A DISCOURSE Of a Discovery for a new Passage to Cataia. Written by Sir HUMPHREY GILBERT, Knight. Quid non? Imprinted at London by Henry Middleton for Richard Ihones. ANNO. DOMINI. 1576. Aprilis. 12. GEORGE GASCOIGNE Esquire to the Reader. EVery man that is of judgement, & hath a reasonable disposition to the attaining of any virtue, together with a discretion to use the benefits of nature, will confess, that we are by as great reason bound to encourage and commend the industry of the diligent, as to dispraise and punish the sloth or abuse of the negligent: For if princes do not aswell reward and cherish the well deserving subject, as their judges and Magistrates are ready to correct the offender, the Common Wealth might then quickly be deprived both of the one and the other: I mean that as fast as the sword of justice should weed out the one, so fast the scourge of ingratitude would chase out the other. And so thereby their dominions might (in the end) become naked and altogether unfurnished. We see the good housewife is no less curious to deck her bees hive, to rub and perfume it with sweet herbs, to cover and defend it from rain with clay and boards, and to place it in the warm Sunshine safe from the Northerly blasts: then she is ready to wreck her malice on the drones, to smoke and smoulder them with Bunte and Brimstone, to fray and chase them out by soudain noise, and to kill them and cast them away, as unprofitable members in her Microcosmos. Yea, and with melody of Basins and Timbrils will she welcome home her swarm, if at any time they do (waspishly) go astray, & yet at last return to their former abiding. Thus much (gentle reader) I have thought good (Allegorically) to writ in the behalf of the right worshipful & my very friend S. Humphrey Gilbert Knight, the true author of this little (yet profitable) Pamphlet, entitled A Discourse of a Discovery for a new passage to Cataia, etc. In whose Commendation I would fain writ asmuch as he deserveth, were I not afraid to be condemned by him of flattery: which blame (with my friends) I use not to deserve. But surely, over and beside that, he is a gentleman well and worshipfully borne and bred, and well tried to be valiant in martial affairs, whereby he hath worthily been constituted a Colonel and general in places requisite, and hath with sufficiency discharged the same, both in this Realm, and in foreign Nations: he is also endued with sundry great gifts of the mind, and generally well given to th' advancement of knowledge and virtue. All which good parts. I rather set down constrained by the present occasion, then prompted by any vain desire to curry fanoure with my friend: For his virtues are sufficient to praise themselves. And it shallbe a sufficient conclusion for my praises, to wish that our realm had store of such Gentlemen. But as the good Gardener doth cover his tender herbs in winter, and cherish them also in summer: so have I thought myself bounden somewhat to say in the commendation of this present Treatise, and somewhat to answer unto the objections that might be made by such as list to cavil at every commendable enterprise. And surely I cannot choose, but highly praise the noble mind and courage of the Author, who more respecting the public profit that might ensue by this Discovery, than the delicate life of a Courtier, well countenanced and favoured both by his Prince and all the Nobility, had prepared his own body to abide the malice of the winds and waves, and was even ready to have performed the voyage in proper person, if he had not been by her Majesty otherwise commanded and employed in martial affairs, aswell in Ireland, as sithence in other places. You must herewith understand (good Reader) that the author having a worshipful Knight to his brother, who abashed at this enterprise (aswell for that he himself had none issue, nor other heier whom he meant to bestow his lands upon, but only this Author, and that this voyage than seemed strange and had not been commonly spoken of before, as also because it seemed unpossible unto the common capacities) did seem partly to mislike his resolutions, & to disuade him from the same: thereupon he wrote this Treatise unto his said Brother, both to excuse and clear himself from the note of rashness, and also to set down such Authorities, reasons, and experiences, as had chief encouraged him unto the same, as may appear, by the letter next following, the which I have here inserted for that purpose. And this was done about seven. years now past, since which time the original copies of the same have lain by the author as one rather dreading to hazard the judgements of curious perusers, then greedy of glory by hasty publication. Now it happened that myself being one (amongst many) beholding to the said S. Humphrey Gilbert for sundry courtesies, did come to visit him in Winter last passed at his house in Limehowse, and being very bold to demand of him how he spent his time in this loitering vacation from martial stratagems, he courteously took me up into his Study, and there showed me sundry profitable and very commendable exercises, which he had perfected painfully with his own pen: And amongst the rest this present Discovery. The which as well because it was not long, as also because I understood that M. Fourboiser (a kinsman of mine) did pretend to travail in the same Discovery, I craved at the said S. Humfrey's hands for two or three days to read and to peruse. And be very friendly granted my request, but still seeming to doubt that thereby the same might, contrary to his former determination, be Imprinted. And to be plain, when I had at good leisure perused it, & therewithal conferred his allegations by the Tables of Ortelius, and by sundry other Cosmographical Maps and Charts, I seemed in my simple judgement not only to like it singularly, but also thought it very meet (as the present occasion serveth) to give it out in public. Whereupon I have (as you see) caused my friends great travail, and mine own greater presumption to be registered in print. But since I have thus adventured both his rebuke, and mine own reproof, let me thus much allege in both our defences. 1 First it is but a Pamphlet & no large discourse, & therefore the more to be borne withal: since the faults (if any be) shallbe the fewer, because the volume is not great. 2 Also it was meant by th'author, but as a private Letter unto his Brother for his better satisfaction: and therefore his imperfections therein (if any were) are to be pardoned, since it is very likely that if he had meant to publish the same, he would with greater heed have observed and perused the work in every part. 3 Again, it cometh forth without his consent: So that he had neither warning nor time to examine, nor yet to amend any thing that were worthy misliking. 4 Furthermore it treateth of a matter whereof no man hath heretofore written particularly, nor showed any approved reason for the same. So that not only his travail and pain are very commendable (who out of sundry Authorities would gather one reasonable conjecture) but also the work is not to be thought bareine, although it do not fully prove somuch as may be expected, since he that plougheth in a flinty field, speedeth well if he reap but an indifferent crop. 5 And last of all it is to be considered, that of things uncertain, the greatest Clerk that ever was could writ but probably. Herewithal, as I have preposterously answered such objections as might be made against it, So now let me say that a great learned man (even M. Dee) doth seem very well to like of this Discovery and doth much commend the Author, the which he declareth in his Mathematical preface to th'english Euclid. I refer thee (Reader) to peruse the same, and think it not strange though I be encouraged by so learned afore leader, to set forth a thing which he so well liked of. To conclude, whereas other Cosmographical works do but show us things already known & treated of, this Discovery doth tend to a very profitable and commendable practice of a thing to be discovered. So that I thought it my part, both for great good will to the author, and for public performance of a common duty, to commend a little Bee somuch commendable, to defend it from the storms of objections, with boards and clay of direct answers: To set it in the sunshine (as you see) and to ring it out with my best basins, for the better expressing of such joy & comfort, as I have therein conceived. All which, together with the friendly constructions of th'authors travail and my boldness, I commend (gentle reader) unto thy courteous consideration, wishing unto thee, much profit by perusing this treatise, unto the author, much praise according to his deserts, to my kinsman (who now attempteth to prove the same discovery) happy return, and to myself, some thanks and none ill will, for my presumption. So that the Author being thereby encouraged, may be the more willing hereafter to publish some other well worthy which he hath in readiness, and whereof he hath made me already an eyedwitnes. Farewell. From my lodging where I march amongst the Muses for lack of exercise in martial exploits, this 12. of April. 1576. A friend to all well willing Readers. George Gascoine. A PROPHETICAL Sonnet of the same George Gascoine, upon the commendable travail which Sir Humphrey Gilbert hath disclosed in this work. Men praise Columbus for the passing skill Which he declared, in cosmography, And named him first (as yet we call him still) The 2. Neptune, dubbed by dignity. Americus Vesputius, for his pain, Neptune the 3. full worthily was named, And Magellanus, by good right did gain, Neptune the 4. full fitly to be famed. But all those three, and all the world beside, Discovered not, a thing of more emprise, Then in this book, is learnedly descried, By virtue of my worthy friends device. If such success, to him (as them) then fall, Neptune the 5. we justly may him call. Tam Marti quam Mercurio. ¶ A LETTER OF SIR Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, sent to his Brother, Sir JOHN GILBERT, of Compton, in the County of Devon Knight, concerning the discourse of this Discovery. SIR, YOU might justly have charged me with an unsettled head if I had at any time taken in hand, to discover Utopia, or any country feigned by imagination: But Cataia is none such, it is a country, well known to be described and set forth by all modern Geographers, whose authority in this art (contrary to all other) beareth most credit, and the passage thereunto, by the Northwest from us, through a sea which lieth on the Northside of Labrador, mentioned & proved, by no small number of the most expert, and best learned amongst them. By whose authority, if I (amongst others) have been moved, to hope of that passage, who can justly blame me? sith every man is best to be credited and believed, Cuique in sua arte credendum est. in his own professed art and science, wherein he doth most excel. And if I would not give that credit, to those authors which they deserve, but were so wedded unto my own ignorance, that neither the authority of learned Geographers, the reasons of wise Philosophers, nor the experience of painful travelers, might persuade me to believe a truth: Then might I justly be accounted self-willed (which a learner aught chief to eschew) holding for a Maxim, that, Discentem oportet credere. And knowing you to be one that may easily be induced to harken, and yield to reason, I will briefly open unto you, some few of the grounds of mine opinion, to the end you may the better understand, that my hope of this discovery and passage, was not so rash, or foolish, as you heretofore have deemed: but contrariwise, grounded upon a very sure foundation, and that not unadvisedly, but after long consideration & great conference, had with such as I knew to be both wise, learned, and of great experience, as well touching this passage, as the wonderful wealth and commodities, which might, and would ensue thereby, it being once discovered: whose abundance of riches & treasure, no man of learning, and judgement doubteth, for that the countries themselves, and their commodities, are apparently known by sundry men's experience. But as it is one thing to speak, and an other by reason to confirm, so I will briefly do my endeavour to prove the same. And have herewithal sent you, for your better understanding, a rough draft, of a universal Map in the end of the book, sufficient to explain the matter, with those names only in effect which are mentioned in this discourse: to the end that by resorting to this general Map, etc. finding without difficulty, every particular place mentioned herein, you may the better gather my meaning, and conceive my reasons, alleged for the proof of this passage, now in question: which I will prove three ways. All which, I have divided into several chapters, which may fully deliver unto you the whole contents of this work, by their several titles: as followeth. Far you well from my lodging the last of june, Anno D. 1566. Your loving Brother Humphrey Gilbert. The Table of the matters contained in every Chapter of this Book. Capitulo 1. TO prove by authority a passage to be on the Northside of America, to go to Cataia, China, and to the East India. Capitulo 2. To prove by reason, a passage to be on the northside of America, to go to Cataia, the Mulluccae, etc. Capitulo 3 To prove by experience of sundry men's travails the opening of some part of this Northwest passage, whereby good hope remaineth of the rest. Capitulo 4. To prove by Circumstance, that the Northwest passage hath been sailed through out. Capitulo 5. To prove that such Indians as have been driven upon the coasts of Germany came not thither by the Southeast, south-west nor from any part of Africa or America. Capitulo 6. To prove that the Indians aforenamed came not by the North-east, and that there is no thorough passage Navigable that way. Capitulo 7. To prove that these Indians came by the Northwest, which induceth a certainty of this passage by experience. Capitulo 8. What several reasons, were alleged before the Queen's Majesty, & certain Lords of her highness privy Counsel, by a Gentleman of great travail and experience, to prove this passage by the North-east, with my several answers then alleged to the same. Capitulo 9 How that this passage by the Northwest, is more commodious for our traffic, than the other by the North-east, if there were any such. Capitulo 10. What commodities would ensue, this passage being once discovered. FINIS. A GENERAL MAP, MADE ONLY FOR THE PARTICULER DECLARATION OF THIS DISCOVERY. To prove a passage by authority to be on the Northside of AMERICA, to go to CATAIA, China, and the East India. etc. WHen I gave myself to the study of Geography, after I had perused & diligently scanned the descriptions of Europe, Asia, and Africa, and conferred them with the Maps and Globes both antic & Modern: I came in time to the fourth part of the world, commonly called AMERICA, which by all descriptions I found to be an Island environed round about with the Sea, having on the southside of it, the frete, or straight of Magellan, on the West side Mare de sur, which Sea runneth towards the North, separating it from the East parts of Asia, where the dominions of the Cataians are, On the East part our West Ocean, and on the northside the sea that severeth it from Grondland, thorough which Northern seas, the passage lieth, which I take now in hand to discover. Plato in Timeo, and in the Dialogue called Critias, discourseth of an incomparable great Island, them called Atlantis, being greater than all Africa, and Asia, which lay Westward from the Straitss of Gibraltar, Navigable round about: affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis, did aswell enjoy the governance of all Africa, and the most part of Europe, as of Atlantis itself. Also to prove Plato's opinion of this Island, and the inhabiting of it in ancient time, by them of Europe, to be of the more credit: Marineus Siculus, in his Chronicle of Spain, reporteth that there hath been found by the Spaniards, in the Gold Mynes of America, certain pieces of Money, engraved with the Image of Augustus Caesar: which pieces were sent unto the Pope, for a testimony of the matter, by john Rufus, archbishop of Cosentinum. Moreover, this was not only thought of Plato, but by Marsilius Ficinus, an excellent Florentine Philosopher, Crantor the Grecian, Proclus, Proclus pag. 24. & also Philo the famous jew, (as appeareth in his book De Mundo, & in the Commentaries upon Plato) to be overflown, and swallowed up with water, by reason of a mighty Earthquake, and streaming down of the heavenly Floodgates. The like whereof happened unto some part of Italy, when by the forciblenes of the Sea, called Superum, it cut of Cicilia from the Continent of Calabria, justine Lib. 4. as appeareth in justine, in the beginning of his fourth book. Also there chanced the like in Zelande a part of Flaunders. And also the cities of Pyrrha, Pliny. and Antissa, about Meotis Palus, with the City Burys, in the Corinthian bosom, commonly called Sinus Corynthiacus, have been swallowed up with the sea, and are not at this day to be discerned: By which accident, America grew to be unknown of long time, unto us of the later ages, and was lately discovered again, by Americus Vespucius, in the year of our Lord, 1497. which some say to have been first discovered, by Christopherus Columbus, a Genuest. Anno. 1492. The same calamity happened unto this Isle of Atlantis 600. & odd years before Plato his time, which some of the people of the southeast parts of the world accounted as 9000. years: for the manner than was to reckon the moon, her Period of the Zodiac for a year, which is our usual month, depending a Luminari minore. So that in these our days there can no other main or Island be found, or judged to be parcel of this Atlantis, than those Western Islands, which bear now the name of AMERICA: countervailing thereby the name of Atlantis, in the knowledge of our age. Then, if when no part of the said Atlantis was oppressed by water, & earthquake, the coasts round about the same were navigable: a far greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest, seeing the most part of it was, A minore ad 〈◊〉. since that time, swallowed up with water, which could not utterly take away the old deeps and channels, but rather, be an occasion of the enlarging of the old, and also an enforcing of a great many new: why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage & navigation from England to India? etc. seeing that Atlantis, now called AMERICA, was ever known to be an Island, and in those days navigable round about, which by access of more water could not be diminished. Also Aristotle in his book De Mundo, and the learned German, Simon Gryneus in his annotations upon the same, saith that the whole earth (meaning thereby as manifestly doth appear, Asia, Africa and Europe, being all the countries then known) to be but on Island, compassed about with the reach of the Sea Atlantine: which likewise approveth AMERICA to be an jande, and in no part adjoining to Asia, or the rest. Also many Ancient writers, Strabo. lib. 15 as Strabo & others, called both the Ocean sea (which lieth East of India) Atlanticum pelagus; and that Sea also on the west coasts of Spain & Africa, Mare Atlanticum: the distance between which two coasts, is almost half the compass of the earth. So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth manifestly, that the East Indian sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus, of the Mountain Atlas in Africa, or yet the Sea adjoining to Africa had name Oceanus Atlanticus, of the same mountain: but that those Seas and the mountain Atlas, were so called of this great Island Atlantis, and that the one & the other, Valerius Anselmus in Catalogo annorum et principum, fol. 6. had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas, sometime King thereof, who was japhet youngest son to Noah, in whose time the whole earth was divided between the three brethren, Sem. Cam, and japhet. Genesis the 9 and 10. Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest, willbe found favourable to this our enterprise, and am the rather emboldened to believe the same, for that I find it not only confirmed by Plato, Aristotle, and other ancient Philosophers: but also by all the best modern Geographers, as (Gemma Frisius, Muristerus, Appianus, Hunterus, Costaldus, Guyzardinus, Michael Tramesinus, Franciscus Demongenitus, Barnardus Puteanus, Andreas Vanasor, Tramontanus, Petrus Martyr, and also Hortelius) who doth coast out in his general Map (set out Anno 1569.) all the countries and capes, on the Northwestside of America, from Houchelaga to C. De Paramantia: describing likewise the sea coasts of Cataia and Grondland, towards any part of America, making both Grondland & America, islands disjoined by a great sea, from any part of Asia. All which learned men and painful travelers have affirmed, with one consent & voice, that America was an Island: & that there lieth a great Sea between it, Cataia, and Grondland, by the which any man of our country, that will give the attempt, may with small danger pass to Cataia, the Moluccae, India, & all other places in the East, in much shorter time, then either the Spaniard, or Portugal doth, or may do, from the nearest part of any of their countries within Europe. What moved these learned men to affirm thus much, I know not, or to what end so many & sundry travelers, We aught by reasons right to have a reverent opinion of worthy men. of both ages, have allowed the same: But I conjecture that they would never have so constantly affirmed, or notified their opinions therein to the world, if they had not had great good cause, and many probable reasons, to have lead them thereunto. Now lest you should make small account of ancient writers or of their experiences, which traveled long before our times, reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance: I have for the better assurance of those proofs, set down some part of a discourse, written in the Saxon tongue, and translated into English by M. Nowell Servant to Master Secretary Cecil, Now Lord Burleighe & high Treasurer of England. wherein there is described a Navigation, which one Ochther made, in the time of King ALFRED, King of Westsaxe Anno. 871. the words of which discourse were these: A Navigation, of one Ochther made in king Alfreds tyme. He sailed right North, having always the desert land on the starboard, and on the Larbord, the main sea, continueing his course, until he perceived that the coast bowed directly towards the East, or else the Sea opened into the land he could not tell how far, where he was compelled to stay, until he had a western wind, or somewhat upon the North, and sailed thence directly East, alongst the coast, so far as he was able in four days, where he was again enforced to tarry, until he had a North wound, A perfect Description of our Muscovia voyage. because the coast there bowed directly towards the South, or at lest opened, he knew not how far into the land, so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South, so far as he could travel in the space of five days, where he discovered a mighty river, which opened far into the land, and in the entry of this river he turned back again. Whereby it appeareth, that he went the very same way, that we now do yearly trade by S. Nicholas into Muscovia, which way no man in our age knew, By Sir HUGH WYLLOWBE, Knight, Chancellor and borough. for certainty to be sea, until it was since discovered by our English men, in the time of King Edward the sixth: but thought before that time that Grondlande had joined to Normoria Byarmia, and therefore was accounted a new discovery, being nothing so in deed, as by this discourse of Ochthets it appeareth. Nevertheless if any man should have taken this voyage in hand, by the encouragement of this only author, he should have been thought but simple: considering that this Navigation was written so many years past, in so barbarous a tongue by one only obscure author, and yet we in these our days find by our own experiences, his former reports to be true. How much more then, aught we to believe this passage to Cataia to be, being verified by the opinions of all the best, both antic, and Modern Geographers, & plainly set out in the best & most allowed Maps, Charts, Globes, Cosmographical tables, and discourses, of this our age, and by the rest, not denied, but left as a matter doubtful. To prove by reason, a passage to be on the Northside of AMERICA: to go to CATAIA, etc., Cap. 2. FIrst, all seas are maintained by the abundance of water, so that the nearer the end, any River, Bay or Haven is, the shallower it waxeth, (although by some Occidental bar, it is sometime found otherwise) But the farther you sail West, Experimented by our english fishers. from Island, towards the place, where this fret is thought to be, the more deeper are the seas: which giveth us good hope, of continuance of the same sea, with Mare de Sur, by some frete that lieth between America, Grondlande, and Cataia. 2 Also, if that America were not an Island, but a part of the continnent adjoining to Asia, either the people which inhabit Mangia, Anian, and Quinzay, etc. being borderers upon it, would before this time, have made some road into it: hoping to have found some like commodities to their own. 3 Or else the Scythians, and Tartarians, (which often times heretofore, have sought far and near, Need makes the old wife to trot. for new seats, driven thereunto, through the necessity of their cold, and miserable countries) would in all this time, have found the way to America, & entered the same, had the passages been never so straight, or difficult: the country being so temperate, pleasant and fruitful, in comparison of their own. But there was never any such people found there, by any of the Spaniards, Portugeses, or frenchmen, who first discovered the Inland of that Country: which Spaniards, or frenchmen, must then of necessity, have seen some one Civil man in America, considering how full of civil people Asia is: But they never saw so much as one token, or sign, that ever any man of the known part of the world, had been there. 4 Furthermore, it is to be thought, the if by reason of mountains, or other craggy places, the people neither of Cataia, or Tartary could enter the country of America, or they of America, have entered Asia, if it were so joined: yet some one savage, or wandering beast would in so many years, have passed into it: but there hath not at any time been found any of the beasts proper to Cataia, or Tartary etc. in America: nor of those proper to America, in Tartary, Cataia, etc. or any part of Asia Which thing proveth America, not only to be one Island, and in no part adjoining to Asia, But also that the people of those Countries, have not had any traffyke with each other. 5 Moreover, at the least some one of those painful travellers, which of purpose have passed the Confines of both countries, with intent only to discover, would, (as it is most likely) have gone from the one to the other: if there had been any piece of land, or Ismos, to have joined them together, or else have declared some cause to the contrary. 6 But neither Paulus venetus, who lived, and dwelled a long time, in Cataia, ever came into America, and yet was at the Sea coasts of Mangia, over against it, where he was embarked, and performed a great Navigation along those Seas: Neither yet Verarzanus, or Franciscus vasques de Coronado, who traveled the North part of America by land, ever found entry from thence by land, to Cataia, or any part of Asia. 7 Also it appeareth to be an Island, The Sea hath three motions 1 Motum ab oriente in occidentem. 2 Motom fluxus et refluxus. 3 Motum circularem. Ad caeli mo●●● elementa omnia (exceptae terra) moventur. insomuch as the Sea runneth by nature circularly, from the East to the West, following the Diurnal motion of Primum Mobile, and carrieth with it all inferior bodies movable, aswell celestial, as elemental: which motion of the waters, is most evidently seen in the Sea, which lieth on the Southside of Africa, where the currant that runneth from the East to the West, is so strong (by reason of such motion) that the Portugese's in the voyages, Eastward to Callecute, in passing by Cap. De buona speranca, are enforced to make divers courses, the currant there being so swift, as it striketh from thence, all along Westward, upon the fret of Magellan, being distant from thence, near the fourth part of the longitude of the earth: and not having free passage & entrance, thorough that fret towards the West, by reason of the narrowness of the said strait of Magellan, it runneth to salve this wrong (Nature not yielding to accidental restraints) all along the Eastern coasts of America, Northwards, so far as Cap. Fredo, being the farthest known place of the same continent, towards the North: which is about, 4800. leagues, reckoning therewithal the trending of the land. 8 So that this Currant, being continually maintained with such force, as jaques Cartier affirmeth it to be, who met with the same being at Baccalaos, as he sailed alongst the coasts of America, then, either it must of necessity, have way to pass from Cap. Fredo, thorough this frete, Westward towards Cataia, being known to come so far, only to salve his former wrongs, by the authority before named: or else it must needs strike over, upon the coast of Island, Lappia, Finmarke, & Norway, (which are East from the said place, about 360. League's) with greater force, than it did from Cap. de buona Speranca, upon the fret of Magellan, or from the frete of Magellan to Cap. Fredo, upon which coasts, jaques Cartier met with the same, considering the shortness of the Cut, from the said C. Fredo, to Island, Lappia, etc. And so the cause Efficient remaining, P●●●●a causa, ponitur effectus. it would have continually followed along our coasts, through the narrow seas, which it doth not, but is digested about the North of Labrador, by some through passage there, thorough this fret. Conterenus. The like course of the water, in some respect, happeneth in the Mediterrane Sea (as affirmeth Conterenus) whereas the currant, which cometh from Tanijs, & the sea Euxinus, running along all the coasts of Greece, Italy, France, and Spain, and not finding sufficient way out through Gibraltar, by means of the straightness of the fret, it runneth back again, alongst the coasts of Barbary, by Alexandria, Anatolia, etc. It may (peradventure) be thought, that this course of the sea, doth sometime surcease, and thereby impugn this principle, because it is not discerned all along the coast of America, An Objection answered. in such sort as jaques Cartier found it: Whereunto I answer this: that albeit, in every part of the Coast of America, or else where, this Currant is not sensibly perceived, yet, it hath evermore such like motion, either in the uppermost, or nethermost part of the sea: as it may be proved true, if ye sink a sail by a couple of ropes, The Sea doth evermore perform this circular motion, either in Suprema, or concava superficiae aquae. near the ground, fastening to the nethermost corners, two gun chambers, or other weights: by the driving whereof you shall plainly perceive, the course of the water, and Currant, running with such like course in the bottom. By the like experiment, you may find the ordinary motion of the sea, in the Ocean: how far soever you be of the land. 9 Also there cometh another Currant from out the North-east from the Scythian Sea (as M. jynkinson a man of rare virtue, great travail and experience, told me) which runneth Westward towards Labrador, as the other did, which cometh from the South: so that both these Currants, must have way thorough this our frete, or else encounter together and run contrary courses, in one line, but no such conflicts of streams, or contrary courses are found about any part of Labrador, or Terra nova, as witness our yearly fishers, and other sailors that way, but is there digested, as aforesaid, and found by the experience of Barnard de la Tore, Ex Nihilo, nihil sit. to fall into Mare del Sur. One. and the self same place in the earth, may be both East and West in sundry respects: so that this Oriental motion of the water, is brought to be circular (without repugnancy) by the regular course of Primum Mobile. 10 Furthermore, the Currant in the great Ocean, could not have been maintained to run continually one way, from the beginning of the world, unto this day had there not been some thorough passage by the frete aforesaid, and so by circular motion, be brought again to maintain itself: For the Tides, and courses of the Sea, are maintained by their interchangeable motions: as freash rivers are by springs, by ebbing and flowing, by rarifaction and condensation. So that it resteth not possible (so far as my simple reason can comprehend) that this perpetual currant, The flowing is occasioned by reason that the heat of the moon boileth, and maketh the water thin by way of rarefaction. And the ebbing cometh for want of that heat, which maketh the water to fall again by way of condensation. An experience to prove the falling of this Currant, into Mare del Sur. can by any means be maintained, but only by continual reaccesse of the same water, which passeth thorough the fret, and is brought about thither again, by such Circular motion as aforesaid. And the certain falling thereof by this fret, into Mare de sur, is proved by the testimony and experience, of Barnarde del la Torre, who was sent from P. del la Nativita, to the Mulluccae, Anno. Dom. 1542. by commandment of Anthony Mendoza, than Viceroy of Nova Hispania, which Barnarde, sailed 750. Leagues, on the Northside of the AEquator, and there met with a currant, which came from the North-east, and drove him back again to Tidore. Wherefore, this currant being proved to come from C. de buona Speranca, to the fret of Magellan, and wanting sufficient entrance there, by narrowness of the strait, is by the necessity of nature's force, brought to Terra de Labrador, where jaques Cartier met the same, & thence certainly known, not to strike over upon Island, Lappia, etc. and found by Barnarde de la Torre, in Mare del Sur, on the backside of America, therefore, this currant (having none other passage) must of necessity, fall out thorough this our fret into Mare del Sur, & so trending by the Mulluccae, China, and C. De buona, speranca, maintaineth itself by circular motion which is all one in nature, with Motus ab Oriente in Occidentem. So that it seemeth, we have now more occasion to doubt of our return, them whether there be a passage that way, yea or not: which doubt, hereafter shallbe sufficiently removed. Wherefore, in mine opinion, reason itself, grounded upon experience, assureth us of this passage, if there were nothing else to put us in hope thereof. But lest these might not suffice, I have added in this Chapter following, some further proof hereof, by the experience of such as have passed some part of this discovery: and in the next adjoining to that, the authority of those, which have sailed wholly, thorough every part thereof. To prove by experience of sundry men's travels, the opening of some part of this Northwest passage: whereby good hope remaineth of the rest. Cap. 3. PAulus Venetus, who dwelled many years in Cataia, affirmed that he sailed, 1500 miles, upon the coasts of Mangia, and Anian, towards the North-east: always finding the Seas open before him, not only as far as he went: but also as far as he could discern. 2 Also, Franciscus Vasques de Coronado, passing from Mexico by Cevola, through the country of Quivir, to Sierra Nevada, found there a great Sea, where were certain Ships laden with Merchandise, the mariners wearing on their heads the pictures of certain birds, called Alcatratzi, part whereof were made of gold, & part of silver: who signified by signs, that they were 30. days coming thither: which likewise proveth, America by experience, to be disjoined from Cataia, on that part, by a great Sea, because they could not come from any part of America, as Natives thereof: for that, so far as it is discovered, there hath not been found there, any one Ship of that Country. Baros lib. 9 Of his first Deca●. cap. 1. 3 In like manner, johan. Baros, testifieth the the Cosmographers of China (where he himself had been) affirm that the Sea coast, trendeth from thence, North-east, to 50. degrees, of Septentrional latitude, being the farthest part that way, which the Portugeses had then knowledge of: And that the said Cosmographers, knew no cause to the contrary, but that it might continued further. By whose experiences, America is proved to be separate from those parts of Asia, directly against the same. And not contented with the judgements of these learned men only, I have searched, what might be further said, for the confirmation hereof. 4 And I found, that Franciscus Lopes de Gomara, Lopes in his history of India. affirmeth, (America) to be an Island, and likewise Grondland: and that Grondland is distant from Lappia. 40. leagues, & from Terra de Labrador, 50. 5 Moreover, Aluerus Nunnius, a Spaniarde and learned Cosmographer, and jacobus Cartier, who made two voyages, into those parts, and sailed 500 miles, upon the North-east coasts of America. 6 Likewise, Hieronimus Fracastorius, a learned Italian, and traveler, in the North parts of the same land. 7 Also Verarsannus, a Florentine, having done the like, heard say at Houchelaga in Nova Francia, how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay, whereof the end was not known: which they presupposed to be the passage to Cataia. 8 Furthermore, written in the discourses of Navigation. Sebastian Gabota, by his personal experience, and travel, hath set forth, and described this passage, in his Charts, which are yet to be seen, in the Queen's majesties privy Gallery, at White hall, who was sent to make this discovery by King Henry the seventh, & entered the same fret: affirming, that he sailed very far westward, with a quarter of the North, on the Northside of Terra de Labrador, the eleventh of june, until he came to the Septentrional latitude of 67 ½ degrees & finding the Seas still open, said, that he might, & would have gone to Cataia, if the Mutiny of the Masters. & Mariners, had not been. Now, as these men's experience, have proved some part of this passage: so the Chapter following, shall put you in full assurance of the rest, by their experiences which have passed thorough every part thereof. To prove by circumstance, that the Northwest passage, hath been sailed through out. Cap. 4. Quinque sinsus. 1 Visus. 2 Auditus. 3 Olfactus. 4 Gustus. 5 Tactus. Singularia sesu, universalia veroment percipi●●●●ur. THe diversity between bruit beasts and men, or between the wise and the simple, is that the one judgeth by sense only, & gathereth no surety of any thing that he hath not seen, felt, heard, tasted, or smelled: And the other not so only, but also findeth the certainty of things by reason, before they happen to be tried. Wherefore, I have added proofs of both sorts, that the one and the other, might thereby be satisfied. 1 First, as Gemma Frisius reciteth, there went from Europe, 3 brethren through this passage: whereof it took the name, of Fretum trium fratrum. lib. 2. cap. 66. 2 Also, Pliny affirmeth, out of Cornelius Nepos, (who wrote 57 years before Christ) that there were certain Indians driven by tempest, upon the coast of Germany which were presented by the King of Suevia, unto Quintus Metellus Celer, than Proconsul of France. 3 And Pliny, upon the same, saith that it is no marvel, though there be Sea by the North, where there is such abundance of moisture: which argueth, that he doubted not of a Navigable passage that way, thorough which those Indians came. 4 And for the better proof, that the same authority of Cornelius Nepos, is not by me wrested, to prove my opinion of the Northwest passage: you shall find the same affirmed more plainly in that behalf, Pag. 590. by the excellent Geographer, Dominicus Marius Niger, who showeth how many ways the Indian Sea stretcheth itself, making in that place, recital of certain Indians, that were likewise driven through the North Seas from India, upon the coasts of Germany, by great tempest, as they were sailing in trade of Merchandise. 5 Also, whiles Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperor, Avouched by Franciscus Lopes de Gomar● in his history of India. Anno D. 1160. there came certain other Indians, upon the coast of Germany. 6 Likewise, Othon, in the story of the Goths affirmeth, that in the time of the German Emperors, there were, also certain Indians cast by force of weather, upon the coast of the said Country: which foresaid Indians, could not possibly have come by the Southeast, south-west, nor from any part of Africa, or America, nor yet by the North-east: therefore they came of necessity, by this our Northwest passage. To prove that these Indians aforenamed, came not by the Southeast, south-west, nor from any other part of Africa, or America. Cap. 5. 1 FIrst, they could not come from the south-west, by C. debuona Speranca, because the roughness of the Seas there, are such (occasioned by the Currants, and great winds, in that part) that the greatest Armadas, the King of Portugal hath, cannot without great difficulty pass that way: much less than a canoe of India could live in those outrageous Seas, without Shipwreck (being a vessel but of very small burden) and have conducted themselves to the place aforesaid, being men unexpert in the Art of Navigation. 2 Also, it appeareth plainly, that they were not able, to come from alongst the coast of Africa aforesaid, to those parts of Europe, because the winds do (for the most part) blow there easterly, of from the shore, and the Currante running that way, in like sort, should have driven them Westward, upon some part of America, for such winds and Tides, could never have led them from thence, to the said place where they were found, Nor yet could they have come from any of the Country's aforesaid keeping the Seas always without skilful Mariners, to have conducted them such like courses, as were necessary, to perform such a voyage. 3 Presupposing also, if they had been driven to the west (as they must have been coming that way) than they should have perished, wanting supply of victuals, not having any place (once leaving the coast of Africa) until they came to America: nor from America, until they arrived upon some part of Europe, or the Islands adjoining to it, to have refreshed themselves. 4 Also, if (notwithstanding such impossibilities) they might have recovered Germany, by coming from India, by the Southeast, yet must they without all doubt, have stricken upon some other part of Europe, before their arrival there, as the Isles of Madera, Portugal, Spain, France, England, Ireland, etc. which if they had done, it is not credible, that they should, or would have departed, undiscovered of the inhabitants: but there was never found in these days, any such Ship or men, but only upon the coasts of Germany, where they have been sundry times, and in sundry ages cast a land: Neither is it like, that they would have committed themselves again to Sea, if they had so arrived, not knowing where they were, nor whither to have gone. 5 And by the south-west it is as unposble, because the currant aforesaid, Why the Indians could not come by the south-west which cometh from the East, striketh with such force upon the fret of Magellan, and falleth with such swiftness and fury; into Mare de Sur, that hardly any ship (but not possible a canoe, with such unskilful Mariners) can come into our western Ocean, thorough that fret, from the west Seas of America, as magellan's experience hath partly taught us. 6 And further, to prove that these people, so arriving upon the coast of Germany, were Indians, That the Indians could not be natives either of Africa, or of America. and not inhabiters of any part, either of Africa, or America, it is manifest: because the Natives both of Africa & America, neither had, or have, at this day (as is reported) other kind of boats, than such as do bear neither masts, nor sails, (except only upon the Coasts of Barbary and the Turks Ships) but do carry themselves from place to place, near the shore, by the over only. ¶ To prove that those Indians came not by the North-east, & that there is no thorough Navigable passage that way. Cap. 6. 1 IT is likely that there should be no thorough passage by the North-east, whereby to go round about the world: because all seas (as aforesaid) are maintained by the abundance of water, waxing more shallow and shelffie towards the end, as we find, it doth by experience, in Mare Glaciali, towards the East, which breedeth small hope of any great continuance, of that Sea, to be Navigable towards the East, sufficient to sail thereby, round about the world. Quicksands apùd ramrali loco priua●ur, quam citis●●●è corr●mpi●ur. 2 Also, it standeth scarcely with reason, that the Indians dwelling under Torrida Zona, could endure the injury of the cold air, about the Septentrional latitude of 80 degrees, under which elevation, the passage by the North-east, cannot be (as the often experience had of all the South parts of it shaweth) seeing that some of the inhabitants of this cold Climate (whose summer is to them an extreme winter) have been strooken to death, Qualis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 effectus● with the cold damps of the air, about 72 degrees, by an accidental mishap: and yet the air in such like Elevation is always cold, and to cold for such as the Indians are. 3 Furthermore, the piercing cold of the gross thick air so near the Pole, will so stiffen and fur the sails, and ship tackling, that no Mariner can either hoist or strike them (as our experience far nearer the South, than this passage is presupposed to be, hath taught us) without the use whereof no voyage can be performed. 4 Also, the air is so darkened, with continual mists, and fogs, so near the Pole, that no man can well see, either to guide his ship, or direct his course. 5 Also the compass at such elevation, doth very suddenly vary: which things must of force, have been their destructions, although they had been men of much more skill than the Indians are. 6 Moreover all Bays, 〈◊〉 and rivers, do receive their increase upon the flood, 〈…〉. sensibly to be discerned, on the one side of the 〈◊〉, or the other, as many ways as they de open to any main sea, as Mare Mediterraneum, Mare Rubium, Sinus Persicus, Sinus Bodicus, Thamisis, and all other known Havens, or rivers in any part of the world: & each of them opening but on one part to the main sea, do likewise receive their increase upon the fludden, the same way, & none other, which Mare glacial doth, only by the West (as M. jynkinson affirmed unto me) and therefore it followeth that this North-east sea, receiving increase but only from the West, cannot possibly open to the main Ocean, by the East. 7 Moreover, the farther you pass into any sea, It may perhaps be found otherwise in some one river, by reason of a bore in the entrance or some other like accident. towards the end of it, on that part which is shut up from the main Sea (as in all those above mentioned) the less and less the Tides rise and fall. The like whereof also happeneth in Mare glacial, which proveth but small continuance of that sea, toward the East. 8 Also, the farther ye go toward the East, in Mare glacial, the less saite the water is: which could not happen, if it were open to the salt Sea towards the east, Quicksands quid corrumpitur a contrario corrumpitur. as it is to the west only, seeing (Every thing naturally engendereth his like) & then must it be like salt throughout, as all the Seas are, in such like Climate, and Elevation. And therefore it seemeth, Omne ●●mile gignis sui ●imile. that this North-east sea is maintained by the river Oby, & such like fresshets as Mare Goticum, & Mare Mediterraneum, in the uppermost parts thereof, by the river Nilus, Danubius, Neper, Tanais. etc. 9 Furthermore, if there were any such sea at that elevation, of like it should be always frozen throughout (there being no tides to hinder it) because the extreme coldness of the air in the uppermost part, & the extreme coldness of the earth in the bottom, the sea there being but of small depth, whereby the one accidental coldness doth meet with the other, and the sun not having their reflection so near the Pole, but at very blunt angles, it can never be dissolved after it is frozen, notwithstanding the great length of their day: for that the sun hath no heat at all in his light, or beams, but proceeding only by an accidental reflection, which there wanteth in effect. 10 And yet if the sun were of sufficient force in that elevation, to prevail against this Ice, yet must it be broken before it can be dissolved, which cannot be but through the long continuance of the sun above their Horizon, and by that time the summer would be so far spent, and so great a darkness and cold ensue, that no man could be able to endure so cold, dark, and uncomfortable a Navigation, if it were possible for him then, and there to live. 11 Further, the Ice being once broken, it must of force, so drive with the winds and Tides, that no ship can sail in those Seas, seeing our ●●shers of Island, and the New found Land, are subject to danger, thorough the great Islands of Ice, which fleet in the Seas, (to the sailors great danger) far to the South of that presupposed Passage. 12 And it cannot be, that this North-east passage should be any nearer the South, than before recited, for than it should cut of Ciremissi, and Turbi, Tartarij, with Vzesucani, Chisani, and others from the Continent of Asia, which are known to be adjoining to Scythia, Tartary, etc. with the other part of the same Continent. And if there were any thorough passage by the North-east, yet were it to small purpose for our traffic, because no ship of great burden, can Navigate in so shallow a Sea: and ships of small burden are very unfit and unprofitable, especially towards the blustering North, to perform such a voyage. To prove that the Indians aforenamed, came only by the Northwest, which induceth a certainty of our passage by experience. Cap. 7. IT is as likely, that they came by the Northwest, as it is unlikely that they should come, either by the Southeast, south-west, North-east, or from any other part of Africa, or America, and therefore this Northwest passage, having been already so many ways proved, by disproving of the others, etc. I shall the less need in this place, to use many words otherwise them to conclude in this sort, That they came only by the Northwest from England: having these many reasons to lead me thereunto. 1 first, the one half of the winds of the compass, might bring them by the Northwest, vearinge always between two sheats, with which kind of sailing the Indians are only acquainted, not having any use of a bow, line, or quarter wind, without the which no ship can possibly come either by the Southeast, south-west, or North-east, having so many sundry capes to double, whereunto are required such change and shifted of winds. 2 And it seemeth likely, that they should come by the Northwest, because the Coast whereon they were driven, lay East from this our passage, True, both in ventis obliquè flantibus as also, in ventis ex diametro spirantibus. And all winds, do naturally drive a Ship to an opposite point, from whence it bloweth, not being otherwise guided by Art, which the Indians do utterly want. And therefore it seemeth, that they came directly thorough this our fret, which they might do with one wind. 3 For if they had come by Cap. de buona Speranca, then must they (as aforesaid) have fallen upon the South parts of America. 4 And if by the fret of Magellan, then upon the coasts of Africa, Spain, Portugal, France, Ireland, or England. 5 And if by the North-east, then upon the coasts of Cerecinissi● Tartarij, Lappia, Island, Terra de Labrador, etc. & upon these coasts, (aforesaid) they have never been found. So that by all likelihood, they could never have come, without shipwreck, upon the coasts of Germany, if they had first stricken upon the coasts of so many countries, wanting both Art and shipping, to make orderly discovery: and altogether ignorant both in the Art of Navigation, & also of the Rocks, Flats, Sands, or Havens of those parts of the world, which in most of these places are plentiful. 6 And further it seemeth very likely, that the inhabitants of the most part of those countries, by which they must have come, any other way beside, by the Northwest, being for the most part Anthropophagi, or men eaters, would have devoured them, slain them, or (at the least wise) kept them as wonders for the gaze. So that it plainly appeareth, that those Indians (which, as you have heard, in sundry ages were driven by tempest, upon the shore of Germany) came only through our Northwest passage. 7 Moreover, the passage is certainly proved, by a Navigation that a Portugal made, who passed thorough this fret: giving name to a Promontory far within the same, calling it after his own name, Promontoria Corterialis, near adjoining unto Polisacus fluui●s. 8 Also one Scolmus a Dane, entered and passed a great part thereof. 9 Also there was one salva Terra, a Gentleman of Victoria, in Spain, that came by chance out of the West Indians, into Ireland, Anno, 1568. who affirmed the Northwest passage from us to Cataia, constantly to be believed in America, Navigable. And further said, in the presence of S. Henry Sidney (the Lord Deputy of Ireland) in my hearing, that a Friar of Mexico, called Andro Vrdaneta, more than viii. years, before his then coming into Ireland, told him there, that he came from Mare de Sur into Germany, through this Northwest passage, & showed salva Terra (at that time being then with him in Mexico) a Sea Card made by his own experience, and travel, in that voyage: wherein was plainly set down and described, this Northwest passage: agreeing in all points with Hortelius Map. And further, this Friar, told the King of Portugal, (as he returned by that country homeward) that there was (of certainty) such a passage, Northwest from England, and that he meant to publish the same: which done, the King most earnestly desired him, not in any wise to disclose, or make the passage known to any Nation: For that (said the King) If England had knowledge, The words of the King of Portugal, to Andro Vrdaneta a Friar, touching the concealing of this Northwest passage From England to Cataia. and experience thereof, it would greatly hinder both the King of Spain, and me. This Friar (as salva Terra reported) was the greatest Discoverer by sea, that hath been in our age. Also salva Terra, being persuaded, of this passage by the Friar Vrdaneta, and by the common opinion of the Spaniards, inhabiting America, offered most willingly to accompany me in this Discovery: which of like he would not have done, if he had stood in doubt thereof. And now as these modern experiences, cannot be impugned: So, lest it might be objected, that these things (gathered out of ancient writers, An Objection which wrote so many years past) might serve little to prove this passage, by the North of America, because both America and India, were to them then utterly unknown to remove this doubt, let this suffice: Aristotle. lib. de mundo, cap. secund. That Aristotle, (who was 300. years before Christ) named Mare Indicum. Also Berosus Berosus lib. 5. (who lived 330 years before Christ) hath these words, e Ganges in India. Also in the first Chapter of Hester be these words, In the days of Assuerus which ruled from India, to AEthiopia: which Assuerus lived 580 years before christ. Also Quintus Curtius (where he speaketh of the Conquests of Alexander) mentioneth India. Also, Arianus Philostratus, & Sidrach in his discourses of the wars of the king of Bactria, & of Garaab, who had the most part of India under his government. All which assureth us, that both India, and Indians were known in those days. These things considered, we may (in my opinion) not only assure ourselves of this passage, by the Northwest, but also that it is navigable, both to come & go, as hath been proved in part & in all, by the experience of divers, as Sebastian Gabota, Corterialis, the three brethren above named, the Indians, and Vrdaneta the Friar of Mexico, etc. And yet notwithstanding all which, there be some that have a better hope of this passage to Cataia, by the north-east, then by the west: whose reasons, with my several answers, ensue in the Chapter following. Certain reasons, alleged for the proving of a passage by the North-east, before the Queen's Majesty, and certain Lords of the Counsel, with my several answers, then used to the same. Cap. 8. BEcause you may understand, aswell those things alleged against me, as what doth serve for my purpose, I have here added the reasons of a worthy Gentleman, and a great traveler, who conceived a better hope of the passage to Cataia, from us, to be by the North-east, then by the Northwest: whom I have not named in this place, because I seek to impngne his opinions, as followeth. The Northwest Passage assented unto. He first said, that he thought not to the contrary, but that there was a passage by the Northwest, according to mine opinion: But assured he was, that there might be found a Navigable passage, by the North-east from England, to go to all the East parts of the world: which he endeavoured to prove three ways. The first was, The first reason. that he heard a fisherman of Tartary say, in hunting the Morce, that he sailed very far towards the Southeast, The Morce, is a kind of fish which the Tartarians do often hunt by water & greatly seek to kill finding no end of the Sea: whereby he hoped a thorough passage to be that way. Whereunto I answered, that the Tartarians were a barbarous people, The answer, or resolution. and utterly ignorant in the Art of Navigation, not knowing the use of the sea, Card, compass, or star, which he confessed true: and therefore they could not (said I) certainly know the Southeast, from the North-east, in a wide sea, and a place unknown, from the sight of the land. Or if he sailed any thing near the shore, yet he (being ignorant) might be deceived by the doubling of many points & Capes, and by the trending of the land: Albeit he kept continually alongst the shore. And further, it might be, that the poor fisherman through simplicity, thought that there was nothing that way but sea, because he saw no land: which proof (under correction) giveth small assurance of a Navigable sea by the North-east, to go round about the world, Visus no●●mquam 〈…〉 obiecio. For that he judged by the eye only, seeing we in this out clear air do account 20 miles a ken at Sea. The second reason or allegation. His second reason is, that there was a unicorns horn found upon the coast of Tartary, which could not come (said he) thither, by any other means, then with the Tides, through some fret in the North-east of Mare glacial, there being no Unicorn in any part of Asia, saving in India, & Cataia: which reason (in my simple judgement) forceth as little. First it is doubtful, whether those barbarous Tartarians do know an unicorns horn, The answer, or resolution. ye, or no: and if it were one, yet it is not credible, that the sea could have driven it so far, being of such nature that it will not swim. Also the Tides running to and fro, would have driven it as far back with the ebb, as it brought it forward with the flood. There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus (whose horn most like it was) which hath but one horn, Omne 〈…〉 est idem. like an Unicorn, in his forehead, whereof there is great plenty, in all the North parts thereunto adjoining: as in Lappia, Noruegia, Finmarke, etc. as jacobus Zeiglerus writeth, in his history of Scondia. And as Albertus saith, Nulla ratio, ab Ambiguo ceri● sed 〈◊〉. there is a fish, which hath but one horn in his forehead like to an Unicorn, and therefore it seemeth very doubtful, both from whence it came, and whether it were an unicorns horn, yea, or no. His third and last reason was, The third and last reason or Assertion. Colmaxes are a people inhabiting the North part of Asia. that there came a continual stream, or currant through Mare glacial, of such swiftness (as a Colmax told him) that if you cast any thing therein, it would presently be carried out of sight, towards the West. Whereunto I answered, The answer, or resolution. that there doth the like from Maeotis Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Sinus, Bosphorus, and along the coast of Graecia, etc. As it is affirmed by Contarenus, and divers others, that have had experience of the same: and yet that sea, lieth not open to any main sea that way, but is maintained by fresshets, as by Tanijs, Danubius, etc. In like manner is this currant in Mare glacial increased, and maintained, by the Volgo, the river Oby, etc. Now as I have here briefly recited the reasons alleged, to prove a passage to Cataia, by the North-east, with my several answers thereunto: so will I leave it to your judgement, to hope or despair of either, at your pleasure. ¶ How that the passage by the Northwest, is more commodious for our traffik, than the other by the East: if there were any such. Cap. 9 1 FIRST, by the north-east (if your winds do not give you a marvelous speedy, and lucky passage) you are in danger (being so near the Pole) to be benighted, almost the one half of the year, and what misery and danger that were, to live so long comfortless, void of light, (if the cold killed you not) each man of reason or understanding may judge. 2 Also Mangia, Quingit, and the Mollucoae, are nearer unto us by the Northwest, then by the North-east, more than 2/5 parts which is almost by the half. 3 Also we may have by the West, a yearly return, it being at all times Navigable, whereas you have but six months, in the whole year, to go by the North-east: the passage being at such elevation, as it is formerly expressed, for it cannot be any nearer the South. 4 Furthermore, it cannot be finished without divers wintrings by the way, having no havens in any temperate Climate, to harbour in ther. For it is as much as we can well sail, from hence to S. Nicholas, in the trade of Muscovia, and return in the Navigable season of the year, and from S. Nicholas to Cerimissi Tartarij, which standeth at 80 degrees of the Septentrional latitude, it is at the lest 400 Leagues, which amounteth scarce to the third part of the way, to the end of your voyage by the North-east. 5 And yet after you have doubled this Cape, if then there might be found a navigable sea, to carry you Southeast, according to your desire, yet can you not winter conveniently, until you come to 60 degrees, & to take up one degree running Southeast, you must sail 24 leagues ¾ which amounteth to 495 leagues. 6 Furthermore, you may by the Northwest, sail thither with all Easterly winds, & return with any westerly winds, whereas you must have by the North-east sundry winds, & those proper, according to the lying of the coasts and capes, you shallbe enforced to double, which winds are not always to be had, when they are looked for: whereby your journey should be greatly prolonged, and hardly endured so near the Pole. As we are taught by Sir Hugh Wiloughbie, who was frozen to death far nearer the South. 7 Moreover, it is very doubtful, whether we should long enjoy that trade by the north-east, if there were any such passage that way, the commodities thereof once known to the Muscovite, what privilege soever he hath granted, seeing policy with the Maze of excessive gain, to the enriching (so greatly) of himself and all his dominions, would persuade him to resume the same, having so great opportunity, to utter the commodities of those countries by the narve. But by the Northwest, we may safely trade without danger, or annoyance, of any prince living, Christian, or heathen, it being out of all their trades. 8 Also the Queen's majesties dominions, are nearer the Northwest passage, them any other great princes that might pass that way, and both in their going and return, they must of necessity secure themselves and their ships, upon some part of the same, if any tempestuous weather should happen. Further, no Princes Navy of the world, is able to encounter the Queen's majesties Navy, as it is at this present: and yet it should be greatly increased, by the traffic ensuing upon this discovery, for it is the long voyages, that increase and maintain great shipping. Now it seemeth necessary, to declare what commodities would grow thereby, if all these things were, as we have heretofore presupposed, & thought them to be: which next adjoining are briefly declared. ¶ What commodities would ensue, this passage once discovered. Cap. 10. 1 FIrst, it were the only way for our princes, to possess the wealth of all the East parts (as they term them) of the world, which is infinite: as appeareth by the experience of Alexander the great, in the time of his conquest of India, and other the East parts of the world, alleged by Quintus Curtius, which would be a great advancement to our Country, wonderful enriching to our Prince, and unspeakable commodities to all the inhabitants of Europe. 2 For through the shortness of the voyage, we should be able to cell all manner of Merchandise, brought from thence, far better cheap, then either the Portugal, or Spaniarde doth, or may do: And further, share with the Portugal in the East, & the Spaniarde in the West, by trading to any part of America, through Mare de Sur, where they can no manner of way offend us. 3 Also we may sail to divers marvelous rich Countries, both Civil and others, out of both their jurisdictions, trades & traffiks, where there is to be found great abundance of gold, silver, precious stones, Cloth of gold, silks, all manner of Spices, Grocery wares, and other kinds of Merchandise, of an inestimable price: which both the Spaniarde, and Portugal, through the length of their journeys, can not well attain unto. 4 Also we might inhabit some part of those countries, and settle there such needy people of our Country, which now trouble the common wealth, and through want here at home, are enforced to commit outrageous offences, whereby they are daily consumed with the Gallows. 5 Moreover, we might from all the aforesaid places, have a yearly return, inhabiting for our staple some convenient place of America, about Sierra Nevada, or some other part, whereas it shall seem best for the shortening of the voyage. 6 Beside the uttering of our Country commodities, which the Indians, etc. much esteem: as appeareth in Hester where the pomp is expressed, Hester. cap. 1. of the great King of India, Assuerus, who matched the coloured clotheses, wherewith his houses and tents, were appareled, with gold and silver, as part of his greatest treasure: not mentioning either velvets, silks, cloth of gold, cloth of silver, or such like, being in those countries most plentiful: whereby it plainly appeareth, in what great estimation, they would have the clotheses of this our country, so that there would be found a far better vent for them, by this means, than yet this realm ever had: and that without depending, either upon France, Spain, Flaunders, Portugal, Hamborowe, Emdem, or any other part of Europe. 7 Also, hereby we shall increase, both our ships, and mariners, without burdening of the state. 8 And also have occasion, to set poor men's children, to learn handy crafts, & thereby to make trifles and such like, which the Indians and those people do much esteem: By reason whereof, there should be none occasion, to have our country cumbered with loiterers, vagabonds, and such like idle persons. All these commodities would grow, by following this our Discovery, without injury done to any Christian prince, by crossing them in any of their used trades, whereby they might take any just occasion of offence. Thus have I briefly showed you, some part of the grounds of mine opinion, trusting that you will no longer judge me fantastic in this matter: seeing I have conceived no hope of this voyage, but am persuaded thereunto, by the best Cosmographers of our age, the same being confirmed, both by reason and certain experiences. Also this discovery, hath been divers times heretofore by others, both offered attempted, and performed. It hath been offered by Stephen Gomes unto Carolus the fifth Emperor, in the year of our Lord God 1527. as Alphonso Vlloa testifieth, in the story of Carolus life: who would have set him forth in it (as the story mentioneth) if the great want of money, by reason of his long wars, had not caused him to surcease the same. And the King of Portugal, fearing jest the Emperor would have persevered in this his enterprise, gave him, to leave the matter unattempted, This discovery offered. the sum of 350000 Crowns: and it is to be intended that the King of Portugal, would not have given to the Emperor, such sums of money for eggs in moonshine. It hath been attempted by Corterialis the Portugal, This discovery attempted. Scolmus the Dane, and by Sebastian Gabota, in the time of King Henry the seventh. And it hath been performed, This discovery performed. by the three brethren, the Indians aforesaid, and by Vrdaneta, the Friar of Mexico. Also divers have offered the like, unto the French King, who hath sent two or three times to have discovered the same. The discoverers, spending & consuming their victuals, in searching the gulfs, & bays, between Florida, and Terra de Labrador, whereby the Ice is broken to the after comers. So that the right way, may now easily be found out, in short time: and that with little ioperdie and less expenses. For America is discovered, so far towards the North as Cape Fredo, which is at 62 degrees, and that part of Grondland next adjoining, The labour of this discovery shortened by other men's travel. is known to stand but at 72. So that we have but 10 degrees, to sail North and South, to put the world out of doubt hereof: and it is likely, that the King of Spain, and the King of Portugal, would not have sat out all this while, but that they are sure to possess to themselves, all that trade they now use, and fear to deal in this Discovery, lest the Queen's Majesty, having so good opportunity, and finding the commodity, which thereby might ensue to the common wealth: would cut them of, and enjoy the whole traffic to herself, and thereby the Spaniards and Portugeses, with their great charges, Why the king of Spain and Portugal would not persever in this discovery. should but beat the bush, and other men catch the birds: which thing they foreseeing, have commanded, that no pilate of theirs, upon pain of death, should seek to discover to the Northwest, or plat out in any sea card, any thorough passage that way, by the Northwest. Now, and if you will indifferently, compare the hope that remaineth, to animate me to this enterprise, with those likelihoods which Columbus alleged before Ferdinando, the King of Castilia, to prove that there were such islands in the west Ocean, as were after, by him and others discovered, to the great commodity of Spain and all the world: you will think then this Northwest passage, to be most worthy travel therein. For Columbus had none of the west islands set forth unto him, either in globe, or card, neither yet once mentioned of any writer, (Plato excepted, and the commentaries upon the same) from 942 years before Christ, until that day. Moreover, Columbus himself, had neither seen America or any other of the islands about it, neither understood he of them, by the report of any other that had seen than, but only comforted himself with this hope, that the land had a beginning, where the sea had an ending: For as touching that, which the Spaniards do writ of a Biscaine, which should have taught hiin the way thither, it is thought to be imagined of them, to deprive Columbus of his honour, being none of their country men, but a stranger borne. And if it were true of the Biscaine, yet did he but rove at the matter, or (at the lest) gathered the knowledge of it, by conjectures only. And albeit, myself have not seen this passage, or any part thereof, but am ignorant of it as touching experience, (as Columbus was before his attempt made) yet have I, both the report, relation, and authority, of divers most credible men, which have both seen and passed through some, and every part of this discovery: besides sundry reasons, for my assurance thereof: all which Columbus wanted. These things considered, and indifferently weighed together, with the wondered commodities which this discovery may bring, especially to this realm of England: I must needs conclude with Hieronimus Fracastorius, & divers other learned men, who said, that this discovery hath been reserved, for some noble Prince, or worthy man, thereby to make himself rich, & the world happy: desiring you to accept in good part, this brief and simple discourse, written in haste, which if I may perceive, that it shall not sufficiently satisfy you in this behalf, I will then impart unto you a large discourse, which I have written only of this discovery. And further, because it sufficeth not, only to know that such a thing there is, without ability to perform the same, I will at more leisure make you partaker, of another simple discourse of Navigation, wherein I have not a little traveled, to make myself as sufficient, to bring these things to effect, as I have been ready to offer myself therein. And therein I have devised to amend the errors of usual sea cards, whose common fault is, to make the degrees of longitude, in every latitude, of one like bigness. And have also devised therein, a Spherical instrument, with a compass of variation, for the perfect knowing of the longitude. And a precise order to prick the sea card, together with certain infallible rules for the shortening of any discovery, to know at the first entering of any fret, whether it lie open to the Ocean, more ways than one, how far soever the sea stretcheth itself, into the land. Desiring you hereafter, never to mislike with me, for the taking in hand of any laudable and honest enterprise, for if through pleasure or idleness we purchase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame remaineth for ever. And therefore to give me leave without offence, always to live and die in this mind, 〈…〉. That he is not worthy to live at all, that for fear, or danger of death, shunneth his country service, and his own honour. seeing death is inevitable, and the fame of virtue immortal. Wherefore in this behalf, Mutare vel timere sperno. FINIS. Faults escaped in the printing. Cap. 2. C. page 2. Line 6. for Occidental, read Accidental. In the same Cap. C. page 8. Line 28. for by read and Cap. 5. D. page, 8. Line, 3. For south-west, read, Southeast, cap. 8. G. page, 1. line, 17. for North-east, read Northwest.