unto them the use of goods which fell unto them, and reserved the propriety of them to the Roman Church: and beside permitted them to accept Testamentary legacies, by persons interposed. Wherein he well showed what a good friend he was of that order, and that he forgot not the place wherein he was nourished in his youth, yet left he a scruple in his bull: whereupon there fell out no less contentions than before, because he circumscribed his permission or indulgence, with this condition: That always there should shine in these Friars, an holy and manifest Poverty. This was a condition which touched them very nigh, as shall be said hereafter. Yet the Mendicants seeing themselves to have a permission by his Apostolical bull of Pope Nicholas, to cause legacies and foundations to be given unto them, incontinent they begun to practise themselves diligently to have them. And because they considered, that by sermons they might easily draw the devotion of the people towards them, they rushed upon that practice with all their might: which so well succeeded unto them, because the bishops and curates of that time (as for the most part they were at that day) were but beasts, and could not preach at all, neither well nor ill, but the most sufficient only knew their mass at the most. The Sermons then of these Mendicants, being of great estimate and credit with the people, they strait drew unto them store of legacies, pensions, and foundations, they never forgetting, (either at the beginning or end of their Sermons) to recommend the works of charity towards their covents, deciphering their necessities at large, and very eloquently, assuring the good people, that they might thereby gain Paradise for them and theirs, by doing good to their said Covents. By this means also they drew to them the practice of burials and confessions, insomuch, as every man and woman went to the Mendicants to be shriven; which failed not, but always enjoined them for penance, to give something to their Covents, and to cause Masses to be said for them. And whensoever it came to the extreme confession in the article of death, they exhorted the diseased to elect their sepulture in their Covents, and so to give them good legacies and benefits. Briefly, they wrought so well and diligently by practice upon practice, that legacies and benefits even reigned on all sides upon them, to the great prejudice of Curates, which lost almost all their ancient and accustomed oblations, and which saw their offertories and suffrages to go to nothing in their open sights, to their great grief. This was the cause that about the year 1311, the Curates (being countenanced Cap. 1. De Sepult. in extravag. by bishops) complained much to Pope Boniface the eight: saying, that the Mendicants troubled them in their ancient possessory of Sermons, Confessions, and Sepultures, and that they thought it was most reasonable, that they to whom appertained the charge of souls, should also have the bodies of the dead to bury, and that they should hear them in confession, unto whom they administered the sacraments▪ Moreover, they showed, that the Mendicants invented many novelties, as to preach within their Covents, at the same hour that the Curates said their parochial masses, and that they also preached without their Covents, without either the Bishop's licence, or the Curate of the place: And by such practices and novelties, the said Mendicants had taken away from the said Curates the most part of their obventions and revenues, and so brought their estates almost to nothing: therefore most humbly they besought his paternity to remedy those abuses, and to maintain them in their ancient possessions. Pope Boniface upon this complaint of the Curates (for which all Bishops and Prelates entreated) would give provision, and by his ordinance which he made, with the advice of his brother's Cardinals, he exhorted much the Curates to take patiently, that the Mendicants have right & authority to preach, confess, and bury, showing them, that it was free to the people, to go hear a sermon, to confess themselves, and to choose their scpulture where they thought good. Moreover, to do them right in this, that the Mendicants frustrared the said Curates of their practickes and obventions, he ordained, That from thence forward the said Curates (lest they carried the name of Curate in vain and without profit) constituted by Apostolical authority, that they should levy and retract a fourth part, from all legacies, foundations, and other obventions, which the said Mendicants could obtain, and might any way fall and come unto them by means of the said Sermons, Confessions, Sepultures, or otherwise: forbidding the said Mendicants for no cause to preach in their Covents at the hour that parish Masses, or at the hour that Bishops or their Vicars do preach: And not to preach out of their Covents, without the permission of the Bishop or the Curate of the place: Exhorting moreover the said Curates and Mendicants respectively to live and carry themselves together from thence forward, in good peace and concord, and by no means to suffer, that the spirit of division (the enemy of human nature) be so familiarly acquainted with them. The Pope Boniface having made this ordinance and rule betwixt the Curates and Mendicants, soon after they entered further than ever, into contentions and debates: For when Curates went into the Mendicants Covents to ask their fourth part of the practickes and obventions of the said Mendicants, they would strait join altogether, and make such a shouting, braying, and hissing at the poor Curate, calling him beast, idiot, ass, and saying he could not well read his Mass, nor decline their name: And further, would ask them certain petty questions out of Grammar, and bid them turn something into Latin, to shame them. And thinkest thou beast (said they) that we have taken pains to prepare meat to put in thy mouth? Belongeth it unto the Ass, to reap that which we sow: Go, go beast to thy breviary, if thou canst read it, & come not into our Covent to beg any thing, unless thou wilt have our discipline: go and study thy Dispauterie, and Amo, Quae Pars, and come not hither to trouble and defile the pure fountain of holy Theology, wherein thou understandest nothing: some others cried, come, come, unto our refectory, and we Cap. 1. De Privileg. in etravag. will lay the Trebelliane fourth part on their shoulders. These poor Curates then (seeing the said Mendicants approach them, beating one hand against another, letting down their cowls, and lifting up their fists) in a great fear retired out of their Covents. And knowing no way possibly to obtain their due, which had been granted them by Pope Boniface, they offered their griefs and sorrowful complaints to Pope Benedict the eleventh, in the year 1304, or thereabouts. But the Mendicants were not cowards, to remonstrate also their good right on their side, and amongst other reasons especially showed, that as by good right none will withdraw a Falcidie or fourth part from devout & godly legates; so none ought to take a fourth Trebelliane from their practickes and obventions, seeing they were bestowed on them for godly causes also. Pope Benedict after good deliberation upon this weighty matter, with the advice of his Cardinals, and of certain other good old doctors of Law, found, that the Mendicants their reasons were well founded in right, and that there was no apparent reason, wherefore they should pay to the said Curates the fourth part of their practickes and obventions: For although there was some colour in that, that the Curates said, That they ought to have the fourth part of obventions and revenues of Mendicants, because they had the name and title of Curates, even as an heir ought to have the fourth Trebelliane free, because he hath the name and title of heir: yet in this rule there is a fallacy (said these old doctors) in regard of Legates for godly and devout causes: For Legates are exempt from delivering of fourth parts: such like as those which Mendicants take of godly Christians. And for confirmation of their opinion, they alleged Godfredus in Summa, Azo, Hugolinus de Fontava, Guilliermus de Cuneo, Rainerius de Foro Livio, Hubertus de Bobio, Petrus de bella Pertica, Oldradus de Ponte, and many other old doctors of Law. They alleged also certain strong pillars out of Bartolus and Baldus, upon which they said their opinion was founded. And therefore Pope Benedict, moved with their allegations and with equity, razed and made of no validity the ordinance of Pope Boniface in that case, taking away and utterly abolishing the said fourth part: yet something to content the Curates, he ordained, that they should have the half of the funerals of such as were buried with the Mendicants, that is to say, the half of the spoiled things which served for the conduction of the body (as torches and cloth about the coffio) which was no great booty, in comparison of legacies, obits, foundations of masses, and other obventions, yet there was no help, the Curates must needs be contented with this sanction and decree for this time. Yet hereof engendered a greater quarrel than ever, betwixt the Curates and Mendicants: For the Curates said high and clear, That Pope Benedict had done them wrong, to take from them the said Trebelliane upon practickes and obventions of Mendicants, and that those new come beasts would have all, and would spoil all Curates of their goods and revenues: And that under the title and name of Mendicants and contemners of the goods of this world, they manifested themselves to be rapinous hypocrites, which will needs have all, by right or wrong. These Curates so cried and complained, and so well remonstrated their right unto Cap. 2. De Sepult. in Clem. Pope Clement the fift of that name, at the Counsel of Vienne, Anno 1311, that the Pope razed the ordinance of Pope Benedict, and again brought into force that of Pope Boniface. Moreover, in the said Counsel of Vienne there was demonstrated unto the said Pope Clement, that the said Mendicants had greatly abused the commission of Pope Cap. 1. De Verb. sig. in Clem. Nicholas, who had reserved, That always in the order of the said Mendicants there should shine an holy and apparent Poverty: yet already the said Mendicants had so well practised and profited in their trade, that there was no more amongst them any appearance of Poverty: For each day they instituted heirs, they gave legacies pensions, and revenues, vines, gardens, and other possessions, also they builded their Covents like royal palaces: insomuch, as there appeared in them nothing but richesses and opulency, so much there wanted, as in them appeared any ensign or token of holy Poverty, as should shine in them according to their rule, and the reservation and condition which Pope Nicholas set down in his bull. Pope Clement having understood all this by the advice of the said Counsel, declared the said Mendicants (although he himself had been one) incapable to be heirs, to receive testimentarie legacies, or to have possessions, rents, or pensions, yea, to have barns of corn, or cellars of wine, unless in time of great necessity, or to have precious Church ornaments or houses sumptuously builded. Briefly, this Pope to their great grief, brought them again to their first practice of High Poverty, Mean, and Base, and cut near their wings, that they might not forsake and abandon it from thence forward: yet he took not from them their usage of fact, of some small and few goods, as many as might be necessary for their simple nourishment, therein comprehending the youth of the order, and without any thing departing from their Poverty: so that always there might remain something unto them justly, whereof to live. But Pope john the two and twenty of that name, in Anno 1324, took yet from them the said usage of Fact, and sent them purely and simply to their clapdish, and begging for their living, saying, That the said usage of fact, reserved to Mendicants, imported and attributed unto them a property; because the act of use is proper to them which exercise it; and therefore whosoever hath that act of use, he by consequent hath something proper, which after he concludes by his bull, that all that goodly subtlety and invention of Pope Nicholas, to leave the use of goods to Mendicants, and to reserve the property of these goods to the Roman church, was but a simulation and hypocrisy, wherewith the Mendicants seek to cover themselves, and abandon fairly that holy Poverty, wherein they have constituted the estate of perfection, and whereunto he sent them. When the Mendicants saw themselves thus disgraded and remitted, as deep as ever into their Poverty, they were much offended, but then there was no order nor means to remedy it, but for a long time, made the best of it they could. About threescore and sixteen years after this ordinance of Pope john (that is Anno 1490) there was a Pope created, called Alexander the fift, a Candiot by nation, who had Monst. lib. 1. cap, 56. been a Friar Minor in his youth, unto whom these Mendicants resorted, and showed him, that they were the true Curates, and pastors of the people, because they had right and privilege from the Apostolic seat, to confess all people, and to bury their bodies, and that those whom they confess were held and reputed both well and duly confessed, without any need to be again confessed to Curates, and those which they bury, were known and reputed to be well and duly buried: They further said, that they had priveleges to preach to the people, & to say Masses, as good and available (at the least) as them of Curates, yea the people liked them better, & said they were devout, and more frequented them, than such as Curates said: And withal they said, that in their covents, there was great store of Masses, and at all times, to the great profit and commodity of every man: For they, which for their breakfast in the morning, or when they were to ride forth, had need of a morning Mass, they should find there some ready said, at three or four a clock: They likewise which rise late, as good old and devout women, found Masses at nine, ten, and eleven a clock, yea as many as they would, betwixt five a clock in the morning, until dinner time: They further remonstrated, to the paternity of this holy Father, that the said Curates were asses, and shod beasts, which could not acquit the due of the least sermon, which was made in all the year, and which lived not upon their cures and benefices, but suffered them to be served, by as ignorant Vicars as themselves, which cared not for any thing, but to make profit, by farming their said cures, whereby they committed infinite abuses, seeking only to clip their sheep, without giving them any spiritual food: But as for us (said they) we distribute unto them spiritual meat, in all largesse and abundance, as well by celebration of Masses, and other divine services, as by multiplication of sermons, within and without our covents: Wherefore it evidently followeth (said they) that we are the true and actual Curates of the people, performing and executing all the acts of legitimate Curates, & that they which say they are Curates, are so but in a shadow and fantasy only, and that they are unworthy to carry the name and title they have, and thereby to enjoy the fruits, designs, oblations, obventions, and other revenues & practikes, which such Curates possess: So they concluded in this, that it would please his paternity, to create, establish, and constitute them, the alone and true Curates, and to put them in real and actual possession of the said cures, and of the revenues and dependences of them, with inhibitions to such as called themselves Curates, and to all others, not to trouble, molest nor hinder them in any sort, by themselves or by interposed persons, upon pain to incur the indignation and malegrace of S. Peter, and of S. Paul, and of perpetual damnation, without any hope of grace, pardon or appeal. Upon this goodly remonstrance, containing so ponderous and considerable reasons, Pope Alexander referred the matter to counsel, and by the advice of his Cardinals, granted to Mendicant Friars, all that they demanded, and caused with great expedition to go out fair and ample bulls, & well leaded: These good Mendicants friars, as soon as they had got out their bulls, came straigbt from Rome to Paris, to cause them to be received & registered in the court of Parliament: But before they presented them to the said court, they advised and concluded, that it was most expedient to have the people favourable, and on their sides: Therefore through all a whole lent, they preached at Paris in all their covents, the contents of their bulls, saying, That they only were the true Curates, & pastors of souls, by the ordinance & creation of the Pope, God's lieutenant on earth, of whose power none ought to doubt; and exhorted the people so from henceforth to acknowledge them, to the end to shun the pains set down in our holy Father's bulls, against all contradictions thereof: And in their sermons they forgot not to make invectives against a company of Curates, which knew nothing, but to take the revenues of their cures, without any deserving them, neither spared they also, to tax & detest their beastly and too notorious ignorance: But yet were they something deceived in their opinion, for at Paris many cures were held, and possessed by doctors, Theologians of Sorbonne: These doctors, then fearing the consequent of these bulls of the Mendicants, and that thereby they might be dispossessed of their cures, incontinent mounted also into pulpits, to counterpreach and blazon the said bulls, and them which had obtained them: Therefore they showed to the people, That from all times, exceeding all memory of any man living, Curates were in actual and legimate possession, to take and receive tenths, oblations, obventions, and other fruits, and revenues, affected and dependents to cures: And the Mendicants, contrary to there proper profession of mendicitie, were in possession, season and injoyance of Poverty, mean, and base, respectively without any trouble, hindrance, or contradiction, in the knowledge and view of all the world: And that therefore every one ought to be maintained & guarded in his possession, without any innovation, that is, all Curates of the goods and revenues of their cures, and Mendicants of their Poverty and begging: and for proof thereof, they alleged many good places, saying it was written; That man must give to Caesar that which is Caesar's, and to God, that which is Gods, which is to say, that we must needs yield to every man, that which belongeth unto him, to Curates tenths, & oblations, and to Mendicants, their begging and alms: They further said That it was reasonable, that the name should answer to the thing, and that since that Friars, jacobines, Carmelites, & Augustine's, have chosen that name of Mendicants, that really and in effect, they ought to be beggars, and not Curates; A short time would not serve, to set down & discover all the reasons and allegations, which the Curates preached and blazed abroad, against the Mendicants, and the Mendicants against Curates: For neither the one nor the other, ever studied better sermons, than they did in this contestation & contention: The Curates defended themselves, by their long possession, and by the ancient and modern cannons, which assigned them their charge of souls, & which compare them to Levites; yea even in taking their tithes: They alleged also, Non alligabis etc. that is, Thou shalt not bind the throat of the Ox which treadeth out the corn; and Dignus est operarius etc. that is, The workman is worthy of his salary or wages, and many other like places, which they had at their finger's ends: And to confute those Mendicants bulls, they said, they were but new come, wherewith they do trouble the world; and that before that they were borne, the people was as well preached unto and instructed, and Masses, confessions, and other divine services as well done and exercised, as since they came into the world; & that they had nothing in them, but babble and certain subtlety, wherewith they brought the people asleep, and persuaded them, that they are learned, although they know nothing; and that they are full of hypocrisy and simulation, making an outward profession of Poverty, yet tending in effect to no other end, but to have and heap up goods and revenues. They moreover said, that it was a mortal sin, to give any thing to these Mendicants (unless some few bribes and almesses) because that they which gave them either silver or possessions, or rents, or revenues, made them to be condemned in hell, by causing them to break their vow of Poverty, and by making them break their rules, which they had sworn to observe. And that they which are the cause, that any other doth any evil and sin, are as culpable, as he that doth it. The Mendicants to the contrary, alleged their Apostolical bulls, and the Pope's power, and said, It was an heresy heresy one of the greatest, and most insupportable that could be in the world, to say, That the said bulls ought to have no place; because that was as much, as to revoke into doubt the high & unmeasurable power of the great vicar of God: and that they which preach against the said Apostolical bulls, should feel the smart of it. They also took the places of scripture before alleged, Non alligabis, Et dignus est mercenarius etc. saying, that they formally made for them; for they were the true oxen which tread out the grain, & the true workmen which travail in divine service: and that they say more Masses in a month in one of their covents, than there is said in all the cures of Paris in a year: and that for one man and one woman, which those Curates confess, they confess an hundredth, and for one body, which the Curates bury, they bury an hundred, and therefore, for Curates to allege these places, they cut but themselves, with their own knives: And as for their sermons (said they) these master's Curates will be so proud, to compare them with ours. Do not all men see, that commonly they can do nothing, but at the Offertory, speak a few words, which they have learned by heart from their master, to get their offerings in? Do they not likewise see, that every one mocks them, because of their ignorance & evil life, and that commonly there is no good play, that hath not a Curate in it? But as for us, you see how we preach (said they) in pulpits, our sermons are other manner of things, than their proemes, and there is no more comparison to be made betwixt their speeehes and our sermons, than to compare a calf to an ass: Moreover if we should come to a disputation, to speak Latin, were these Curates to be compared unto us? the least novices in our covents, shall always say a lesson, more sufficiently than these Curates, if they will but learn it: Finally, all this lent passed in sermons, and contersermons of the said Mendicants, and Curates, all which of the one part and the other, sought to win the people's favour and devotion, to enjoy the fruits & revenues of Cures: After the Lent was passed, they came to justice, for the Mendicants pursued the reception and enrowling of their bulls, entreating the court of Paris, to admit and allow them, whereupon the said Curates of Paris, form an opposition: As the parties proceeded in their causes, they respectively alleged, by intendits, replies, duplications, triplications, the reasons and means touched before, and far more reasons, which touched the quick: But the evil luck was for the Mendicants, for upon the point of their good hope, to obtain the cause on their side, Pope Alexander died: Then the Curates began to oppose against them, that the said bulls, had no force nor vigour in them, unless they were confirmed by Pope john the four and twenty of that name, successor of the said Alexander: The Mendicants (much grieved hereat) sought to obtain a confirmation, but could not: For the Curates got before them, insomuch as the poor Mendicants seeing themselves out of hope, to obtain the reception and enrowling of their said bulls, resolved to leave the pursuit thereof, and the jacobines first left the cause, and the others consequently: So that the Curates were maintained diffinitively, in the possession and enjoyance of their cures, and of the revenues depending thereunto: and the Mendicants were maintained in their possession and season of their beggary, with express inhibitions (accorded by the consent of the said Curates) not to trouble nor molest them in any sort, and each to bear his part of the law charges. These Mendicants seeing themselves fixed & fastened to their Poverty, more than ever, took it with the best patience they could possibly, for so were they forced to do: Yet notwithstanding, some particulars amongst them, which were the most angry & had most credit, did so much, as they obtained for them, provisions and reservations, from the Pope, of certain cures and other benefices, with dispensation to hold and possess them, notwithstanding their vow of Poverty: The abovesaid Curates of France, fearing the consequence, made their complaints to king Charles the sixth, then reigning: The king by the advice of his Counsel, made an ordinance, in the year 1413, wherein he much praiseth the rules of the Mendicants founders, in that by them it is ordained, that they ought to live in Poverty and Mendicitie, without having any thing in common or in particular, saying that such an ordinance is both salutary and good: And that Poverty is so annexed to the Monarchal profession of Mendicants, that the Pope himself cannot separate them: which considered, he forbiddeth expressly, that none shall have regard to the said provisions, obtained by any Mendicants upon cures or other benefices, and if any be in possession, that he be taken out, and they which are not yet received, that none should receive them in: And commanded all bailiffs, stewards, and other officers of the realm, not to suffer so pernicious, yea so superstitious a thing to have place, but rigorously to punish such as stand against this ordinance, notwithstanding all bulls, provisions, and dispensations of the people, to the contrary: So that by this, the king's ordinance, the Mendicants were more strongly tied to the possession and enjoyance of their Poverty and beggary, as well in general as particular, this happened at the pursuit of the said Curates, their adversaries. But yet a strange case it is, that the passions and hatred of men, should be such, as they have no end: The said Mendicants were so far from contentment at this ordinance, that they bore great malice to all Curates, yea the one beheld the others, with an evil eye, and could not hold themselves from reciprocal detractions, and evil speeches, and from blazing on another in pulpits, taxing the abuses and heresies one of another, and describing one another's merchandise. When Pope Sixtus the fourth, came to his papacy, in the year 1472, the Mendicants became very proud, because he was a friar minor, and waxed insolent and audacious against Curates, assuring themselves that the Pope would support them in all things: The Curates then not being able to suffer the detractions, scolding and insolences of these Mendicants, complained to the Pope, who could do no less than seek to accord them: For this effect he deputed four Cardinals (that is) the Cardinal of Hostia, of Praeneste, and of S. Peter ad Vincula, and of S. Sixtus to hear the differences of the said Curates and Mendicants, and in quietest manner to compound them: The Cardinals heard the parties in their allegations, and did so much with them, as they submitted themselves to their final judgement: After this to set a firm Cap. 2. De Tre●ga, & pace in ex●ra. Articles of peace betwixt the Curates and the Mendicants. and final peace, betwixt the said parties, they pronounced for them an amiable sentence, which was authorised by the Pope, in Anno 1478, and containeth the Articles following, That Curates from thence forward, should no more say, that the Mendicants were authors of heresies, seeing that the Faith hath been greatly brought to light by them: And likewise the Mendicants shall preach no more, that parishioners are not bound to hear the parochial Mass, of their Curate on Sundays, and solemn feasts, seeing that by the Cannons, they are thereunto restrained and obliged. Item that neither the one nor the other, shall any more solicit persons to choose a sepulchre in their churches, but shall leave it at the free election of every man. Item that the said Mendicants, shall preach no more, that the parishioners are not bound to confess themselves to their own Curates, at the least at Easter, since that by right they are bound thereunto, and that every good parishioner, aught to make his Easter, with his own Curate, without any thing derogating by that article, from the privilege which Mendicants have to hear confessions, and to enjoin penance, to confessed and repentants. Item that the Mendicants, in their actions of preaching, of saying Matins, and ringing their Bells, do not enterprise upon the hours that Curates say their service, unless it be by the consent of the parties. Item, that the Mendicants shall no more turn away persons and parishioners from their parish Masses, neither shall Curates take away the devotion of parishioners, from the Mendicants, but rather aid and secure them. Behold in sum the articles of this peace, and arbitrary sentence betwixt the Mendicants and Curates, which the Pope Sixtus greatly approved, and generally exhorred them all to concord and union, in the name and as Vicker of him, who said Pacem meam do vobis, Pacem meam relinquo vobis, I give you my peace, I leave you my peace: By which articles of the said arbitriall sentence is seen, how these Curates and Mendicants publicly blamed one another: And all this proceeded not but from the ardent zeal they all had, not to the edification of the people, but to have their offerings and oblations: for since that time, they could so well manage and deal, with the poor ignorant world, that they made them give them whatsoever they would, especially such as were sick, when they were at confession, and demanded absolution from purgatory and hell, they would never absolve them, unless they gave to their Covents and churches, whatsoever they desired. This conclusion here is also clean contrary to the Maxim of Machiavelli, That Poverty cannot be a cause to hold a people in peace and obedience, seeing it was cause of so many discords and disientions, even amongst them, which made profession thereof, and which constituted their perfection therein: By this discourse also we may note, the sanctity of Mendicants (wherewith this poor world hath been so much ravished) which from the beginning of their birth in this world, have raised up so many riots and strifes against Curates, & all for the paunch: For they begun and flourished, in the time of Pope Gregory the ninth, Anno 1230, which Pope was Platina in Gregory 9 then much troubled with resolving the hard points about their Poverty; & amongst other points resolved them, That it ought to be understood, not only in the abdication of all propriety to particulars, but also to the general, as Pope Nicholas reciteth it in his abovesaid Decretal: For that of Pope Gregory is not found printed in the body of the Cannon law, as the others are, whereof before we have made mention. But herein is no great loss, no not though all the Cannon law were lost with it: For although some thing be good in it, yet the most of it is good for nothing but to maintain wickedness, abuses, and Romanish superstitions, that it were expedient to bury that little good in it, so that all the evil might be choked with it: For from hence there is come into the world infinite (both spiritual and corporal) calamities. 33. Maxim. A Prince which feareth his subjects, aught to build fortresses in his country, to hold them in obedience. THe Prince (saith Machiavelli) who hath more fear of his own Discourse lib. 2. cap. 24. & cap. 20. of the prince. people, than of strangers, must build Fortresses: but he that doubteth strangers more than subjects, needeth not: For the best Fortress that is, is not to be evil beloved of subjects, and if a prince be once evil beloved of his people, there is no Fortress can save him. True it is, that Fortresses may be profitable to a prince in time of peace, to give more courage to him and to his Governors, established in them, to hold the people in subjection, and to use against them greater audacity and rigour: But yet this shall be but weak assurance, unless the prince have means to raise up a good and strong army, to tame his subjects, if they will needs rebel: For to think to tame them by reducing them to poverty, Spoliatis arma supersunt: Arms remain yet to the unarmed. Also to unarm them, Furor arma ministrat: Fury administereth arms enough. Likewise, to slay the chief heads of the people, more heads would arise, as of the Hydra. The Sforces builded the castle at Milan, which done, they judged, that by the means of that Fortress they might with assurance handle their subjects at their pleasure, and therefore spared no kind of violence: insomuch as they acquired the hatred and evil will of their subjects, which was the cause that the French, their enemies, carried away Milan at the first assault, and the Sforces had no good by their fortress, but were spoiled of all the duchy. ALthough Machiavelli have not dealt with the art of tyranny Machiavelli hath handled all the parts of the art of tyranny. in his writings by a method, yet hath he not left behind, any part of that art: For first he hath handled, How a tyranny ought to be builded, that is, by cruelty, perfidy, craft, perjury, impiety, revenges, contempt of counsel and friends, entertainment of flatterers, trumpery, the hatred of virtue, covetousness, inconstancy, and other like vices, whereby he hath demonstrated, that men must ascend as by degrees to come unto a sovereign wickedness. Secondly, he hath showed how one ought to be maintained and conserved in that high degree of wickedness and tyranny, namely, by maintaining amongst subject's partiality and seditions, and in holding them in poverty and necessity. Now he yet addeth another mean, namely, to build Fortresses against his subjects, as by making in good towns, citadels, and by building forts upon bridges and common passages, and other like castles and fortresses: and Machiavelli thinks this mean aught to be practised, and that other aforesaid means are not so sufficient, well to establish a tyranny: For Poverty (saith he) is no sufficient mean to contain a people in obedience, for they are never unfurnished of arms: And though they should take them from them, and should slay their chieftains, yet that would not suffice, because the anger and fury of the people would furnish them with sufficient arms, and that chieftains would arise unto them, like Hydra her heads. But I will not stay long in the confutation of this Maxim, but only I will say this, That experience makes us wise, and that the invention of Citadels (which in our time princes have builded against their subjects) hath been cause of infinite evils: For all commerce and traffic hath been and is greatly diminished in towns, where they have been builded, and there have been and are committed infinite insolencies by soldiers against citizens; and there neither hath come nor will come to princes which have builded them, other good than great expenses and evil will of their subjects: For this construction of Citadels, is an apparent show, that the prince trusteth not his subjects, but especially, when they are builded any other where, than in the limits and borders of kingdoms and countries against strangers. When the subjects know that their prince distrusteth them, they also esteem, that he loveth them not. And when the subject is not beloved of his prince, he cannot also love him, and not loving him, he obeys him not, but as constrained, and in the end will get his head out of the yoke, as soon as there will fall out a fit occasion. Here is the profit of Citadels. Yet I will say this by the way, That our Machiavelists of France, which were authors and enterprisers of the massacres of S. Bartholomew, read not well this place The Machiavelists of France, do not always follow their master. of Machiavelli, which we come to allege: For they said, That men must not stay upon fishing for frogs, but men must catch in their nets the great Salmon, & that one Salmon's head was more worth than ten thousand frogs; and that when they had slain the chieftains of pretended rebels, that they should easily overthrow the rude and rascally multitude, which without heads could enterprise nothing. These venerable enterprisers should have considered that which here their Doctor Machiavelli saith (which also since they have seen by experience) That a people cannot want heads, which will always rise up, yea, even those heads which be slain. If they had so well noted & practised this place of Machiavelli, as they do others, so much blood would never have been shed, & their tyranny it may be had longer endured than it hath done: For the great effusion of blood, which they have made, hath incontinent cried for vengeance to God, who (according to his accustomed justice) hath heard the voice of that blood: and for the cry of the orphan and widow, hath laid the axe to the root of all tyranny, and already hath cut away many branches thereof, and (if it please him) will not tarry long to lay all on the ground, and so establish France in his ancient government. As for Fortresses in frontiers of countries, they have been long time practised, and are profitable to guard from incursions and invasions of enemies, and to the end such as dwell upon the borders, may the more peaceably enjoy their goods. We read, That the emperor Alexander Severus gave his Fortresses upon frontiers, to Lamprid. in Alex. Pomp. Laetus in Constant. Magno. good and approved captains, with all the lands and revenues belonging unto them, to enjoy during their lives: to the end (saith Lampridius) that they might be more vigilant and careful to defend their own. And afterward, the emperor Constantine the Great ordained, That the said Fortresses, with their grounds and revenues, should pass to the heirs of the said captains, which held them as other manner of goods and heritage's. And hereupon (some say) have come such, as the law call Feudi. 34. Maxim. A Prince ought to commit to another those affairs which are subject to hatred and envy, and reserve to himself such as depend upon his grace and favour. A Prince which will exercise some cruel and rigorous act (saith cap. 7. & 14. of a prince. M. Nicholas) he ought to give the commission thereof unto some other; to the end, he may not acquire evil will and enmity by it. And yet if he fear, that such a delegation cannot be wholly exempted from blame (to have consented to the execution which was made by his Commissary) he may cause the Commissary to be slain, to show that he consented not to his cruelty, as did Caesar Borgia, and Messire Remiro Dorco. THis Maxim is a dependency of that goodly doctrine, which Machiavelli learned of Caesar Borgia (which although it was very cruel) yet meaning to appear soft and gentle, following therein the Maxim which enjoineth dissimulation, committeth the execution of his cruelty to Messire Remiro Dorco, as at large before we have discoursed that history. And because we have fully showed, that all dissimulation and feignednesse is unworthy of a prince, we will stay no longer upon this Maxim: Well will I confess, that many things there be which seem to be rigorous in execution (although they be most equal and just) which it is good a prince do commit to others, to give judgement and execution by justice, as the case meriteth: For as the emperor Marcus Antonine said, It seemeth to the world, that that which the prince doth, he doth it by his absolute authority and power, rather than of his and reasonable power. Therefore to shun that blame and suspicion, it is good that the prince delegate and set over such matters to judges, which are good men, not suspected nor passionate, not doing as the emperor Valentinian did, who would never hear nor receive accusations against judges and Magistrates, which he had established, but constrained the recusators or refusers, to end their cause before those judges only: Whereby he was much blamed, and his honour impeached and disgraced: For truly, the chief point which is required to cause good Passionate judges cannot judge well. justice to be administered, is, That judges be not suspected nor passionate: because the passions of the soul and heart do obfuscate and trouble the judgement of the understanding, and cause them to step aside and stray out of the way. It is also a thing of very evil example, when a prince with an appetite of revenge, or to please the passions of revengeful great men, doth elect judges and Commissaries that be passionate, and which have their consciences at the command of such as employ them: As was done in the time of king Lewis Hutin, in the judgement of Messire Enguerrant de Marigni great master of France; and in the time of king Charles the sixth, in the judgement of the criminal process of Messire jean de Marests, the king's Advocate in the parliament of Paris: And a man may put to them the judgements given in our time against Amie du Bourg, the king's Counsellor in the said parliament, and against captain Briquemand, and M. Arnand de Cavagnes, master of the Requests of the king's household, and against the county de Montgomerie, and many others: For the executions to death, which followed, manifested well, That the judges were passionate men, their consciences being at the command of strangers, which governed them. 35. Maxim. To administer good justice, a Prince ought to establish a great number of Judges. TO have prompt and quick expedition of good justice (saith Machiavelli) many judges must be established, for few can dispatch Discourse lib. 1. cap. 7. few causes, and a small number is more easy to gain and be corrupted, than a great number: And withal, a great number is strong and firm in justice against all men. EXperience hath made us wise in France, that this Maxim of Machiavelli is not true: For since they multiplied the Officers of justice Multiplicity of Officers. cause of the corruption of ●ustice in France. in the kingdom, by the increase of counsellors in parliaments, by erection of Precedents seats, by creation of new or alternative Officers, we have processes and law causes more multiplied, longer and worse dispatched than before: insomuch, as by good right and by good reason the last Estates general held at Orleans, complained to king Charles the ninth, of that multiplication and multitude of Officers, which served not (as it doth not yet) but to multiply law causes, to ruinated and eat up the people, and yet no better expedition of justice than before, but rather worse and notoriously more long and of greater charges to the parties. Upon which complaint it was holily ordained, That offices of justice, which became vacant by death, should be suppressed, and that none should come in their place, until these Offices were reduced to their ancient number, as it was in the time of king Lewis the twelfth. And by the same means it was also ordained, That the said Offices should be no more sold, but conferred and bestowed by the king (at the nomination of men, notable and of quality in every place) to persons having good reputation of honesty, and whose ability in knowledge shall be examined extemporally, at the opening of a book before their reception. But the Machiavelists have razed and quashed these two articles; The Machiavelists have made dear Offices in France. the last, to have silver for the sale of Offices; and the first, to bring foison and abundance of merchandise: for the greater number there are of Offices, so much the better is the traffic and commerce, because there are every day more times of respite, whereof to make money. And we must not think, that the abundance of Offices hath brought a low prize & cheapness to their merchandise: For contrary, it hath made them dearer by a third or half within this ten years: insomuch, as an Office of a Counsellor in a parliament, which was not wont to cost past three or four thousand Franks, will now cost two or three thousand crowns of the Sun: And the Offices of Precedents and Procurers General (which were not wont to be sold) are within this little time sold, as all other Offices, at the tax and price of ten, twelve, fourteen, yea, twenty thousand franks, according as they are, and according to the greatness of the parliaments: For they are not all at one price. But I pray you upon whom do our Machiavelists of France bestow these Offices; upon beasts or ambitious men? For learned men will not buy them, if they be not drawn on by ambition; but they had rather be reputed (as Cato said, being put by the Praetorship, which he demanded) worthy to be Precedents or Counsellors, than to be so in effect, by the price of silver. As for them which are beasts and ignorant, they have some reason to make provision for that merchandise, to get whereof to live, and pay their debts: otherwise should they die for hunger, or else be despised and pointed at with the finger, for that by reason of their ignorance they shall be employed in no affairs of justice, and shall have no practice. And truly, these be they, which within this little time have made this kind of merchandise so dear: For because they are in great number, thy run thither fast, with great desire to have: Which is the cause, that the Machiavellists seeing so many merchants to arrive, so exceeding eager to buy, do hold up without all reason the price of their merchandise, and will by no means departed with it, but to him that offereth most. But I will not here stay to dispute against these buyers and sellers: For I am of opinion, that all their processes shall be made at the first Estates that are holden. By the resolution then of the Estates of Orleans, it is seen, That this Maxim of Machiavelli was reproved and condemned, and that it is neither good nor profitable for the commonwealth, that there should be a great number of Officers of justice, but that it were better there were a mean number of them: And this might easily be judged and known by natural reason. For the prince which shall establish a great number of Officers to administer justice, either he must make a multiplicity of degrees of Officers, or he must establish many in one same degree. If he make many degrees of Officers, than justice shall be longer, and more prolonged and pernicious: because they which plead, must pass through the hands of many Officers, by many instances from one degree to another. And therefore it is evident, that the multiplicity of Officers in degree, cannot be but damageable and pernicious. If the prince make a multitude of Officers in one same degree (as was done in France when presidial seats were instituted, when new Counsellors of parliament were added to the old, and when many lieutenants and other Officers were new created) the great number will not cause justice to be better nor more promptly ministered: but contrary, shall be the cause of great charge and procrastination: For much time goes away, whilst many judges are gathered together to one place, to reason one after another, and after, as saith the Proverb: Affairs to many committed, Are always carelessly regarded. Moreover, suitors always desire with their own mouths to inform the judge of the principal points of their cause, fearing something should be left out, either by negligence or too much haste. And withal, which is said in a common proverb, That the lively voice toucheth better than the writing, and better engraveth a thing in the spirits of men. This desire of the parties, to cause the judge well to understand their right, is not reprehensible, but just and reasonable, and which ought not to be denied them: yet in the mean time the multiplicity and great number of judges, maketh this point very difficult and uneasy: For men have not so soon spoken to all, and finding one, he strait finds not another: Moreover, if the matter to judge, be easy and without difficulty, wherefore serves it to assemble a great sort of judges, to decide the cause, since one alone can as well dispatch it, as many? And withal, that one alone can rid more matters in his study in a day or two, than an assembly can do in a month: For a man may labour his cause at all hours, in the morning, all the day, at night by candle light, on holy days and working days, whereas the body of an assembly will not travailene sit but certain hours, and on certain days. If the matter to be judged be difficult & hard, it may seem at the first, that many can better judge of it than one alone: because many eyes see clearer than one eye alone: and withal, there is not so great appearance of corruption in many, as in one alone: But for these difficulties, there are other easier provisions than by multiplication of Officers: For there needs but good consideration to establish in every subaltern seat, one Officer alone, which were a good man, of good knowledge, and well stipended: For being a just man, and well stipended, he will not be easily corrupted, less a great deal (it may be) than a great number of such as are at this day: and being learned, and of good knowledge, he will easily resolve difficulties: withal also in a case of difficulty he may take for an assessor some one of the most sufficient Advocates of his seat, & privately hear in his study the parties and their Counsel; & upon their hearing, to resolve of the difficulty in deed and in right, yea, he himself with wise inspection into all things with the help of his books, may dispatch and rid himself out of all difficulties, being learned and of good judgement, as he had need be. Moreover, inferior judges can hardly judge evil, unless they err either in Fact or Right: from which they shall guard themselves, if supreme judges perform well their duties, by not sparing the personal adjornaments against such as by gross ignorance do err in Right, or which by the negligent inspection into their causes, do err in Fact. And assuredly, if such judges have good Censors, which will mark their faults, and will reprove and correct them, justice shall be as well administered by one alone in every inferior seat, as by many. But our sovereign judges are glad of the faults of their inferiors: For their evil judgements brings the greater practice unto them, to fill their purses, to pay for their Offices, to glut their avarice, and to furnish the unmeasurable pomps of themselves and their wives. So that to justice, the same happeneth which doth to an human body: For when the head is whole, it will purvey and provide for the necessities and maladies of the members, and seek out all things fit for that purpose: but when the head is diseased, all the members feel it: So the corruption which is in parliaments, makes, that all justice in inferior courts, is depraved and corrupted. I resolve then against the saying of Machiavelli, That it were better, that there were but one person, in every estate or degree of inferior justice, than a great multiplicity of Officers: but my meaning is not, to stretch this unto sovereign justice, but contrary, I think that it is good and necessary, that judgement be executed by more than one person; namely, by a mean number of good, and well chosen men: For a judgement given by a notable company, hath more weight and gravity (as a sovereign judgement ought to have) than that which comes from one alone: Also because a sovereign judgement, may sometimes take his foundation upon the pure and simple equity (which sometimes directly repugneth the local customs, ordinances, and laws written) it is good and necessary, that equity be juged to be equity, by the brain and judgement of many: and it is not meet, that one alone should take upon him, that great licence, to departed from authentic and received laws, to follow his own opinion, which he will call equity: For that should be as it were, to give power to every particular judge, to judge after his fantasy, against received and approved right, and so to suffer to pass under the name of equity, huge iniquity. Since then none may easily and without great reason, depart from received and approved laws, it followeth that none may easily also induce an equity, against the said laws, unless to induce it, he use great and deliberate consideration and examination, and do well ponder the circumstances & consequences, by a good and experimented judgement, which one alone cannot do, except he be of some exceeding invention, knowledge, and experience, and of a good and sound judgement, such a one as can hardly be found: Therefore it is much better, to commit to many (not to every one, but unto such as are well chosen) that power to induce equity against received laws, than to one alone: Besides this, it appertaineth unto sovereign judges, to examine the new edicts and laws of princes, to mark and note, if there be any thing hard in them, which it were good to mitigate and lenify; which they must either themselves do, before they allow or divulge them, or else must they signify to the prince, a cause why they approve them not. This, one alone can never so well do, as many (how great and wise so ever he be) because the spirit of one man alone, is not capable, to see and comprehend all the particular cases, which may be applied to the matter of an edict, neither in memory or cogitation can he comprehend, whatsoever absurdity, incommodity, or iniquity, can be in a law. But many, casting and discoursing in their minds every thing, one foreseeing one thing, and another another, by examining and disputing upon the matter, may the better perceive and comprehend the law, and inconveniences thereof. For it is not to be doubted, but that by the dispute of learned and sufficient men (which do examine by a good judgement, reasons contrary, likely, conjuncts and adjuncts of every thing) may far better, comprehend the difficulties and in commodities of a edict, than by the reasoning of one alone. The manner which the Romans anciently observed, in the making of new laws, shows this, for they which proposed and preferred them, were commonly men of good spirit, great judgement, and experience in the affairs of the common weal; but yet every man (great and small) was heard to contradict that law which was proposed, yea sometimes it was found, and often, that a base person, of small estimation, which had neither great knowledge nor experience, yet hath noted in that law, absurdities and inconveniences, which were causes of rejection, or at the least of moderating and correcting it. Again for that sovereign judges, are as it were censors and correctors of of inferior judges, it is very requisite, that they be many in number: because it will seem hard for a magistrate to be corrected by one alone, unto whom (it may be) he would not give place in any thing, either in good knowledge or experience: Finally, because corruption is more to be feared in sovereign judges, which have none above them to correct their faults, than in subaltern and inferiors, who themselves may be corrected; therefore it is requisite that sovereign judges be in number, for many are more uneasy to be corrupted, than one alone: I confess then, in the sovereign degree of justice of a prince, it is good and expedient, that he have a sufficient number of persons, to exercise it, provided always, the number be not too great, and unbrideled, for the quality is therein more requisite than the quantity. The like is, to be of the king's Counsel, where it is good and requisite, there be many heads, as we have said in another place. For confirmation of my saying, I will allege no other thing, than the example of our ancestors: For in the time, and before king Lewis the twelfth, inferior Officers were not many in one seat and degree of justice, for there was but one in every seat thereof, to administer it; namely a Provost, or ordinary judge, in the first degree; a lieutenant general, or bailiff (as they call him) or steward in the second degree; but in sovereign courts of Parliaments, and the great Counsel, they were many, yet not in so great number, as they be at this day. But seeing we are in hand with means to establish a good justice, I will touch therein some small points, which I have marked in histories. We must then presuppose, Good justice consisteth in good laws and good Magistrates that to cause good justice to be administered, a prince must needs have good laws, and create good Magistrates and Officers: As for laws some concern the decision of matters, and other the formality of process: Touching such as concern the decision of matters, it seemeth well that there hath been sufficiently provided, by the local custom of every country, and by the right or law written: Well might it be desired, that the doctrines of the doctors of the , and cannon law, were well chosen, and the good set a part and authorised: For though in judgements we can hardly lack them, yet are they so confused, and wrapped with contrary opinions, that they which hope to find in the doctor's gloss and commentaries the solution of some doubtful question, do often fall into inexplicable labyrinths, and for treasure do find coals: Which would not come to pass, if the good doctrines which often come in use, and which are founded upon reason and equity, were separated and distinguished from the troop and mixture of those doctor's writings. And touching laws, which concern the formality and conduction of process and litigations, it seems to me, there hath been sufficient provision in France, by Royal ordinances: But it seems not to be sufficient, that a prince make good laws, well and rightly to conduct and lead, to the end, the processes and contentions of subjects: but it will be very requisite and necessary, that he make laws to prohibit and hinder, the birth of these processes and contentions; for otherwise good justice and ready expedition of causes, shall indirectly serve for an occasion to increase and multiply, because men will be made prompt and voluntary to move actions, when they are assured to have speedy and good justice: So that to shun this, and to make that the thing which of itself is good and holy, be neither cause nor occasion of evil, it shall be (as I have said) very requisite to have good laws, to hinder the birth and original of contentions, wherein it seems to me, that the said Royal ordinances are defectuous and maimed: So is there great need of some Lycurgus or Solon, to make those said laws, men's wits are so wild, and their spirits so mervaisously plentiful and fertile, to bring forth contentions and differences, and so easily to descent one from another: yet notwithstanding I think not that it is impossible, something though not altogether, to repress this arising, and secunditie of law causes, but because it will be too long now to discourse, we will reserve it for another time. But it is nothing to have good laws, if there be not withal good magistrates, for their execution: for the magistrate, is the soul of the law, who gives it force, vigour, action, and motion, and without whom the law is but a dead, and an unprofitable thing. A good magistrate than is a most excellent thing, yea the most excellent in the world, yea he is a very rare thing, at the least in his time: yet might there be sufficient in a mediocrity, if they were well chosen and sought for: But now the first that payeth most is received, without any care to choose the fittest: Dion writeth, That the emperor Caius Caligula, had an horse called Velocissimus, which he so much loved, that he made him often to dine and sup at his table, and caused him to be served with barley in a great vessel of gold, and with wine in great cauldrons of gold also: Not contented thus, to honour his Velocissmus, he determined with himself to advance him unto estates and offices, and to the government of the commonwealth, Caligula would make his horse a consul of Rome and so resolved to make him Consul of Rome, and had done it (saith Dion) if he had not been prevented by death. The Machiavellistes of this time, which read this in Dion, can well say, that this was an act of a senseless and mad man, to give such an estate to a beast: Yet do they find it good at this day, to give estates to as senseless beasts, & more dangerous than Velocissimus was: for (if the worst had fallen) if Velocissimus had been created Consul of Rome, he could have done no other harm to the commonwealth, nor to particulars, unless it had been a blow with his foot, to such as had saluted him too nigh; but he would never have made any extortions, pillings, or other abuses, which the beasts of our time commit, which are placed in Offices: And this is it which Horace saith, That we mock him which is evil favouredly pulled, and him that weareth a rend shirt under a silk coat, or Epist. 1. lib. 1 that hath his gown on the one side long, and on the other, short: but he is not mocked, who wasteth great goods riotously, who overthroweth right, and committeth infinite sins and abuses in his charge, men will peradventure say he doth evil, but not that he ought to be punished. How many Offices be there in France, more fit for Velocissimus, than for them which hold them: And that which is least perilous, every man doth laughat, but this which is most dangerous to a commonweal, no man dare so much as say, it ought to be amended, much less corrected: For there is a simple beastlinesle and ignorance, and a malicious beastliness and ignorance: The simple ignorance is like to that of Velocissimus, which can do neither good nor evil, but malicious beastliness and ignorance, is a beastly ignorance of all good and right things, but of a great capacity to hold all vices and wickedness, such as our Machiavellistes: If then a man must needs choose one of the two; who sees not that it were more expedient to choose a simple beastliness? Can any than deny, but it were better to have for a magistrate Velocissimus, than some of our Machiavellists, or our Office-cheators, which comes by retail, unto that which they bought in gross. But the prince, who resolves with himself, to establish good Magistrates (without which, he can have no good justice, though his laws be the best in the world) he must consider and note many things, both in particular persons, and in bodies in general: for he should take notice what an office it is, for which he should provide an officer, and accordingly seek a person whose virtue and sufficiency may be Proportion geometrical to be observed in providing of Officers. Aristo. lib. 1. Ethniks. correspondent and equal unto the functions of that estate: For a far greater sufficiency is required in a Precedent, than in a Counsellor; and in a Councillor, than in an inferior judge; and in a judge, than in a Chatellaine or castle guarder: Hear it is, where ought to be observed the Geometrical proportion whereof Aristotle speaketh, by giving to the most fittest and sufficientest, the greatest estate, & to them which are meanly fit, mean offices, and estates, and the least, to such as are least sufficient: This it is, which Fabius Maximus showed to the Roman people, when they would needs create Consuls, two young lords, that is, Titus Octacilius (Fabius his nephew) & Aemilius Regillus, when Hannibal made war in Italy: Masters (said he) if we had peace in Italy, or that we had war here, against a lesser captain than Hannibal, so that there were place to amend and correct a fault, when it were made, we would not hold him well advised, that would hinder your election, and as it were withstand your liberty: But in this war against Hannibal, we have made no fault, but it hath cost us a great and perilous loss, therefore am I of advice that you do elect Consuls, which match Hannibal: For as we would, that our people of war were stronger than our enemies; so ought we to wish, that our heads and chieftains of war, were equal to them of our enemies: Octacilius is my nephew, who espoused my sister's daughter, and hath children by her, so that I have cause to desire his advancement: But the commonwealths utility is more dear unto me. And withal, that no other hath greater cause than my nephew, not to charge himself with a weight, under which he should fall. The Roman people found his reasons good, therefore revoked their election, and by a new suffrage elected Fabius himself, and gave him for a companion, Marcellus, which assuredly were two great and sage captains. This rule to elect magistrates equal to every charge, above all aught to be well practised in the election of sovereign judges, for after they have judged, if they have committed a fault, it cannot but very hardly be repaired: so that the reason which Fabius alleged, having place in the election of sovereign judges, the provision which followed it, meriteth well to be drawn into an example and consequence, for the good and utility of the prince's subjects. The particular qualities, required in a Magistrate, cannot better nor more briefly Particular qualities required in a Magistrate be described, than by the counsel, which jethro gave to Moses: For he advised him, to elect people fearing God, true and hating covetousness: Surely this counsel is very brief for words, but in substance it comprehendeth much. For first, the Magistrate which shall fear God, will advise to exercise his Office, in a good conscience Exod. cap. 18. and after the commandments of God, and above all things will seek, that God be honoured and served, according to his holy will, and will punish ●uch as do the contrary. If the Magistrate fear God, he will love his neighbour as himself, because God so willeth, and by consequent he will guard himself from doing (in the exercise of his estate) any thing against his neighbour, which he would not should be done against himself: Briefly he will in a book (as it were) writ all his actions, to make his account to that great Lord and master, whose fear he hath in him. Secondly, if the Magistrate be veritable, and a lover of truth, it will follow that in the exercise of his Office, as well in , as criminal matters, he will always seek out the truth, and shut his ears to impostures and lies of calumniators and slanderers, which is no small virtue, wherein judges often err. Also, a magistrate that loveth truth by consequent, shall be of sufficiency, knowledge, and capacity, to exercise his estate: for Ignorance and Truth are no companions, because Truth is no other thing but light, and Ignorance darkness. And for the last point, If the Magistrate hate covetousness, he will not only guard himself from practising it, but also he will correct it in others: and by cutting of this detestable vice (the root of all evil) he shall keep down all other vices, which be like rivers proceeding from this cursed and stinking spring. And as we see, that the covetousness of wicked magistrates is cause of the length of law causes, because they have a desire, that the parties which plead before them, should serve their turns (as they say) as a cow for milk; whereby it followeth, that the poor people are peeled, and eaten even to the bones, by those horseleeches: Also contrary, when the Magistrate hateth covetousness, he will dispatch and hasten justice to parties, and not hold them long in law, neither pill and spoil them; a thing bringing great comfort and help to the people: Briefly then, if these three qualities which jethro requireth in Magistrates and Officers of justice, were well considered by the prince, in such sort, as he would receive none into an Office of justice, who feared not God, loved not verity, and hated covetousness, certainly justice would be better administered, to his great honour, and the utility of his subjects. I will not say, that amongst the Paynims, there were Magistrates, which had the true fear of God, for none can have that, without knowing him, and none can truly know him, but by his word, whereof the Paynims were ignorant; yet were there Paynims, which had the other two parts which jethro required in a Magistrate. When Cato the elder was sent governor & lieutenant general for the Romans, into the Isle Titus Livius l●b, 2. Dec. 4. of Sardaigne, he found that the people of the country, had already a custom for many years before, to expend and bestow great charges at the receipt, and for the honour of all the governors, which were sent from Rome; he found also through all that country, a great company of bankers and usurers, which ruinated and eat out the people by usuries: As soon as he was arrived in his government, he cassed and cut off this, and would not suffer them at his arrival, to be at any charge for his entertainment: He also drove out of the country at once, all the said bankers and usurers, without any liberty given them to stay, upon condition to moderate their usuries, which some found hard and evil, thinking that it had been better, to have given to these bankers and usurers, a mean to their usuries, beyond which they might not pass, than altogether to take from them the mean, to give and take money to profit, a thing seeming prejudicial to commerce and traffic: But so much there wanted, that Cato stayed not upon these considerations, believing that the permission of a certain, might easily be disguised and perverted, and that men which be subtle in their trade, might easily in their contracting and accounting, make them lay down eight for ten, or twelve for fifteen: Briefly Cato governed himself so in his estate and government, that the fame of his reputation, was of an holy and innocent person. He was in all matters assuredly a brave man, he was a good soldier, a good lawyer, a good orator, cunning both in towns and in rural affairs, proper in time Titus Liviu● lib. 9 Dec. 4. of peace, and as proper in time of war, a man of severe innocency, and who had a tongue that would spare no man's vices, even publicly to accuse them, as indeed in all his life he never ceased to accuse vicious and evil living people, to make them be condemned by justice, and especially in his age of ninety years, he accused one Sergtus Galba. This man stepped one day forward, to demand the Office of Censor, which was an Office very meet for him, because he delighted more to blame and reprehend the vices of men, than praise their virtues: In the pursuit of this Office of Censor, he had many competitors, which also demanded this estate, not so much for the desire they had to have it: For they did well foresee, that if Cato were Censor, he would practise a rigorous Censorship, and that he would disgrade many Officers and Magistrates (as this lay in the Censors power) which were far from good. And this which feared them most, was, that Cato himself, as he sued for that Office said openly, that if he were chosen Censor, he would bring to their trial, an heap of vicious corrupted Magistrates, and would reform offices, by redusing them into the first form, and disgrading inculpable and unworthy officers; and that they which opposed themselves to the pursuit hereof, did it for no other cause, but because they feared the touch: Briefly, he did so much that not only he was elected Censor, but also gave him for a companion in his Censorship Lucius Valertus, whom he demanded, because he was like humorous as himself. These two being Censors, they failed not to remove many out of their places, for they cassiered many Senators and Magistrates, yea such as were of great houses and nobility: They caused their houses to be demolished and overthrown, which had builded on public ground: They caused diverse ponds and lakes to be paved, which were full of mud and dirt, and to repurge all the gutters, sinks, and jakes of the city: They greatly heightened and raised the farms of the commonwealth hands, which before had been held at a low price, by persons which by complots and intelligences, had let them out far dearer: Briefly they administered a very lowable and profitable Censorship, whereupon Cato was surnamed Censorius. Would to God we had at this day such men, and that princes would employ them; for the commonwealth stands in great need, so to be purged of so many evils and corruptions, as do infect and ruinated it. King Charlemagne and S. Lewis may in this place serve for examples to all kings, Annals upon Anno 809. and 2253. and princes: For we read, That these two good kings, true lovers of good justice performing the Office of good Censors, sent often in their time, commissiaries and enquestors through all provinces, to be informed against the abuses of Magistrates, and such as they found in fault, and did not well observe all edicts, and ordinances, they were rigorously punished: Insomuch as during their reigns, justice was exceeding well administered, to the great help and comfort of the people. The prince ought also in his election of Magistrates, to advise himself well, to choose officers, which in judgement will have no respect of persons: For the Magistrate ought to yield right equally to the poor as the rich, according to the merit of the cause, and not after the desert of persons. From the beginning of the Roman commonwealth, they had either none (or few) laws written, to end contentions & differences amongst them, but judges ought to ha●e no acception of persons. they were ended, as seemed good to Magistrates, which always gave a colour to their sentences, by certain decrees and judgements, which they said had been before given in like cases: By this palliation and deceit (saying, that they had been so before judged) they administered justice after their own fantasies, yea in such sort as they almost Dion. Halic. lib. 10. always carried away the gaining of the cause: for Magistrates (which were at their command) supported and favoured them. The meanest sort of people perceiving, that under colour of former judgements, they were abused, and so that they almost always lost their causes, against the great men of the city; many began to quarrel and complain: Insomuch as that the Tribunes publicly proposed, that it was necessary there were ten potentates elected, in the place of two Consuls, to administer the commonwealth, and writ laws & ordinances, whereby from thence forward the differences and law controversies might be decided, and not after the fantasies and former judgements of judges & Magistrates. The great men after their custom, opposed themselves against this. Hereupon there arose a great stir and sedition, within the town of Rome, which neither the Consuls nor Senate could any Good justice cause of peace, & evil, cause of Sedition. way appease: But at the new creation of Consuls, it happened that Lucius Quintius (who dwelled in the fields, in a little husbandry he had) was elected Consul, and sent for to his village, where they found him at his ploughs tail, ploughing his final possessions: This good person was honourably brought as sovereign Magistrate into the town: as soon as he was arrived, he began to exercise his estate, and to administer justice to every man, as well poor as rich, without respect or exception of persons. He in a little time, dispatched all old causes, which had long hanged in suspense, by the means of prorogations which rich men made: and behaved himself so discreet and just in the handling of all causes, as he was generally esteemed a good and equal judge. He abode all day in the palace, to hear and dispatch causes, and he gave audience to every man very patiently and benignly, and used speedy and good justice, to one and others indifferently, having no regard to persons, but to the merits and to the justice of the cause then in the question only: By this means Quintius brought to pass, that not only the great men, were no more suspected judges to the meanest, but also justice was so agreeable and plausible to the people, that the sedition ceased, and all the people were appeased, so that none demanded any more to have new laws, whereby to judge causes, but every man greatly contented himself, to have for a law so good and equal a judge, and Magistrate. And surely there is nothing in the world, which sooner ceaseth seditions and stirs, nor that better maintaineth public peace and tranquility, than a good justice, administered by good and equal Magistrates: But on the contrary, a wicked justice is often cause of uproars, insurrections, and wars, as poor France can say at this day. The example of both these cases appeared certain years after Quintius was Dion. Halic. lib. 10. & 11. out of his magistracy: for they which succeeded him, had not that grace nor dexterity, well to administer justice: insomuch as the Tribunes took up again their determination, to create ten Potentates, to write laws and ordinances, after which men might be judged in all causes: And indeed the Senate (as it were constrained) accorded to this creation, & there were chosenten Potentates, which with great deliberation composed the laws of the twelve Tables, which were found very good and equal: and not only they proposed and made in public places the said laws, and engraved them in Tables of brass, but which more is, they certain times administered justice to every man, after these laws, with great uprightness and equity: And amongst other Potentates, there was Appius Claudius, who showed himself very soft and affable to the meanest people, and heard them patiently, and did them very good and speedy justice; so that the people made no account of the Tribunes, thinking they needed not to run unto the Tribunes for help, since Appius alone performed not only the Office of a good judge, but also of a Tribune, to sustain the good right of the mean people. But this good justice endured but a year: for the second year, the said Potentates being made to continue but for a year in their estates, resolved altogether so to remain, without ever despoiling themselves of that Office: And to gain people to their faction, they began to do justice clean contrary to that of the first year, using favour and subornation, always giving sentence to the profit of them which were on their side, to sustain their tyranny: By this means they drew many persons to be of their factions, and wrought a great partiality within the town of Rome, some holding for the ten Potentates, others against them: But in the end their imperious and tyrannical arrogancy towards one and others, was the cause that the partialized people accorded, and great and little set themselves all on one side against them, whereupon fell their total ruin: insomuch as the first year of their estate, by their good justice they brought and maintained a good peace in the city: but in the second year, by their evil and wicked justice they reduced all into troubles and confusions within the city. Unto this example of the ten Potentates, might we compare the wicked, partial, and venale justice, which hath reigned in France since fifteen years (which is and hath been the principal cause, and as it were the nurse of all troubles and seditions) and that little of good justice which we see to shine (as a lightning, which soon passeth away) after the first troubles in Provence, when the Precedent de Morsen, and certain Counsellors were sent thither: For the little good justice which they did in that quarter, in so little time as they remained there, was the cause that the people of Provence (which naturally are very hot and furious) carried and guided themselves in the other following troubles, more modestly than any other of the French nation. We have before said, That Quintius patiently heard all them which demanded justice of him: which is a point, that all justices and Magistrates ought well to observe: For according to the right of nations and of natural equity, none ought to be condemned without being heard. In the time that the Tarquins were chased from Rome, they underhand practised many citizens, by promises and otherwise to commit a treason to the commonwealth, and to establish Tarquin the Proud in his estate. The corrupted citizens procured to them many slaves of the best sort of citizens, by promises of liberty and other good recompenses: insomuch, as all the hired people being in a very great number, concluded upon a secret conspiration, that the said citizens should one night seize upon the strongest places of the town; and that the said slaves should slay their masters in their beds as soon as they should hear a noise that should be made through the town, for a watchword: and this being done, some should go and open the gates to the Tarquins. There were two brethren, Marcus and Publius Laurentius, which were of this conjuration: these many times were tormented in their beds in sleep, by hideous and fearful dreams, this made them go to their Divines, to know from whence these dreams proceeded. The Divines told them they proceeded from some wicked enterprise which they had in their heads, which they could not well bring about, & it were good they left off, that they might be no more tormented with such dreams. This was the cause, that the two brethren discovered all the conspiration to Servius Sulpitius, one of the Consuls. Sulpitius saw an evident and nigh peril to the commonwealth, if suddenly it were not provided for: yet did he not think it good to deal in the punishment of the culpable, before they were well vanquished and plain matters averred against them (as our Machiavelists of this time do, which take law against men after they have slain them) but secretly communicated the fact to the Senat. The Senate referred to him to proceed in that matter as he thought fittest for the utility and conservation of the commonweal. Sulpitius considering then, that amongst the conspirators there were many great persons and well allied, and that he might reap great envy and hatred, if he caused any to die without an open conviction of the fact, he resolved to bring the cause to a clear and evident proof. He then took such order, as the strong places of the city were guarded by good men on a certain night assigned, and so sent to Tullius Longus, his companion in the Consulship (who then besieged the town of Fidenes) that he should come to Rome with a good part of his army: and he dealt so, as he arrived nigh the gates at the hour of midnight, at the night assigned, and that there he should stay, till Sulpitius sent him word. This done, he gave charge to the two brethren Laurentines (which had discovered the enterprise unto him) to advertise their complices, as from the side of the Tarquins, to execute their design that night, and that they all should meet in the market place, the better to know what every man should do. This was so done: insomuch, as the conjurators being altogether assembled in the public market, the Consul Longus was assigned to enter into the town with all his forces, and so in the market place were all the conjurators environned and wrapped in by the good order that Sulpitius had taken: so that they were all by this means convicted of the fact: insomuch, as none of their parents or allies could deny the crime. This was the cause that every man said after (when it came to the punishment of the conspirators) that it were a good deed to punish them, and that Sulpitius had well performed his duty. Briefly, by this clear & evident proof which Sulpitius drew out of this conspiration, he obtained great honour and praise, whereas he should have heaped upon himself great envy and evil will of the allies and parents of such as were culpable, if he had caused them to be executed without great and evident verification of the crime. Helpidius also, lieutenant of justice at Rome, in the time of the emperor Constantius, Am. Marcel. lib. 21. A judge ought to fear to offend his conscience. showed himself a good and sincere judge: For being commanded by the emperor to rack and torment a poor accused person, he would never do it, because he found no matter nor sufficient proofs against him to do it: but humbly besought the emperor rather to discharge him of his Office, than constrain him to do a thing against his conscience. The prince then which will make a good election of magistrates, aught to take care to choose persons, which like Cato will not wink at vices, and which will patiently hear parties, and judge equally, as did Quintius: which will be diligent, well to draw out the truth of the fact, before he give judgement upon any, as did Sulpitius: which may be such persons as fear to offend their consciences, like Helpidius. And briefly, that they be fearers of God, lovers of truth, & not covetous, according to jethro his counsel: Thus doing, he need not fear to have his justice well ruled and holily administered. He must take heed he do not like the emperor Tiberius, who gave his Offices to great drinkers and gourmandizers, taking pleasure to see a man tun up much wine and viands into his belly: Neither ought he to imitate the example of Suet. in Tib. cap. 42. A●. Marcel. lib. 23 & 27. the emperor julian the Apostata, who for a judge (one time) gave to the town of Alexandria in Egypt, a most cruel and turbulent man: And when it was told him, that this judge was a man very unworthy of such an Office: I know nor (saith he) how unworthy he is: but because the Alexandrians be turbulent and covetous persons, I will give them a like judge, which may deal with them after their merits. This was a very inconsiderate part of this emperor, to give a wicked magistrate to a corrupted people for their amendment: for that is, as if one should give unto a diseased person a wicked physician to heal him. There was the like fact committed in our time by the Machiavelists; but no marvel if Atheists follow the traces of an Apostata, for the one is as good as the other. Neither ought the prince also to do as the emperor Valentinian, who constrained the parties to subject themselves to the judgement of suspected judges to be their enemies: For all these said emperors were greatly blamed by authors of their time, and are yet by all histories, for their so evil choice of unworthy men in Offices, which rather they ought to have recoiled and dejected, as many other emperors did, which for far less causes have cassierd and dispatched them out of their Offices; as some have written, That Augustus Caesar cassierd a magistrate as ignorant and incapable, because he writ Ixi in place of Ipsi. And Vespasian cassierd another, because he perfumed himself & smelled of musk, saying, he would have loved him better, if he had smelled of Garlic. And Domitian cassierd another, because he delighted in dancing and puppet plays: for Domitian (although otherwise very wicked) had this good in him, that he caused well to be chastised, all such as our Machiavelists are at this day. Likewise also Fabricius Censor, cassierd out of the Senate Cornelius Rufinus Senator, because he had vessels of silver weighing ten marks, which at this time comes to 40 crowns. But I leave you to think, if they would not then have rigorously punished such as do spoil and eat the people; which sell justice, or which commit like abuses (which at this day are manifestly tolerated in France) since they cassierd men out of their Offices for far lighter causes, as to fail in the orthography of a word, to smell of a perfume, to dance, to have plate of the value of ten pound: for these things seem not to be great faults, but at this time men do rather make virtues of them. But it is not enough, that a prince make good election of his Officers and Magistrates by the consideration of each man's particular virtues, but also, in seats where he must needs establish many judges together; he ought to take good advisement well ●o compose the body of that assembly, by considering the qualities required, to give a good harmony and temperature to all the body. And for this purpose he ought to compose and temper it of persons of diverse estates and diverse countries: as for example: A parliament and judgement seat (which ought to be composed of many) ought not to be made of men, all of the Nobility or of the Clergy, or of the third estate, but some of every estate: Likewise, it ought not to be composed of men all of one town, but they ought to be taken from diverse jurisdictions or dioceses: And those two points have anciently been observed in France, according to royal ordinances so enjoining. But in the time wherein we are, we may add by the like reason, That in a parliament or the like seat, they ought not all to be Catholic Romans, and none of the Reformed Religion: For if the estate of the Clergy for the conservation of her privileges, hath well obtained, that in all such places there be magistrates of the Clergy (although they be of the same religion in all points with the Catholic Laymen) why should they deny it to men of the profession of the Gospel? To this purpose we read, That at Rome there was a time wherein there was many more knights in the assembly of judges sovereign of causes, than of Senators: insomuch, as by sovereign judgement, Publius Rutilius (who was a good and sincere man) was condemned to banishment (because he had repressed the excessive and undue exactions of Publicans in Asia) being evil beloved of the knights, which were the greater number of the assembly. The Senators disdaining and grieving at this wicked judgement, stirred up Livius Drusus Tribune of the people: at whose pursuit there was a law made, That from thence forward the Senators and knights should be of a like number in the judgements of causes: Which law was found good and profitable to the commonweal? as by the contrary they found not good that law which before Caius Gracchus (who also was a Tribune of the people) would have caused to pass, whereby he sought to these, that in the judgement of causes there might be two knights against one Senator: For herein there is no equality nor equity; and therefore by good reason that law was rejected, yea, and to the ruin of Gracchus, who was slain in the too earnest pursuit of that law. josaphat also, king of judea, after he had established good magistrates through the towns of his kingdom, and expressly enjoined them to execute good justice Paral. lib. 2. cap. 1410. Antiq. lib. 9 cap. 2. to every man, without having any regard, but to the fear of God, and not to the riches nor the dignity of persons, finally established a seat like a parliament, in the town of jerusalem, composed of persons elected from all the lines and families of his kingdom, as judges, holding the degree of supreme jurisdiction, unto which, men might only appeal from the sentences of inferior judges. The same temperature kept also the ancient Romans in all sorts of their magistrates: For they not only had of their nobility, but also of their knights, and of the third estate to the contentment of every one: and that magistrates being so temperated, they so might be suspected neither to great nor little. This is it which was said of Marcus Valerius (that Dionis. Halic. lib. 7. valiant and wise Senator and great captain of war) persuading the Senate to receive the people to Offices, and into the administration of the commonweal. Masters (said he) all they which will well establish a public estate, aught to consider, not only that which is present, but also that which may come: But certainly, if the whole administration of the commonweal remained always in the hands of such as are rich and puissant, it might so come to pass in succession of time, that some small number of them would usurp a tyrannous domination over the people: But when some of the people shall be mixed amongst such as are rich and puissant, they dare enterprise no tyranny, fearing to be punished by the laws; whereof the magistrates of the people may pursue against them the observation. Finally, so much the greater terror and fear we propose before the eyes of transgressors of laws and corrupters of manners, by putting against proud and covetous men, many observers and watchers in their heads, so much the better shall the estate of our commonwealth be established and assured. A Prince having by good election well ordained the magistrates of his justice, A Prince ought to punish evil judges, and to reward good men. he ought after, to consider how he may maintain them in their duty to walk upright, and to keep themselves from corruption. To do this, he must observe two things: To cassier them which deal evil in their charge, yea, that he punish them according to the greatness of their faults, and that he recompense & remunerat them which deal well in their charges. We have above set down some examples of certain emperors, which chastised their vicious magistrates, which examples do merit well to be drawn into a consequence, at the least for great faults of magistrates: But above all, a prince ought always to have before his eyes the example of the king S. Lewis, who of his kingdom sent often Commissaries through his provinces to get information of the abuses of magistrates, that he might do justice thereof: For this example meriteth well to be practised in the time wherein we are. Moreover, the emperor Alexander Severus practised very well these two points, whereof now I speak: Lamprid. in Alex. touching the punishing of evil magistrates, and remunerating the good. For on the one side he so hated wicked magistrates, which abused their Offices, that one day there coming to his Court one Arabinus, who was reported to have committed thefts in the administration of his Office, he begun in a great choler. O gods immortal? Arabinus not only liveth, but dare appear in the Senate, and before me. On the other side, Alexander would remunerate and bountifully reward such magistrates as were good, and well acquitted themselves in their charges: For (said he) good magistrates which are good men, must be bought and enriched: but wicked men of no value must be impoverished and driven away. We may also allege the example of the most part of our ancient kings of France, which stipended well their Officers of justice: For although it seem, that the wages which they take at this present is little; yet at the time when their wages were first constiuted and set down unto them, they were great and sufficient enough to maintain them unto whom they were given. And there is no doubt but a man might as well and honourably maintain himself some 60 years ago with 300 pound a year, as now for 1000, for truly, since that time, all things have proved four times dearer. Whereupon it followeth, since expenses are quadruple, and that the wages of magistrates are not raised, that it were requisite they were augmented, the rather to encourage them to do their duties, and to take from them all occasion and excuse of abuses. Hereupon some have thought, that to shun abuses & corruptions of magistrates, it were good and expedient to make them temporal, as for two or three years, or else Magistrates in France ought neither to be temporal nor ambulatory. to make them ambulatory, by removing of them from time to time from one province to another. This opinion hath been held by a great person of our time, which seemeth to be founded upon many good reasons: For if magistrates were temporal, by consequent they should be subject to the Syndiks, and to give account of their administration: and if they were ambulatory, they should not know the persons submitted to their jurisdictions, neither could they contract with them any inward familiarity and love, which often do cause judges to stray out of the right way, & do draw the curtain from the eyes of justice: And both by the laws of the Romans, and the ordinances of king Lewis, and many other kings his successors, the magistrates of Provinces could neither be perpetual, nor might they be magistrates in the provinces where they were borne. Yet if we consider, that France is composed of diverse provinces, which have every one their courses of law, different, we shall find, that it were impossible to find magistrates fit to administer justice in every several province for want of knowledge of the different styles, customs, and manners of every several country, which are not well learned but by use and practise: And also old men and many persons very capable to exercise offices of magistracy, neither can nor will subject themselves to an uncertain removing from one province to another: for the affairs of their family could not well bear it, yet every man must have care of his family. We see also, that men advanced to Offices, although men learned & capable, yet at the first have not had the dexterity well to apply their knowledge to use, for it is obtained by the handling of matters & experience. Whereupon it followeth, that if magistrates were temporal, they should be at the end of their time even then when they begun to understand how they ought to handle their Offices, & by appointing deputies in their places, the like would come to them: and so would it come to pass, that in Offices there would be placed, more often new men than well experienced; a thing neither good nor profitable to the commonweal. And for this cause we read, that the emperor Antonius Pius continued always in his time his magistrates, which Capit. in Pio. in their Offices acquitted themselves well. And in the time of Severus, and other emperors after him, it was practised, that to the Office of the Praetorian praefecture, they should always provide some one of them which before had served as an Assessor, and knew therefore how he should handle that Office. And certainly, in the Romans time there was this incommodity in the matter of magistrates, that often they were at the end of their time, before they understood how they should administer; as a captain Niger, lieutenant of the war for the emperor Marcus Antonine, complained to him. But that incommodity was much more supportable in that time, than Sparta. in Nigro. at this day it can be, in France: for the Roman magistrates seldom decided private and particular causes: but in France, magistrates must deal in all causes. After that the prince hath well established his justice as well by publication of A Prince aught himself to minister justice. good laws, as by institution of good magistrates, yet is he not discharged: For he ought himself also to deal therein. And this is another point of the Counsel which jethro gave to Moses: For after he had counseled him, what magistrates he should establish under him, he added more, That Moses ought to reserve unto himself the knowledge and decision of great affairs, which are of consequence. And assuredly, this is a point very necessary, and which a prince ought not to leave behind: for he is debtor of justice to his subjects, and aught to give them audience in things whereof he is to have necessary knowledge: for all things are not proper to be handled before magistrates established by the prince: but there are many things, whereof the knowledge ought to appertain to the prince alone: as when a mean man will complain against some great lord or magistrate, or against Publicans and exactors of the prince's money, or when a man labours for a pardon, gift, recompense, and many other like: The prince than ought himself, either alone, or in his Counsel to give often audience unto his subjects: For we read, that by the primitive creation of kings Dionis. Halic ●ib, 1. & 5. and monarches, the authority which was attributed unto them by the people, consisted in three very notable points: whereof the first was, To minister good justice unto their subjects, by causing them to observe the laws and customs of the country, and to take knowledge themselves of the injuries which are great and of consequence amongst their subjects. The second point was, To convocat an assembly of a Senate, to handle the affairs of the commonwealth. And the third, To be the chieftain and sovereign of the war. And for as much as the first duty of kings consisteth, to do good justice unto their subjects, the ancient Grecians (even Homer) calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, Distributers of justice. This is it wherefore almost all good princes have had their ordinary days of Audience, wherein they took knowledge of the complaints and grievances of their subjects, and administered right and justice unto them. julius Caesar took great pain and travail to hear causes, and to administer justice, and to cause them to observe laws which concerned Suet. in Caesar, cap. 43. in Aug. cap. 3 in Claud. cap. 15. in Galba, cap. 7. 8, 9 Domitiano, cap 8. the commonwealth: as especially the law Sumptuariam, which would permit no excess in banquets, nor dissoluteness in apparel. Augustus Caesar likewise kept an ordinary Audience, which he continued until night: yea, being evil at ease, he in a litter would be carried to the palace, or hold Audience in his house. The emperor Claudius also (although he were of an heavy and dull spirit) yet held he his Audience, and administered right to parties. So did Domitian, who (how wicked soever he was in other deportments) with great industry and diligence administered good justice unto parties, and often revoked decrees from the Centumvirat seat, which for favour were given, and spared not to punish corrupted judges. The emperor Galba likewise (although he was of the age of threescore and twelve years, when he came to the empire) yet dealt with audience of parties, and administered justice. So did trajan, Adrian, the antonine, Severus, Alexander, and many other Roman emperors give Audience to their subjects, and administered justice unto them. And very memorable is that which is written of the emperor Adrian, namely, That one day as he went into the fields, he was required by a poor woman (who had watched to speak with him) to do her justice upon a certain complaint she made unto him: The emperor very Dion. in Adrian. kindly said unto her, That that was no place where she should require justice, and sent her away till another time: The woman replied upon him: Sir (said she) if you will not do me justice, wherefore deal you to be emperor? Adrian was never moved hereat, but stayed still, heard her, & did her justice. If we read the histories of France, we shall find, that it hath yet been more ordinary and common with our ancient kings to hold Audiences (which men called Lict de justice, The Bed of justice) than with the Roman emperors. Charlemaigne king of France, and emperor, besides Annal. upon Anno 809, & 814, & 1215. that he took great care, that Stewards, Bailiffs, and their deputies, should walk upright without abusing their Offices, would also, that they should reserve unto him all great causes, or such as were amongst great lords: Then caused he the parties to appear before him, he heard them patiently, and agreed them amiably, if he could by any means: and so he gave his sentence, and good and prompt justice. King Lewis the first of that name (surnamed le Debonair, because of his good and holy conditions) following the traces of Charlemaigne his father, held a public Audience in his palace three times in the week, and heard the grievances and complaints of every one, executing to all quick and right justice. But what good came there hereof? Even this (saith the history) that the public good in this good king's time, was so well governed and administered, that there was almost no man found amongst his subjects, which complained, that any man did him wrong or injury, but all men lived in great peace and prosperity, one not daring to offend another, for the fear they had of the kings good justice, which he would administer himself, and so cause his ministers to do after his example. So much could that royal virtue of justice do for the maintenance of peace and prosperity in a kingdom. King Philip Augustus (surnamed the Conqueror, for his great prowesses and conquests) was also a good justicer, and willingly heard the complaints of his subjects: insomuch, as one day understanding, that Guy Count de Auverne used greatly to pill and violently to spoil his subjects and neighbours, exacting upon them great sums of money against their wills, and without the kings consent their sovereign, and having found him culpable hereof, condemned him (by the advice of the barons of the realm) to lose his land and signory of Auverne, which from that time was united to the crown. We may also place here the good justice of the kings, Charles le Sage, Charles the seventh, Charles the eight, Lewis the twelfth, and of many other kings of France, Annal. upon Anno 1255 & 1269 Gaguin in the li●e of S. Lewis. The good justice of Lewis. which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects, and to do them justice. But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis, who amongst other virtues wherewith he was endowed, he was a very good and upright administer of justice. This good king having a great zeal to establish a good justice in his kingdom: first he would and ordained, That the good and ancient laws and customs of the kingdom should be well and straightly observed, upon the pain he would take of his Bailiffs, seneschals, and other magistrates, if they caused them not to be well observed. And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices, he chose other officers, the best that he could find, of which he secretly inquired of their virtues and vices. And to the end they might administer good and brief justice to the poor as to the rich, without exception of persons, he forbade them to take presents (unless some present of victual, which may not exceed ten shillings by the week) nor any other benefits for them or their children, neither of them which were in contention, nor of any other person of their bailiwick and territory, and commanded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction: For this good king considered, that presents, benefits and desire to gain, are the means whereby magistrates may be corrupted, and therefore to shun all corruption, he must cut off the means thereunto. Moreover, he very rigorously punished such officers of justice as abused their estates, & spared not even great lords themselves, but punished them after their merits: as happened to the lord de Coucy, who caused to strangle two young Flamens, when he found them hunting in his woods. For the king caused to be called before him the said lord, who fearing to be handled as he had dealt with the Flamens, would have taken the hearing of the cause from the king, saying, he was to be sent for before the peers of France. But the king forced him to abide his judgements, & indeed had made him die, if great lords (parents & friends of the said lord de Coucy) had not importuned so much the king for his pardon: unto which the king accorded, that he should have his life, but yet he condemned him to the war against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three years (which was a kind of banishment) and beside condemned him in a fine & payment of 10000 Paris pounds, which were bestowed on the building of an Hostile Dieu at Ponthoise. This king gave not easily any pardon, nor without great deliberation: And (for a devise) he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalm of David: Happy are they which do judgement and justice at all times. He said also, That this was no mercy but cruelty, not to punish malefactors. Moreover, he was a king full of truth, chaste, charitable, and fearing God; which are virtues exceeding worthy for a good prince, and which commonly accompany good justice. But the godly precepts he The ten commandments which the king S. Lewis at his disease, gave to his eldest son. gave (being in extremity of his life) to king Philip the Hardy, his son and successor, do well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doors, and the houses of all kings and Christian princes, to have them always before their eyes. My dear son (saith he) since it pleaseth God, our Father and Creator, to withdraw me now from this miserable world, to carry me to a better life than this; I would not departed from thee my son, without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his son, hoping you will engrave in your heart these your father's last words. I command you then my dear son, That above all things you have always before your eyes the fear of God, our good Father: for the fear of God is the beginning, yea the accomplishment of all true wisdom, & if you fear him, he will bless you. Secondly, I exhort you to take all adversities patiently, acknowledging, that it is God which visiteth you for your sins, & not to wax proud in prosperity, accounting, that it comes to you by God's grace, not by your merits. Thirdly, I recommend unto you charity towards the poor: for the good you do unto them shall be yielded unto you an hundred fold, and jesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him. After, I recommend to you very straightly my dear son, that you cause to keep well the good laws & customs of the kingdom, and to administer good justice to your subjects: for happy are they which administer good justice at all times: and to do this, I enjoin you, that you be careful to have good magistrates, and command you them, that they favour not your Procurators against equity, and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices: for when they make faults, they are more punishable than others; because they ought to govern other subjects, and to serve them for an example. Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons, and so favour the poor only as the truth of his fact doth appear, without favouring him as to the judgement of his cause. Moreover, I command you, that you be careful to have a good Counsel about you of persons which be of stayed & good age, which be secret, peaceable, & not covetous: for if you do this, you shall be loved and honoured, because the light of the servants makes their master's shine: Also more, I forbidden you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects, but for urgent necessity, evident utility, and just cause; for otherwise you shall not be held for a king, but for a tyrant: Further I command you, that you be careful to maintain your subjects in good peace and tranquility, and observe their franchises and privileges which before they have enjoyed, and take heed you move no war against any Christian, without exceeding great occasion and reason. Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdom, to men of good life, and good conscience, not to luxurious and covetous wretches. My dear son, if you observe these my commands, you shall be a good example to your subjects, and you shall be the cause that they will addict themselves to do well; because the people will always give themselves to the imitation of their prince: and God by his bounty maintain you firm and assured in your estate and kingdom: Thus finished this good king his last words, full of holy zeal, and correspondent to his life, passed and yielded his soul to his creator, which had given it him. His son king Philip third of that name, called the Hardy, because of his valiancy which he showed against the infidels, and against other enemies, as well during the life, as after the death of his father, made good profit of these excellent commands, and maintained the kingdom in good peace, and great prosperity during his reign. For an end hereof, I do note in this good king Lewis, That it is very true which the scripture witnesseth unto us; That the lust shall spring up, and receive of God the blessing of a good and long generation: For there were more than three hundredth years, that the race of this good king held the crown of France, yea there was no more any other race of the blood royal, but his: For the house of Valois, and the house of Bourbon, have issued from this good king: God by his mercy grant grace to princes of this time, which are descended from so good a root, that they may engrave in their hearts the godly commandments of this king, whose meaning verily, was not only to prescribe to the said king Philip his son, but generally to all his posterity. 36. Maxim. Gentlemen which hold Castles and Jurisdictions, are very great enemies of commonweals. THe Leagues and Cantons of Almaigne (saith Machiavelli) live very peaceably, and at their ease, because they observe Discourse lib. 1. cap. an equality amongst themselves, and suffer no gentlemen in their country; and those few they have, they so hate them, that when by adventure any of them fall into their hands, they put them to death, and take none to mercy, saying, they are they which destroy all, and hold schools of wickedness: I call (saith he) them gentlemen, which live of their revenue, without giving themselves to any trade: These in a country are very dangerous, and above all, high justicers which hold Castles and fortresses, and which have a great number of vassals and subjects which own them faith and homage. The kingdom of Naples, the land of Rome, Romaigne, & Lombardie, are full of such manner of men, and they are the cause that hitherto no good estate politic can be constituted in those places, for they are formal and capital enemies of the estate of commonweals. THey which have frequented the countries of Almaigne, and of Suises, may well give Machiavelli the lie, for that he saith in this Maxim: for in those countries may be found many gentlemen great justicers, having under them, men, jurisdictions, and castles, which were not only maintained in their nobility and authority, but also are there greatly respected and employed in public affairs: And so much there wanteth, that there they hold a school of wickedness, that contrary, only they hold the countries in peace, every one in his own country, and do see justice administered to their subjects. I will not deny but there are gentlemen in Alemaigne, in the country of Swisses, in France, and other where, which are bad enough, and which are violent and vicious, yet for some few we must not condemn all in general, as Machiavelli doth here, who saith, they be dangerous people in a country, and that they are enemies to an estate politic: I know not if those he named be such (namely the gentlemen of Naples, of Romania, of Lombardy, and of Rome) and I am content to confess unto him, because I will not contest and strive against him, upon a fact which hath some appearance of truth: But I deny unto him, that on this side the mounts they are such, but contrary we see that it is only the Nobility of France, and other neighbour countries, which authorise & protect justice, and which make it to be obeyed: Yet will I also confess that the gentlemen on this side the mounts, are very dangerous, and great enemies unto such a politic estate as Machiavelli hath builded by his writings, that is, a Tyrannical: For histories tell us, that our ancestors, especially the barons, lords, & gentlemen, have vigorously always opposed themselves against tyrannies, and would never suffer them long to grow up or take root; which is a natural thing in the French Nobility, & good, though evil for the Machiavellistes strangers which are come into France to practise their tyrannies: for by God's grace, they shall (with much a do) take any deep root there. 37. Maxim. The Nobility of France would overthrow the estates of that kingdom, if their Parliaments did not punish them, and hold them in fear. THe kingdom of France (saith Nicholas) is a kingdom more living under laws, than any other, whereof their Parliaments Discourse lib. 1. cap. 1. are the gardiants and maintainers, especially, that of Paris: And hitherto that kingdom is maintained, because the Parliaments have always been obstinate executors and resisters against the Nobility, without which the kingdom of France had come to ruin. MAchiavell had done much better to have meddled only with the estate of Florence: for he shows well his ignorance, and that he never knew the estate of France, nor how it hath been governed by our ancestors: For I pray you, where hath he found this, that the kingdom of France, would dissolve and come to ruin, but that the Parliaments are executors against the Nobility? Is not this as much to say, as the French Nobility will ruinated the kingdom, if it be not bridled and held short by Parliaments, and that it were better there were none? I doubt not but that Machiavelli thus though: For we see it by the practice of the Machiavellists, which never shot at other mark, than to ruinated in France all the Nobility, the better to establish their tyranny, at ease without contradiction: And for this effect have they cassed, violated, and overthrown all the good laws of the kingdom, by the means of which it hath always hitherto been maintained: and Machiavelli confesseth and said true, which his disciples having well marked, and desiring to ruinated the said kingdom, have not failed to begin by the laws thereof, knowing well Since what time Parliaments of France were instituted. Before Parliaments the kingdom was no less flourishing in peace and good justice than since. that having ruinated her foundations, she will be easily dissolved and overthrown. But to confute this Maxim, I will allege no other thing but that we see in our French histories, That our kingdom was as much or more flourishing, and better governed before there were any Parliaments in France, than since: For the Parliament of Paris (which is the ancientest) was established and constituted in the time of king Philip le Bel, Anno 1294. That of Tholouse, during the reign of Charles the seventh, Anno 1444. That of Bourdeaux, in the time of the same king, Anno 1451. That of Dauphin, in the time also of the same king (but by the authority of king Lewis the eleventh his son then Dauphin, and then inhabiting in Dauphine) in Anno 1453. The Parliaments of Dijon and of Provence, in the time of the said king Lewis the eleventh. That of Rovan, in the time of king Lewis the twelfth, in Anno 1499. And that of Bretaigne, was erected only in the time of king Henry the second, in Anno 1553: But before there was any news of all those Parliaments, was not the kingdom large and flourishing, rich in peace, flourishing in war? None can deny this, without giving the lie to all our histories, which do witness, that in the times of Clowis, Charles Martell, Charlemaigne, Philip August, S Lewis, and of many other kings of France, the kingdom greatly flourished in peace and war: Yet was there no news of all the Parliaments abovenamed: And so much there wanted, that the gentlemen troubled or ruinated the estate of the kingdom, when there was no Parliaments; that by contrary, they were they which exercised in person, the estates of bailiffs and seneschals, and ministered justice to every man through the provinces, and when they were constrained to go out, they appointed themselves a lieutenant to exercise their offices: And as for appellations from their sentences, they were discussed by a general meeting of the deputies of provinces, and good towns of the kingdom, which congregated at a place assigned by the king, once a year: Which assembly men well called a Parliament, in the old French tongue. But those assemblies were not form offices, neither in any thing are like the Parliaments at this present, but rather are like the assembly of our Estates general. There did sit the deputies of the Short rob, whereof the most part were gentlemen which they called Lay men, and the deputies of the Long rob, which we call clerks (although since, councillors clerks are only called Clerks, & Lay men they which be married) with the Peers of France, when they would sit with them: Therefore gentlemen were employed to do justice to the people, not only in offices of bailiffs and seneschals, but also as delegates of towns and provinces to assist in the assembly of Parliament, which otherwise men called the court of Peers. It is therefore seen, that the saying of Machiavelli is a mere slander, and that the nobility of France is not such as he makes it (although in all estates there be both good and evil) and that of all times, even before there were any Parliaments, the Nobility were employed to maintain the kingdom in peace & repose by their exercise of the charges & offices of justice. And would to God, that yet at this day gentlemen would not give themselves so much to arms, but that some of them would study the civil law, that they might exercise offices of justice. The ancient Romans made no less account of a virtue, Many of this time despise letters and the nobleness of virtue. Sallust. in Catelin. whereby a man knew how to maintain peace & justice in his country, than of the military virtue, whereby we are defended from strange oppression. And indeed it is a small thing (as Sallust saith) to be puissant in arms without, when within we have no counsel. For the Barbarians, as the Scythians and Tartarians, are greatwarriors against their enemies and neighbours, yet amongst themselves they have no counsel, no good policy, no well governed justice, no letters, sciences, nor schools, and in sum they are Barbarians, though they be warlike. Whereby appeareth how much it serveth to the public estate of a country, to have within it a good justice, and a good policy, and fit and capable people well to manage it. But our gentlemen at this day (at the least many) have letters and sciences in too great despite, and do think it doth derogate from their gentry and nobility, if they know any thing, and make a mock at such as deal with a pen and inkhorn, which is one of the greatest vices which at this day reigneth amongst the Nobility. And if they delighted not in ignorance, but would vouchsafe only to read histories; they should find that julius Caesar, Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, Adrian, Mark Antonine, Severus, Macrinus, and many other emperors were very learned in letters and sciences, yea themselves writ books. We read also in our histories, that king Charlemaigne, king Robert, Charles le Sage, and of recent memory, king Francis the first of that name, were princes endued with good knowledge, for their times: I say for their times: for the time wherein were these ancient kings (except the said king Francis) were full of barbarousness and ignorance, and far from the learned world of the emperors, which we have before named. I will also note another notable vice, which runs currant amongst gentlemen at this day, which is, That they make so great account of their Nobility of blood, that they esteem not the Nobility of virtue; insomuch as it seemeth to some, that no vices can dishonour or pollute the Nobility and gentry which they bring from their ancestors. But they ought well to consider, that to their race there was a beginning of Nobility, which was attributed to the first that was noble, in consideration of some virtue which was in him. If then the Nobility and gentry of race took his original and spring from virtue, it followeth that so soon as it holdeth no more of the said spring, it is no more Nobility, nor gentry, no more nor less than the water which cometh and springs from a neat and clear fountain, when it polluteth and corrupts itself in filthy bogs, cars, fens, and miry sinks, shall be called the fountain water, since it hath corrupted itself in filthy mire and clay, but shall be accounted corrupt and stinking water, although it run from a most pure and clear spring. We read that the emperor Mark Antonine, made so great account of the Nobility of virtue (although he himself was most noble, and of an ancient race) that in comparison of it, he made no estimate of Nobility of race, therefore married he his daughters to persons which were not of great ancient Nobility, but to such as were wise and virtuous, such as none were found like amongst the most illustrious races of Rome. Maecenas also was a great lord in the time of Augustus Caesar, issued of a royal race, yet he made no account of that Nobility of blood, in comparison of that true Nobility which is of virtue: He loved, honoured, praised, and enriched learned men, yea was very familiar with them, and had them ordinarily at his table, although otherwise they were of base race: This his love and favour, which he bore to learning, was the cause that his name by them was immortalised, and hereupon such as are liberal, and love learned men, are called Maecenates. The Poet Horace greatly praiseth him, because he preferred the Nobility of virtue, before that of race, when he saith: Thou sayst tru● Macenas, what matters it to thee: Serm. lib. 1. Sa●ir. 6. On what 〈◊〉 is borne, so that borne he be free. Therefore gentlemen of 〈◊〉, ought not to despise such as by their virtue may boldly say, & carry themselve●●or Nobles, 〈◊〉 ●ught to respect them, and acknowledge in them, the cause from whence their Nobility of blood took their original & commencement. They also which are Noble, not only of race, but also of virtue, ought verily to be respected and doubt honoured: for as the Poet Euripides saith: At the good accounted ●●, of Noble blood to be: Euri. in Hecu. But double is his honour, whom, we virtuous do see. Hear will I end these present discourses, exhorting and praying the French Nobility, and all other persons which love the public good of France, to mark and earnestly consider the points which above we have handled against Machiavelli: For so may they know how wicked, impious and detestable the doctrine of that most filthy Atheist is, who hath left out no kind of wickedness to build a tyranny accomplished of all abominable vices. They which know this, I believe will courageously employ themselves to drive away and banish from France, Machiavelli and all his writings, and all such as maintain and follow his doctrine and practise it in France, to the ruin and desolation of the kingdom, and of the poor people. I could much more have amplified this discourse, if I would have examined all the doctrine of Machiavelli: For he handleth many other very detestable and strange things; as the means to make conspirations, and how they must be executed, as well with sword as with poison, and many other like matters: But I abhor to speak of so villainous and wicked things, which are but too much known amongst men, and have contented myself to handle the principal points of his doctrine, which merit to be discovered, and brought to light. I pray God our Father and Creator, in the name of our Lord jesus Christ our only Saviour and Mediator, that he will preserve his Church, and his elected, from the contagious and wicked doctrine of such godless and profane men as are too common in the world: and that he will not suffer them which are of his flock to be tossed and troubled by a sort of turbulent and ignorant spirits: But that he will grant us grace always to persevere in his holy doctrine, & in the right way which he hath showed us by his word: and well to discern and know abusive, lying and malicious spirits, to detest and fly them, and continually to follow his truth, which will teach us his fear and his commandments, and by his grace will bring us unto eternal life: So be it. FINIS. THE INDEX OR TABLE OF Machiavels' Maxims, confuted in those discourses, divided into three parts. The Maxims of the first part do handle such Counsel as a Prince should take. A Princes good Counsel ought to proceed from his own wisdom, otherwise, he cannot be well counseled. Max. 1. The Prince, to shun and not to be circumvented of Flatterers, aught to forbid his friends and Counsellors, that they speak not to him, nor counsel him any thing, but only in those things whereof he freely gins to speak, or asketh their advice. Max. 2. A Prince ought not to trust in Strangers. Max. 3. The Maxims of the second part, handling the Religion which a Prince ought to observe and be of. A Prince above all things ought to wish and desire to be esteemed Devout, although he be not so indeed. Max. 1. A Prince ought to sustain and confirm that which is false in Religion, if so be it turn to the favour thereof. 2. The Paynims Religion holds and lifts up their hearts, and makes them hardy to enterprise great things: but the Christian Religion, persuading to Humility, humbleth and too much weakeneth their minds, and so makes them more ready to be injured and preyed upon. 3. 4. The great Doctors of the Christian Religion, by a great ostentation and stiffness have sought to abolish the remembrance of all good letters and antiquity. 4. When men left the Paynim Religion they became altogether corrupted, so that they neither believed in God nor the Devil. Max. 5. The Roman Church is cause of all the calamities of Italy. Max. 6. Moses could never have caused his laws and ordinances to be observed, if force and arms had wanted. 7. Moses usurped judea, as the Goths usurped a part of the empire. 8. The Religion of Numa was the chief cause of Rome's felicity. 9 A man is happy so long as Fortune agreeth to his nature & humour. 10. The Maxims of the third Part, entreating of such Policy as a Prince ought to have. That War is just, which is necessary: and those Arms reasonable, when men can have no hope by any other way but by Arms. Max. 1. To cause a Prince to withdraw his mind altogether from peace & agreement with his adversary, he must commit and use some notable and outrageous injury against him. Max. 2. A Prince in a conquered country, must establish and place Colonies or Garrisons, but most especially in the strongest places, and to chase away the natural and old inhabitants thereof. Max. 3. A Prince in a country newly conquered, must subvert and destroy all such as suffer great loss in that conquest, and altogether root out the blood and race of such as before governed there. 4. To be revenged of a city or country without striking any blow, they must be filled with wicked manners. 5. It is folly to think, with Princes and great Lords that new pleasures will cause them to forget old offences. 6. A Prince ought to propound unto himself to imitate Caesar Borgia, the son of Pope Alexander the sixth. 7. A Prince need not care to be accounted Cruel, if so be that he can make himself to be obeyed thereby. 8. It is better for a Prince to be feared than loved. 9 A prince ought not to trust in the amity of men. 10. A prince which would have any man to die, must seek out some apparent colour thereof, and then he shall not be blamed, if so be that he leave his inheritance and goods unto his children. 11. A prince ought to follow the nature of the Lion and of the Fox, yet not of the one without the other. 12. Cruelty which tendeth and is done to a good end, is not to be reprehended. Max. 13. A Prince ought to exercise Cruelty all at once: and to do pleasures by little and little. Max. 14. A virtuous Tyrant, to maintain his tyranny, aught to maintain partialities and factions amongst his subjects, and to slay and take away such as love the Commonweal. Max. 15. A Prince may as well be hated for his virtue, as for his vices. 16. A prince ought always to nourish some enemy against himself, to this end, that when he hath oppressed him, he may be accounted the more mighty and terrible. 17. A prince ought not to fear to be perjured, to deceive, and dissemble: for the deceiver always finds some that are fit to be deceived. 18. A Prince ought to know how to wind and turn men's minds, that he may deceive and circumvent them. 19 A Prince, which (as it were constrained) useth Clemency and Lenity, advanceth his own destruction. 20. A wise prince ought not to keep his Faith, when the observation thereof is hurtful unto him, & that the occasions for which he gave it be taken away. 21. Faith, Clemency, and Liberality, are virtues very damageable to a prince: but it is good, that of them he only have some similitude & likeness. 22. A Prince ought to have a turning and winding wit, with art and practise made fit to be cruel and unfaithful, that he may show himself such an one when there is need. 23. A prince desirous to break a peace promised & sworn with his neighbour, aught to move war against his friend with whom he hath peace. 24. A prince ought to have his mind disposed to turn after every wind and variation of Fortune, that he may know to make use of a vice when need is. 25. illiberality is commendable in a prince, and the reputation of an handicrafts man, is a dishonour without evil will. 26. A prince which will make a straight profession of a good man, cannot long continue in the world amongst such an heap of naughty & wicked people. 27. Men cannot be altogether good nor altogether wicked, neither can they perfectly use cruelty and violence. 28. He that hath always carried the countenance of a good man, and would become wicked to obtain his desire, aught to colour his change, with some apparent reason. 29. A prince in the time of peace, maintaining discords and partialities amongst his subjects, may the more easily use them at his pleasure. 30. seditions and dissensions are profitable, and not to be blamed. 31. The means to keep subjects in peace and union, and to hold them from rebellion, is to keep them always poor. 32. A Prince which feareth his subjects, aught to build fortresses in his country, to hold them in obedience. 33. A Prince ought to commit to another those affairs which are subject to hatred and envy, and reserve to himself such as depend upon his grace and favour. 34. To administer good justice, a Prince ought to establish a great number of Judges. 35. Gentlemen which hold Castles and Jurisdictions, are very great enemies of commonweals. 36. The Nobility of France would overthrow the Estates of that kingdom, if their Parliaments did not punish them, and hold them in fear. 37. FINIS.