A FULL, AMPLE AND PUNCTVALL DISCOvery of the Barbarous, Bloody, and inhuman practices of the SPANISH INQUISITION against Protestants: With the original thereof.  
Manifested in their proceedings against sundry particular persons, aswell English as others, upon whom they have executed their Diabolical TYRANNY  
A Work fit for these times, serving to withdraw the affections of all good Christians from that Religion, which cannot be maintained without those ●rop● of 〈…〉.  
First written in Latin by Reginaldus Gonsaluius Montanus, and after translated into English.  
PSAL. 74. Arise O Lord, and judge thine own cause.  
LONDON, Printed for john Bellamy, and are to be sold at the three golden Lions in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange. 1625.   

❧ The special matters contained in this Treatise, placed orderly in such wise as the Inquisitours proceed in their Court.  

Chap. 1. THe ordinary manner and form commonly used of the Inquisitours, as well in citing as apprehending such persons as are accused in their consistory. Fol. 1.  
2. The Sequestration of their goods, commonly called the Sequester. 9  
3. The several days of hearing. 11  
4. The publication of the witness, as they term it. 27  
5. The confutation of the same. 36  
6. The judgements and condemnation to the rack, and the manner of execution thereof. 42  
8. Other practices of the Inquisition, to drive the Prisoners to confess such matters as the Inquisitors are desirous to understand. 56  
9 Certain other more secret than the rest. 59  
10. How the prisoners be entreated concerning the whole manner of their diet. 71  
11. The visitations of the prisoners. 84  
12. The Act containing the Publication of the sentences. 88  
13. The Interpretation of the sentences. 110  
14. Special examples, plainly showing the treacheries and legerdemaines of the Inquisition in practice and exercise. 117  
15. A list of certain godly Martyrs, who constantly dying for the truth; the Inquisitors notwithstanding laboured to slander with apostasy and revolting. 134   
This Table is according to the chapters as they are printed; the seventh being mistaken for the eighth, etc.   

The translator to the Reader.  
THere is no good nature (gentle Reader) that beholding on a stage an old Tragedy, wherein be represented the miseries of any one man, or the ruin and desolation of a whole country, will not accompany the outward motions of the players, with some inward affection, yea, sometimes with tears and vehement compassion. Which if we do in a play, whereof the matter is many times but invented, and howsoever it be true, yet happened in Countries far off and long ago, the parties neither touching us in kindred, nor the matter in example: surely the dangerous practices and most horrible executions of the Spanish Inquisition, declared in this book, which now is brought with fire and sword into the low Countries, the sudden imprisonment of honest men without process of law, the pitiful wand'ring in exile and poverty of personages sometime rich and wealthy, the wives hanging on their husband's shoulders, and the poor banished infants on the mother's breasts, the monstrous racking of men without order of law, the villainous and shameless tormenting of naked women beyond all humanity, their miserable death without pity or mercy, the most reproachful triumphing of the popish Synagogue over Christians, as over Painimes and Ethnics, the conquering of subjects as though they were enemies, the unsatiable spoiling of men's goods, to fill the side paunches of ambitious idle shavelings, the slender quarrels picked against kingdoms and nations, and all this only to hoist up a piled polling priest above all power and authority that is on earth: these things ought surely much more to move us to compassion: Being no stage-play, but a matter fit for any Poet to make a Tragedy of hereafter, either for that it will be an argument most lamentable, or most incredible to them which shall not have seen it; The persons which suffer being our neighbours by their habitation and dwelling place, our acquaintance by intercourse, our friends by long acquaintance, of the same household of faith, and our very brethren in Christ. And if we weep when we see cruelties set forth in plays, because the like either hath happened to us heretofore, or hereafter may betide us, then have we not only good cause in these calamities of our poor brethren to bewail that which happened to them, but also to fear what will follow upon us. For if we, that not many years since felt but a taste of this Iron whip, and since have enjoyed quietness and leisure to serve God, think ourselves sure and the storm passed, and that we be but hearers and seers, and have no parts in this Tragedy, besides that we are uncharitable in so lightly esteeming the griefs of others, we do also foolishly and dangerously abuse ourselves. For who is so ignorant of the holy Complot and Conspiracy agreed on by the Pope and his Champions for the execution of the Council of Trent, and the general establishing of this Inquisition? Behold the attempts in Scotland, the proceedings in France, the executions in Flaunders, and if we Englishmen have one of the last parts, let us be sure, as in Tragedies the last parts and Acts be most doleful, so we never knew yet what persecution meant in comparison, to that is meant and threatened us now. If the Devil's holiness, and his lieutenant general, the Pope's majesty, were a little moved then, they be now (doubt ye not) enraged, and transubstantiate into furor and horn woodness, to see their revenues decay, their Monasteries and Synagogues defaced, their villainies detected, their noble champions slain. And therefore you must set before your eyes the Devil in person, and the Pope his chaplain and Confessor, gotten up into the top of some high mountain, and from thence showing the kingdoms of the earth to such Princes as will themselves fall down and worship, and thereto drive the world. Which is so far off from any figurative speech, as it is known to be the very Platform and foundation of all these broils and troubles. Be not deceived (good Reader) understand the world, these men seek no religion. For how can they seek Religion, that think there is no God? They seek the honour and wealth of the world. If the Gospel would allow ambition, pleasure, profit, the Pope would have long since been a protestant. If Popery had allowed preaching of the truth, reformation of life, poverty: Popery had been esteemed (as it is) Heresy, and so persecuted. But the Pope would be thought most holy, and be indeed most mighty; the world is fall'n from him: he hath spent all: nought comes in to supply; he hath a great sort to entertain, a great sort to reward, a great pomp and state to maintain. Trow ye these things will be raised of the spoil of poor Protestants? Nay, be thou sure of it, Papist or Protestant, if thou be rich, and hast any fleece, it will be all one. Thy land will undo thee: thy goods will condemn thee. Even as the good Citizen of Rome, Q. Aurelius in Scylla's time, that was neither of the one side nor the other, but lamented the spoil and misery of his country, when as he came into the market place, and heard hi● name read among them that were proscribed to death, cried out, O unhappy man that I am: my house at Alba is the cause of my death, and by and by was openly slain. If ever there were time like to Scylla's, it is now in our days, in which hungry need, and unsatiable covetousness armed with cruelty will spare nothing. The servant will betray his master: the friend his friend and acquaintance: the brother shall murder his brother. As in the same time L. Catilina, he that after would have set fire on the City, slew his own brother, and after prayed Scylla that he might be proscribed. The which being granted him, he recompensed with killing another, M. Marius one of the contrary faction, and bringing his head, the blood running along his arms, presented it in the market place to Scylla, and ran to the holy waterpot of Apollo's temple which was hard by, to wash his hands, a very fit use of such holy water. The which story I the rather recite, sparing an infinite sort of our times, because ye may understand by the way, that Idols and holy water be ancient things, such as were before Christ's coming, and will be continued by his enemies till he come again, and that knowing the Papists religion to be no better than those heathenish people's was, their covetousness greater, their need more, their cruelty far passing not only all present example, but also all written history, you may daily look for worse than Sulla's time if they overcome: having on the other side no fierce or cruel Marius to withstand them, nor to quarrel with them for the government; but a poor flock of silly sheep behind their shepherd afraid of the wolves, half yielding, half defending their lives: and on their sides thousands of desperate Catilines, that to repair their decayed states, will not spare neither to kill their own brethren, nor to fire their country: and having at all times, but specially now such a Scylla, under whose banner they fight, as the old Scylla may in respect of this, be both forgiven and forgotten. Take heed, we have now to our holy Father a Friar, no secular priest, but a regular Hellhound, who though he think it no robbery to be equal in pomp with his predecessors, and in malice with the devil his father: yet hath he vouchsafed to take upon him the shape of a man, and goeth (they say) on foot, and maketh his tenants the stews keepe-in like good huswives, which is no small reformation, and doth good deeds at home, and worketh wonders (forsooth) whiles he undoth all abroad, and openeth such a gap for the great Seigneur the Turk, as never was yet made. But what will not these fellows do to revenge their fall? and what ought not we rather to endure, then to admit these spiritual tyrants? who would not rather be conquered of a mighty Prince and honourable (in comparison) then of a villain bankrupt priest? who hath for these eight or nine hundred years occupied the whole world of credit; and now he should come to account, killeth his creditors. A miserable choice, but yet a ready choice. For the Turk contenteth himself with honour and tribute, permitting religion. The Pope, no honour will satisfy him, no riches suffice him, no blood assuage him: neither the death of the living, nor the souls of the dead, will content him. Whose very name should not be spoken of without Surreverence and great contempt, for the baseness and vileness of his counterfeit state, were he not so justly to be hated and abhorred as the great abuser and very undoubted Antichrist of the world, and sworn enemy of God and man. The cruel and tyrannical outrages of whose Inquisitours founded and established by the Devil and this Antichrist, if we confer with the mild proceedings and discipline of Commissioners appointed by God and his Anointed, we shall thereby see evidently by the heavenly judgement and sentence of wise Solomon, to which mother the live child appertaineth: To the Romish whore, who (in despite that she cannot possess the poor infants that belong not to her, to smother them sleeping with the huge and filthy body of her traditions and ceremonies) seeketh by all means possible to divide and mangle them: or to the natural and pitiful mother the true Church of the faithful, whose fathers and ministers (knowing of whose spirit they are) seek with all gentleness to call home the lost ones, and watchfully to nourish them. Whose prince imitating the peaceable reign of Solomon, hath not so much as executed the false Prophets, not killed the wolves, not destroyed the foxes. Only they are tied up short, which though it be no such surety for the little ones as worldly wisdom doth require, and necessity long since hath cried out for, yet is it to them no small grief to see the Lambs feed before their eyes, and the poorest shepherds lest whelp baying at them: whilst they in the midst of their gluttony and drunkenness, howl for hunger of their brethren's flesh, and thirstiness of their blood, and pine for very envy of the proceeding of God's word. If the poor ignorant people will but compare the imprisonmen●s of the persecuted Protestants, with the restraints of the bridled Papists, their famine with these men's fatness, their tongues fettered with Iron torments, with the liberty of railing, that our men have and use, seditiously against their Prince, & blasphemously against God, their most miserable and strange kinds of deaths, with our men's living and liking, they shall easily know the tree & the persons by the fruit. Wherefore (good Reader) having so evident marks of their wolvish and ravening natures, and so good notice of their bloody conspiracy, & so weighing the very true cause of all these troubles and wars that be in Christendom, and thereto conferring the present executions & slaughters, even in our neighbour's house, the fire whereof may soon embrace our own, let us be stirred up to pray for their deliverance, and that it would please God, to turn from us the same justly deserved plague for our unthankfulness. Let us be strong in faith, and courageous in deed, to repel these common enemies from our country whensoever they shall offer that they have so long determined. And if in this translation, there shall happen to be some faults, pardon them till the next impression; for the meaning of the translator was only to make thee speedily understand of so great and so imminent a peril: beside, that thou mightest use this book as a taste in the mean space, whiles the book of Martyrs be reprinted, wherein there is a most plentiful and notable History of the like matter and argument.   

The Preface of the Author.  
IN so great a hurly-burly of civil dissensions, wherein so many people and nations bend force against their own companions and fellow-citizens, and furiously rush their swords and weapons into the very bowels of their own natural country, and for none other cause in very deed but for the Inquisition, it would make a wise man doubt in this case whether of them were mad: the one side, which maintain the Inquisition, as a thing most holy and wholesome for the Commonwealth; or the other, which seek not to avoid any godly Inquisition and reformation of religion, but to defend themselves like men worthy of liberty wherein they were borne and bred, from a strange, unworthy, and intolerable slavery. For though they be both alike ready armed, yet differing as much in their opinions and judgements, as they do in their minds and affections, it cannot be that right and equity should be on both parts: so that, if the one have justly taken weapon in hand, the other (no doubt) have done it unjustly. And to pass over the great number of inferior estates, it is not likely that the chief Sovereigns of the world, who are persuaded that they ought by all means possible to maintain the same, and have vowed the defence thereof with great devotion and solemn o●th renewed from year to year, should err from the truth, or do any thing against right or conscience: specially being neither the first authors thereof, nor maintaining it as a thing newly devised, or without any certain original, but as that, which being received from their forefathers, and reverenced both for the opinion of holiness and countenance of antiquity, hath by a power greater than is the power of man, been esteemed here among men as a heavenly thing. Besides these glorious titles, there be also thereunto annexed other singular commodities; to wit, a diligent endeavour to remove the infection that might grow aswell of the jewish and mahometical heresies that daily do arise, besides the revenues of the Exchequer increased hereby, and the sudden and marvellous enriching of diverse private persons, which though they be great matters in worldly respect, yet are they not so greatly to be accounted of in this cause. But forasmuch as by Christ's own saying, and by natural reason, a man cannot have a more easy or perfect judgement of the quality of a tree, whether it be good or bad, then by the fruit thereof, I may without offending of any man in the trial of this matter, which is no less profitable than hard and difficult to do, observe the same order: since the mischief is now already so far detected, and men grown to be so curious, that they fear not to call into question such things, as they have hitherto by great error and doltishness worshipped and held for most holy and sacred. Now if the Inquisition be a good tree, or as they delight to term it a Holy, I doubt not but it will be content to show the fruits openly, by the goodness or holiness whereof, it may without fraud or envy be esteemed how good or holy the stock itself is. For light loveth the light, and he that dealeth truly and uprightly is willing to come into the light, in despite of the devil and all other darkness, that his works done in the fear of God may come to light. But he that worketh the things that be evil hateth the light, and having power and authority, bridleth men's tongues, covering his faults with forced silence, lest that the light should discover them, and show them to be repro●eable. Wherefore let all Christendom now behold these fruits of the Holy Inquisition: which being otherwise very plentiful, by the only means of God's goodness, we have here and there plucked for a say and taste of the tree, and by these let them judge (as easily they may) whether this Holy Tree be worthy to stand still, or to be turned upside down. For herein resteth all and some concerning these matters; whether the reports that I shall make in this Treatise of the Holy Inquisition, be true or no. Secondarily, how I came to the knowledge thereof, for no man will doubt but that this tree doth worthily deserve to be hewed down, if there be sufficient proof that it buddeth forth such pestilent blossoms, and beareth like fruits as these be. Again, it were a dangerous and inconvenient matter, if we heretics that detest the Inquisition as a sharp and just plague of God, and therefore worthy to be holden suspected, should have any credit given us herein. Wherefore I have thought it a thing worthy the travail, to show the briefest and most certain way, whereby the truth thereof might without any great trouble be understood. That is to say, if the King whose office it is specially to see to the administration of justice in his own dominion, would first be brought to believe, that both he might of his absolute authority, and of duty ought to call the holy Court of Inquisition to accounts, and that no laws or decrees of their making, no Privileges, no Bulls, no Pardons or dispensations, finally, no Oath ought to let or hinder him from the doing of his duty herein. Secondarily, if after he had appointed such a special Commission to examine the Inquisition, he would seek means to be ensormed of such matters by men of gravity and good consciences, who calling unto them others, such as might be thought to have the most knowledge and best experience in these matters, might learn out a truth, as the best custom is, in all other courts and consistories as they call them. For the which purposes those that either presently are, or have been heretofore fettered in the Inquisitours prisons, were first to be sent for and examined but unbridled in any case, having those worse than Iron bits, taken from their tongues, with the which the Inquisition hath hitherto kept her tyranny close; that is to say, their solemn swearing of them to be silent while they live, inhibiting them the uttering of any thing by any means, that they either knew, or saw, or had experience of themselves touching the Holy Inquisition, or their whole manner of proceeding against them in Court or otherwise: but that they should rather repute themselves as dead persons for for that time concerning the knowledge or sense of any such matters. And as though their oath (for sooth) were not a matter of force enough, they annex thereunto terrible threatenings. By means where of all the tricks of the Inquisition have hitherto been secret and hidden, and passed under covert to and fro, with a cloak and shadow of a zeal of godliness, and yet not so obscurely or secretly, but that the whole world (though confusedly and as it were a far off) hath at the length espied and found out their outrageous tyranny.  
And this is the only cause that maketh all men keep their tongues, lest it might be their haps likewise to have experience thereof in themselves. This bridle I say must first be removed and taken away from them of whom these questions should be asked, and liberty must be given to speak boldly and without danger, if a man would have these secrecies come to light, that have been kept close so long, to the great decay and hindrance of the Common wealth, Wherefore if small credit shall be given to us in this Treatise, or none at all, because we be as it were a party, and therefore justly to be suspected, seeing for our own parts we desire no credit, but refer the matter wholly to diligent and orderly trial, there is no cause why any should think better or worse of it for us, but judge of it indifferently by itself as it is.  
Moreover it is as greatly pertinent to our purpose to show how we came to the knowledge hereof. Wherein, albeit we take God to record and our conscience, that all this is true, yet notwithstanding we crave no such credit to be aided thereby: neither shall any have just cause to lay that to our charge, that we have gone from the trial of the matter, and used this as a shift.  
But to pass the Kings treasuris, and the enriching of other private persons, howsoever they came by their wealth, because we would not be thought to envy their prosperity of many other and so great commodities as we have before rehearsed, (whereof the favourers and maintainers of the Inquisition do commonly make their brags, that there is nothing that maketh for them, but rather for the contrary part) it is easy for any man to perceive, that will consider with us but thus much, that of so many thousands of people, either Turks or jews, or true Christians or heretics (as they term them) and revolters from the Romish faith, as have come within the Inquisitours jurisdiction from the very first beginning of the Inquisition, till this day, there are to be seen many thousands of Sambenites, as mounments of some that were burned, some whom besides the perpetual and unrecoverable infamy that hath redounded thereby both to themselves, and to their whole posterity, they have been deprived of all their substance. To be short, that so many spoils of poor souls do remain to be seen as have suffered at their hands for very trifles: but of any whom they have instructed and amended, or withdrawn from their errors, not so much as one example ●or any one memorial.  
Now as concerning the original of the Inquisition, the continuance, and the glorious title that bleareth and bl 〈…〉 death men's eyes now adays (for what man is he that would bow down and worship these sacred names and titles: The holy Inquisition. The fathers of the faith: The Inquisitors of lewd heresies and apostasy?) I will speak somewhat, to the intent men may understand by what right they claim and hold the same.  
After the wars were ended, wherein Ferdinando and Isabel of famous memory expelled the Turks out of the territory and City of Granata, and other places in Spain, which had usurped there by the space of 778. years, from the time of Roderigo the last king of Spain, that was of the race and line of the Goths, having restored their country into the ancient estate that it was in before, and gotten to themselves perpetual fame and renown, they fell from those continual troubles and tumults of war to reforming and purging of religion. The occasion whereof came as well by the Moors, that being conquered, had liberty to remain in Spain, and enjoy all their goods with condition that they should receive the christian faith: as by the jews, that were in number as many as the other, who were permitted to continue still under the same condition that the Moors did, commandment being given to all that were not content to admit this condition, that they should immediately depart Spain, passing over the straits of Marrocke, and retire into their own country. For the jews (as their most ancient Chronicles do report) did inhabit Spain from the time that Titus Emperor of Rome destroyed jerulalem. Who caused them to be transported thither, there to remain in misery and thraldom, being notwithstanding in good case for one thing, in that they were not compelled by any to alter their religion till the time of Ferdinando. Whereupon the kings of Spain considering, that those people were but only Christians by name and for fashion sake, submitting themselves for fear and awe, and for safeguard of their riches, rather than any love or zeal which they bore to christianity, devised to make provision, and to take some order for their better instruction. A godly purpose surely, and meet for christian Princes, if evil counsellors had not maliciously perverted their good intents. For there were always about the king certain Friars of the order of Saint Dommicke, to whom diverse well disposed Princes gave very great care and credit, especially in matters of religion and conscience: which being a proud and ambitious sect, that took upon them great skill, and outwardlly professed much holiness most arrogantly and impudently; by means thereof, had more free access to Princes privy chambers, and thereupon growing to be of their privy counsel, and obtaining such credit, that kings were content to be ordered and directed by them in these and such like good purposes, whereas they should have provided godly instructors, pastors and teachers to win and allure the counterfeit christians (as it becomed them) by charity and gentleness, labouring with all diligence to withdraw them from their errors, to embrace true christianity sincerely and without dissimulation, they erected a new kind of Consistory of an Inquisition; wherein the poor wretches, in stead of better instructions, wherewith there was some hope to win them, should be robbed and spoiled of all their goods, and possessions, and either put to most cruel death, or suffer most intolerable torments by whip or otherwise, leading the rest of their life in perpetual obloquy and ignominy, and sustaining extreme pottertie by loss of lands and goods. Neither was this executed only upon such as had most shamefully blasphemed Christ, but the least and most tri 〈…〉 g ceremony of the jewish or Morish law, or the smallest error in christian religion, whereof they did never teach them so much as their articles, had been matter sufficient to condemn them. To the furtherance of this new device Sixtus the fourth of that name, Pope of Rome, put his helping hand by adding his confirmation, so that at the length it became of such force being ratified and established by the king's authority and the Popes, that were it not for that the hugeness thereof is such, that is not able to sustain itself, being a thing so burdenous to the world and so importable, a man might very well think it to be impregnable. See I pray you how well these godly pastors provided for the new increase of Christ's flock, whom they ought to have had greater regard to feed than their own bellies, and should not in milking them have drawn the very blood to devour it, nor besides the having of their fleece, flame them also most cruelly to cover themselves with the skins, neither aught to have killed the fatlings, but to cherish the weaklings, to bind the broken, to seek the stra●-sheep and bring them home to the fold, like good and careful shepherds, without using such force and violence, or cla 〈…〉ing any jurisdiction or superiority over them: to whom they should rather submit themselves and become servants, considering that they are the fold of Christ But as for seeking, they sought indeed and daily do, enquiring with great diligence after the wand'ring sheep panting and fainting but it is to slay them, not to sa●e them. But to proceed. As the D 〈…〉 one were the first authors thereof, so for the authority and estimation that they were in with Princes, they obtained the execution of this tyranny under the pre●ence of teaching the true christian faith, whereof they had of long time been accounted the patrons. But afterwards by means of their unsatiable covetousness and ambition, (for the whech two vices they are already discredited among the common people) as also for their cruelty and tyranny which they practised, being exalted to that high estate and dignity, they became so intolerable, that the Princes themselves who lately before had advanced them to those estates, were enforced to displace them, pretending diverse reasonable causes and allegations, and so committed it unto the Clergy: Whereof the ancient Churches of the Dominicans hung round about with ancients and ensigns of victory, over such as they conquered during the time that they were in authority, is proof sufficient.  

Ne from her heart the causes old of wrath and sore disdain  
Was slaked yet, but in her breast high spite did still remain: 
Vrig. Aeneid.   
How Paris Venus' beauty praised, and hers esteemed at nought,  
She abhors the stock of Ganymede, who love to heaven had reached.   
Howbeit they retain till this day the title and name of Inquisitours still with tooth and nail, and will one day no doubt have a cast at the office again, and claim their right. So that we may thank these wicked counsellors and none other for the Inquisition at this day, most devilishly perverting the godly purposes of Princes, which tended to the weal of the Church, and converting them wholly to the advancement of their own commodity and estimation. Or else whereto I beseech you appertained it, that they which would be accounted diligent and faithful sowers of the seed of christianity, and the zealous furtherers of the same, should erect a new kind of Consistory, so rare and strange to the whole world, which is not set up to inform the ignorant, or to convince the obstinate, and bring them to the knowledge of true religion, either by persuasion of learning, or by charitable dealing, the only means that Christ would have his ministers to work by, but to compel them by force and might, by rigour and extremity, by commissions and authority, by Racks & Torments, Chains, Halters, Barnacles, Sambenites, by Fire and by Faggots: which holy Consistory of theirs, is not assisted with men of godly conversation, or known to be learned in the mysteries of holy Scripture, such as would labour painfully in the Lord's vineyard, and set forward his harvest: but is guarded with Sheriffs, Treasurers, Notaries, Sum●ers, jailers, Proctors, Promoters, or Familiars (as they call them) a foul and an infinite company. And who would not judge think ye, that all these things were devised rather to lay new taxes and impositions upon the people, and to increase the revenues of the Exchequer, than for the furtherance of religion. As for the purpose, if a man would choose out a cunning huntsman with all his furniture, having his artillery about him, his 〈…〉 tres, grins, heyes, dogs, etc. and send him thus arrayed to preach the Gospel, and publish Christ's religion, what man I pray you that were well advised, and should behold such a man, having his hands daily imbrued with the change of preys and spoils, would not account him a better hunter than a preacher? For (doubtless) the commission an dauthoritie of preaching was given to good and godly Bishops and pastors (if any such there were) both by the laws of God, and constitutions of man, that they should teach and instruct, as well the young novices as the elder scholars, to tread the path of true godliness. But these men being so blind, or so careless, or both, that either they couldnot, or wouldnot see to their office and duty in this behalf, there was never a man of them all, either Bishop or Divine, but he thought that a great part of his duty touching his function was abbridged & dispensed withal, by means of erecting the court of Inquisition; all good and godly laws concerning christianity, are so clean razed out of the tables of their hearts.  
And this Inquisition being erected in this wise at the first, and ratisied afterwards by the greatest authority in the world, that is to say, the Kings and the Popes, though it had the opinion of holiness to countenance it, so that it should seem to deserve the approbation of most men, yet was it never generally recevied o● all. For at what time king Ferdinando went about to establish it in Arragon, which was his own inheritance descended from his father, the Nobles of the realm did first make humble supplication that it might not be established. Afterwards, being by violence forced upon them, they did also with force and violence withstand it, alleging that it tended rather to the impeachment of the liberty of their country, then to the reformation of religion. In so much that it was not received (if a man may say it were received at all that, was forced upon them against their wills) till the settling of it had cost many a man's life. And besides the hatred which the Nobles and Commons of that Realm bear against this their holy Inquisition at this day, it d●th well appear by the death of Seignor Aepila, who being sent thither by the King with large commissions to execute the same, was slain of the Noble men at Sarragoss● in the Cathedral Church. The which caused many of the foolish superstitious people to worship him even as a Saint. For it is very certainly reported, that the blood issuing out of his body, being newly slain, sprang out in such abundance, that it spirted to the Altar. By the which miracle (say they) God declared both the innocence of the person, and the goodness of the quarrel wherein was slain. Notwithstanding all this and that diverse other miracles are sundry times seen upon his tomb, to confirm the same opinion and fancy of the common people, such is the folly of men, and the power of the devil (as Paul saith) to deceive men which have re 〈…〉ed the love and zeal of the truth, he could never yet 〈◊〉 to be canonised a Saint, and called Saint Aepila: forasmuch as enterprising a just quarrel, he was not only found to have a s●●rt of male on at the time of his death, (which thing notwithstanding they say, he might wellenough have enjoyed the holy 〈◊〉 of a Saint) but he had also under his other garments a short hanger by his side, and that (forsooth) only hundred his absolute honour.  
This Inquisition you will say was not brought in, to the end that any should thereby be instructed in the principles of true religion, but only that heresy by means hereof might be abolished. Marry so much we yield unto them indeed For it appeareth plainly by the zeal that was in those good Princes, that they had a better meaning with them at the first, then that which through their wicked counsellors afterward was put in execution. The Inquisition being th' 〈…〉 established for the same ends and purposes which I have before mentioned (as some affirm) before the battle at Granata, which maketh nothing against me if it be so, the charge of instructing the people in the principles of religion, was first referred to I Tears and Curates, and from them translated to the Wardens of the Church, and afterward to the Clerks in every town and parish, who taught the simple abused people their Aue Maria, Pater noster, their Credo, with Salua regina 〈…〉 in Latin shall I say, nay in a barbarous kind of Latin, and that with sporting themselves, and mocking the poor silly souls, without any devotion or zeal, not without reward neither, but very dear and at a high price; many times besides their common wages, they were paid with the goodwives' honesty, or the daughter's virginity. For the other five commandments of the holy Church, which they s●ad were necessary to salvation: that is to say, the hearing of Mass on holy days and sundays: The going to shrist and holy confession: The receiving of holy bread, the due observing of Fasts enjoined by the Church, and the true paying of their tithes and Church-duties, these things I warrant you were beaten into their heads in plain words and mother-tongue. By which kind of discipline, what other thing I pray you could seem to be sought, th●n to bring men into a heap of perpetual errors? And the court of Inquisition being erected on the other part for reformation of errors, they might be sure like good hunters to lodge the Deer, and take their stand, and so to obtain a continual prey. But to proceed, let us grant them thus much, that the Inquisition was ordained to none other end, and that they be two several and distinct offices, to teach the faith, and to root out heresies, yet were it the part and duty of good and discreet counsellors, to provide that the authority committed to Bishops by the holy Scriptures of God, should not thereby be taken from them: neither should any other persuasion enter into their heads, that there were any other fire or sword to root out heresies, but only the sword of God's word: both the which things the holy Apostle did most evidently teach in the Epistle to Titus; where among other qualities required in a Bishop, he would have him embrace the word of God fit for instruction, that he may be able to exhort by wholesome doctrine, and to convince the gainsayers and adversaries. For surely a true and justifying faith cannot be forced, (the nature thereof is such) no more can heresy be destroyed by the heretics death. But the word of God is most apt and sit for both purposes. For thereby faith is not only engendered, but increased and multiplied marvelously, and whatsoever is not agreeable to true faith, if it be examined and tried by the light of this word, shall soon be bewrayed. Wherefore they ought first to have resorted to the Scriptures, and taken counsel of them, whether they had limited any punishment for such as should show themselves wilful and obstinate against the truth, or the most cruel execution that can be by fire. For as concerning the confiscation of goods, what can be thought more wretched and covetous, or more unjust and shameless, or further from the profession of a Christian man? And to let pass their open infamy, the stain whereof will hardly be spunged out again, who can worthily speak enough against them, that use the same kind of punishment even against those poor wretches, wh●● they have persuaded to recant their errors? Paul in the place above mentioned, appointeth no penalty, for as much as it may well be, that the party condemned may in time be reclaimed, and therefore mercy ought rather to be practised of every good shepherd with all gentleness and love, than any such extremity. But let us enter further, and see what Paul appointeth for such as are obstinate persons. Avoid the company of an heretic (saith he) after one or two admonitions. First he would have him charitably admonished of his error twice or thrice, and that by the Bishop, not cited into the court, not put to the torments, or otherwise punished for his erroneous opinions with such extremity, and so continually. Then if gentle admonition will reclaim him, there is good cause why both the Bishop and the whole congregation may rejoice of the winning of a brother, to be a member of Christ. But if such admonitions will not prevail, he counselleth us to proceed to excommunication: that is to say, to cut him off and exclude him the company and fellowship of the Christians: the which notwithstanding must not be executed in way of revenge of his error, but ministered as a medicine for his amendment. And this judgement of the Disciple agreeth with the rule of his Master: If he will not give ea●e to thee, nor other (saith he) that is to say, them that have given him admonition the second time, Let him be thence forth accounted of as an Ethnic or Publican. Which is as much in understanding, as if he had never received the faith. In this degree of severity, which being duly considered is sharp enough, Christ's discipline stayeth, and proceedeth no further. And this is the Court, these be the laws thereof, and the whole manner of proceeding, wherewith a true Christian man (if there had been any such among them) should have contented himself in proceeding against his brother being beside the right way; or against any heresies, of what sort or condition soever they be, because Christ hath thought them to be sufficient, and provided these remedies, which the Church hath always used from time to time to great profit, in the rooting up of all heresies that at any time grew therein. As concerning the putting of heretics to death, it is like altogether, as if a Physician, to the intent to rid the patient of his disease, should for the nonce rid him also of his life. Moreover, they that do pretend most of all now adays the rooting up of heresies by such means, do not only not attain thereunto, (for as yet the world is blinded, to take falsehood for truth) but if it were so, then by taking away his life, they cut him off from all those means and possibilities whereby he might attain his own salvation. For it might very well come to pass in time, for as much as Gods judgements are deep and incomprehensible, that the party continuing alive, might be brought into some better case. But it is to be feared will some say, lest he infect others. True it is, and for that consideration both Christ and his Apostle commandeth us to eschew him, and to cut him off from the body of the Church. But if they would needs proceed farther, and upon other reasonable considerations punish such obstinate persons more severely; were not the ordinary magistrate sufficient to execute the same? Doubtless their answer will be this, that the knowledge of heresies, can in no case appertain to the secular magistrates, because they for the most part are ignorant in the holy Scriptures and Ecclesiastical affairs: For this is a common saying with these Fathers that are so far seen in God's secrets, that neither the knowledge nor determination of matters in religion do appertain to the Secular magistrate, as they term him in despite and reproach But I pray you in what respect are they themselves chosen to supply those places, and to be Inquisitours to determine matters of faith, whereof they are termed the Fathers, or to discuss heresies, whereof they are said to rid the world, being neither learned in Scriptures, nor able to teach the belief? For they are thought men good enough for that office if they be Doctors in the civil and canon laws. As for their Divines (and yet a silly divinity God knows) truly since the time that the Dominicans were displaced thence, (whereof I made mention before) we have not seen any of them execute any such office. Yea, what if since that time there hath been an order taken by the Inquisitors, and entered into their books, that no Divine thenceforth should occupy any such place? Now as concerning the civil law, surely the Inquisitors do not excel the secular magistrate; and as for the canon, if a man were never so well seen in it, they cannot deny, but it serveth as little to the deciding of matters in religion as the civil. How then is it possible to be otherwise, but that when such ignorant men be admitted to determine matters of Religion, as have no manner of knowledge in the holy Scriptures, save only a little poor skill in the constitutions of man's brain, they must needs turn sweet into sour, and sour into sweet: call light darkness, and darkness light? That is to say, in professing themselves to be the Patroness of saith, root out all faith, and maintain monstrous errors: slay the children of God, and cherish the children of the devil: kill the servants of Christ, foster, maintain, and increase the servants of Antichrist.  
Here they will answer us, that albeit they themselves can no more judge of matters touching faith, than a blind man can of colours, yet they take into counsel and commission with them, to debate such matters, diverse Divines, whose prescript rule and order they put in execution, specially Dominicanes, who have nothing now to do with the high authority and commission of Inquisition, save only that they are admitted to consultations, and to the Qualifications of doctrine, as they term it.  
And here though we examine not narrowly with what quantity of Divinity they come furnished to this office, yet we may easily guess, that being removed for the causes aforesaid, and thought unfit for the place, they are not since grown much more apt: specially seeing besides their old infirmities, they are grievously sick of their ancient shame; daily renewed by beholding from a low place, the lofty Tribunal seat from whence they are dismounted, and are in a perpetual headache and madness of jealous men, to see their adversaries enjoy the honour which they have lost. Wherein we report us to the Inquisitours themselves, for no manknoweth better than they, what tokens the poor Dominicanes give outwardly of the great bile within their breast full of malicious matter, as oft as they are called to those grave and weighty deliberations: insomuch that it hath perhaps been thought on, to shut them quite out of the Inquisitours doors. But go to, they are peradventure amended since. Why might not then the ordinary magistrate call the same Divines to the same consultations? Now to appoint any man judge of matters which he vnderstandeth not, whereby he must needs hang altogether of other men's opinions and sentences whatsoever they be, what an iniquity is this? What a perverting of all law and justice? Who therefore can marvel, if when we see the Holy Inquisition sit in her heavenly Tribunal seat, we say with Solomon, I have seen ungodliness sit in the seat of judgement, and iniquity in the place of justice? And yet notwithstanding all this, what liberty and prerogative they will allow themselves, in the very same matters which they punish in others, as the highest points of heresy, you may behold in the example following.  
It happened a few years passed, in Barchinon a very famous City in the teritory of Cathalonia, that when they should march forward in their procession on corpus Christi day to carry the Mass bread about, and all things were ready, requisite to so solemn a show, even as the Priest that had danced the Tragical high Mass, should couch the blessed host in the golden pixe, as the Devil would have it, it was too great a compass to be put in the box. All men were amazed: the whole show stayed: there was not a man in that great and notable assembly that knew what to do, in a case so strange and so unlocked for. Now surely it was a sport alone, and a jest worthy so great a company.  
Some perhaps of the wiser sort, saw no way but one to help at a pinch; namely to begin a new Mass in God's name and with better luck, and to shape a cake fit for the box. But that was too late: for the procession had far to go, and it was too too much pains to defer it any longer. And beside, perchance there was never a sir john there but had broke his fast well, the better to take paine● in so great a solemnity. And though the Divines were of opinion that he that sang the high Mass, might dispatch another in case of necessity, yet he good soul looking for nothing less than such a chance, had already supped up the rinsing of the Chalice, as his duty was to do. Well sir, there was one of the Inquisitours, a man of Arragon, whose name was Molonio. This Gentleman being as hasty by nature, as bold by authority, made no more ado, but took a pair of cissours, and pared his maker where he was overgrown, and so by a little paring, put both him in the box, and the people out of doubt. Some perhaps will praise this man's present wit in so great a difficulty: others will abhor and detest his godless and rash boldness: others will bewail and lament the hard fortune of their God so to be pared and circumcised by the cursed hands of a cruel Inquisitor. But good Lord, if any other had been so saucy but an Inquisitor, specially if he had had any jews blood in him, how would they have handled him trow you? Indeed Molonio was put out of office: but he tarried not many days ere he was sent to be Inquisitor at Sivil, for they might not lose so stout a soldier of the Inquisition for a trifle. What should we here talk of the Pope's authority? they extol and abase him: they adore him and contemn him: they revenge his wrong and do him wrong, even as he serveth or hindereth their holy office. We purpose not to prosecute these matters any further, meaning only to touch them in way of Preface, to declare by what beginnings and occasions the Inquisition is grown: what antiquity and holiness it carrieth: and what profit it hath brought to the world under the title of reforming religion. These things being as we have declared them, so true in deed, and such in quality, as no honest man can either plainly deny them, or justly excuse them, no man ought to marvel if the people, which have otherwise hitherto been most dutifully obedient to their Magistrates, to drive so horrible a pestilence from their country, have be taken themselves to their weapons and defence of arms, as having none other more reasonable means to help themselves.  
They protest, that they seek not to avoid the reformation of religion, which they heartily wish for, so that it be such a one as is worthy of so good a name, and be directed by the prescript word of God, which ought to be the only rule of religion, to all that love true religion. And in that behalf, what can they hope for of the Inquisition, besides that it hath already yielded? They protest further, that they owe to their lawful governors, and that by the express word of God, obedience, honour, and tribute, the which they are most ready to perform with their accustomed cheerfulness and hearty good will. Only they humbly pray and beseech, that it may be taken of them without the dishonour of God, and the most miserable capti●itie and thraldom of their consciences, the which ought to be more recommended, and dear to good and godly men, than their very lives. They protest beside, that they will not any manner of ways shake off the yoke of just obedience to their Magistrates, but they complain, (and that not without great cause) that besides the easy and gentle yoke which they have hitherto borne with that meekness of heart that became them, they are scourged with the Iron whips of the Inquisition, which seeketh nothing but the slaughter of innocent Citizens, and the confiscation and spoil of their goods. They might have in times passed with some colour blamed the men of Arragon, which received not the Inquisition without tumult and bloodshed, for it was then covered with that goodly and fresh name, and show of holiness: neither as yet had it raged against all indifferently, but only against the jews and Moors, and that also for very plausible and apparent causes. But now since it hath not ceased to bring forth such fruits, as we have rehearsed for these threescore and fifteen years: I think they shall not seem to be mad, that seek by all means to them possible, to drive it from their borders. Nay, they might rather be truly judged to be mad men, if in stead of their faithful fathers, and good shepherds and preachers of true religion they would wittingly and willingly receive into their houses the very enemies, and most cruel destroyers of all faith and religion. And if there be any that know them not to be such as we term them, let them read but part of their sleights and manner of proceedings discovered in this book, (for we could not learn them all,) and let them well weigh and consider them, and then judge.   

A DISCOVERY AND plain declaration of sundry policies practised in the Spanish Inquisition.  

CHAP. I.  
The ordinary manner and form commonly used as well in citing, as apprehending such persons aS are accused.  
Whensoever any denunciation (as they term it) or rather information is given against any person, be it only for matters of no great importance (as nothing cometh into this court so small or simple, but the parties accused are very greatly endamaged thereby) the Inquisitors accustomably use this kind of practice. First, they suborn some one out of a number, such as have learned their lessons for the nonce (commonly called Familiars) who of purpose 
The Inquisitors Familiars.  shall cast himself to meet one, and being provided afore hand what to say, shall greet him on this wise. Sir, yesterday, it was my chance to be with my Lords the Inquisitors, and as they happened to have speech of you, they said they had to talk with you about certain of their affairs, and therefore gave me in charge to summon you to appear before them to morrow at such an hour. Now the party may not (being once warned) either refuse or differre to come, but at his very great peril. Whereupon the next day he repaireth to the place where the Commissioners sit, and requireth the porter to signify unto the Lords that he is come. Whereof as soon as they have intelligence, all three (if they be present) or at least two of them, meet in a Counsel chamber where the Court is commonly kept, as at Siuil; in the castle Triana, and such like places else where in other Cities abroad, and calling the party in before them, they demand of him what his suit is. Who answereth, that yesterday he 
The Court and prison of the Inquisiti●●,  was warned under their precept to come and speak with them. Then inquire they his name; and that known, what he would: for as for us (say they) we wot not whether you be the same man that we commanded to be here with us, yea or no. Marry now sithence you are come, if you have any thing to inform us of in this holy Court either of yourself or of any other, in discharge of your conscience (man) let us hear it. Whereunto the party either answereth that he hath no such matters to inform them of (as indeed to stand upon that point to the end with them, who seek nothing else but his undoing and such as he shall appeach; is the wisest & safest way that may be taken) or else of mere simplicity, not knowing how he entangleth himself, rashly & unadvisedly uttereth some thing of himself or of some other. Then my Lords the Inquisitors glad that they have caught him, to the intent the more easily to fear and amaze him that thus foolishly hath made himself so fit a morsel for them to prey upon, cast looks one at another, and rejoicing as though they had smelled the rat, all at once fix their eyes upon him, and behold him earnestly: and whispering together a little while (Iwot not whether they say aught or nought) at the last either award the party to prison, if the matter that he discloseth of himself seem any thing weighty, or if he chance to confess nothing at all, they will him to depart, pretending that they know not, without better information, whether he be the same party whom they commanded to come before them or no. Whilst the party is thus in examination, provision is made that the promoter who gave information against him, is secretly hidden behind some tapestry, where he cannot be seen; yet so, as he may see the party's face, and know if it be the same man, or no, if haply the Inquisitors know him not. Then licence they him to depart, being assured that it is he which shall minister matter for this tragedy, and perhaps call him not before them of 2. or 3. months after, specially if he be there inhabitant: for if he be a foreigner, they lightly give him not so great respite. The next time, when their pleasure is to send for him, they exhort him again, that if he know or have heard any thing that concerneth their holy Court, to disclose it unto them. For we know right well (say they) that you have dealt with certain persons suspected in religion; which if you will confess of your own accord, assure yourself you shall receive no harm: therefore we charge you take heed and look well to yourself. Our opinion is of you, that like a good Christian man, you will call to your remembrance such things as are bypast: for indeed a man's memory is weak (we wot well) and may fail him, and therefore it may be you have forgotten, and fain would tell all you know if you could call it to mind. By these and such like subtleties they abuse many silly souls, or else dismiss them for that time: yet so, as they shall not think themselves clearly discharged; but to keep them continually occupied and unquieted in their minds, and to make them stand in daily fear & awe of them, tell them it may be they shall have further matter against them, and occasion to call them again. Yet sometime it happeneth that they bear with some person, and wink at him many days, and with some whole years, ere they cause him to be apprehended, always provided, that he shall have one or other of these jolly mates to keep him company wheresoever he go, and wait upon him at an inch to creep into his bosom, and grope his conscience: who under the colour of friendship and familiarity, very craftily and subtly, whilst he good man thinks no harm, shall daily come and visit him, and have an eye to all his doings, & mark with whom he conferreth, where he useth to resort, what he doth there, and, as nigh as may be, whereabouts he goeth and what he intendeth: in so much that without the special aid of God's holy providence, it is not possible for a man to escape their snares. Now if any of the Inquisitors chance to meet any such persons so dismissed, they salute him very courteously, and show him a good countenance, promising to stand his good friend. All which courteous kind of entertainment tendeth to none other end but to make the man more careless of his estate, and so to undo him ere he be aware. But what good (I pray you) can they getby get by these detestable and abominable sleights, except perhaps they use them for their recreation, and take like pleasure in them as doth the fouler in his pastime, when he playeth and dallieth with his game: or the fisher, who after he hath stricken the fish, suffreth her to play with the line, and to sport herself for a time that will scarfely last the turning of her tail: or as the cat that playeth with the mouse, after she hath given him some privy pinch, leaving him at large, and hunting him afresh, and by and by teareth him with her teeth, and eateth up every morsel? Wherein it may be that some secret mystery lies hid, which all the world perceives not, nor altogether without gain to these holy Officers. Howbeit this kind of dallying with their prey, they use not with every body alike, in such sort as is before declared. For they have very great respect of persons and causes in this behalf. Which is a plain token that they deal not in this sort either with such strangers or town-dwellers as they think are like to escape from them by this liberty, neither yet with such as are charged with great matters, whom they think needful to be seen unto betimes, specially if there be any hope that by their confession they shall have intelligence of any other. But first, when they are determined to apprehend any person that is accused, they use to send for the Bishop's deputy of that diocese or Ordinary (as they call him) and making him privy to the depositions of the witnesses against the party accused (which they call an Information) after a little consultation had with him of the matter, they all subscribe to a writing, which is a warrant directed from them to attach him: which kind of dealing seemeth to have a show of good equity. Forsooth they will not be thought to touch any of another man's flock without th'advice & consent of his own Pastor, who being full ignorant & unskilful (God knows) in the duty of a Pastor (as commonly all of that coat under Papacy are) is brought to give his consent, that the sheep over whom he hath a special charge, shall first be fleeced, & afterward miserably slain, & bereft of goods & life. For as yet there hath never any breach been heard of about these matters betwixt the Inquisitors and the Ordinary for defending any of his flock that hath been by them sent to execution. Yet may a man see oftentimes, yea daily almost, great numbers die in prison, some hunger-sterued, some extremely racked and dismembered in every joint of their bodies, some even in the midst of their torments yielding up the Ghost betwixt the tormentor's hands (as I will not fail hereafter to declare, when I shall be occasioned to treat thereof more conveniently) insomuch that the Inquisitors will say of some of them, that they were as harmless men, and as innocent, and put to death as wrongfully as any men could be. Whereby it is evident, that this sending for the Ordinary to confer withal, about the apprehending of some under his cure, is a very vain thing, and rather a foolish ceremony, than a matter serious or done of any justice. And to tell the plain truth, their manner is to bid the Ordinary to a banquet to quaff his part of the 
Banquet.  blood of his own sheep, that the wolves may continue the faster friends. Our Lord Christ, the great shepherd of the sheep, come when he seeth his time, and render to each of them according to their own deserts. Yet sometimes it happeneth, that they call not the Ordinary to counsel, before the party be both accused and apprehended. For being well assured that he will not gainsay them, nor control any of their doings, they think it enough when the party is fast & forthcoming, then to declare to the Ordinary the occasion and manner of their proceedings: who hearing it read unto him, liketh very well thereof, aswell that they have already done, as is also content with whatsoever else they can devose to do. Now if any that is accused do chance to make an escape, either before he be apprehended or after, then use they all devices that may be to find him and fetch him again. Neither is it sufficient that they give the searchers certain common signs and tokens to know him by, as to describe his apparel, his countenance, age, etc. but they draw his counterfeit as lively as may be in 
Counterfeits  sundry patterns, and distribute them among the searchers, to know the party the more easily by, whom perhaps they never saw in all their lives: whereof I will report you a true tale for example.  
Not long agone they apprehended a certain Italian at Sivil, who had wounded one of the Paratours on a time being at Rome, commonly called the Inquisitors Alguazil. And albeit the Familiars that were sent to seek him, 
The Alguazil is in manner of a Sheriff.  had his counterfeit about them, as they use to have: yet notwithstanding happening upon him at Sivil, and half in doubt whether it were he or no, because he had altered his apparel, and of purpose changed his name, they pursued him a good while only of a bare suspicion, which they had by his countenance that it should be he. Therefore one day as he was walking and talking with diverse in the Cathedral Church at Sivil, they found out this new device to attempt him withal, seemly for such Familiars. Two or three of them came somewhat nigh about him, and as he happened to turn in his walk; his back being towards them, on a sudden one of them calleth him by his old name. The party being in earnest talk, and mistrusting nothing, suddenly looked behind him, & made answer: whereupon the catchpoles forthwith laid hands on him, and were clearly resolved that he was the self same man. This fellow lay in irons a good season, and after long imprisonment was whipped about the town, and condemned to the galley perpetually. and thus was he served for hurting the Alguazil, partly through his own folly and negligence for want of a little heed taking. The which devices albeit they be very subtle, and such as no man's wisdom can avoid, yet shall it not be greatly amiss to show one other special example, how God oftentimes maketh them stark fools, and guardeth his with a holy kind of policy, that they may be able to go an ace beyond them. Not long since there was a certain man of the Low Countries that had escaped out of the Inquisitors prison at Valladolit, who was apprehended for the profession of the Gospel, and had been a long season in prison. There went out to seek him (as the custom is) diverse of these hunting Familiars, who within a few leagues off, overtook him in the high way, and stayed him. The party told them flatly he was not the man 
The Fiscal.  they took him for; and yet would not these good fellows leave him, but by force and strong hand went about to bind and bring him back again, still contrarying him, affirming him to be the selfsame man whom they took him to be: and thereupon demanded of him, not doubtingly, but as though the matter were very clear; Are not you he (Sir) that escaped out of the Inquisitors prison at Valladolit, about eight days since? Not I (Sirs) saith he, setting a good face on the matter, and therefore view me better. I am no such man, but am newly come from Castille, where I have wrought in mine occupation a great while: and because you shall the better credit my words, and know it to be so, here is my testimonial which I carry for my passport, take and read it: and forthwith took out a certain writing which he had about him, and offered it them to read. Which, after they had read it, they gave credit unto, and let him go with shame enough that they had been so childishly deceived in taking one man for another, as to their thinking they had done. And as touching the testimonial that stood him in so good steed, this is the truth of it. After his departure out of prison, making as much speed in his journey as possibly he could, he chanced to meet with a country man of his by the way, one of his old acquaintance 
●tho.  newly come from Castille, and to help himself withal in this distress, found means to obtain his passport, which beyond both their expectations, as God 
Passport.  would have it (a thing so appointed by his secret providence) did serve this man's turn, and saved him from so great a peril. For the other was departed from him but two days before, and left his testimonial behind him in this man's hand to keep: whereby he was in good time preserved, and they colted like knaves very prettily. Yet have these Familiars another fetch beyond all this, to retrieve them that are escaped and fled away. As, some of them shall trace him by his footing if they can find his footsteps: others shall pursue him that way whither they think in their own judgements he is most like to be gone: another crew of them shall lie in wait for him by night, because they are sure he will travel by night rather than by day. For I tell you, they are more than a good sort that are appointed for these purposes; insomuch that a fly cannot escape the Inquisitors fingers, but there shall be enough at hand ready to fetch her again. But God, against all their devices and narrow searching diligence, shall arm and safeguard him, whom his good will and pleasure is to deliver. And thus much concerning the apprehending. Now to tell how they entreat them after they be arrested and committed to ward,   

CHAP. II.  
The Sequestration of their goods commonly called the Sequester.  
IMmediately after every arrest done by the Alguazil, or complaint made to the court of any person by any of the Familiars, they straightway take from about him all the keys of his chests or locks whatsoever, if he have any, and forthwith send a Notary and certain catchpoles with the Alguazil himself to take an inventory of all such goods as are in his house whatsoever they be. Which being done very exactly, such as they find, they leave in the custody of some rich man dwelling thereabout, who undertaketh to be accountable therefore, and to redeliver them duly and truly whensoever they shall be demanded. But in this Sequester (as they term it) the owners of such goods had need to look well about them, and always have an eye to their fingers which are at the sequestration, and are the doers, specially when they come to rifling of money and jewels, either gold or silver, or any other thing else that is of any price, and light for conveyance, or will lie in a narrow room. For they are commonly lime-fingred, and willightly make something stick by them, if they be not narrowly seen unto. And indeed the greater part of this rabble of Familiars are bawds, thieves, shifters, and the vilest sort of people that live only by filching, which cannot, nor will not hold their hands if they should hang for it. Besides that, they are persuaded in conscience, that they should not in such cases forbear other men's goods, although they have no manner of right thereto.  
Now to tell you briefly whereto this sequestration tendeth. Forsooth, that if it happen the party be condemned, so that his goods or any part thereof be confiscate, this holy house I warrant you will not lose so much as a dodkin of them. For who knoweth not thus much, that the prey and spoils of such silly souls is all that they seek for? else what should these holy fathers that respect nothing but virtue and godliness, do with their goods (I pray you) whom they bear us in hand they would so fain bring home again to the right way? Or who is so mad to think that misbelief can be amended by loss of lands or goods? Yet it may very well beseem Christian men to be spoilt of all their substance, yea, and of their clothes from their backs also, by their enemies, seeing their head, whose members they are, and whose truth they profess, was so served: for whose garments (likewise) not much worth, perhaps half thread bare with wearing, after they had put him most cruelly to death, they determined also to cast lots. And this kind of Sacrilege is now so ratified and confirmed by the common consent of their Divines, that is to say, the Monks and the residue of the Clergy, that they shame not to preach & teach openly, that whosoever is not jump with the Pope, or dissenteth from him in the least jot, is bound in conscience, in all haste (say they) to bring in all his goods into the King's Eschecquer, and that he hath no more right unto them than if he had robbed the King of them before, alleging this reason, that for so much as he is revolted from the Church of Rome, he is no longer any right owner thereof, but the King, to whom the Pope hath adjudged them. Wherefore a man is bound (say they) to restore them unto him, although the Inquisitors never heard so much as one word of him. And thus these subtle foxes by this one policy are both greatly gracious with Princes, and therewithal do inveigle the consciences, & pick the purses of the silly foolish people, deeming them as gods. But to return to our purpose. As soon as the prisoner is entered within the first gate of y● prison, the keeper having with him a Notary, asketh him if he have a knife about him, or money, or rings or any other jewels. And if it be a woman that hath a sheath of small knives at her girdle, rings, little chains, bracelets, ouches, or any other ornaments, such as women wear, they strip them of all these, & commonly they be his fees that findeth them. This is done to this end, that the prisoners during the time of their imprisonment shall have nothing to succour themselves withal any ways. They search them also, le●● they bring in privily about them any writing, or book, or any other such like thing. But after they be once entered into prison, they are shut up in a close cabbayne, where they have scarcely good elbowroom, for cleanliness and lightsomeness not much unlike to Little 〈…〉 se. And some are close prisoners all alone for 8. or 15. days, some by the space of 2. or 3. months, and other some all their lives long. Some again have fellows and companions from the very first day of their imprisonment, as the Lords Inquisitors will, and as they think most convenient to bring their matters about.   

CHAP. III.  
The several days of hearing.  
AFter they have thus continued in prison about a week or two, the Inquisitors privily pack with the jailor to be in hand with the prisoner, as though it came from himself, and to advise him to sue that he may come to his answer, and pray to have a day of hearing. Wherein, it is not to be thought the contrary, but that there is some mystery meant thereby, that the prisoner must first begin to stir in his own cause. The keeper therefore either at dinner time, or some other most convenient to bring his matters about, resorteth to his prisoner, and among other talk, at the last falleth to question with him how it happeneth that he s●●th not to come to his answer, that his matters may be more speedily ended, and adviseth him to labour it with as much speed as may be, making him believe, the sooner the better, and that it will much further his cause so to do, and at the length bring his suit to some good effect: Adding moreover, that for the acquaintance which he hath with him, in the way of friendship he is moved to give him the best counsel he can, & such as is meetest for his behoof, promising to do & deal for him therein to his power, like a faithful and trusty friend. Yet surely it may be thought with good reason, that if any thing may do the poor wretch good, being in case ready for to be devoured by these ravenous beasts, it will fall out in the end to be better for him if he refuse to crave a day of hearing, and tarry till the Commissioners do call for him. But if there be none other good to be done, he may chance to get this by his tarrying; in driving them to begin with him, to take care for nothing but only to make answer to their objections. But sith it is so secret a mystery, I will let it go, and leave it to the judgements and considerations of the wiser sort to scan and judge upon. The poor prisoner knowing none of these subtleties, for the most part is ruled by his keeper, thinking that he hath given him good and wholesome advice, and prayeth him therefore to be a mean for him, and in his behalf to crave a day of hearing: whose suit is easily heard of the Inquisitor, and granted at the first I warrant you. Whereupon the party is brought into the Consistory, where the Inquisitor, as though he were altogether ignorant of the matter, beginneth to talk with him much after this sort: Sirrah, your keeper came and told us, that you were desirous to come to your answer. Now say on, what is your suit? The prisoner answereth, that he would be very glad to have his matter heard. And unless he look well about him, and be circumspect in his dealing, very loathsomeness of his imprisonment, and fear of afterclaps, driveth him to confess somewhat whereof he suspecteth himself to be accused. The which thing doth the Father's good at their hearts, because they are accustomed at this and sundry other seasons, to grant the prisoners days of hearing, and to call them often into the Court before they shall know their whole accusation, and all that is deposed against them (which by order and common course of law should have been the first act that should have been done against them) and all is to this only end, to make the party utter somewhat of himself rashly and unawares, that they as yet know not of. They advice him moreover to let it come from himself, promising that if he will acknowledge his faults voluntarily, he shall be forthwith sent home again to his own house, and be dispatched with all expedition, and dealt withal as gently as may be. But if for all these vain and flattering promises he hold them hard, and stand mute (as indeed it is best for him) they charge him earnestly to disburden his own conscience: and when he hath bethought himself, and is disposed to confess any thing, that then he should sue to come to his answer, saying that in the mean time, they will consider of his case, and so they remand him to prison. Then after 6. or 8. days or more, as they think good, they call for him again, and ask him if as yet he be determined to confess aught. The prisoner answereth, either that he hath nothing to say, but that he is innocent, or perhaps confesseth somewhat. But whatsoever his answer be, they are sure still harping on their old string, urging him to discharge his conscience, and persuading him that they go about no other thing but to do him good, and to procure his safety, of very love and mere compassion which they take upon him. Which gentleness of theirs, and well meaning towards him, if he refuse now, and set light by, he shall find them sharp justicers henceforth if the fiscal inform against him, and so send him again to prison. The fiscal is an officer which taketh all such accusations as the Promoters bring unto him, and by office is the only pleader, during the whole time that the causes be hanging, as it were the King's Attorney, having his name no doubt à Fisco, that is to say, the Eschecquer: for whose advantage he is altogether, and from whence he is answered his fee.  
At the third day of audience, the party is called for again, and demanded, if yet he be resolved what to do, with earnest request after their accustomed manner, to confess a troth of his own accord: if not, they threaten to use extremity towards him, and what they can do by law. And here they understand by this word law, extreme tormenting and mangling of men, yea such as their own own laws do prove very Innocents', saying he may well assure himself, that no man shall sustain any injury within their holy Office, and that their fashion is not to trouble any man but upon good and sufficient information against him, with such like talk. Howbeit, if the party happen to disclose any thing: nay (say they) yet are we not satisfied, we have not all you can say, we suspect you keep something in of purpose, and so send him to prison, putting him to further pain, and calling him coram day by day, as they perceive that by these means they wring more & more out of him, though it be but by little & little. But if he stand stoutly in the matter, giving them direct answer that he hath nought to say in that place, by a shift of descant (as it were) they try him another way, exacting an oath of him: & to the intent to prove his zeal, they hold him an Idol, representing the crucifix, covered with a black lawn, & certain other Idols, I wot not what. They do also lay before him a Mass book or a Missal, and sometime the bare image of the cross. For such devices and foolish toys as these be, they have always in a readiness to use as occasion serveth, & as they think most requisite, respecting the party whom they are to deal withal. Here is the Christian man driven into a narrow straight, so that he must needs utter himself, and plainly show what he is in conscience and in belief. For if he be a faithful man indeed, and one that from the bottom of his heart abhors Idolatry, having before his eyes the fear of God most mighty & jealous, which in his most holy law hath reserved this glory to himself, that we should swear by him alone, he will beware that in no wise he give part thereof to such vile Idols of wood or mettle; which being made to resemble the highest in shape, are so much the more abominable in the sight of God, and of his congregation. Therefore a godly man will take heed of such a wicked and ungodly oath, yea though he were to be torn in pieces presently, seeing they be very Idols, and not God, to whom alone that honour belongeth, as the Inquisitours themselves cannot say to the contrary. After they have thus put him to his oath, they begin to examine him upon these interrogatories: What country man he is, and under whose allegiance. Of what Province or Diocese. In what city, town, or village he dwelleth. Who were his ancestors, & what their names were. What brethren or sisters he hath. What his father and mother were, and what were their names: how they lived, and by what trade and occupation. If he, or any of his kindred at any time have been convented before the Inquisitours, and upon what occasions. Moreover, many other things they inquire of him; as of his age, and trade of life, where and with what manner of men he hath been most conversant: and thus is he forced to give a strait account of his whole life, where he hath passed his time yearly, and made his most abode, answering to every point by itself severally. For out of each of these questions they fetch no small arguments, wherewith they charge the poor soul afterward too too pitifully. When he hath answered to all these by-questions, then fall they afresh to their old exhortation, sometime by fair means, and sometime by foul, advising him to tell the truth frankly, assuring him, that they never cause any to be arrested without just cause why, or without sufficient witnesses: so that whether he confess or no, away he goeth to prison again.  
And in these three first times of hearing, a great sort are either alured with their fair speeches and promises, that they shall be sent home to their own houses as soon as they will confess that that is demanded of them; or else of very awe and fear of their evil and menacing words, utter many things whereof the Inquisitors knew not one jot before, because none had informed them thereof, but themselves only suspected, lest they had been accused by some, with whom they had dealt heretofore in such affairs. Thus betraying themselves like fools, they bring other men into as evil case as themselves, which perhaps neither feared any such matter at all, nor the Inquisitors had ever heard any thing of them before. But most of all, when they perceive that these most holy Fathers, who hunt after nothing so much, as daily to have change of spoils, will take it thankfully at their hands, then labour they by all means possible to curry favour with them, to get themselves rid out of misery, and to be set at liberty: So that it cometh oftentimes to pass, that the parties being at the first arrested for very trifling matters, undo both themselves and many others more, by giving overmuch credit to the fair promises and goodly gloss of these false and faithless Inquisitors, through want of skill how to behave themselves in their own affairs, much less able to judge and discern what opinion they should have of these Fathers, that is to say, not to be fathers (as they glory to be called in derision of all humanity, piety, and fatherlinesse) but their most cruel and deadly enemies, which by craft, subtlety, and lying, and by all kind of knaveries, privily go about to get that they gape for, both life and goods of the guilty, and of the guiltless. Against all which snares of theirs, there is one only way of avoidance, to wit, that he whose destiny it is (I mean by God's ordinance and appointment) to fall into their hands, believe never a word they say, promise 
A general Cau●a●.  they never so fairly; nor be afraid of them, threat or thunder they never so terribly: having always before his eyes the love and dread of him, who after he hath killed the body, hath power also over the soul to send it to hell fire; and having numbered the very hairs of our head to the uttermost, will not suffer the least of them to perish or fall to the ground without his good pleasure and providence. The next lesson is to keep his tongue for his life, & speak not one word till the time that he hath heard his accusation, with the depositions, whereunto he is bound by order of law to make answer.  
Furthermore, at the fourth day of hearing, they tender him an oath, vehemently exhorting him to shrive himself voluntarily: otherwise they will deal with him as hardly as the law will permit them, if the fiscal once commence his suit against him. And if he do yet persevere constantly, affirming that he hath no more to say, then read they unto him a long indictment, & charge him with many great matters, falsely forged and devised against him, such as neither the party did ever so much as think upon, nor any had accused him of to them. For it is a point of cunning forsooth in this their crafty faculty, for the Fathers to make these great matters and huge offices on their finger's ends for these special causes. First, by thus loading the poor man, and laying to his charge many great and made matters, to bring him into such a maze, that being scarcely his own man, he shall not well know where he is, nor which way to turn him, nor what answer to make. Secondarily, to prove if happily he will admit any of these misdemeanours that are laid against him, or at the least, if by argument about any of them they can trip him in his tale, and so catch him in their net. Is this then their following of God's judgements, whose cause these Fathers of the faith brag and boast so much, and bear the silly ignorant people in hand, that they take upon them to maintain, in the very first step of the stage, whereon they are ready bend to do execution of a sort of innocents, thus shamefully and mockingly to cry, Arise (O Lord) and judge thine own cause? Do 
Psal. 74.  these policies proceed of faith (trow ye) where of they term themselves the Patrons? Did ever any true Patrons of faith either teach them to other, or else use them themselves? Are these the most direct means to bring him into the right way, that of mere ignorance and simplicity hath gone astray from the truth and word of God, or to teach the unlearned, or to correct and amend him, who hath erred and fallen of common infirmity? Or are they not rathermore likely to be the snares of Satan, practised from time to time by contentious and devilish people, privily laid to supplant a poor man withal, and very stumbling blocks craftily and maliciously cast for the nonce, to make him break not only his shins, but his neck also, that plainly and simply shall pass thereby, and looks not warily to his footing? And who would have thought (I pray you) that these holy Fathers would have busied themselves in making such mousetraps, and setting such pitfalls? But how many good Christians have fallen into these snares, to the great peril both of their bodies and souls only by the detestable means of these pestilent and pernicious Tyrants, Christ the searcher of secrets, and chief Inquisitor over all at his general doom, sitting in his seat of Majesty, will one day make manifest.  
As touching their accusations, the great and principal 
The Inquisitors general objection.  matters wherewith they burden every one that cometh within their jurisdiction, be these: First, for that he being baptised, & under the obedience of the Church of Rome, forsaking her profession and doctrine, is become one of Luther's disciples, by admitting and harbouring his heresies in his heart; and yet not content therewithal to be an heretic himself, hath provoked and poisoned others by teaching & preaching the same heresies unto them. And to this effect well near, they use many big words to make the simple folk afraid withal. Next to this, they charge them also with other matters, sometime of more importance, sometime of less: Provided always, that the matter whereof the party is accused, be brought in, either in the beginning or ending, or else some other thing that some man hath him half in a jealousy for. Which thing they lay to his charge, not as a matter surmised or of likelihood, but most constantly affirmed and testified by witnesses. For in this holy Consistory they may do what they list, and what they think expedient. Then is the party accused put to answer to every article that is laid against him, severally and directly, either yea or no, as he thinketh good, having always a clerk by him to record every word that he speaketh. After this examination and confession thus had & done Ex tempore, without either order or any great advisement, they straightway give him pen, ink, and paper to put in his answer in writing if he will; pretending hereby, that they work for him all the means & helps that may be to try himself an honest man. And thus is this crafty Inquisition cloaked with this goodly pretence of equity & justice, where in very deed this is their fetch, that hearing him first make one confession by word of mouth suddenly and without advisement, and after that another with more deliberation in writing, they may easily find some odds betwixt the one and the other, having neither any copy of his former confession to lay before him, nor being able for very fear & trouble of mind to remember every word that hath escaped him. But if there chance to be no contrariety, yet haply shall there be somewhat either more or less in the one than in the other. Moreover, it standeth him upon to be able to chop logic with them, and to find out such contradictions as the other look for, because his latter confession penned with some diligence, always ministereth some matter of new cavillations. Which fetch of theirs whoso will wisely and warily avoid, must take heed he play mum, and speak not one word, but premeditated and devised upon afore hand: and being mute in all other matters, crave only this one thing at their hands, and that in as few and apt words as he can possibly, to have a copy of his accusation, with paper, ink, and sufficient time granted him, that he may by leisure, and with some ●ood deliberation make answer to such matters as are laid to his charge. But forasmuch as they (no doubt) will not hold themselues contented with one answer, but will seek to have it both by mouth and by writing for the causes before alleged, the party must in any case see to himself, and seek to wipe their noses by shaping them a short answer: yea, be they never so full of their questions and flourishes, or how froward or untoward soever they be, let them not get within him in any wise, but hold them offaloofe, and be as brief with them as he can. For albeit these raveners be very greedy of that answer that was suddenly made, & without any study, yet set they most store by that that was of his own penning, specially if it be done by one that is learned, whom by common and daily experience they know to be of that nature for the most part, that whiles they labour to avoid matters of no great importance by some nice construction, they fall into diverse other absurdities, or at the least, by uttering a little of their poor skill they minister much matter for captious fellows to quarrel and cavil upon. By means whereof, many times such learned clerks, who at the first fell into their fingers but only for trifles, were afterward burdened with so many matters and so weighty, that they could never rid themselves thence, till either they went to the stake, or else enduring some other punishment, led the rest of their life in perpetual shame and ignominy. Whereof I could show you sundry examples, but that I would be loath to fall from describing the subtle practices of the Inquisition, to discourse in a manner of a whole history. Wherefore, I hold him wise which can observe in that place, upon a little study to make a brief and a resolute answer Christianlike, so as he neither hurt his conscience, by suppressing or shadowing a truth, nor by his long process give his adversary any thing to take hold upon, or have any advantage against him, which (doubtless) is the only makr they shoot at, in putting him to answer it by writing. It is also very good for him, that so oft as he can, he make sure his side by some 
School 〈…〉 and C 〈…〉.  of their Canonists and Schoolmen (as they call them) for so shall neither the truth be obscured, nor these so easily make a quarrel to his answer, being ratified and confirmed with his adversary's arguments. But whensoever any either by writing, or word of mouth, confesseth any thing openly before them that is heretical, they use this order commonly; out of that one saying to draw & derive diverse others by hook or crook, & to charge him with each of them severally, as if he had spoken and affirmed them all precisely, though the party never spoke them, nor then will grant them, nor greatly understandeth them, or well knoweth what to make of them. As for example, I will report a thing that happened at Siuil a few years ago: neither need I to coin any examples in a case so common as this is, that is almost in experience daily in that holy Court of theirs, to the great loss and utter undoing of many silly and simple souls.  
There was a certain man cited before the Inquisitors at Sivil, for saying in presence of his familiar friends & acquaintance, that he knew none other Purgatory but one, & that was the blood of Christ, which daily washeth and purgeth our sins. The party who said it, was but a simple man, brought up in the country all the days of his life, having no spark of good civility in him, or of any good education, and by chance hearing this on a time among certain of his companions, liked thereof very well; but now, coming before the Fathers for the same matter, told them plainly how he was of the same mind once, marry sith it misliketh their worships, he is very well content to forsake it. But what did it avail (thou fool) to make so rash and so sudden a recantation? By confessing the matter, thou settest them agogge. By keeping thy tongue, thou hadst grieved them to their very galls. By making thy purgation, thou couldst but have lost thy labour. Yet this did not content the commissioners, but there must needs be some other quarrel picked against him. For the Inquisitors Organs (forsooth) went hard for want of exercise, & therefore they must necessarily have some body to play upon them, and keep them from rusting. Ergo, say they, and conclude of this antecedent against this poor ploughman, the Church of Rome which in time past hath determined the contrary by law, doth err, and the council erreth also, and justification cometh by faith only, wherein a man is made free & absolved à poena & culpa. To be short, out of these they fetch a rabble of opinions and assertions, which they call heresies, & charge the poor man with every of them, as if he had affirmed them all in plain terms, say he nay never so stoutly that he knoweth nothing of any such matters, nor so much as once ever thought upon them. Now who seeth not that this kind of proceeding in this holy office is packed full of subtle policies, and all the devilish practices and devices that may be? Yet herein is the mighty providence of God toward his elect specially to be had in admiration, that these men wanting the means of calling & teaching which other men have to induce them by, in a place so quite contrary to these means as is fire to water, are both called and taught by God, having their eyes opened by him, & their understanding lightened. For the Inquisitors themselves, who seek utterly to destroy and root up all faith & truth, they (I say) by such means as I have before declared, are the very preachers, teachers, and furtherers of the same, as it is evident and manifest by many notable examples of sundry persons that have fallen into their hands only for prating rashly and foolishly, rather than of purpose or advisedly, that there is no purgatory, and that it is but a dream and no such thing indeed; whereas they have been at their first coming in, ignorant in most of the points concerning salvation, by their only questionings, collections, illations, brought either in form or out of form, have departed thence very well instructed: whereof this rude fellow of the country, of whom I last made mention, may be a sufficient testimony. Moreover, if he party chance to confess aught, they use to have another hook ready baited, sharp and perilous enough, I warrant you: to wit, they inquire of him whatsoever it be, of whom he learned or heard it, or if he have haply read it in some book, or if he have had any conference with any other about the same matter, or he himself have been an instructor to others, or by any means have mentioned it in the presence of any: in what place he did so, and who they were that stood by? For whosoever was present, whether they liked his talk or no, yea though it were his own father, or nigher him, if nigher could be, they are sure to buy it full dearly: the Inquisitors will have a flirt at them, because they came not forth with, & made complaint thereof unto them. All which things it behoves a man greatly to be cunning in, that if it be God's will that he fall into their hands, he may learn before hand out of his holy word and will how to prevent them, and provide an answer to such demands, lest he undo both himself and others through his own folly and negligence. At the last, when his accusation is read, if the party be an infant (as we term one within age) they provide him a Patron whom they call a Tutor. A very godly 
The Tutor.  way (no doubt) if such a man were appointed to that place as would play his part stoutly, and as it becometh him in respect of his office. Howbeit he is no such manner of man as the infant would and should have for the better bringing of his matters about, but one of their own choce, which either is a very wolf to join with them against the simple lamb, or at the most, to stand like a cipher in Arithmetic, and do nothing but fill up a place, and for fashion sake and order stand in stead of a Tutor to perform the ceremonies and circumstances of the law. For most commonly the Porter of their holy house serveth that turn, or in his absence some other of the Porter's lodge, and indeed but only that he beareth the bare name and title of a Tutor, dealing in nothing that appertains to the office, my Lord's Muleteer may easily be Tutor in such sort to the whole company of the prisoners all at once. By reason whereof, the Porter cannot always be ready to answer every body that knocketh at the gate. And on this sort do these holy Fathers fulfil the commandments of God, and the laws of man touching poor infants and orphans, who as well by the law of God as of nature, are commended so specially to the consideration and regard of all men, but most chiefly to judges.  
Neither rest they here, contenting themselves to mock the law in this point alone, but in another of more importance: whereas the law provideth, that every defendant 
The Advocate.  shall have his Advocate, some man expert in the law, to plead his cause, and order it discreetly according to law and conscience, and to defend their right if any they have, or at the least to temper the rigour of the law, lest it be construed and ministered with extremity in this so weighty a matter, and the only succour that these silly souls have to help themselves withal; they deal with them in like sort as they do in the former for appointing them a Tutor, and so shift it off with a mere shadow and a bare ceremony: only because it is a very weighty matter, therefore they would seem full of courtesy and humanity, and would fain cloak their wicked contempt of laws with some goodly pretence. For they name unto the party 3. or 4. of the most famous men toward the laws, to choose out of them some one to plead his cause, and besides all this their gentleness (of fatherly affection I dare say) they advice him to take such a man, who in their judgements is the best learned. And what would a man desire more? Yet whosoever is chosen to be his Advocate, will be sure that he tell not his Client any point of law that may do him ease any way. For he knoweth right well, that if the Inquisitors have intelligence thereof, he shall not scape scotfree, seeing their meaning is nothing less than to provide him an Advocate to defend his cause, but only to blear the common people's eyes withal, and make them believe that they proceed by order of law like good conscionable Fathers, where in very deed they compass their matters both against God's law and man's. For the Advocate and his Client may not so much as have a word together secretly of any matter, but in presence and hearing of the Inquisitours or of some Notary. And what doth the Advocate than would a man think? Marry he receiveth his Clients answer to the accusation rude and rough hewn as it were, and that doth he smooth and set together in form of law (yet ill-favouredly framed full oft, God wot) and all this while taketh upon him the name of an Advocate, only to delude the law withal. But forward to our purpose.  
Within 2. or 3. days after the party hath had the copy of his accusation, he is called into the court, where his advocate standeth, like one that would stoutly defend his Clients' cause, and save all such matters as should seem to make against him. Then the Inquisitor, as though he had done the party an high pleasure, & discharged his conscience wholly for that part of the law, pointeth out the Client his Advocate with his finger, and straightway falleth into his old note, exhorting him to utter the truth, and take heed to his conscience, and if he have any more to say, to say it at once. All which time the Advocate sitteth or standeth mute, and if he have aught to say, yet dare he not let it come out before he have made the Inquisitours of his counsel. For the Advocate all the while that he is telling his tale, so eyeth the Inquisitours, that one of their eyes is never off from the other: the Inquisitor is so much afraid lest the prating Advocate utter something rashly & unawares, wherein the Client might espy somewhat for his advantage in law, and so avoid the danger of their secret and hidden snares. The Advocate on the other side is as much afraid, and quaketh every part of him, lest any word chance to slip him suddenly that the Inquisitours haply shall not well like of, and therefore dare say nothing for his Client, but only give him a few words of comfort, and bid him be of good cheer, and tell the truth in any case, saying, that that is the only way to prevail in this Court: and as for me (saith he) I will be ready to do for you the best that I can. Then cometh the Inquisitor in with his part, singing the same note, and so is the prisoner sent to his prison again.  
After this day of hearing, the party beginneth to be of better courage, hoping that his matter draweth nigh to an end: but it is far otherwise God knoweth. For many of them are forgotten: some for a year, or half a year, or perhaps for three or four years, as it pleaseth these good Fathers to deal with them, and there they lie in prison, as it were a piece of leather that lieth steeping in the tanner's fat. During all which time, they neither are called any more, nor one word mentioned for their deliverance. Then, if any for very loathsomeness and intolerable filth by reason of their long imprisonment, do crave to come to their answer, some perhaps obtain it, and some go without it: but in the end both their lucks are alike. For they that after long suit get a grant thereof, are commanded into a Parlour; where they have such countenances made them, and such speech used towards them, that it is easy to be espied, that they have no manner of regard unto them at all: and there (forsooth) they put them a question a great deal meeter to be asked of men in a far better case than they are in. As for the purpose: what their suit is? or what they would have? Whereunto each answereth, that he would be glad to have some end and determination of his trouble. Marry and thereabouts we go (say they) as carefully as we can, and assure yourself we will not forget you. But if he be earnest to have it determined, they bid him bethink himself then, and say the truth, ask him why he no more regardeth his conscience? etc. At the length, laying the fault of his long imprisonment to himself (whereas he poor man would have been content, if he might have had his choice, to come forth to the stake, rather than to continue there so long) they send him to prison again. And albeit they afterward do grant him diverse other days of hearing: yet as he continueth his suit, so keep they him off with their accustomed delays, till they think it be time to communicate unto him the depositions made against him, which they term the publication of the witnesses.   

CHAP. FOUR  
The publication of the witnesses  
AFter a long & loathsome time of imprisonment, in such sort as man's nature is not able to endure it any longer, when the poor soul in their judgements is brought so low, that he could be content to be delivered with all his heart, though it cost his life, & therefore likely to tell all & more too, yea, even as much as they themselves can demand or desire: they call him yet again before them, & in a speech framed as it were a mean betwixt a sharp rebuking & a gentle admonition, do ask him how it happeneth that he hath slipped his own matters so long, and now at the length would have him come in and tell the truth. Upon which point they stand very long in persuading him: and then either on this or the next day of hearing, the fiscal entereth his action against him, praying that publication may be made of the witnesses: which being granted, forthwith the depositions are delivered to the party, but yet without any names subscribed. The order and penning whereof is a sufficient declaration what great zeal this holy Court hath to bring the truth to light. For all things are so difficultly reported and so abruptly; so wrested and wrung with such doubtful terms of double sense and understanding, that a man would judge him sure never well in his wits that uttered them. And this is a piece of the Legerdemain of that holy House, purposely invented to drive the party always into a doubt, even of those points which he knoweth are already deposed against him. Secondarily, that so nigh as may be, he should have no manner of knowledge of the witnesses, who they were that did depose against him, lest haply he should take some exception against them. Finally, that if he have conferred with any other than his accusers, concerning those matters whereof he is accused, and knowing not who were his accusers, but labouring to find them out, should perhaps reckon up all, and so by that means bring a great sort of more fishes to the Inquisitours holy Angle.  
And here would I be glad to know of these Fathers of the Faith, seeing they are so well learned in the laws (if they would be so good as to tell us how it cometh about) that whereas the Publication of witnesses is ordained of common right to be used sincerely and plainly, yet in this holy Court it hath no place, neither is allowed for law, by reason that the names of the witnesses are suppressed, and so the one half of the law, yea the better half of it, is curtalled and quartered, and the residue neither uprightly handled, nor faithfully, but most craftily and falsely abused, as I will make relation hereafter. And if an exception will lie against witnesses, not only by order of law, but in other respects upon very good and necessary considerations, because knaves and villains should not any way trouble nor molest honest men that are guiltless and innocent, why is there no place in this most holy Court for such exceptions? For in civil causes but of small importance, they 
Witnesses admitted in their holy Inquisition.  will not admit a man's enemy, nor a liar, nor a defamed person, nor an Idiot, nor a Bedlam, nor a drunkard, nor a ●ew, nor a villain, nor any such kind of people to be sworn as witnesses: and who then (I pray you) hath enabled all this rout of Rakehell's, in matters of religion and the weightiest causes that can be, to be accepted and admitted for witnesses, and that their testimony shall be received and reputed in matters touching life and death: seeing they are disabled by all laws to condemn any man in the least trifles that may come in question betwixt man and man? But here perchance they will say they deny not, but the party hath very good liberty of challenge against the witnesses, if he could learn by any means or conjecture who they be that deposed against him. Therefore if he chance at any time to guess him right that hath thus testified against him, so that the Court judge him insufficient, and doth therefore refuse him, they have done notable injury to both parts, or to one of them at the least. First of all to the witness, by refusing him now, if they did right before in suppressing his name, because the party should not know him: next, to the party himself, being now at the length content to admit his exceptions, so he can guess or by some other means learn his name, and have sufficient matter to charge him withal, and such as may be thought good cause of challenge: which surely in all indifferent men's judgements that have any consciences at all, is an horrible and most detestable kind of injury. But to return to their policies. The depositions of the witnesses therefore is an evident proof, aswell by their order and manner of examination, as also by their kind of speech therein used, whether the Inquisitours have kept the even street, or gone by crooked lane. For this is most sure that they are not commonly read to the party in such sort as the witnesses have deposed, but if any thing be uttered beside by the witnesses that might make for the prisoner, or be construed on his side, they reject all that as needless and superfluous, admitting only that that maketh most against him, and clap on all that on their own biace side. For the further proof and declaration whereof it will be worth the noting unto you, to show what their common usage is in registering of such depositions: As for example.  
N. a witness (suppressing his name) sworneand allowed, etc. saith that heeths said N. heard in such a place, and such a year, and of such a month (if he can so precisely remember the times) such a man report, that the aforesaid, that is to say, the party accused, said thus and thus, etc. And in their Records (which they call their Original process) they have all those circumstances at large, which they exact of the witnesses for a further truth and trial of the matter: but in that exemplified copy which they deliver to the party himself, very subtly they suppress all the circumstances of time and persons present, whereby the party might have any inkling of his accuser or witness, supplying those places with these or such like words: A certain person: another man: and a third person. In which kind of depositons there be certain privy points and nice conceits diligently to be observed, that is to wit: Whensoever they say that he heard it of a certain person whom he hath named, it is to be understood, that the witness heard the party himself speak it; and by the crafty conveyance of the Inquisitors it is so brought about, that in the counterfeit copy which they deliver to the parties hands, it seemeth as though he had heard it of some other man's mouth, because he shall not guess who it was that gave evidence against him: but having conferred therein with diverse others, as well as with this man that deposed against him, should no more know who hurt him, than he that playeth at blindman-buff can guess who gave him the blow. And in this behalf, if the prisoner chance to mention any such persons as the Court hath not yet been informed of, they are incontinently outlawed, and reputed as favourers of heretics, for suffering an heretic to sow such pestilent seeds among them, without making complaint thereof forthwith to the Inquisitors. But if the depositions be on this wise, That he heard it of another certain person whom he hath named, etc. it is to be understood, that the witness heard it by a mean, and therefore will not serve to join with another witness, though he be man good enough for them, and fit to feed their suspicious humours. The difference betwixt both these depositions is no more but this, that in the one this word other is used, that is not put in the former, which is only thus, that he heard it of a certain person, etc. This gear, I tell you, is taken out of their Sancta Sanctorum. Thus by these subtle and captious quiddities, the Inquisitours beguile many a Christian soul that knoweth not their cunning dealings, but thinketh himself safe enough, because he feeleth his conscience free from uttering any untruth. And truly it is greatly to be lamented, that such poor wretches being guiltless (God knoweth) a great sort of them should be so hemmed in of these crafty Catchpoles so far beyond all humanity, for want of a little skill in these their subtle and slightfull devices. Wherein this counsel of ours (perhaps) may do them some manner of pleasure, for the more easy espying and avoiding of these their policies. The defendant therefore must take heed that he speak not one word at this day of hearing, tending to the confutation of that which the witnesses affirm, yea though it be as false as God is true, and he himself never so well able in his own judgement to answer it presently; lest the Inquisitours by their importunity happen to wring out somewhat from him on a sudden, as they use to deal with diverse. Only let him this do; that is to say, crave a Copy of the depositions, and licence to answer them in writing by leisure and with deliberation, against the next Court day, or so soon as he can conveniently. In which answer, let him see in any case that he observe those things, whereof in the accusation made by the fiscal, I have given him instructions before. Secondarily, after he hath obtained the Copy, diligently to mark of himself, who be witnesses with the witnesses, and who not, and whether their testimony be able and sufficient to condemn him in these matters wherein they bear witness with the other, or no. As for his Advocate, he is but only for fashion sake, and it were as good for him to have one of clou●s, for any help that he is like to have 
The number and quality of their witnesses.  at his hand, much less (may ye think) at the Inquisitors. But as concerning the witnesses, two that heard it of report are in this lawless Court as good as one that heard it of his own mouth: so that two such witnesses of hearsay, and one that heard it of the parties own mouth, are enough to condemn him. Moreover it is to be noted, that the keeper of the Inquisit ●urs prison, whom they commonly call Alcaidium, is as good as two of the best witnesses. And therefore for such matters as he hath seen and observed in the prison, his only testimony is sufficient to condemn any whom he himself accuseth. Yea, and in some cases one only witness, though he have nothing but by hearsay, yet is he sufficient to put the party in jeopardy of the rack, if he have not some just cause of challenge against him. But if there were any respect at all, or regard of justice in this Court so far from all conscience, it were enough in all godly and indifferent men's judgements, either for the party's deliverance, or at the least for his purgation, to avoid that quiddity in the depositions which I mentioned before, by fair and flat denial of that, which the witness said only of hearsay, were this word other there or no. Wherewith the Inquisitors seek to salve the matter, and to save themselves, being indeed but a very false and a frivolous cavil, only, to colour a lie. For so should it fall out in the end, that he who deposed nothing but of hearsay, should, as right and reason is, be refused as insufficient: and the other that spoke of his own precise knowledge, be likewise rejected, if there were just cause of exception: so that both their secret practices should be avoided, and the Inquisitours enforced to lay away all this their double dealing, and to tell him plainly that the witness heard it of his own mouth, and so drive the party to avoid it more substantially. But what shift should a man make in such a case? For, having the law in their own hands like Lords, nay, like most cruel Tyrants rather, when they know the witness had it at the first hand, yet will they make as though they were content to admit the exception of the party who took the witness to be none other than such as had it by report, and will afterward order the matter as it pleaseth them, whiles the party supposeth that he hath sufficiently avoided that witness, and thinketh himself sure enough for him. Let him therefore well and warily cast with himself aforehand, or rather pray unto God to reveal unto him, what is to be done in this perplexity.  
Furthermore, in this holy Court every john-a-nokes may 
The Promoters serving their holy Inquisition.  be a promoter, and every frantic Bedlam that is besides himself, every varlet or villain, and so forth every one of the 24. orders, be he a person never so much disabled in law to be a witness. For a hungry hunter, & one that is greedy of his game, will be glad of every curtalled cur that will do him service to bring home his prey. But if the Promoter in his information chance to want words of weight, or to misplace them, or have forgotten the very words which he heard the party say, so he can hit of the matter, and remember the substance, the Inquisitors by virtue of their office instruct him, and bring it into his remembrance again: In so much, that oftentimes the Promoter will tell such a tale as neither he heard, nor ever meant to tell, but even as they themselves have prompted him word by word: which a man may well think is not all of the best sort. Yet God hath sometimes so blinded their senses & understandings, that they have quite forgotten both themselves & all their own practices and devices. As it came to pass at Sivil, that a certain frantic woman, in the absence of her keeper chancing to break loose, and to undo her bolts & irons wherein she was fettered in a certain godly man's house, came to the Inquisitours to the castle Triana, and there had almost discovered to them the whole assembly of the congregation, which in that great city here and there met in corners. The which (no doubt) had been a prey alone for them, but that God marvelously defended that good flock of his, being at that time very small in comparison, and far unable to abide the punishments which since that time they have for the profession of Christ endured most constantly. This woman before she fell mad was one of the chief in the congregation: I mean for fervency of zeal and skill in holy scripture, far above that which a man would look for at a woman's hand. By means whrof, she was very well acquainted with all those, who in this perilous time professed the Gospel of Christ, but in the heat of her frenzy all her former love and zeal that she bore toward the congregation, being turned into an extreme and a deadly hatred, she raged so vehemently against the assembly of godly persons, that in all her madding time she had nothing else in her mouth, but cried upon the Inquisitors on this sort: Fire and faggots, fire and burn them; possessed (no doubt) of some evil spirit labouring quite to overthrow that good Christian congregation by the means of that mad woman. Therefore so soon as ever she was got loose, she went strait way with all speed to the Castle where the Inquisitours lay, & there knocked at the gates, which were opened unto her by and by, as commonly they are not straight kept upon any that can inform that holy Court against a sort of poor innocents. Whereupon at her first entrance within the gate, she required that in all haste she might come to the speech of the Inquisitours. Who straightway assembled all together in their Parlour, as it were to consult about some weighty affares, and sent for the woman before them to hear what she could say. Who immediately decared unto them, that she had brought them a Bedroll of Lutherans that swarmed abroad in the City, whiles they that should diligently see to such things, sat idle within and ouer-slipt their matters: and so began to reckon them, & if she had proceeded, she had appeached to the number of 300 and above, that were very earnest professors of the Gospel: but that the Inquisitours astonished at this sudden sight, and marveling at the first what this should mean (for till that time there had been little talk or none of any Lutherans): beside, espying many mad toys which she used in the telling of her tale (which was a truth indeed as she reported it) caused her to cease her prating in good time. Yet because they would not be thought negligent in doing their duty, though the matter were but of small importance, they kept the woman still, and sent for the good man in whose house she was kept, whom she meant to have made foreman in her bill, because he had enteated her somewhat roughly at such times as her fits were upon her, to the end to make her leave her raving. The man's name was Francisco à Cafra, the Parson of Saint Vincentes Church: who afterwards was imprisoned for religion & escaped away by a miraculous means: notwithstanding in the very first triumph over the Lutherans, they burned his picture. When he was fetched and brought afore them, being taken for a good honest man, they asked him what the woman meant by talking of such a number of Lutherans, etc. but he forthwith forcing a laughter, feigned himself to marvel at them, in that they perceived her not to be besides herself; declaring unto them, that she had bio in that plight by the space of two or three months, in so much that he was constrained to beat her and bind her, as was to see by her shoulders both black and blue, & by the print of the Irons on her legs: adding moreover, that he for God's sake and in the way of charity kept her at his house: from whence she broke loose, causing him and his whole household to seek her over all the city: howbeit he was now right glad that he had once met with her again, and found her safe. As for the Lutherans whom she prated of so much, he told them, that during the time of her fits, she had none other song, as most commonly mad folk will be always talking of some one special matter or other. And for the fetters wherein she was chained at his house, if it were their pleasures either to send any to see them, or to make enquiry of his neighbours about him, they should find all things so as he had reported, and therefore besought them, that some of their servants might take and bind the woman, and bring her home again to his house. Where at the woman fell into a great rage and exclamation, that all the castle rang withal, saying she was not mad, but he was the greatest and starkest Lutheran in all the City, that laded her with Irons, and scourged her daily most pitifully. At which words they all fell in a great laughter, and thereupon commanded their servants to take and bind her, and to carry her to her old home again, and to her cold Irons, commending him greatly for his good work, in taking upon him so great a charge as to deal with a mad woman, and to seek means to amend her; advising him henceforth to make her surer, lest she should chance to break loose hereafter, and make as much business at some other time. Thus the Inquisitours forgetting themselves and their own practices, lost at this time as great a prey, as all that amounteth unto which they had been scraping and gathering together in the harvest time and increase of the Church for two or three years before. But to return to our matter. It is furthermore to be considered and observed in this holy Court, that the Promoter never speaketh in open Court against any person, but only the Fiscal, who is, as it were, an Attorney general to move the Court in all the matters that are brought unto him, and to take all the informations, and follow them accordingly, so that the Promoter serveth him for a witness. Whereof, like (as of other things) I need not to bring any other proof or testimony than their own. Let every man therefore judge by what right or reason they do it.   

CHAP. V.  
The confutation of the witnesses.  
THen after 3. or 4. days, the party is commanded to come before them, and to put in his answer to the depositions. And with him cometh also his Advocate. But here I should not forget to tell you by the way, that whereas it is the part of every Advocate in all just causes diligently to confer with his Client about the depositions, and to advertise him which be the chief and principal points that require answer, and not only thus to do, but also to draw the answer himself, and set it in such order as most may further his Client's cause (else whereto doth an Advocate serve but for such purposes?) they leave the simple man to himself, to devose and dispose it as well as he can, having none in the world to help him, save God alone. And if you ask this holy Court the question, why they do in this behalf break and contemn this custom, which doubtless proceeded of the very law of nature, they can yield you no reason for it, nor make you any other answer, but only this: Forsooth there is a great difference betwixt this holy Court, and other common Courts. In very deed they say truth, and so it is: for all their nice quiddities were not worth a straw, if the parties might there frankly and freely defend themselves by such means as are to them by all laws allowable. But when the party hath already framed his answer so well as he can, then in good time his Advocate cometh in, to play his part at the length. Who very warily (I warrant you) and circumspectly, as he knoweth full well it standeth him upon, dealing in, so dangerous a case, lest he likewise, ere he be aware, fall into the Inquisitors hands by some little oversight, declareth unto his Client openly before the Inquisitors, which depositions they be that touch him nighest, and what be the great matters that are proved against him, who be witnesses with the witnesses, and who not, and that there is no good to be done any way but one, to guess if it be possible who is his accuser, and to devose exceptions against him. And yet it is not best for the Advocate here to be over busy in prating to the party, or to put him in mind of any further matter that might do him good, more than he by advisement and leisure can pick out of himself. Only this counsel he giveth him, to remember himself, and call his wits together when he is most at leisure, with whom he hath fallen out at any time, because it may be that some of his enemies have accused him for some old grudge. For if there be any apparent matter of some special quarrel that hath been betwixt the party and his accuser, this is all and the only cause of challenge that this Court will admit against any witness whatsoever. Furthermore, he declareth unto him, that he may refuse peremptorily such witnesses as have varied in their tales, or be his enemies, as is abovesaid: or if he can bring more witnesses, to prove that he hath always been an adversary to that whereof he is accused, and one that hath rather frequented and daily been conversant in the contrary. And here is all the help that the poor Client hath at his Advocates hands. Whereupon he is remanded to prison again, with this Item always, that he utter the truth, with a few menacing words now and then interlaced, more than well do beseem them, that if he will not be ordered in time, they will extort it out of him by extremity of law: whereby it is given the party to understand, that he shall be henceforth more straight examined, and more hardly dealt withal: insomuch that after three or four days respite given him to call his wits together, and to remember himself, they send for him again, and ask him whether he hath yet be thought himself, & have aught to say. But whether he hath, yea or no, his Advocates question is: If he have hit on the names of any of his witnesses or accusers. Wherein if the party can call any thing certainly to mind, he declares it unto the Inquisitors, praying them to consider, whether such and such men be not his accusers, betwixt whom and him there hath been an old grudge, which as yet resteth betwixt them uncompounded? Howbeit if he guess not a right, besides this, that his answer is not worth a button, both his whole three or four days labour spent in guessing, is quite lost, and his accusation abideth still untouched. But if he chance to guess right, his Advocate asketh him what exceptions he can take against such as he hath named, but dares not for his life directly tell him that he hath guessed aright, for it is not good for him I wis to talk so plainly. Yet when the Advocate hath heard his Clients exceptions, and taken the names of such witnesses as he nameth unto him for proof thereof, being now at more liberty than before, he taketh upon him the charge to examine those matters by interrogatories, and further domandeth of his Client, if he be able to bring-in proof for his better purgation, that he hath been a friend to the Friars and Monks, and familiarly acquainted with them, and diligently observed and kept all and singular the customs, rites, and ceremonies of the Church of Rome, and used to come often to shrift, and to receive his maker; and in passing by any image or cross, if he have done to them their due reverence, that it may appear that he is none of Luther's sect. Finally, if he can aver generally, that he hath been quite contrary to that whereof he is now accused. Which things if he proffer to prove particularly, the Inquisitors by solemn act in law do openly declare in Court, that they are content that he make his purgation accordingly within 9 days next after. The whole charge whereof, after that the party hath given in the names of those witnesses that deposed against him, resteth wholly on the Advocate, as I have said a little before. Howbeit every man hath not thus much favour showed him to make his purgation on this sort, but only in such cases, where the witnesses in their depositions agreed not with their fellows, nor greatly with themselves in their own tales. For otherwise they have but small succour or none at all to avoid them by making their own purgation, but only are admitted to take exception against the witnesses (as I said before) if they can devose who they be.  
And when the party is proceeded thus far, let him persuade himself, that God hath brought him thither for trial of his faith, whether it be pure and perfect, yea or no. For if he, upon hope to avoid the present peril of the body, determine to use such shifts for his succour in procuring his purgation by means aforesaid, albeit he be throughly quit in this Court concerning his duty & obedience to the Church of Rome and her Idolatries: yet be he well assured, in that general day of doom which will be so terrible to all creatures, & in the judgement of God's true Church, it will fall out against him far otherwise. It shall therefore stand a man upon in this case to look well about him, and to enter into his own conscience, and secretly debate with himself the causes of his imprisonment diligently. For if it be for the glory of God, and the free professing of the truth, and he forswear Christ, treading the blood of his testament under his feet, & denying the truth whereunto God hath called and raised him out of that deep dungeon of darkness, ignorance, and sin, hoping by these cursed and damnable means to escape the tyranny of men, perhaps he may do so for a season, and purchase the favour of men again: but let him him be most assured, that he shall never escape the sharp and most just judgement of God, from whose truth he is revolted: whose power is not only over the carcase to kill the body, but afterwards to throw the soul into utter darkness. Therefore if he have any spark of grace left alive within him, or any zeal either of God's glory, or love of his own salvation, or that the authority of our Redeemer may weigh with him any thing at all, saying: Whoso denieth me before men, him will I deny 
Matth. 10.  before my heavenly Father: and he that acknowledgeth me before men him will I also acknowledge before my Father and his Angels in heaven etc. he will wholly rest upon that authority, and stick to his tackling in that pinch, and utterly renouncing with heart and mouth all these means to save this temporal life, offered unto him by his Advocate and the judge (whereunto he cannot give his consent without great dishonour to his Creator, and danger of his own soul) will yield a plain and open confession of his faith, thinking himself a thousand times in better case, that God hath preserved him to that instant, to suffer some affliction for Christ's sake, battering in pieces this earthly tabernacle, that is to say, a full weak and wearyish body, for so noble a quarrel as is the honour of God and the building up of his Church. For these cursed means to save a man's life (which that holy house, the very sink of sin and iniquity, useth, of like courtesy and compassion as is in the Crocodile, to grant to these poor souls) are not here reported, to the end that the godly should learn hereby the shifts to save themselves, but rather, that by knowing them, they should utterly avoid and abhor them, and that the world may see that all the devices and policies of this holy Inquisition tend to no other end, but after they have laid their cruel hands, continually stained with the blood of some of the Saints, upon any person, if he relent and recant Gods glorious truth, so to destroy him both body and soul▪ if otherwise, yet at the least to kill his body, over which alone their power is able to extend itself in such as live in the fear and service of God duly and truly.  
Thus, after that the party hath endured two or three months in prison at the discretion of these good Fathers, they send for him forth once again to the place of this combat: where the Inquisitor beginneth to declare unto him, how that the witnesses which he brought for his purgation, have been heard what they can say, and therefore he desireth to see what he can say for himself, or else to draw to an end. Then he, after their accustomed manner, falleth to exhortation that he tell the truth, which is always one piece of their talk, so that I believe, a man should tell them a good long tale, ere they would be satisfied. Whereunto the party maketh them such reasonable answer as he thinketh best for his own case. Howbeit, unto diverse they use to put sundry questions, & oppose them in their own answer exhibited up by them in writing, quarrelling at every letter and syllable, like to subtle Sophisters. When the party hath spoken all that he hath to say, the fiscal concludeth upon his sayings; and lastly, the Inquisitors with the assent of their Council and Assistants give sentence when and what they list or like themselves, the Divines & Monks, and other of the Clergy first weighing and considering such things as the party hath uttered touching doctrine and faith, and so valuing it after their own rate and measure, and trying it by their own touch, which they call the qualification of doctrine. At what time if the party be able to prove substantially, that he never dealt in Christ's Gospel, which they, by a new name of their own coining, commonly call Luther's heresies, either they absolve him, and give him his Quiet us est, or else most commonly use to order the matter, and give judgement accordingly as they have him in a certain jealousy and suspicion still either more or less: Providing always, that none pass their hands without such marks and badges as he shall carry with him to his grave, in token that he hath been within the Inquisitors paw●. The marks are commonly these: Confiscation of their goods, imprisonment during life, or for a great part of it: A white linen garment with a red cross called a Samb●●it, and last of all, a 
The Inquisitours cognisance.  perpetual slander and ignominy to all his stock and posterity, such as never will be worn out, as shall be hereafter declared. But if the party shrink not for the matter, but constantly continue so confessing the truth, or disaffirme the depositions that be against him, having not excepted against the witnesses, he is sure ●o try the torments: whereof I have now to say somewhat.   

CHAP. VI  
The condemnation to the rack, and the manker of the execution thereof.  
THe state and condition of the godly (gentle reader) hath been evermore from the beginning hard and very miserable, in comparison of the prosperity which the wicked and ungodly enjoy in this world. For according to Christ's own saying in his Gospel after john, they think they do God great good service, which slay them upon every light occasion, and study daily by new devices and practices to circumvent them: whereof you have heard some sufficient proof before. And albeit the injurious dealings and subtle practices which I have declared already, be such as any good natured people, or that can be content to be ordered by law, reason, or equity, would worthily think intolerable: yet in respect of these that shall ensue hereafter, which I am now to show, they will seem not only sufferable, but very reasonable and full of equity and good conscience. For they do far exceed all barbarousness, yea I may well say all brutish and beastly madness, that a man cannot more aptly liken them to any thing in the world, then to that which they do most lively resemble, and from whence they proceed, that is to say, Satan their Sire: so that the devil, though he should force himself thereto, is not able in matters touching men, no nor in any thing else in the whole world, to go beyond them in these their most monstrous and devilish examples of tyranny: neither hath he any man's heart in his belly, that can without tears read or hear these things that hereafter ensue, which in rifling this butchery, wherein many a good soul upon trifling occasions, yea diverse of them guiltless (God knoweth) are made away, we will lay open before the face of the whole world, and pluck off their hood of holiness, wherewith they have bleared all men's eyes, and abused the whole world hitherto.  
After the sentence be once given, except it be to the rack, the party is not sent for again, till the great day of their glorious show; at what time he cometh out into open audience with the other prisoners that come to hear their judgements pronounced upon them, and every man forthwith to receive his punishment accordingly, unless he be found not guilty, and so quit by proclamation. For than is he kept in prison still by the space of 2. or 3. days after the triumph, that the world may think that he also departed out with the rest. And this forsooth is one of their holy devices, because they would not be thought to lay their hands upon any person rashly, or without good cause why: as they are wont oftentimes to tell the parties by the way, in such exhortations as they make unto them, to utter the truth. The holy house is so persuaded of their own doings, that what extremity soever they show unto the prisoners, yet they think they do unto them no injury. Howbeit diverse of them, whom they show special favour unto for certain causes to them known, are set at liberty, and sent away to their own houses two or three days before the great day of their solemnities, causing it to be noised abroad, that they were accused by false witnesses. Yet is this their sly dealing open enough to any man that list to mark it, even by this one thing, that a man shall never fee any such false witnesses openly punished therefore, which in all other cases are accustomably most sharply seen unto. But if they be determined to put any man to the rack at such time as he lest looketh for it, then shall he be sure to be brought into the Audience: where all the Inquisitors, or the greater part of them, sit in their seats of Majesty, and besides them the Provisor, as they term him, or deputy Ordinary of the Diocese, like a shepherd ready to slay one of his own flock, who of duty ought to be present, as well to hear the sentences given, as to see execution ministered. And at this Court-day they declare unto the prisoner, how the Inquisitours, with all the learned Council, have deeply considered his whole case, bearing him in hand, that they have found it out for a surety that he will not wholly declare the truth, & therefore are resolved, that he shall ride the rack, and there be spurred certain questions, and so by hook or by crook will wring it out of him, will he, nill he: therefore they advice him to do it voluntarily, as he will avoid the pain and peril of the rack. Whereunto they join a certain exhortation, which they intermingle with some sour speech of high and threatening words, and set it out with great severity of countenance, rehearsing unto him all the several torments of the rack as terribly as they can describe them, to make him quake in every joint of him. Yet whether he confess, or not confess, all is one, for to the rack he must go. Whereupon they send for the Officer, & command him to have the party into that place where 
The place where the prisoners are tormented.  the Rack standeth, which commonly is a deep and a dark dungeon under the ground, with many a door to pass thorough ere a man can come unto it, because such as are put thereto, should not be heard to shrike or cry: In the which place there is a scaffold reared; where the Inquisitor, the Provisor, and the Clerk do sit, to see the Anatomy made of him that is brought to them. Then the links being lighted, and all the players entered that have parts in this Tragedy, the Executioner, who tarrieth last to make all fast (as they say) and to see every man in before him, cometh also at the length, and of himself alone maketh a show worthy the sight, more than all the rest of that rout, being wholly arrayed all over from the top of his head to the sole of his foot in a suit of black canvas, such as the superstitious Spaniards wear on Maundy-thursday, when 
The description of the Tormentor.  they scourge and whip themselves, as the custom is in most places under Popery, if not in all: much like that apparel that the devils in stageplayss use here with us in England. Moreover, his head is covered with a long black hood that reacheth over all his face, having two little peep holes to see through, and all to this end, to make the poor soul the more afraid both in body and mind, to see one torment him in the likeness of a devil. O Lord, such are their holy guiles.  
After that the Lords be set down each in their places, they begin with him again, and exhort him afresh to speak the truth freely and voluntarily: otherwise at his own peril be it. For if either his arm, or his leg, or any other joint be broken in the Rack, as it happeneth to diverse, so that he chance to dye thereof (for more gently than so, they mean not to deal with him) let him blame no man but himself. For they think that after they have given him this fair warning, they are now discharged in conscience both before God and man, and therefore are guiltless, what harm soever come unto him by means of the Rack, yea though he die thereon as innocent as the child newly borne. After this, with sharp rebukes and menacing words, they command that the party be stripped stark naked, be it he or she, yea though it were one well known to be the most honest and chaste maiden or matron in all the city (as they be never lightly without sundry such in this their shambles) whose grief I dare well say is not half so great in respect of any torments that presently they endure, as it is to be seen naked in such a presence, and of such manner of persons. For these wicked Villains without any regard of humanity or honesty, (which me thinks they should somewhat respect, if it were but only for their long beards and side-gownes, with the name & countenance of gravity and holiness which they pretend, seeing that neither for God's sake, nor for the honesty of the good and godly matrons and sober maidens they will not forbear one jot of that barbarous impudence) cause them first to be stripped into their shirts and smocks, and then out of them also well-nigh (saving your reverence) up to their privities, drawing on a close linen breech, & after that make bare their arms also to their shoulders, as though the Wrench and Rack, wherewith they are about to torment them, were not able to pierce their linne, or as though their linen breeches would more mannerly cover those parts, which they may be ashamed to discover, than could their side-shirts or smocks. And here those rank Rams declare how they will not lose that devilish pleasure which they take in that shameful and unseemly sight, though the poor wretches that suffer this, buy it both with pain and shame enough full dear. The which thing surely is a good occasion, why that after this shameful and impudent dealing of these Fathers of the faith be once noised and bruited abroad, they whose wives or daughters either have already, or may hereafter fall, or presently are in this the holy Father's foul handling, suffering this shameful villainy, should be utterly abhorred and shunned of all the people wheresoever they go, aswell of Papists as of other, because they ought to esteem the honesty and chastity of their daughters and wives above all other treasures. But to return to our purpose.  
When the parties are thus stripped out of all their clothes, be it he or she, into their linen breeches, they signify unto the Tormenter by some token, in what sort they would have the party ordered. For this is one other piece of their art, to talk by signs and watchwords like to pedlars french, wherein from the highest to the lowest all the pack of them in that cursed Court, as well jack layler, as my Lord judge, can understand one another very readily. As for the torments by the which these holy Father's use to bring men to their belief, as they be many in number, so in sorts they are sundry, yea more by a great many than any poor soul is able to endure, or can come to the knowledge of.  
But the most usual be the jeobit and Pullie with water, 
The jeobit or Pullie.  cords, and fire: whereof I mean to speak severally. And yet have they one other cast at him first ere he go to his punishment, persuading him afresh to utter whatsoever he knoweth either by himself or by others of his acquaintance: In the mean space, while they are thus communing with him, one cometh behind him, and bindeth his hands with a cord, 8. or 10. times about: and because nothing should be thought to be done without authority and order of law, the Inquisitor calleth upon him to strain each harder than other. Being thus bound to the Rack, they begin yet once again to persuade with him: and besides the binding together of his hands, they also cause his thumbs to be bound with some smaller line drawn very straight, and so fasten both the lines that tie both his hands and thumbs to a certain Pullie which hangeth on the jeobit. Then knock they great and heavy bolts upon his heels, if the party have none already, or else hang betwixt both his feet upon those bolts which he hath, certain weights of Iron, at the first time but of five pound, and so hoist him up from the ground. Whiles the poor wretch hangeth in this plight, they fall to their persuasions once again, commanding the hangman to hoist him up on high to the very beam, till his head touch the Pullie. Then cryeth the Inquisitor and the Clerk upon him to confess somewhat, promising to let him down out of hand, if so be that he willbe ruled: otherwise, they tell him that he is like to tarry there till he would be glad to declare whatsoever they would have him. After he hath hung thus a good space, and will grant nothing, they command him to be let down, and twice so much Iron more to be laid on his heels, and so hoist up again one inch higher if it may be, threatening him that he shall dye none other death, except he declare unto them the truth in such matters as they demand of him; & therefore charge the hangman to let him up and down, that the weight of the Iron hanging at his heels, may rend every joint in his body from other. At which intolerable pains piercing all the parts of his body, if the party shrike or cry out (as he hath good cause to do) they are as loud on the other side, roaring and yelling upon him to declare the truth then, or else they tell him he shall come down with a vengeance. Neither will they only say so, but the party shall find it so. For if he continue in the same mind, they go on forward as fast in their mad moods, and bid the hang man to slip the ropes suddenly, that he may fall down with a sway, and in the half way to stop, & give him the Strappado: which being done with a trice, all his whole body is out of frame, both arms, 
The Strappado.  shoulders, back, legs, and all the rest of his joints, by reason of the exceeding great weight hanging at his heels, and the sudden sway tearing each part from other. And yet here is no ho with them neither. For renewing their exhortation and threats, if he will not yield unto them, they cause more Iron to be added the third time: so that the poor wretch being in that pitiful plight, half dead and more, is by their commandment heaved up once again; and to mend the matter withal, besides the extremity of his griefs, they begin to rail upon him, call him Dog and Heretic that will stand so obstinately in concealing the truth, and at the length tell him that he is very like there to make his end. Now if the pitiful creature in the midst of his pangs call upon Christ (as for the most part, all that are thus persecuted for his truth's sake do) that he would vouchsafe to aid and assist him, thus miserably tormented, and almost slain for his sake, then fall they to mocking and deriding him, saying, jesus Christ, jesus Christ. Let jesus Christ alone, and tell us the truth. What a crying out upon Christ makest thou? confess what we ask thee, and make us no more ado. In much like sort (as a man may easily judge) were the blasphemous speeches of the jews against our Saviour himself, saying: Behold he calleth for Elias. He trusteth in God, let him deliver him now if he will: for he 
Math. 27. Psal. 22.  calleth himself the Son of God. Which is a true token and most evident argument, that it is Christ against whom they kick and make all this broil: whose name when it is called upon by such as suffer for his sake, they do so ill digest, that they can hardly abide to hear him named, or once spoken of. But if the party at any time desire to be let down, promising to tell them somewhat, and perform it indeed, that is the very ready way to make him be worse handled than before, because they think that now he beginneth only to broach his matters. For as soon as this tale is at an end, they begin afresh to exhort, to threat, to rack him, giving charge to hale him up, and to let him down again in such sort as is before declared. This execution for the most part continueth from nine of the clock in the morning till high noon, or an hour after: and when they are disposed to leave him and let him down for that time, the Inquisitours for a policy ask the layler if his other instruments be in a readiness, to put the party in fear of further torment's, being almost dead with these already. The layler answereth that they are ready, but that he hath not brought them with him. Then see (say they) that they be made ready against to morrow, and look that nothing be wanting. For we will try one way or another, whether we can get the truth out of this fellow, yea or no; and so depart, giving these and such like words of comfort to the poor wretch that lieth distracted in every limb: How now Sirrah? how like ye this gear? have ye enough of it, or no? Well, see yet betwixt this and to morrow, that ye call your wits to you, and bethink yourself what to say, or else look to die none other death but this: and yet we promise thee that all this is but a fleabiting in comparison of that which thou art like to feel; and so depart. Then beginneth the jailer to play the bonesetter so well as he can, and to put his arms and leges in their right joints again: and putting on his clothes, bringeth him back to his prison, or carrieth him rather, having never a leg to stand upon, yea sometime draggeth him by the arms or legs tootoo pitifully: and then forsooth for fashion sake, and to seem somewhat merciful (minding in deed no such matter) telleth him that a Surgeon shall be sent for if need be.  
But if they be determined to put the party no more to the rack, then within two or three days they send for him forth again into the Audience, and provide so, that in the way from the prison, as he passeth by the place where the rack-stocke standeth & is commonly occupied, the hangman shall stand for the nonce, to show himself in the self same likeness of a Devil, the which I have before described, that the party in passing by, may have a sight of him, and thereby be occasioned the more to remember his former torments. Who coming into the Court, findeth the Inquisitor, the Ordinary and the Clerk ready set each man in his place; which after their manner fall in hand with him, sometime by persuasions, and sometime by earnest entreaty, moving him to utter somewhat. At which time if they prevail not, neither can get any thing out of him, they cause him to be carried to prison again. But if he declare any thing, they press him the more, and such matter it may be his hap to disclose, that it may chance to purchase him the Rack once more, upon hope of getting some greater matters at his hands. Marry if they were resolved before to put the party to the Rack once again, then about 3. days after his last being there, when the ache in his joints is most grievous and painful unto him, they send for him again to come before them; and what with earnest entreaty and with terrible threats, they labour to have him shrive himself of all his opinions and heresies, and to appeach as well such persons with whom he hath had conference in such matters, as also all other whom he knoweth to be of the same mind and opinion. Otherwise, they will him to make himself ready for the Rack: wherein if it be his chance either to be mainmed in any part of his body, or to receive his death's wound, let him blame no man but himself. And if he continue still the same man that first he was, the keeper is commanded that once again he provide the Rack, all the v parties taking their places as before to see him stripped out of his clothes, and put to it once again in such sort as is before declared, or somewhat worse, after this manner.  
The party having his hands bound behind him and hanging at the Pullie, they bind both his thighs together with small, but very strong cords, and so in like manner his legs about the calf or leg. Then put they betwixt the cords and his legs a short piece of wood, wherewith they wrest the strings so stiff till they be so deep sunk into his flesh, that they are past sight: a very extreme and a terrible torment, and much worse than any that as yet he hath endured. In this plight the poor soul lieth by the space of two or three hours, abiding the Inquisitours goodwill & pleasure: who nevertheless cease not to molest and trouble him all this while, either by questioning, or entreating, or persuading or flouting & mocking him, or disquieting him one way or another. Or in stead hereof, they practise, as they think best, another kind of torture: which, albeit it be used upon offenders in other places aswell as in this, yet for one especial point of cruelty added by them, we may justly ascribe it to their holy Court as a device of their own. The name of it, as it is commonly called, is Burri or Aselli, and the manner of it is this. 
Burri or Aselli.  There is a bench made of massy timber, wrought somewhat hollow on the upper part like a trough, so large that a man may lie open in it on his back; and thereabouts as his midriff lieth, there is a sharp bar going cross overthwart, whereon a man's back resteth that it cannot settle to the bottom, because the party should find the less ease, where otherwise he might stay or rest his back against the bottom of the trough: being also placed in such sort, that his heels shall lie higher than his head. When the party is laid hereon, his arms, thighs, and legs are bound with very stiff and small cords about the midst of the main bone, which afterwards they strain with certain stiff wresting sticks or truncheons put underneath the cords, till the cords be settled down within the flesh, and pierce almost to the very bone, insomuch that they be clean out of sight, and then cometh in this 
The Torment by water & the land.  device of their own addition: First, they take a very fine and a close land or linen cloth, and overspread the party's mouth therewith as he lieth upright, so as it may stop his nostrils also, that when the water is poured into his mouth, he should take in no air at his nose. Then take they a certain quantity of water, so much as it pleaseth the Inquisitours to appoint, which they pour upon the cloth, not by drops, but in the manner of a long stream like a thread: which having somewhat a high fall, beareth down with it the fine linen cloth into the furthest part of his throat. And here, whoso should behold the poor wretch in this pitiful case, would think him, I dare say, to be in as great an agony as any man is at the giving up of the ghost. For in all other torments a man may have liberty to draw his breath: only here he cannot, by reason that the water stoppeth his mouth, and the cloth his nostrils, so that when they pluck it out of the bottom of his throat (as many times they do, to see whether he will answer to their demands, yea or no) the cloth is so wet with water and blood together, that a man would think the very intralles would come out of his body. And thus the party continueth in these pangs so long as pleaseth them, with promises of sharper sauces than any that he hath tasted as yet, and so they send him to prison again.  
But if these good Fathers be disposed to deal with him further, & proceed to other greater tortures (for their lust is law in this their lawless Court, where right & reason can take no place) then within a month or two under or over, as they think best, the party is once again brought to the rack, some twice, thrice, four, five or six times, & therein entreated easily or roughly as it pleaseth the Inquisitors to appoint. And some are tormented in another sort, that is no where else used but in this holy House, the which is termed by fire, the description whereof is shorter to show 
The Torment by fire.  than the rest, but the pains and cruelty, as great altogether. They take a charcoal pan of Iron full of hot coals, which they setiust over against the soles of a man's feet before he go to the foresaid rack, and to the end that the fire might have the more force to burn them, they baste them with lard or bacon.  
Thus after they have occupied and unedged all their tools one after another, and are past hope of having any thing at the party's hands, they respite him for a season to take his rest, and after a while call him before them again, and fall to questioning with him, enquiring and requiring many things in a far other order than they used before, in such terms as every word may minister matter enough to quarrel at. The questions also are framed so cunningly and Point de vice (for this is their only shift that never faileth them) that by granting one thing, they must needs grant another, and deny the contrary to that. For these Fathers are passing good Logicians, and marvelous subtle Sophisters, their craftsmasters I warrant them, which notwithstanding that they are daily in ure with such matters, will not stick to take a little pains, and upon study to coin cases and questions for the nonce: which to help their memory withal, lest when the time cometh that they should have use thereof, they might forget them, are written and laid open before them: so that if the party, when any thing is demanded of him, be never so little reckless, it is not possible for him to avoid them, but that one way or other they will overtake him. The only help for a man therefore in this case is, to have a perfect remembrance of all such things as he hath delivered up into their hands: for it is but in vain for him to crave to have them read unto him, because either they will not grant him that; or if they do, yet will they read much amiss. Wherefore if he do mistrust his own memory, let his answer be this, that he wholly referreth them to his former doings and sayings, and in any case avoid reasoning with them. Or if by their subtleties of Logic, they infer any thing thereupon, which either he knew not of, or else never affirmed, let him take heed in any case how he answereth it, lest either they entrap him in some new matter, or else drive him to the denying of God's truth most wickedly. And the readiest way will be, to cut off all their questions with a quick and a round answer, and to tell them plainly that he was never set to school in all his life to learn these quiddities in argument, nor exercised in any manner of disputation. For these fellows are so cunning herein, and so full of interrogations and strange devices, beside, so troublesome therewithal, and so importunate, that many times they will get that out of a man by these means, when all the racking in the world will do no good.  
As at Siuil not long agone, they apprehended a certain godly Matron, whose husband they had burned a little before, and so made her a widow. But because her confession, while she was on the rack, and there tormented most cruelly, was by their own decrees insufficient either to condemn her to the stake, or to confiscate her goods such as they were, and yet, if they could but get only thus much out of her, that she knew full well that the Church of Rome had determined clean contrary to that which she affirmed, this should be sufficient cause to make her to forfeit that poor remnant of her riches that she had to keep herself withal in her widowhood, though poorly (God knows) they did rather compel her by their importunity, than compass it by their Sophistry, that she was content to say so much. For perceiving that else they would never make an end thus to molest and trouble her, Indeed (saith she) I confess that the Church of Rome hath so determined, and therefore I pray you enter in mine answer to be so, and let me depart quietly; and afterward as you shall see cause, determine what shall become of me or mine at your pleasure. Whereunto they gave her never a word, but only wrote as she had said, and sought no further▪ For whether it were so yea or no, what care they, so the party say so much, that they may have the spoils whatsoever, either by hook or by crook.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Certain other devices to drive the prisoners to confess such matters as the Inquisitors are desirous to understand of.  
WHen the extremity of torments with the subtle practices before expressed will do no good, but that the party constantly endureth the one, and anoydeth the other very cunningly, then fall these good Fathers to other far better fetches to their thinking, wherein whoso is able in a device to go beyond the rest, is counted a chief Champion, and therefore hath yielded unto him the pre-eminence of place above other in this holy House. Being therefore past all hope of having any thing at the party's hands by foul means, they device to compass him by fair, showing themselves very mild and merciful, and so affectioned, as though the misery and affliction which they see the other in, went to their own hearts. They weep with him, they entreat him, they comfort him, they give him their advice, and devose for him some secret means to rid him out of his misery, making him believe that they tell him that in secret, which they would scarce tell to their own fathers, or brethren, or dearest friend that they have alive, with many other like words. And this they use commonly to do to such as be the simpler sort of people, but specially to women, which for the most part are not so cunning to discern forced and feigned tears. Therefore when the Inquisitors begin to use them so gently, and to proffer them such kindness, then let the party see to himself warily, and learn betimes to discern whereabouts they go in using such flattering speeches, assuring himself, that they are but fair baits put upon sharp hooks: whereof I will of a number report unto you one example.  
The very first time that they began to burn for religion at Seville, (which was divers years since,) among certain other that were for the same cause apprehended, there was a very godly Matron, with two of her own Daughters and one of her sister's children, who having passed all these aforesaid pikes with manlike constancy, were pressed very sore to betray some of their brethren, but especially one to appeach another. One of the Inquisitors counterfeiting a marvelous kind of compassion towards these silly women, sent for one of the daughters to come unto him. And when she was come, they two being alone together, he began to make a long speech unto her in way of consolation, and afterwards sent her to prison again. This he used to do diverse times and upon several days, always towards the evening, and there held her a great while, declaring unto her, how great a grief it was to him to see her in these troubles: and therewithal would interlace some other pleasant communication more familiarly many times, than did well become him. Which tended to none other end (as it fell out in proof) but to persuade the maiden, that he of very good affection sorrowed to see her in such distress; that in seeing him so fatherly advice her what the best were both for herself & her mother & sister to do in this case, she should wholly commit herself and her cause to his ordering. After that two or three days had been thus spent in such like conference and familiar communication, weeping (as it were) over her for the misery which she was in, with other many more arguments and tokens of compassion, wherein he uttered the affections and sorrows of his heart for her pitiful estate, with often protestation of his good will and best furtherance to his power: after all these polices (I say) when the wily Wolf was sure that the simple sheep was within his reach, he beginneth to persuade with her to disclose unto him the truth of the matter, aswel in such things as touched her mother, sister and aunt, as any other that were not as yet apprehended, binding himself by an oath, that if she would so do, and disclose to him whatsoever she knew concerning these matters, he himself would stop all these gaps well enough, and find a means that they should all depart home again quietly to their own houses. The maiden being but simple witted, was soon induced to credit the fair promises and allurenents of this flattering Father, and thereupon beginneth to open unto him certain points of religion whereof they were wont to confer among themselves, in manner almost, as if one should give holy things to a dog, or cast pearls before a swine. The Inquisitor having gotten this thread by the end, laboured to unwind the whole clew, and therefore calling in the maiden many times before him, to the end that her depositions might be entered by order of law, made her believe that he would take it up and end it so reasonably, that she should receive no manner of harm thereby, and in the last day of hearing made a repetition unto her of all his former promises, as to set her at liberty again, and such like. But when the time came that she looked verily for the performance thereof, there was no such matter, but chose my Lord the Inquisitor and his adherents perceiving how this device had brought somewhat to light, which all their extremities otherwise could in no case do, to the end to make her confesse● the residue, determined once again to have her upon the rack, wherein she endured most intolerable pains both upon the Pullie and the Trough, until they had, as it were, in a press wrung out of her aswell her belief, as also forced her to accuse those persons whom they had hunted after so long. For the damosel through very extremity of pangs and torments, was driven to betray her own natural mother, and sisters and diverse others, that were thereupon immediately apprehended, and afterward put to the torments, and at the length sent to the fire.  
Moreover, the self same maiden within a while after played a notable part in testimony of her belief. For when she was brought up unto the solemn scaffold with other ofher companions there to be seen of all the people, and every one to hear sentence of death pronounced upon them, as she returned thence to her place again; having heard her judgement, which was to be burned, she came to her Aunt who had been her Schoolmistress, and taught her her catechism and belief (for the profession whereof she should presently be executed) and with a bold courage without change of countenance, bending her head downward maidenly, gave her most hearty thanks for that exceeding great benefit in taking the pains to instruct her, and prayed pardon at her hands if at any time she had offended her, for that she was now at the point of taking her death, and departing this life. Whom her Aunt on the other side comforted as stoutly, willing her to be of good cheer, and to let nothing disquiet her, for she hoped in God that she should be with Christ ere it were long. And this did she in the presence & hearing of all the people, but specially of all those of the holy House and their adherents. This Aunt of hers was the self same woman, which a year or two before being mad had detected the whole congregation to the Inquisitours, whereof I made mention before: who being restored to her former wits again by the goodness of God, so well as the relics of her disease would let her, did now both confess his truth, and for the same endured most horrible and loathsome imprisonment and torments: moreover, was openly whipped, and so remained in prison during the rest of her life. But to return to their practices.   

CHAP. IX.  
Certain other more secret practices,  
THe passing excellency of these practices which presently I intend to discover, is such, that they rather deserve to have some special place by themselves, then to be thrust in here confusedly among these other gross and common devices. For they do as far pass all the other that have been spoken of heretofore, as there is difference in dignity betwixt a Court of Pipowders and the high Court of Parliament. The first whereof in order as it falleth out, and the most mystical (and I believe as beneficial to their box as all the rest) is the abuse of their sacrament (as they term it) of Confession, which by their own decretals is no small offence. But all is law in this holy House (as I said before) whatsoever they list. Their deucie is this: Whensoever any of the prisoners beginneth to be but a little crazy, they ask him whether he be disposed to go to holy shrift. The which is done for two especial considerations. The one is, to prove whether he like well of their holy confession, yea or no. The other, to see if perchance he will be persuaded to say somewhat under Benedicite, either touching himself or any other, that this holy house may be set on work. If the party be willing, at hand is Sir john and a Clerk behind him with pen and ink left behind the prison door, & so the ghostly father falleth to his Confitetor: in process whereof he examineth the sick man first generally, & then specially, whether he hold any of Luther's articles, chiefly in this or that article, or have at any time conferred with any other concerning the like causes: finally, of whom & by what occasion he heard them, etc. willing him boldly to confess it & to fear nothing, neither to think any such villainy to be in him as to reveal it, saying that he hath authority immediately from the high Commissioners to absolve him of all, so that he discharge his conscience: with other such like talk to the same effect. Now if the party follow him so far that he begin to confess aught, then is he surely caught. For when he hath poured out all, & said what he can say in these cases (though he do it through the earnest & wicked persuasions of the priest) then doth he charge him further to confess the same before a Notary, otherwise he tells him that his absolution is nothing available unto him. And if the party yield unto him so much, & be content so to do, than the clerk, who lieth lurking not far off, is straightway sent for, and so▪ is this matter dispatched. But if he refuse, either mistrusting him altogether, or else half in doubt to credit him, yet is he no less indangered by disclosing it to the Priest, than if he had confessed it before a Notary. For this kind of confession is not right auricular, but all is done aloud, by means that the crafty confessor repeateth the words after him, and so driveth the party to answer him almost in the self same note: who knoweth not nor feareth any such matter, that there lurketh any body ●o closely behind the door to hear or, write what he speaketh. Then after they have gotten thus much, either they charge the party therewith, or else by occasion hereof examine him further upon greater matters, & thereupon pick a new quarrel with him, to the intent to use more extreme tortures. Neither doth this good ghostly Father either fear excommunication, or feel any trouble in his conscience, for revealing his ghostly son's confession, both because he is persuaded, that a little loud speaking, and in somewhat a higher note than the secrets of confession would well allow, is not to be accounted any disclosing at all; & for that, whatsoever he did, was done in the service and behalf of the holy ●louse.  
julianus Apostata (as histories of very good credit do report) spoilt the Christians of all that they had, and coloured his thievery with a false gloze upon the Gospel; whereas Christ commanded all his Disciples to love poverty, and to be careless for things of this world. At another time he persecuted them most cruelly, and exhorted them to patience, saying, that Christ had given them an example. And no doubt, these holy Fathers have borrowed one of their devices of him. For when they see any constatly & like a good Christian man to continue aswel in his faith towards God, as charity towards his brethren, they hedge him in with this argument: Now surely Sir, you are but a●faint Christian belike. For you pretend the doctrine of the Apostles and Primitive Church: and the Apostles and Martyrs in those days being brought before the Ethnic Magistrates, and examined whether they confessed Christ or no, answered plainly that they did: and being further demanded, what fellows & companions they had, would tell the truth at the first. Therefore ●●th you profess yourselves to be followers of them & their examples, in like sort should you confess of yourselves and of your fellows. And this is their goodly reason that they make. In very deed julianus Apostata spoke truth, that Christians in the time of affliction should not be wavering, nor given to the gathering of these earthly treasures. Even so (say the Inquisitors) should a Christian man coming before a temporal judge, and there examined of his belief, yield a plain and evident declaration of the same. But they lie both of them by their leave, when they say that the Christians in those days did of like zeal betray their brethren unto the Ethnic judges, as they did make open confession of their faith: for that were flat against the rule of charity. And therefore it is a plain matter, that in all other things the Inquisitours are altogether as bad as ever julianus was, because they use the self same reasons that he did, and all to one effect: that is to say, to make waste in the Church of Christ, by cutting down the branches thereof, making but a jest of the laws of true Religion.  
As there was once an Inquisitor, and one of the chiefest of them, whom it shall not be greatly amiss to touch by name, because if his friends hap to read this, they may acknowledge it to be true that I will report of him. His name was john Gonsalue, borne at Sivil, and Bishop of Tarracon. 
The Bishop of Tarracon.  It was his common saying (which I believe other of his fellows learned of him) speaking of such as were brought before him for the profession of Christ, that it was a wonderful thing to consider, how firmly these heretics have engraven in the tables of their hearts this commandment: Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, which will never be brought to confess of their fellows, till they be almost torn in pieces with torments, and yet can ye not get it out of some of them by these means neither: such notable testimonies hath true religion oftentimes, even of those that are her deadly enemies. For the law of God concerning both the Tables, is perfectly written and sealed in the hearts of true Christians, and the print of this seal of God's law is not elsewhere to be found but in these only. But all the Laws of the flesh are signed with this mark: To day mine own man, and yours to morrow. And surely, me thinketh, a Christian Bishop ought to have been very much ashamed to be so blind and ignorant therein, and not alone so to be, but thereunto to add such blasphemy beside.  
The selfsame Bishop (seeing we have begun to talk of him) was sent from the King's Court to Siuil to be one of the Commissioners in the Inquisition there, about two or three years before: at what time so great a multitude of the faithful were first espied, of the which even till this day, at certain times appointed there be diverse sent to the fire. For all his Predecessors were not worth a straw in comparison of him, neither half so stout as he, nor so cunning in bringing their matters about as was this one man, but specially such as concerned the holy Inquisition. For until this time there was never an able man, that was thought so provident as to prevent so great a mischief before it happened, or otherwise able to uphold the Church of Rome drooping, as it were, by means thereof, and in danger of ruin. But for any other good qualities that were in him to commend him to this Office, or sufficiency to discharge it, I report me to himself, I report me to them that chose him to this room, yeal report me to all that ever knew him, if there were any thing in him at all that might prefer him, specially and above his fellows, either appearance of learning, or skill in Divinity, or knowledge in the ecclesiastical Histories, or any great reading of the ancient Fathers or the late Writers (whose authority the Church hath worthily in great estimation) or if he were greatly seen in matters of faith, whereof they term themselves the Inquisitors and judges, as it were, both of oyer and terminer, in these cases: to be short, if there were any known and approved godliness of life and conversation in this man: wherein the whole pack of them flatter themselves so much, that they arrogate unto themselves a very gay and glorious title thereby, but rather because he was more cruel and unnatural, and somewhat more sly in the devices and practices of the Inquisition than the rest were. In respect whereof, he obtained both a discharge from his service, and a fat Bishopric beside in recompense of his travails, and partly in consideration that he was an old forworne soldier; and having now good leisure, like a wicked imp of Rome, returned to his old occupation again. At the selfsame time whiles he remained in commission at Sivil, so many were apprehended for professing the Gospel, that he was driven to bestow some of them in his own lodging, because all the prisons in the town were not able to receive them, the number was so great. Yet his Reverend Lordship wanted neither time nor leisure to take his pleasure abroad, and to row upon the river in Barges titled with purple and silk, with such preparation as had better beseemed one of Sardanapalus scholars, than any sober man or Christian Bishop: accompanied with Musicians, but not with the Muses, having a very great train after him beside, and so passing to his garden adjoining thereunto, all the whole people gazing upon him, and running in heaps and throngs to see this sight. In very deed these triumphs & jollities were not greatly out of the way for him and his mates to delight in, their matters being in such plight as they were; and the Church of God, whereunto he was a professed enemy, so full of troubles, vexations, and afflictions. But to return to their practices again.  
Whensoever these good gentlemen are desirous to learn out a certainty of such as live altogether in one prison, (whom they suspect to have some conference in matters touching salvation, either by way of exhortation, or by comforting & confirming one another in the faith, being in so great misery as they are) they send in a Fly among them (as the prisoners use to term him) whom the Inquisitors cast in prison craftily and for a colour, to mark every man's talk, who after two or three days that he hath once crept into their acquaintance, will begin afar off to offer some talk in matters of Religion, making as though he would be glad either to teach others, or to learn himself, and by these subtle devices many of the simple sort are soon beguiled. Wherefore let every man take heed after this fair warning, that he be not overlight of credit in trusting strangers too far (I mean such as are put in prison with them,) having no manner of acquaintance with them before. And to the intent that they may know such a Fly the better, I will give them one sure token: to wit, he will commonly be the first that will offer talk, and pretend a zeal towards true Religion, both beside time and without occasion: and then shall they do well to let him preach alone till his chaps ache, giving him never a word. For if he chance to get any thing out of any of his fellows that he longed for, so soon as the jailer cometh to visit his prisoners at his accustomable hours, he is straightway in hand with him to crave a day of hearing for him, as the manner is that sometimes the prisoners will sue for. But so soon as he is out, I warrant them, the rest that tarry behind, shall shortly after feel the fruits of his fellowship, little to their liking. A marvellous matter, doubtless, that men should be so devilishly bend, to be content for a small gain of a little money, to serve in such offices, so much to their own hindrance, that to obtain their purpose they stick not to lie in prison with others bound and chained as they be, by the space of two or three months, and then to endure all the other miseries incident thereunto, as hunger, filth, stench, which the other prisoners can in no case away withal by their wills, and yet can these men with all their hearts. Besides this (a more wonderful thing to consider) they will so pass from one prison to another, that they are no sooner out of one, but by and by they willbee in another, and so in the second and third, etc. and be content to endure the same extremities twice, thrice, or four sundry and several times, yea, all their life long to feed upon these dishes of dainties. And when this good fellow is out of prison, and come before them to yield account of his office, he doth not only declare what he hath heard the prisoners say, but also what countenance they made him when he called these matters of Religion into question, and how they took it, whether as liking or misliking therewithal, or what opinion he hath of them, though they never answered him one word. And this man's accusation is of as great force as the strongest and most allowable witness that is or can be, and is without all exception, be he never so mean a man either in calling, or credit, or common reputation of men: yea though he be but a lakes-farmer, & serve in his place for a small reward, yet is he reputed a worthy member for that purpose, well beseeming such a head as is that holy House of theirs. It happeneth also many times, that some such as are apprehended for Religion, fall into the company of some that are laid in for special matters; who to curry favour with the Inquisitors, will villainously accuse their fellows whom they have heard confer together in pure and sound doctrine: and the testimony of such persons is of the greatest credit that can be, and most highly esteemed in their holy House. For to the state of the matter, or qualification as they term it, a great respect is to be had of the circumstances; as the prison, the person of the accuser, and the party accused.  
Other Flies there be also which serve the holy House to do the like feat abroad out of prisons, secretly and slily going about to compass in by like wiles such as are among the common people suspected to be Lutherans; whereof some have so good wings, that they will fly quite over the sea into very far countries to take such as are content to leave Spain, and banish themselves thence, to the end that they may live the more safely in other places elsewhere: such is the earnest zeal which these good Fathers have both to the glory of God, and the health of men's souls. But to keep within the bounds of Spain, & to speak only of those that fly about the Cities there where this holy Court is kept: there are a great sort of ghostly Fathers, both Priests and Monks, which are not behind with their parts in playing the Flies. To whom if a simple man, and one whom God hath sent some light of his word unto, do chance to resort, and in process of his confession open his conscience unto them, either doubtingly, or else as only ready persuaded, praying to be further instructed or confirmed▪ they labour not only to quench that light which began to shine in his heart, but some of them are in hand with him, either by gentle entreaty, or sometime by threatening him terribly, to the end to get him to go to the holy House there to accuse himself, promising him in the behalf of the Lords the Inquisitors, that he shall have all favour showed him that may be: so that it cometh to pass many times, that the poor souls like silly sheep, will run of their own accord into the Wolves mouth to be torn in pieces and devoured every morsel.  
Another policy they have which they put in practice likewise, more unhonest by a great deal then this, which is also borrowed out of the Inquisitours budgets. After they have groped a man's conscience that suspecteth no such treachery at a holy man's hand, specially under their blessed Benedicite, they dissemble the matter for that time without contrarying him, willing him to resort unto them the next day when they shall have better leisure to hear him thoroughly, and to talk with him more freely in those matters, and so send him away half shriven, with half a confession ill-favouredly cut off. His meaning is this, that when the party cometh the next morrow, & communeth with him of the self same matters out of shrift, he may freely, and without danger of revealing his confession, complain of him to the Inquisitours: neither doth this their purpose want his performance. This religious rout (forsooth) can choke with agnat, & swallow down a camel. And of such crafty dissemblers, diverse have gotten this good by their travail at the Inquisitours hands, that if any thing escape them ignorantly or for want of heed taking (as it happeneth many times) which had been enough to have heaped coals enough upon another's man's head, though the same things were proved against them so manifestly that they could not be denied, yet can the Inquisitours be content to wind up such matters and wink at them wisely, accounting it a greater loss to forgo the gains that cometh trolling in by such fellows, than the spoil were worth that might be gotten by taking advantage of them. Of the which sort I could, if I were disposed, reckon up a great number by name, and sure they well deserve it for their wicked dealings in this kind of service, to be so served. But I mean to suppress their names in consideration of God's great might and mercy, who may hereafter show his favourable countenance unto them, and grant them grace to repent (as I know he hath done unto diverse) and then should I repent me too late, that their names were made so infamous and execrable to the Congregation by my means, though for their own demerits. For truly a great number of these at the first knew the truth, yea some of them preached and taught it to others. But so soon as the storm began to arise, and to try each man's building upon what foundation it stood, on the rock or on the sands, they thought it wisdom for them to go back with that leg betimes. And being moreover assured that diverse had them in a great jealousy for so doing, they imagined that they could not sponge out that stain by any other means, then if they should become Promoters of such as had been their fellows and companions tofore, & so to become daily Guests and stout Servitors to this holy House; and thus were persuaded that they had taken a ready way to save themselves from the Inquisitours. But what consciences they carry about within them, and what testimonies of the terrible judgements of God provided for them, they know best themselves. It shall be sufficient that I give this Item by the way, to consider that it is not any zeal in the Inquisitours of the truth or cutting down heresies, that moveth them to such butcherlike slaughters as these (the which things both they pretend to do, and the common people are like wise persuaded of them) though we should yield unto them so far that they be erroneous opinions which they correct so severely. For if it were so, then should they not have favoured them that that have done them so profitable service, and procured them so great gains as is said before. Nay, all the zeal which they have, is rather to fill the king's Treasury & their own purses. Yet if we respect the chief cause that moveth them to make so many poor innocents to be so miserably punished & tormented, & afterwards put to death, besides their wiles, their guiles, their villainous breach of faith, and the devilish devices, by the which they do procure their matters, it is a sting of Satan himself, who hath been a murderer of the children of God, the Father of lies, and Patron of such practices from the very beginning. For who is so blind but he may easily espy, that this kind of dealing can proceed of none other spirit? or who will be so blasphemous to refer it to the spirit of God as author thereof? Moreover, one other good lesson to the godly may be this, that they take diligent heed, whom they deal withal or admit into their company and familiar acquaintance, and not to trust every man. For truly the saying of Ier●mi● that every brother will supplant another, and every neighbour will be guile another, may aswell be verified at this time, and in 
●er. 9  these matters, as ever it might in any other age or case heretofore.  
Yet have the Inquisitours one other net more: which albeit they cast not but at adventure, yet commonly they draw a great draught whensoever they use it. If they chance at any time to apprehended any notable & famous fellow, whom they know either to be a great teacher or preacher to others, or else to have great resort made unto him for learning's sake and for their better instructions, as some Doctor and Preacher of some name and fame, than their manner is to cause it to be bruited abroad by their Familiars, that the same person being on the rack, hath detected diverse of his Auditors; and for the further confirmation thereof, they suborn some of the next neighbours in the prison adjoining to avouch it, and to affirm that they heard the great shrieks which he made being upon the the rack. The which rumours are coined out of this their holy Mint to this end, that such as have been his scholars should come to the holy House, and there make open confession of their faults, & crave pardon betimes before they be sent for, or the Sergeant attach them. For they persuade the common people, that whoso will come uncalled and unsent for, and confess their own offences, shall either escape scot-free, or else very easily: and their punishment at the uttermost shall be only the doing of a little penance (as they call it). Thus by this means they deceive a great number, which if they had tarried till they had been sent for, might have tarried still till this time unsent for; or if it had so happened that they had been sent for, they should have been no worse entreated than they were, being so doltish as to credit the Inquisitours so far upon their fair and flattering promises, and follow their foolish advice.   

CHAP. X.  
How the prisoners are dealt withal concerning their diet.  
THe prisoners within the Inquisition, concerning their meat and drink & other necessaries, are used in all respects accordingly, as they are in credit with the Inquisitours and the rest of the officers of the holy House. For the common estimation of them is no better than as they term them, dogs, heretics, etc. And yet they deal not with them altogether so well as most men will do with their dogs, that do them either service or pleasure; but as men commonly use to entreat those men, whom in derision of all humanity they term dogs, and so esteem of them. The discourse whereof shall neither be altogether needless, nor impertinent in this place, because it may do much good to the godly in many respects. First to let them to understand the miseries of their poor afflicted brethren, that they may depart with some things for their relief, every man according to his ability: Secondly, to put them in mind that the staff standeth at their doors, and their turn therefore to be the next, and that God hath reserved them for a time, that they may follow the other in this fight, and serve him in this most glorious kind of seruce, by confessing his holy name before the world. Thirdly and lastly, that this horrible and most barbarous tyranny of these holy Fathers may appear to all the world among other of their cruel pranks, which we are to report of them, and of their bloody butchery. Happy therefore and thrice happy was that preacher of Sivil, Constantine (for so Solon accounted him happy that had lived in honour and estimation, and died accordingly); who being imprisoned (as I will declare hereafter) for the testimony of Christ's Gospel, tasting their tyranny and endless torments, bewailed his own misery, crying and lifting up his voice to God many times with these words: O my Lord God, were there in all the wide world no S●ythians, nor cruel Cannibals, into whose hands thou mightest have delivered me, and let me escape these men? Another named Olmedo, a man singular both for virtue and learning, falling likewise into the Inquisitours hands for the self same cause that purchased unto Constantine his death, first upon his imprisonment fell sick, and afterward died amids the filth and stench of the prison, and was wont to say in like sort: O Lord God, do with me what thou wilt. Throw me headlong where thou wilt, so thou give me not over to these men, whose entertainment is such as may more rightly be termed a perpetual Torture, than a place of Imprisonment. For first and foremost, the place wherein each of them is shut up severally, what with the 
The description of the prisons.  straightness thereof, and the evil air, & damp of the earth, if it be below, may more properly be likened to a grave, then called a prison: but if it be aloft, it is at the time of the year, by means of the extreme heat, more like a frying furnace. And in every of these Holes, for the most part (specially if their prizes be so many that there be more several persons then several rooms) two or three of them are thronged together, so that they have no larger scope then to lay them down and rest them in, save only a foot in compass perhaps, which serveth for their stool of easement to stand in, and by it a pitcher of of cold water to quench their thirst. Neither in the day time is their light any more than may come in at a keyhole, or at a little long rift no greater than a man's finger. Howbeit there be certain prisons that be somewhat larger, but they are also more than somewhat costly, and do serve for such as are not greatly suspected for religion. Again, other there be, less in compass then the former, and worse a great deal to lie in, for that they are not a man's length: in so much that they which enter into one of them, lightly never go out till they be half rotten, or die of a consumption. All which places and prisons are bestowed according to the quality of the person, and of his or their deserts, and many times as it pleaseth the my Lords the Inquisitours and master jailer to bestow them in, according as they bear affection to the party either good or bad. And thus much concerning the place of their imprisonment.  
The order of their diet is answerable to their lodging. 
The manner of their diet, and their allowance.  The rich pay very large fees to the holy House, and every prisoner is rated at the discretion of the Inquisitor. Out of the which there is deducted an allowance for his daily charges 30 dipondia, commonly called Maruedis, whereof 17. make a dutch batte 8 and a half, a french sauce, 10. a flemish stiver, which amounteth in our reckoning after the English rate, to 6. pence well nigh. Howb 〈…〉 t if any of them be disposed to exceed, & have any other dainties, he may at his pleasure, so that he pay for it on his own purse. And yet they deal not so favourably with every sort of prisoners, but only with such, by whom they look not to have any booty, being laid in but for trifling matters. For if they be such prisoners, as they know by the information given in against them, likely to lose all that ever they have, they will not suffer them to exceed in such sort, but let them feed only upon a little brown-bread, and a cruse of cold water, not suffering them in any case to have any special cates besides their ordinary, be they never so rich, because they make this account, that the more is spent in that sort, the less shall be their parts when it cometh to reckoning and rifling. Notwithstanding, if any be so poor that they are not able to live of their own in prison, the King alloweth them a certain for their daily diet, that is to say, half a rial of Plate, which is as much as a dutch batte, and is worth two sauce french, that is, 3. pence sterling. Out of the which poor pittance is to be defrayed their Stewards and Laundres wages, and whatsoever other necessary charges grow beside, must be thence also deducted. Moreover, of this allowance given them by the King, there cometh not the one half to their use, for whom it was specially limited & appointed: for it passeth through two or three men's hands that will be ready to finger some of it. First, thorough the office of Receipt (for so I think they term the Treasury) who is accountant for all the revenues that come into the Exchequer, and disburseth for such and 
Fees deducted out of the prisoners allowance.  other like uses. And this is the sweetest office in all the holy House, and therefore not granted but to special men, especially favoured. Next to him the Steward or Cater will have another piece, who will commonly for one penny bestowed, demand two to be allowed: then the Cook that dresseth their meat: and last of all the tithe which is the jailers fees, which many times alloweth the same unto the poor prisoners of his own benevolence. This I have described the more largely, because all these Officers have their certain fees out of this small allowance of the king: which passing thorough such limed fingers is so fleeced, that it cometh not to the prisoners, but every of these Officers will take not only Tole, but Tithe, ere it pass his hands. For in this House both master and man, from head to foot, are all covetous and given to the spoil. Now if it happen at any time by a special grace of God, that any of these are touched with compassion to pity the poor prisoners, and of very alms do relieve them by any means, that is counted such a 〈…〉 ainous offence in this their holy House, that it will go near to cost him a scourging till the blood follow, that doth any way relieve them.  
As it chanced within these few years, a certain man to be appointed keeper of the Inquisitours prison in the Castle Triana at Seville, that was not very evil disposed, for as yet he had not learned the tricks of that holy House, nor well digested their covetous and cruel laws, being otherwise very courteous, and a man not far stricken in years: his name was Petro à Herrera. Who entreated the prisoners very well, and showed them such gentleness and favour as he could, yet closely and covertly, because he knew the Inquisitours in that point well enough, how much they were inclined to tyranny. It happened in his time (as oftentimes it doth when a number are apprehended at once) that among other prisoners, a certain honest Matron was committed to his ward, with two of her own daughters: which being put into several prisons, had a great longing to see one another, and each to comfort the other in their distresses. Whereupon they besought their keeper to suffer them to come together, if it were but only for a quarter of an hour, or the space that each might but embrace other. The keeper being of a good nature, was content they should so do, and suffered them to be together by the space of half an hour: & after they had a little showed their affections, and done their duty each to other, the daughters to their mother, and she to them again, he brought every one to her own prison where she was before. Within a few days after, the keeper seeing the same persons in most terrible torments, and fearing lest the very extremity thereof would drive them to confess that little courtesy & favour which he showed them, in suffering them to meet and talk together but only for half an hour's space, went to the holy House, confessed his fact, and prayed pardon therefore, supposing like a fool by his own confession to have escaped the penalty thereof. But the Inquisitors (to whom it is incident to abhor all kind of humanity) deemed it so heinous an offence, that they commanded him forthwith to be haled into prison: wherein, partly by means of the great extremity that was showed unto him, and partly of very thought and a certain conceit that he took thereupon, being therewithal somewhat melancholic, fell beside himself: and yet his infirmity and madness notwithstanding, they released him no jot of his punishment. But after that he had been kept a whole year in a vile prison, they brought him upon their triumphing stage, having a Sambenit on his back, and a rope about his neck like a felon, and there gave sentence upon him: first to be whipped about the city in the high streets, and to have two hundred stripes bestowed on him, and and afterwards to serve in a Galley as a slave, for six years. The next day following, as he was brought from the Castle Triana with their acucstomed solemnity, to be scourged, one of his mad fits that was wont to take him each other hour, came at the same time upon him very pitifully, so that in casting himself off from the Asses back whereon he was set in despite, he fell upon the Alguazil, and doubtless had slain him with a sword which he snatched out of his hand, if the people that gathered about him, had not suddenly laid hands on him, and set him upon the Ass again, binding him somewhat surer, to the intent that he might receive the rest of his payment. And after he had received his two hundred stripes, the Inquisitours commanded, that for his evil usage & behaviour showed towards the Alguazil, he should continue in the galley four years more over and above the other six, to make up a just halfscore. So well do these good and godly Father's reward charity and good deeds, and courtesy with cruelty and extremity, so that a mad man with them may not play a mad touch.  
Howbeit, there was one that was this man's predecessor called Gasper Benna●idio, for covetousness & cruel dealing a monster rather than a man, insomuch that he was growue to such a greediness, that he would defraud the poor prisoners of part of their small pittance and allowance, being both evil of itself for want of good cookery, & worse a great deal by means of his filching: of which victuals so lurched and purloined from them, he would make good Merchandise, & sell them in Triana. Moreover, such allowance of money as should have been paid to a Laundres for washing the prisoners clothes, he converted wholly into his own purse, nothing regarding how sluttishly the prisoners went for a great whil together, without any shift, & thus deceivetd both the Inquisitors & the Treasurer, who allowed the keeper in his accounts for such & such money paid & received to the prisoners behoof, for whose weekly expenses it was appointed. And herein mark, I beseech you, the notable negligence & slippery dealing of both parties: First, the winking of the Inquisitours at the keeper's behaviour: and secondly, the keepers unjust oppression of the poor prisoners. But to say the truth, it is no very hard matter to deceive them that will never take pains to boult out a truth. For if any of the prisoners receiving never so much injury at the keeper's hand, had complained at any time, or grudged any thing at all, the cruel tyrant would find the means to be even with them: for he would take & remove him from the place that he was in before, and thrust him into some deep Dungeon which they call Mazorra, & there would keep him alone for two or three days, giving him not so much as a little straw to lie upon: & as for his diet, neither should it be wholesome, nor yet sufficient to hold life and soul together, but like to kill him, or at the least to breed some extreme sickness: all the which should be done without commission or warrant from the Inquisitors, and yet would he very craftily and maliciously bear the prisoner in hand, that he did it wholly by the Inquisitors special commandment. Now if any that had been so injuriously dealt withal, meaning to make complaint thereof to the Inquisitours, should desire him to pray a day of hearing (as none may solicit that matter save only the keeper) the crafty knave suspecting that hereby he should make a rod for his own tail, would bear the prisoner in hand he had so done, and therewithal tell him, it would not be granted at that time; and thus wlth such forged answers would keep the poor prisoner in that deep dungeon twelve or fifteen days, till he thought his anger were somewhat assuaged, and his courage thoroughly cooled, and then at the length would remove him thence to his old prison again, making the poor man believe, that he had cause to thank him for it, which of mere compassion and pity that he took upon him, travailed to the Inquisitours, and became an earnest suitor to them to get him released. In sum, such filching he used, and such extremity he showed towards the prisoners, that diverse men of very good credit and estimation with the Inquisitours, did make complaints thereof. Whereupon he was committed to prison, and being found guilty of diverse kinds of treacheries, yet notwithstanding in giving sentence upon him, he found the Inquisitours his very good Lords and masters, who knew full well that he had been a full sure stake to their holy House, and a trusty servitor: so that his judgement was easy enough; nothing like as was given upon the other his successor, that only suffered the mother & her daughters to meet & talk together for the space but of one half hour. albeit for his own misdeeds well known and proved by him, he deserved to be dealt withal in as evil sort altogether, as the other was for his pity and mercifulness. But to proceed. His judgement in the end was this: to stand upon the scaffold holding a wax taper in his hand, and afterwards to be banished the city for five years. And whereas they use wholly to confiscate other men's goods, they did only put this man to his fine of forfaiting the fee due to him by reason of his office, that should have been paid unto him by the holy House: and this was done rather to satisfy his accusers, then for any great zeal of punishing such offences done by their holy Officers.  
The very same man had a maid-servant in his house while he was in office there, who pitying the miserable estate that the poor prisoners were in, pined and hunger-starved by means of that wicked jew her Master (for she herself favoured the Gospel) did diverse times speak unto them at the grate, comforting & exhorting them so well as she could, to arm themselves with patience, and did sundry times put under the door some good & wholesome meats for their weak and feeble bodies, declaring no less charity in deeds, than she had before uttered in words. Whose zeal (no doubt) was so much the more marvellous, that wanting of her own to part withal to Christ's afflicted members, she would privily convey from her Master some of the meat which he had lurched from the prisoners of their due allowance, and so restore unto them their own. And to give us the more cause to wonder at the miraculous providence of God, which of evil seed sendeth not always the worst corn, but sometimes the best, this maiden had a little damosel her masters own daughter to help her in these her conveyances. Moreover, by this maiden's means the prisoners came to understand one of another's estate▪ and to know in what case every of their afflicted brethren was: the which thing was both a singular comfort to themselves, and a special furtherance to their affairs. At the length, this also came to the Inquisitours ears: who, after that they had kept her in prison a whole year, and there made her partaker of the like hardness that the other prisoners were in, caused her to be brought out upon the day of their triumph, and set upon the scaffold, where they gave sentence upon her, to wear the Sambenite, and to be whipped about the town with like infamy and extremity as had been used to other before, with two hundred stripes: the which was wholly performed the next day following. Besides this, they did also banish her the city and the suburbs for ten years, with this writing on her head. A favourer and aider of heretics. Another thing also that so sore incensed the Inquisitours against her, was this: for that it was confessed unto them upon examination of others, that she had disclosed unto diverse citizens, after what sort the prisoners were entreated at the Inquisitours hands, aswell in their diet as otherwise. The which example being compared with the former concerning the fact of her master, and the punishments that each of them had therefore, is evidence enough to show what indifferency they use in punishing malefactors. But to my matter.  
It is a thing that hath never been seen nor heard of before 
The prisoners restrained the liberty of song.  their time, that either the most galley slave, or he that endured the worst kind of bondage that ever was devised by man, should be restrained and forbidden the solace of song, to recreate himself withal in the midst of his sorrowful dumps, to drive away fantasies, and to relieve his pensive and heavy heart with some kind of lightning. But this holy House passing & exceeding all the tyrannies that ever have been practised by or upon any, depriveth the poor wretches of this small solace in their greatest miseries and extremities. For if any of the prisoners begin to sing any Psalm, to the intent to ease his present grief somewhat, or do recite any text of scripture, the more that the saying or singing thereof doth ease the silly soul, the greater matter do Inquisitours and their officers make of it, taking it to be a great hindrance to their affairs if the prisoners be at any time light hearted, because their purpose is to keep them in perpetual slavery and thraldom, without having any one good day in all their lives. Therefore so soon as they hear any of the prisoners to sing or say aught aloud, by and by is there a limb or two of the Devil, that is to say, one Notary or other, with the keeper of the prison to command them silence, and to charge them in the Inquisitours names to make no countenance of mirth upon pain of Excommunication. Which if he seem to contemn and make light of, or else to laugh at (as indeed it is no better worthy) he shall have a bit on on his tongue, and be taught his obedience, will he nill he, and thenceforth be taken for a rebel and a contemner of the Inquisitours authority, and shall not be suffered to speak but in a very low note, whereof they themselves will appoint him the tune, and Sol-fa it before him. This is done for two special considerations. The one to bereave the poor souls of all kind of solace (as I said before): the other, for that the crafty old Sires learn by daily experience, that such singing of Psalms or other songs made out of the Scripture, is a marvellous comfort unto them, and a great 〈…〉 couraging and heartening to others their weak brethren that lie a great distance from them in other prisons. There is also another cause why they enjoin them silence, for that by song or loud speaking they might one know of another. Therefore it happeneth many times, that a man and his friend, the father and the son, the husband and the wife, shall be all within one prisonhouse, by the space of two or three years together, and neither of them know of the others being there, till the time come that they see one another at the great Doom-day upon the scaffold. And upon this consideration especially, this is wont to be one of their common questions in every day of hearing: Whether the prisoners of several prisons have conferred or communed together, or the one know of the others being there: and if they find it to be so, strait upon it, they shift prisons, and examine them upon another interrogatory, to beat one thing out of another, if they have had any manner of conference, or what counsel each of them gave to the other.  
And this is the whole order of the prisoners diet: so that such as go not to the stake, for the most part perish there, either of the great filth & stench of the prison; or if they be delivered thence, die shortly after of the french disease, growing upon them by reason of their corrupt and naughty diet: either else of abundance of Melancholy, become altered in their wits, or at the least have such queasy bodies disposed to these or to some other greater maladies, that they consume away by little and little, leading a far more miserable life, than were any death that they could dye. For proof whereof, out of a number of examples, that might be brought only out of the Inquisition at Sivil, I will choose one worthy to be reported in all Chronicles for a special example of their barbarous dealings.  
Not many years ago, there arrived a certain English ship into the port S. Lucre's, which the Familiars going aboard upon, to make search for Religion, as their manner is to do before any man of them may be suffered to come on land, they took and carried with them to prison diverse Englishmen that were in her, upon suspicion which they had on them to be professors of the Gospel, by certain tokens and likelihoods which they espied in them, and knew them by. In the same ship there was also a little boy not passing ten or twelve years of age, son to a very rich Merchant of England, that was owner (as they said) both of the ship, and the most part of her lading. Among other they took also this young child (as they pretended) for having in his hands David's Psalms in English. But whoso doth indifferently understand of their covetousness and naughty practices, may well think without any offence to the holy Inquisition, that the Father's wealth was the occasion, both of the child's imprisonment, and of the other misery that did befall him afterward. Whereupon, they made Sequestration of the ship and goods, and carried the child to prison with the rest of his company, where he abode by the space of 6. or 8 months. This child was so well brought up by his parents in virtue and good discipline, and the same took so deep root in him, being dewed with the grace of God, that notwithstanding his tender age and hard imprisonment, he ceased not still to give most evident tokens of the same his good and godly education: insomuch that many and sundry times, but specially every morning and evening, he did accustomably use to lift up his eyes to heaven, and to call upon God, from whence he was taught to look and hope for all help and succour. And as his keeper espied him now and then making his prayers in that sort, whereas he ought to have been ashamed of himself and of his paganism, to see in so tender age such a pattern of piety and godliness before his face, in stead thereof, so soon as he beheld him lifting up his eyes to heaven, saying some Psalm or other prayers in English, Now surely (saith he) this boy is become a pretty heretic already. After the child had continued the foresaid space in that dark dungeon (being tenderly brought up to fore in his father's house) by reason the moisture & damp of the prison, & of his corrup 〈…〉 et, he fell into an extreme sickness. Whereof as soon as the Inquisitors had intelligence, they gave commandment to remove him thence, and to carry him to the Cardinal's hospital till he were recovered. This hospital is a house 
T 〈…〉 〈…〉 p 〈…〉 in the Inquisition.  that serveth for such as fall extremely sick within any of the prisons belonging to the Inquisition. Howbeit they are not dealt withal there in any thing more gently than they were before in their prisons, saving only that they have physic, which is allowed them very liberally by the Hospital, and may tender their bodies somewhat more charily for their health's sake. Neither may any man be suffered to resort to the patient, but his physician and the servants of the Hospital. But so soon as the patient beginneth to be on the mending hand, though he be not altogether sound, and perfectly whole, he is carried thither from whence he came. Marry this child being by reason of a great sickness which he caught in this long and painful imprisonment, removed into this Hospital, became benumbed in his legs, neither can any man tell any certainty what became of him afterward. Let every man weigh now with himself & consider, whether it beseem these good fathers so rudely to deal with a child and a stranger, or if there be found any such unreasonable kind of dealing among the wild Scythians: to ouerpasse the great spoil of the ship and her Merchandise with silence.  
At the same very time well-nigh there was a certain Turk taken and carried to the same prison, who had voluntarily forsaken and abjured the Mahometical impiety, and was newly come from Marrock, the chief City and head of the realm of Mauritania, into that part of Spain that lieth directly over against it, divided by Midland sea. But savouring as yet of that venomous liquour, wherewith he was poisoned in his cradle, and fed withal from his infancy (for as yet he had not taken out any one lesson of Christianity for want of a teacher) and finding more faults and worse enormities among the Christians, than he had left behind him among his countrymen the Moors, supposing himself to be in good safety there, and therefore more careless, happened to say on a time, that the Morish law (meaning their religion) was far better than the Christians: for the which saying he fell into the Inquisitours hands; who to the end that they might bring him into a better mind, schooled and catechised him in such sort, that he confessed in prison plainly, that from the first day of his Christendom it never repented him that he was become a Christian, till he came within the Inquisitours jurisdiction, where it grieved him to see force and violence, wrongs, injuries, and tyranny of all sorts, executed with extremity.   

CHAP. XI.  
The prisoners visitation.  
IT hath been a custom generally received in all places which have sought to be renowned by sitting in the seat of justice and equity uprightly and indifferently, that certain times should specially be appointed for the visitation of prisons, to the intent that the keepers should not oppress their prisoners, but that such injuries as either they had already, or thereafter might receive, should be redressed, and prevented, by the oversight of the chief rulers and judges, so oft as need were. A thing which both conscience craveth, and the law of nature, & all policy and good government: last of all, God by his word commandeth, wherein the case and poor estate of such as lie in bonds, is commended unto us, and given us specially in charge to be considered. Wherefore, to resist a number of wrongs (besides other that come not to our ears) which the report was that the holy House had done to their prisoners, where there was no good to be done any way but one (I mean by the visitation of prison-houses) mark I beseech you the Inquisitours, & consider ye what hypocrites they are: which in respect of their holy house & Consistory, with their glorious titles, and the very name of Sanctity, wherein they seem to excel all other profane and temporal Courts, should have been by all reason more bountiful and gentle, more full of comfort and charity, and in withstanding injuries, most just and upright, carefully providing for the necessities of the poor afflicted, and duly punishing such as had wronged them any way, either by covetous or cruel dealing: yet were they so far from doing their duties herein, that it seemeth rather their visitation was devised of purpose to a clean contrary end: in so much that the days when they keep their visitations, may be more worthily termed days of Doom to the poor prisoners, than be thought means of ease or relief of their miseries; as it appeareth most evidently by their common manner of dealing, on such days appointed for the visitation. Whereof we purpose here to make rehearsal.  
The visitation of prisons is commonly once or twice every month kept by the Inquisitors, a Notary, and the Keeper, & for the most part upon the Sunday or some other festival day. The manner of it is on this wise. At the very first entrance into the prison, the Inquisitor demandeth of the prisoners these questions: How it is with them: 
The manner of their visitations.  what they want: whether their Keeper give them any evil language, or threaten them, or use any words of despite or reproach towards them: if he give them their full allowance in their diet duly and truly, or provide them shift of shirts, with such words. For in very deed there is no hope of one drop of comfort at their hands for all this business: but are only words and questions of common course, & special articles prescribed unto them to inquire upon, whereunto they neither add any more in words, nor perform so much in deeds. As; if the prisoner be half naked, or want a couch to rest him on, and should pray that his necessity may be considered & provided for, they shape him such an answer as serveth them both for winter & summer. And their answer in summer is thus, in very mild & fatherly terms: Well (say they) now the weather is warm, you may live full well without either clothes or couch. And for winter in this sort: True it is, it hath been a great frost of late, but now that it thaweth, and the cold is come down and resolved into snow and rain, so that the air is open and cleared, you shall have a more seasonable time. Care you for the garments wherewithal you should clothe your soul, which standeth in uttering the truth, and discharging your conscience before this holy House: for this should be your special care. And here is all the provision which they make for them, for all their questioning at the first; and so departing as they came, their visitation in the end turneth but to a jest: so that, if their visitations were daily, ye see all the comfort that the prisoners should have at these holy Father's hands. Yet notwithhanding true it is, that some such whom they owe special favour unto, receive some courtesy at their hands, and easy it is to judge who they be that find it, where covetousness and cruelty keep their Court.  
Likewise if any of the prisoners, either learned or unlearned, desire to have some good book, or the holy bible permitted them to read, to the intent to pass that troublesome and careful time away to some profit, they shift him off with the like answer for a book, as they use before to him that was naked and without garments. For the Inquisitor will answer him-like a grave counsellor, That the true book is, to speak the truth, and to discharge his conscience in that holy Court, and that he ought to be occupied in that book, that by recounting and recording thereof, he might lay open his wounds and soars to their Lordships, that were most ready to give him a plaster: and this (say the●) is the true book, etc. But if the pris 〈…〉 be 〈…〉 and importunate in craving the same, either at 〈…〉 the next visitation; he shall be taught to hold his peace, and to be answered with reason. For if he be so 〈…〉ke what liketh him, they will be so good as to deny what liketh not them. To be short, they seem to be wholly bend upon his thing of purpose, diligently to see unto it, that the prisoner have nothing to look or think up but only his present estate in misery, that the grief thereof grating upon him, may force him the rather to satisfy their requests as much as may be. Howbeit, if the prisoner have any friends or kinsfolk that a●e able to relieve his misery by any means, perhaps they will send the Inquisitor some pretty present or other, to obtain his favour & good will, that their kinsman may be somewhat more favourably entreated. Now, all the hardness of this matter resteth on this point, to get the Inquisitor to take it. But for any other under-officers, it is an easy matter to bribe them, so it be done privily or by night: for such fellows will soon be corrupted. Marry their masters make it somewhat more dainty and strange: yea it were a thing impossible, if a man would take their first nay. Which commonly is after this sort; that this holy Court is a Court incorrupt, that can away with bribes in no case, etc. But sith their answers are but from the teeth outward, all this ado in excusing themselves, and refusing the proffer, is a plain token that they would be content to have it with all their hearts. Therefore is the Inquisitor for the most part never without some of his brethren or sisters children about him, or some one servant to whom he showeth special favour and good will: the which servant must be tendered and regarded as much as himself. Then is there also another waiter that standing by and seeing this great ado betwixt the Inquisitor and the other party, the one proffering, and the other refusing as fast, when the party beginneth to relent, shall come unto him immediately, and teach him a trick how to obtain his purpose, & entering talk with him without any manner of occasion, will point him to one with his finger, and say, Sir, see ye yonder the young gentleman that standeth at my Lord's elbow? He is my Lord's Nephew. Now is there none so very an Ass, that having made so much ado in tempting the Inquisitor, but he may easily perceive that there is one ready to hold the poke, and to receive his proffer, though the other refused it. And so by this means at the length the poor prisoners get somewhat released. Whereby it is apparent, what spirit this holy House is governed by, when covetousness is able more to prevail with them to further a deed of charity, than charity for her own sake could ever have gotten or obtained at their hands.   

CHAP. XII.  
The act containing the publication of the Sentences.  
THere remaineth now the last Act of the Tragedy, which is the very winding up of all that is to be done in this holy Court. Wherein both parties are pleased, & have their desire. The Inquisitours in obtaining their prey: the prisoners seeing the terrible and continual torments, the subtle sleights and practices of the Inquisitours, with their extreme and cruel dealings, grow to an end. For then do they hear their final judgements after their matters have been tossed to and fro many years in open Court, and in so great an audience and assembly, as there hath not been seen a greater, no not at Olympus itself. This Act of Faith they commonly called Auto. And surely good cause why. For than is the prisoners faith tried to the uttermost, and showeth itself what it is, either by denying and abjuring God's truth in open and solemn audience, or else by standing stoutly and manfully therein, in like solemnity of show and view of all the people, thronging together purposely. Let the inquisitours therefore derive the word, and descant of it as they please: we do construe it thus, as in a sense most agreeable to God's judgement.  
This act hath many idle devices, or to speak more aptly, this Pascall of God's people Pelah: that is to say, this passage out of Egypt to the land of promise, I mean from the world to God, hath his Even, his preparation. Ios. 13. For a few days before this feast, the Inquisitours use to call into the Court severally one after other, all such persons whose goods are confiscate: examining them what lands or goods they have, and where they lie, charging them earnestly that they conceal not one jot; declaring unto them further, that if afterward it can be proved that they have kept any thing back, both felony shall be laid to their charge, and they also in whose hands it is found shall pay for it most assuredly. After they have confessed the whole truth of all their other goods and substance, besides such as were taken and found in their own house at the first time of their apprehension, and so sequestered, and that all be estreited into the accounts of the Eschecquer, they return every one to his own prison again, being assured to lose all their goods, howsoever they escape with their lives.  
But the right Even is the day next and immediately going before the festival day. For then towards night they cause all the men to be brought together into a large prison house, such as are apppointed to be brought forth the next morrow to do diverse kinds of penance before all the people, according as it is enjoined unto them in their several sentences. This word penance, is a word borrowed and usurped by them upon the use of the old primitive Church, for certain penalties and punishments usurped towards offenders. Into another like prison they bring all the women together likewise. But such as are judged to death, are put each in their several prisons again, about 9 or 10. of the clock at night, there is sent to each of them some pelting Priest to carry them this heavy tidings, and to be their ghostly father. And now at this last instant, the man to whom God hath given the spirit of constancy and boldness, maketh his last protestation of his faith, to the shame of his Confessor, and confusion of all that hellish army. But on the other part, he that hath not been constant to fore, nor is at this present, hath now a time to call for grace at God's hands (the only giver of all gifts and graces) those especial gifts of constancy and patience. Howbeit both sorts have much to do with their ghostly fathers: the one in maintenance of their faith now in their last hour and most dangerous time of all: the other in hopeless entreating and praying their pardon of life. Yet is there neither of them both but in that night they are occupied on every side, sustaining (no doubt) a great temptation, both in that their flesh is frail, and the devil stirring; and yet sure it is, that the heavenly Father forgetteth not his children in that hour. Yea, this night wherein his members suffer such agony, may be well resembled unto that, which God himself the head of all, suffered, both for the anguish of the patients, and the comfort that came from heaven.  
The next morrow by day break, the Familiars and all the rest of the officers pertaining to the Inquisition, assemble together every man to do his office about this holy Sacrifice, and to attire such prisoners as are to be brought out before the people every one in his array, very curiously, in such sort as was by the sentence pronounced & prescribed. Whereof such as stood stoutly to their tackling, & defended their profession against their detestable falsehoods, wear the Sambenit unto the very stake, which is a linen garment of the colour of the earth, made like to a coat-armour, 
The description of the Sambenit  and all to be painted with black devils, over whom the manful soldier of Christ triumpheth in token of victory. On his head he hath a hat long like a turret, whereon is pictured the image of a man burning in the fire with many devils about him, plying him with sire and faggots. It is much after the manner of a fought field, as I may liken it. For there is the whole skirmish, with the overthrow of his enemies, set for a greater glory & show of conquest and victory. Moreover, their tongues are nipped and pinched with a cleft piece of wood which they call Mordazas, of the Latin word Mordeo to bite, because the prisoners should not make any protestation before the people, either of their innocency, or of their belief; having beside this about their necks new cords made of bentes, and their hands fast bound behind them. Whereby he declareth (in mine opinion) like a good champion (though his deserts in other respects be somewhat) yet that he reposeth no trust or confidence in them, but in the only and unspeakable mercies of God, for the confessing of whose holy name he is ready to dye the most terrible death, & so will appear before the judgement seat of God: whereas if God should deal with him straight according to the letter and the law, notwithstanding all those glorious works that make him so famous among men, he should well find, there were nothing remaining for him in the end, but the destiny and reward of a villainous thief. And on this sort come these constant martyrs disguised, and bearing these badges: first upon the stage, & so consequently to the stake. Likewise, they that by revolting and denying the truth, have brought the Fathers in some hope of their salvation, have judgement of death nevertheless, and are arrayed in like sort, save only that in steed of the devil's pictures, there is the image of the cross, having their hands bound in like sort; that as the other have borne the ensigns & cognizance of true faith and manly courage, so these may carry also the badges of dastardy & false faith. And in like sort do all the rest come forth, arrayed as the other, and beset with like badges more or less, as it pleaseth the Inquisitours to disgrace them in the sight of the people.  
But at what time the prisoners are ready to pass out of the Castle Triana where they were imprisoned, than the holy House affecteth of purpose to seem full of pity and charity towards them, in the sight of the common people. For after that they be disguised on this sort, and every man set in his order as he shall issue forth, they are commanded to pause a while, and forth with are certain tables spread for them as they stand, and a very plentiful breakfast in show, of roasted hens, kid, and such like prepared, wherewith they would blind the common sort, and persuade them, that they had been none otherwise used in prison, beginning now at the last to make them amends for the evil entertainment which they had before. Howbeit the poor souls are in that taking at that time, that they will do the meat no great harm, and therefore those cutthroats the Familiars, which use to guard the prisoners on each side, do commonly snatch the meat from before them, & devour it without either check or controlment. As for the preparation, such is their state in that triumph, as never was 
The order of the Inquisitours triumph.  the like pomp in Persia, nor triumph in Rome comparable thereunto. First & foremost go the Children of the College where the youth is brought up at learning, who both with their apparel, & song, & array which they are kept in by certain Clerks that walk up and down by them in surplusses, move a pretty devotion. Their ditty is the litanies: the one part of the Quire answering another, and the foot of their song is, Ora pro illis. After them go such as do penance, placed as it were in certain degrees, so that such as have the easiest punishments go next in order unto the Children, and are to be discerned from other by these tokens: tapers in their hands unlighted, ropes about their necks, & Barnacles upon their tongues, with hats of paper, bareheaded, except they put on those hats, but without cloaks like slaves: & the better or richer man cometh always hindmost. Next unto these go they that are disguised in Sambenites, that is to say, a linen garment shaped like a coat-armour with a red cross overthwart, observing the state and condition of every person, as is said before. But such as have been bewrayed with their Orders, are preferred before others, both for estimation & place. Lastly cometh in the third rank, those that are condemned to the fire: of the which sort, so many as have refused God's truth, and betaken themselves in steed thereof to lies, in hope of mercy at man's hand, do well deserve to go before the rest that remained constant to the end, whom the Inquisitors place in the rearward as the fittest place for them even in their own judgements, in respect of their virtue and faith. Also on each hand of every prisoner, there goeth a Familiar all armed to guard him, and besides them two Monks or Theati●i 
These be th' 〈…〉 jesuits'  (as they term them) attending on every one that is ready to suffer, to persuade them tooth & nail, not to cleave unto that doctrine now at their departure out of this world, wherein they have been trained and taught hitherto. Which wicked importunity is as great a grief in my fancy to him that constantly hath persevered hitherto, as any torment that he hath endured. Immediately after the prisoners, do follow in order, as the manner is in all solemnities, first the whole state of the City, which consisteth upon Alguaziles, Constables, Governors of the 24. Wards, the judges of every Court, the Regent or Viceroy and Assistant, and after them a great troop of noble gentlemen on horseback: next unto them the State ecclesiastical. In the first rank the Clerks, Vicars and Curates: in the second the whole Chapter of the Cathedral Church commonly called Cabildum Ecclesiae maioris: In the third place the Abbots and Priors with their Coventes: and last of all, after all these followeth the holy House, which triumpheth indeed, and is in jolly state that day. Before whom as they pass, there is a way made in respect of their honours, and a compass kept, wherein the Fiscal, one that taketh no small pains in the holy Houses behalf towards the obtaining of this victory, having a flag of red damask displayed in warlike fashion (for all the world) occupieth the place of the Standard-bearer.  
The flag is of turkey work, full of much good workmanship, and hath on the one side the Pope's arms that first granted the charter of the Inquisition, and on the other the image of King Ferdinando that first admitted it, all very sumptuously embroidered with silk and purple: and in the top of the Standard is fixed a rich cross of silver and gilt with the crucifix, which the people make after more superstitiously a great deal, than they do after any other cross, only because it is the cross pertaining to the holy Inquisition. Last of all, come the Fathers themselves a very soft set pace for gravity sake, triumphantly as chief Emperors of that conquest. Hard at their heels follow the Familiars and Promoters belonging to the holy House, all on horseback, as the manner was in the triumphs at Rome for every Captain conqueror to have his soldiers hard at his elbow. After the which, come the common people hand over head with a wonderful press. With this pomp they pass from Triana where the Inquisitours prison is, to a certain scaffold made of wood, and reared up a good height in the midst of the high street and chief of all the city, for the Penitentiaries to stand upon in view of all the people, there to hear the sentence pronounced upon them. Being come upon the scaffold, they cause them to sit down, every man and woman in the same order that he or she came in. Right over against the which, there is also another stage set up of like quantity, wherein is erected a stately kind of Consistory for the Inquisitours, where they sit in their majesty like gods with all their train about them that followed them thither.  
Here it would not be impertinent (as I judge) to discourse a little in comparing the Triumph of our adversaries with the public Penance used in the primitive Church, and set out by these godly Bishops and Pastors in those days, 
The manner of the pe 〈…〉 used in the Pri 〈…〉 〈…〉.  wherein was nothing but mere Godliness sought, with a fervent and unfeigned zeal of the amendment and salvation of the repentants: into the which never any entered but he departed thence to his great comfort, though with some shame. And his shame was for his offence, but the ease of his grief; and the plaster which the Pastors and Preachers applied to his ruptures, was the perfect Plaster and true Sanative, that healed his wounded and corrupt conscience. Neither was it their manner that prescribed the penance, to triumph on that day, or to send for their bravest suits out of their wardrobes, to go and show themselves abroad-in in token of joy and victory: but came themselves in mourning weed, and so likewise did the whole congregation, declaring by that outward show of sorrow, that their hearts were touched inwardly with the fall and infirmities of their brethren. Insomuch that many times the Censors themselves have been seen to shed more tears than have the Penitentiaries, unfeignedly sorrowing the shame which the other sustained (as right and reason was) for their misdeeds. Neither was any of them put to any kind of death one or other, or so smartly scourged, that by means of the stripes piercing so deep, a man might have seen the bare bone, nor the utter shame & discredit both of themselves and their whole posterity sought hereby: but whatsoever was done, it was referred to this end, that they might recover the good name again among the congregation, which they had lost before by their misdeameanor. As for any of the Preachers or Ministers, none of them had any allowance or fees from the Eschecquer, or any one fleece or lock of wool from the backs of any of his flock, neither was any thing found in their houses that came by spoil of the poor. Ezechiel 34. Esay 3. Woe be to you shepherds, etc. Against the which albeit there be good cause to complain and cry out presently, yet may there perhaps be some other opportunity elsewhere to do it. My meaning in this place is, only to make a plat without any order or fashion, that such as have any sense at all left within them in this universal time of ignorance and dotage, may begin to weigh and consider what difference there is betwixt these triumphs set out with such preparation and jollity, and the public penance used in the Primitive Church, which the holy House braggeth so much that they retain till this day.  
Thus, when every man hath taken his place in order, one beginneth a Sermon, which is purposely devised much in commendation of the holy House, and the confutation of such heresies as they are presently about to prosecute. But the greatest part of it is spent in shameful and slanderous reproaches, wherewith they charge the good christians, adding one trouble and grief in the neck of another. Which if they seem to take in good part, seeing themselves set there as wondering stocks to all the world, and marks for them to shoot all their devilish darts of shameful and reproachful slanders at, either it is because they bear them off with the sure buckler of faith: or else by reason that they have been acquainted therewith, and their hearts hardened with such continual exercise, like senseless men they feel now no touch of them. When the sermon is finished, they begin to read the sentences given upon the penitentiaries in order as every man came, or in place as they sit, beginning with such as are to have the easiest judgements and punishments first. This part of the Act is somewhat long, & because it is the chiefest part, therefore it requireth some special treatise, but hereafter in more convenient place. The Sentences being thus orderly all pronounced, the chief Commissioner for the Inquisition singeth certain short prayers for the Converts (as they call them) which nevertheless must die also: the effect whereof is, that God would vouchsafe to extend his mercy and favour towards them, that they may persever in confessing the doctrine of the Church of Rome, & die therein. Which done, they begin to sing Miserere the 51. Psalm for the obtaining of God's favour and mercy towards the Penitentiaries; and that the discipline and absolutions done and executed upon them by the Fathers, may be effectual & available unto them to true repentance. The sentences are most commonly these. Death without mercy: Whipping with extremity, that the parties either not at all, or else very hardly escape with their lives: Condemnation to the galley, & Forfeiture of all their goods, with such like penalties, wherein the good mother-church of Rome extendeth her pity and compassion towards her children by the Inquisitours as by her means, thinking the proof and the effect of true repentance necessarily to consist therein. Now surely the whole world may see and perceive (and that not only such as have drunk of her cup) the ourageous tyranny of such Termagants as have bragged and boasted of themselves, that they are the true Church of Christ, and be occasioned thereby to remember themselves, and to esteem of them as they are.  
The Psalm being ended, which they abuse to their purpose most impudently and abominably, in a plain mockery (as they do commonly all other places of Scripture) the chief Inquisitor singeth a sort of Versicles: and the whole Quire answereth them with their Responses, in a high and a loud note, straining their cunning and pipes to the uttermost. Which done, the Inquisitor of his absolute authority pronounceth absolution in a kind of note, wherein he absolveth all such as are come home to the church of Rome (but forsaken Christ) from all their errors whereof they show themselves penitent, forasmuch as they have swerved from the Romish church. Howbeit this absolution must have none other construction, than hath the Romish absolution à culpa tantum, but not à poena. that is to say, from the fault only, not from the penalty. For they must forth with, notwithstanding this their recantation, abide the penalties without either mercy, justice, or conscience.  
After the absolution, the Inquisitours have yet one other notable device to uphold their kingdom withal as it were with anchor and chain cable, which is a manifest proof, that they are half in doubt, lest nor they nor their kingdom should long continue. And the device is this: That all the people gathered together at that time, whereof some come to see the solemnity above 20. leagues off, take a solemn oath before them, and bind themselves thereby, vowing the performance thereof, that they will live and dye in the service and obedience of the church of Rome, and by all means possible, to their power defend and maintain it, hazarding both life and goods against any whosoever shall go about to overthrow it. Moreover, they make them to forswear and curse, whatsoever is contrary to that which the church of Rome holdeth and affirmeth for true. Also that to their power they shall maintain and uphold the holy House, and defend all the officers thereof, etc. In witness whereof, and for a further surety of the matter, they take recor 〈…〉 one of another. And then may a man see the silly common people, & those of higher estate and degree crouch to the earth with great devotion, and through ignorance take their oaths against God and his anointed, rashly & wickedly conspiring together, every man to his power, to be a promoter and setter forward of the Inquisition. Now if you talk with any man about the abolishing of this monster of all wickedness and iniquity out of the world, though he confess of himself, and grant indeed, that there is much cruelty & tyranny used therein: he will tell you a tale again, of his solemn oath taken and vow vowed, in open and solemn audience, and what can ye reply to him then? Marry (sir) thus. How that certain of the jews of very blind ignorance & superstition did bind themselves with an oath, and made a solemn vow, that they would neither eat nor drink till they had slain Paul, Act. 23. And these men (say we) sin thrice so deeply as they, and therefore are less bound to seek to save their oath, so wickedly taken and so ungodly. First, for that they of a blind and therefore a wicked zeal, in defence of their law, do fight against the Gospel of Christ. Secondly, in abusing and abominably profaning the name of God, swearing by his holy name, with all their might & main, to maintain an evil quarrel, and depress a better, which lieth not in them to do. Thirdly, whereas they should in time revoke and retract all things begun against God and his holy word, they do still proceed & go forward in their purpose like the stubborn and stiffnecked jews. Can any man come in now and aver the contrary? But when it shall be most manifestly proved, that the Inquisitors have gone about busily & of purpose to destroy the kingdom of Christ, as did the wicked jews, then shall it also be evident and apparent, that such as have vowed this solemn oath, though it were of ignorance, have incurred all those three several offences. Wherefore, if they will take up themselves, and learn to be wise in time, this will be one way and means for them to recover their salvation. First, to consider diligently what kind of quarrel the Inquisitours do take in hand to maintain. Secondly, to weigh with themselves, whether they fight under the Inquisitours banner for Christ, or against Christ, and so let them keep or break their oath, as they shall think good, after they have debated the matter thoroughly. Now to our purpose again.  
After all things thus done and finished, if any there be among the Penitentiaries that deserve to be so served, they are straightway degraded: and the Bishop that ministered the orders to the party, playeth that part, arrayed all in his Pontificalibus. The ceremonies used about the actual degradation (as they term it) of him that is to be executed that day, are both strange and tragical. First, they apparel him in his massing robes, as though he were ready to d●● mass, and afterwards despoil him again of every trinket one after another, using both dog-tricks, 
The manner of degradation.  and terms of conjuration about every of the ornaments, chose to that that they did before at the first putting on thereof, when he entered into orders. Then are his hands, lips, and crown, scraped with a broken glass or some sharp knife, in token that they scrape off the oil that he was greased withal at his first initiation. All the which is done in the full view and wonder of all the people, some pitying the poor man, and some cursing him worse than lieu or pagan, being indeed most happy, if it be but for this one thing, that in the latter end of his life he cryeth abrenuntio to that greasy and stinking oil, scraping away that Baal's mark and that Apish patch so well as it will be, and so departing. But such as have not judgement of death, are degraded only verbaliter (as they term it) that is to say, by word. Which is in effect a suspending from all function & preferment, during the Pope's pleasure.  
Another ceremony they have, that in no case is to be omitted, wherein the holy House most shamefully and without any kind of colour in the world, mocketh both God & man, and all the whole company present, giving all men good cause justly to laugh at their folly: & that is this. In the end of their sentence pronounced upon such as have judgement to be burned (their conversion to the church of Rome notwithstanding) they add moreover & cause there openly to be proclaimed, that forasmuch as the holy House mistrusteth that the party is not truly converted nor from his heart, but counterfaiteth, and do fear therefore, lest a wolf lurk still under a sheep's clothing, for all his semblance of conversion, they do give & bequeath him to the secular power, with this humble request unto them, to show the party so much favour as may be, and to break neither bone, nor pierce any skin of his body. But such as nothing was able to remove from their godly profession, whom they term Wilful and Obstinate persons, they commend to the same power, with these words. Forasmuch as we have laboured earnestly, and taken great pains with this man, to bring him home to our mother-church of Rome, and can do no good on him, but that still he continueth obstinately in his opinions, etc. we therefore deliver this fellow to the secular power, to do execution on him according to order of law: yet praying them by the way, that if he show any tokens of true repentance, to deal as favourably with him as they may, with other such like speech. And what impudency (I pray you) is this? They have already given sentence upon him that he must dye, and thereupon deliver him to the secular power to be burnt, in so much, that if they that should see execution done, do either suffer the party to make an escape, or else keep him and not burn him, they themselves should be assigned to supply his place: and yet they require thus much at their hands, to use as much mercy towards him as they may. But what kind of pity or mercy is it I pray you, that they show unto them themselves, which bring the poor soul forth into that place dismembered and shaken all into pieces in every limb 〈…〉 e and joint of their bodies, with never a whole bone in their skin, yea, the very sinews, veins, and guts, within them broken with their most cruel tortures, wherewith diverse have perished presently, even betwixt their hands? and yet will they sue to the secular power, to break neither arm nor leg, nor any other member, nor to draw one drop of blood on them. Forsooth it is because the harm that they have done to the poor wretches already, is wholly within the flesh; and because they have drawn no blood of them, either with knife or lance, but only at his mouth with a fine Lawn let down his throat, they forsooth are free from bloodshed and breaking of bones. They themselves have entreated him tootoo pitifully, & without all mercy or good humanity, with exquisite devices & such kind of cruelty as was above measure & more than barbarous, and fall they now to entreat the temporal judges to show him as much mercy a● may be? Perhaps these flouting merchants suppose that by this only shift of descant, in praying mercy for them, they have cleanly avoided their Canon, which holdeth them accursed and excommunicate, whosoever being of the clergy shall shed any blood, or give any maim: for they can wipe away such a foolish penalty, in comparison of so great an offence, with as foolish and ridiculous a shift. And these most impudent toys of mockery, both the Princes and the whole people, but chiefly the temporal magistrate heareth and suffereth, without saying any thing thereto: otherwise there is no man so void of all understanding, but he may easily perceive, that their praying of mercy and craving of favour for them, is but a very jest, imagined, to flout all the whole company withal, and spoken then, when they mean it least. Lo, here is the pity and tender compassion, and mother-like mercy of their holy mother-Church, which this holy House showeth. This also may the reader see and mark by the way, were he never so blind, that this shift of theirs to send such to the fire of whose conversion they stand half in doubt, that is to say, lest they leave a wolf in a lambe● skin, is yet one of the cunningest tricks, that the holy House hath in all her bouget.  
I told you before, that the chiefest part of the Act consisted in the reading and pronouncing of the sentences, and therefore most worthy the marking: forasmuch, as they do not only by singular falsehood, misreport such things as the party upon examination hath confessed, but also father those things upon him most devilishly, which he neither spoke nor thought in all his life-time. And these hath the holy House devised against the party, whereof part is most filthy, part shameful and abominable, and part blasphemous, to the intent to disgrace his person, & to make both him and his doctrine the more abhorred of men, and increase their own estimation and credit, as most necessary members to scour and rid the world of such pestiferous persons, Whiles all this gear is in rehearsing to the people. they clap upon the party's tongue a cleft piece of wood, in manner as it were a barnacle, to his great and intolerable pain, so that he can answer ne gainsay, nothing in defence of himself and his own innocence. For if he might be suffered and let alone, he would openly give them the lie to their faces: as it hath happened diverse times. Howbeit the controversy were not like long to continue. For straightway the fellow should be sure to have his mouth gagged, or his tongue stocked, to teach him to be quiet, & to say nothing openly. Moreover, that which is the party's confession in very deed, is so perverted and corrupted, with the words so changed, & rechanged in reading, that in a manner it may be very well said for him, that he never spoke nor thought any such thing. Whereof I will here show some special examples, because they be matters of weight, and such as cannot easily be contraried, forasmuch as the whole world seeth and knoweth them well enough.  
After that all the sentences be read, and the act fall degradation wholly finished, the temporal magistrate taketh them into his hands very solemnly, according as it is enjoined him by the holy House, and so conveyeth them to the place of execution, with a sort of the devils own Proctors about them, call & crying upon them with great importunity to forsake the truth which they have received and professed. And many times it chanceth, that such as constantly persever in confessing the truth to the end, do break their necks against the stake with a trice, and then they noise abroad among the common people, that such, & such repentantly recanted their heresies at their very last hour, and came home again to the Church of Rome, and therefore felt no force of fire at all, by reason of the Inquisitours mercy and pity extended upon such as became converted. By these, and such like subtle practices, they go about to bury the truth, as though God the avenger thereof were not able to raise it up again out of darkness and dungeons. The residue, which be not condemned to dye, are carried back to prison again: and the next day after, are brought out & whipped, such as had like sentence pronounced upon them: whereof diverse are afterward sent to the galley, others remanded to perpetual prison, either to Triana the special prison for the Inquisition, or to some place elsewhere altogether as evil as a prison, with this Item to them ere they go: that if they happen hereafter to call anything to mind, that erst they have not disclosed, they immediately resort to the holy House, and declare it whatsoever it be: for if it be found otherwise, that they have craftily and closely concealed any thing, they shall be reputed (say they) as persons without remorse of conscience, and liketo be sharply and severely punished therefore. But the chiefest matter that they give them in charge is, in no case to reveal any thing that they have either heard or seen during the time of their imprisonment, concerning the manner of their entreating in any respect, either of punishment, or imprisonment, or otherwise, how and after what sort they have generally proceeded in Court against them, and their fellow prisoners; but for the time of their being there, should take and repute themselves altogether as dead persons. For if the contrary can be proved by them, or that it come to the Inquisitours ears that they have uttered any of their secrets, they shall be taken for persons Relapsed (a● they term them) and be punished with most severity. And the judgement appointed for such, is death without redemption, which surely is a device above all the rest, and might worse be spared. For by this their so straight enjoining them silence upon pain of their lives, they cope them (as it were) with needle & thread, and so keep in all their knavery and tyranny as sure as under lock and key, both close and secret to themselves. They know full well, I wis, that if the king who authorised them, should by any means understand their false play which they use, the violence and injury that they offer, the slanderous reports which they make the wonderful fetches, and devilish devices which they practise to entrap diverse and sundry poor innocents, charging them with many matters, which neither they said, nor saw, nor heard at any time, but specially if he understood of their covetous and cruel dealings, & (as I may say) more than barbarous, growing of that greedy desire of theirs: he would (no doubt of it) turn the Inquisition on their own necks, and foresee the safety aswell of his own subjects, as the commonweal of the country, and provide for it accordingly: but chiefly he would see to the execution of justice, whereof he is appointed by God a lawful Protector, rather than the enriching of his bags and coffers, won by such unlawful means. Or else, if the King s●acked herein to do that appertains to him, the common people would be ready to fire them, that have been so fierce with fire to others. Furthermore, they labour so earnestly to bury the truth, and are so careful lest their cruelty should come to light, that among other great penalies which they enjoin to diverse men of worship and good reputation, and some of honour and in authority, after they have kept them in prison a season, and caused them to sustain open infamy, they inhibit them the company and conference of any, other than such as they shall appoint & allow them: neither will suffer them to write to any friend of theirs without making them privy unto it, that they might have the perusing thereof. Their colour for this matter (forsooth) is very pretty, lest that by conference or writing of letters, they should publish their heretical opinions. But in very deed their drift is, lest such men as have good friends and be well allied, should complain and make their moan to their friends & allies, of the injuries that have been done unto them, and they make means to the King to inquire further of their doings, & so bring the practices of the holy House to light. Whereof this is proof sufficient, that they use not this kind of punishment to any of the meaner sort, but only to them that be of good blood & parentage.  
For at the very first beginning, when the manner of their Triumph first came up, and was executed upon the Lutherans (as they call them) they that were present at the sight, and beheld the order and fashion well, were wont to write unto their friends both within the Realm and abroad, of all such things as there were done and seen, especially of such as did penance: also what sentences were pronounced upon them, with the causes and circumstances of all their other punishments and penalties. But the holy House (as daily practice maketh every one his craftsmaster) grew so cunning in their affairs, that straightway they began to smell out the matter, that it might in time work them some displeasure, and therewithal that the doctrine which they so greatly detest and abhor, might be published and spread further than they would wish it, so that many which otherwise would have continued in their blindness still, if they had never heard nor seen any such reports, should be occasioned thereby, to open their eyes and understandings, and to confess aswell the doctrine itself, and receive it, as also espy the wickedness of them that persecute it. Therefore for remedy of this mischief and inconvenience, the holy House provided, by making and publishing certain presidents of such like reports, brief, and in such wise as were not likely to do any great harm: that who so were disposed to certify their friends of such matters, should follow those presidents in any case: & therefore appointed certain great penalties for the transgressors hereof, that should make their reports in any other more large or ample manner, than was by their order prescribed. The manner whereof was this: That after they had told who & what 
The Precedents for letters appointed by the holy House.  manner of man he was that was punished or executed, they should add moreover, because he held with Luther, without naming any of his opinions, (which notwithstanding were specially recited before) was burned, or thus, or thus punished or executed, according to the truth of the matter.  
Moreover, as the holy House well may err (albeit men now adays are so bewitched with superstition and flattery, that they dare affirm the contrary, being ordered, and guided (say they) by the holy Ghost) so it cometh diverse times to pass, that some be causeless apprehended, some upon very small and light complaints, very few upon any lawful and sufficient information. And the greatest part, after they have been imprisoned in such miserable sort as I have before declared, for a year, or two, or more, till their causes were thoroughly examined, at the last being tried and found guiltless, so that necessarily they are to be discharged, within a day or two after their great day of Triumph, they bring them into the Court, & there begin to set on them again as freshly as ever they did, willing them to utter the truth, as they will avoid their displeasures and the extremity of law, threatening them the Rack, and saying that there is now come in sufficient matter by information against them. Then if any will be feared with this facing, and be brought but to utter one word of any such matters as they are desirous to hear of, they send him strait to ward again, and renew their suit against him from the beginning. But if nothing can be got out of him by this means, nor that they have any thing else to charge him withal, they leave off threatening, and fall to flattering: saying, that they have a better opinion of him than so, and therefore are resolved to send him home again to his own house: for the which fatherly favour extended towards him in saving both his life and his goods, he is to account himself much beholding and bound to their Lordships, willing him to persuade himself, that what favour they have showed him already, they mean to continue towards him, for the good liking that they had of him at the very first view, but specially for the good example of patience which he showed during the whole time of his imprisonment. With these and such like Lenitives the good and upright judges think to supple the rest of his sores that were of their own making, & to send him home to his house at the last, with special charge that he be silent. Yet sometime they detain him in prison a good while after, notwithstanding that he be found not guilty, nothing regarding what any, be he never so guiltless, suffer at their hands, and there do keep him closely & craftily till a day or two after their great state and jollity, that being dismissed near about the time that the other are, the common people may think he received his punishment amongst the rest, though in some lesser degree, and thereby be persuaded that the holy House never vexeth any man without sufficient information. And mark I pray you one other new found guise that these ravening wolves have got to obtain their prey & spoil withal: that such persons as among other parcels of their punishments are condemned either to perpetual imprisonment, either during the Inquisitors pleasure, or for a certain season, albeit they remain no longer in Triana, that is, the Inquisitours proper and peculiar prison, because they shall think themselves quite and clear dispatched, and to have no more to do with the holy House: yet wheresoever they be appointed their place of abode as an imprisonment, there be spies also to mark diligently how they take the matter, and whether they put it up quietly, yea or no, or what they say unto it. For if they be cheerful, or do any ways make but a countenance of mirth in this time of their trouble, they shall both incur the Inquisitours displeasure therefore, and feel a greater smart beside. They also that do remain in such appointed places, are likewise visited sometime by the Inquisitours; but in such sort as hath been described of the other, and to the very same end and purpose, that is to say, that the common people might see how full of mercy and pity they are: howbeit it is to this end, to bring them more in fear and awe of them, & of their displeasure. For then begin they (as it were) to keep Court, and to make inquiry both of the prisoners themselves & of the keepers; whether since their departure out of Triana they have heard any of their fellows say any thing touching matters of religion, who it was that did so, and what countenance others that heard it, made thereunto. Also, whether any man do grudge or find himself grieved for any punishment that he hath endured, but especially, whether they have disclosed any mystery or secret of theirs, or whether any man have compassed or imagined to make an escape, with many other such like questions. And if they find no such matters, they return as wise as they came, If otherwise there appear any evident matter against them, then commence they their suit against him or them. Not many years ago, it chanced at Seville in such a like visitation, that a certain prisoner, after he had remained in prison for certain years at the chief Inquisitours pleasure, whose name was Licentiato Gasco, made very earnest suit unto him for his discharge and deliverance thence. This Gasco was a man well learned in both the laws, as it seemed: who straining himself to speak somewhat wisely, made this grave and goodly answer unto him, passing all wisdom or good religion. Now Sirs (saith he) you must 
My Lord the chief Inquisitors occasion.  take your affliction patiently, for here you suffer for the sins of the people, and for ours aswell as for your own. Howbeit I will move the rest of my Lords in the matter, and what may be done, shall be done. But upon these and such like foolish and blasphemous speeches, never any Commissioner made inquiry: and thus departed he out of the Parlour, wherein he had made such a clerke-like piece of work to the poor prisoners in way of consolation; and so like a gay-divine, casting a word out to the keeper very solemnly, and charging him by virtue of their Office to look to them narrowly, that none escaped. For if there did, he should both seek them at his own charge, and be punished beside for his negligence, in looking so slenderly to his duty.   

CHAP. XIII.  
The interpretation of the sentences.  
THere be also certain special terms which the holy House useth for every kind of penance severally. Wherein, seeing there lieth also sorne secret mystery, it shall not be greatly impertinent to declare them in this place, expounding them after the Inquisitours own sense and understanding. First, concerning the judgements, some are to be burned quick, and that is for such as have constantly persevered unto the end, in the confession of a pure and perfect faith: and these men they call obstinate. Others are to be burned also, but after they be dead, being first strangled at the stake. Such are they, that being once won by their own frailty and weakness, have been content to submit themselves to the Inquisitours, and to forth wahtsoever the other will say, & yet have by certain evident and sufficient tokens, given the Inquisitours good cause of suspicion, to think that they remain the same in heart still, notwithstanding their mouth hath confessed the contrary. After the same manner are diverse also of the former sort, whom they term obstinate, strangled ere the fire be kindled, to make the people believe, that so soon as they were set to the stake, they abjured and renouced all their heresies, and returned to the holy mother-Church of Rome. But of these I have made mention before. Another sort of sentences there are that have a show of more mercy, which they call reconciliations, because such as have renounced the truth are as it were purged and cleansed by doing that penance in way of satisfaction, and thereby received again into the very bosom of the Romish Church. Such for the most part carry in their hands tapers unlighted on the great day of their Triumph, with ropes about their necks, and Sambenites upon their backs above their other garments, as badges & tokens of guilt: & these they wear either during life, or for some other certain number of years, or else are close kept and shut up in some monastery, or some other private places, whereof as there be sundry sorts, so are there likewise several names. Some are Perpetual without redemption. Some only perpetual. Some for a certain season: the which being expired, they must notwithstanding remain there still, during the Inquisitours pleasures: and some be no longer limited at the first than during the pleasure of the chief Inquisitor, the General they call him, because he is chief judge above all other Courts of the holy Inquisition throughout the Realm of Spain: there be also some at the pleasure of the inferior judges that gave the sentence, in their own Courts and private jurisdictions. These diversities of prisons are like the properties of Purgatory for all the world, excepting aswell certain cases in matter of penance, as also degrees of affinity and blood in cases of marriage. For they are devised to glean all the money out of the poor Penitentiaries purses, more or less, according to the quality of the offence, and after the rate and proportion of the penalty assessed on each of them therefore. And all this (forsooth) must be understood to proceed from the Inquisitours owneclemencie and mercy, of their own mere good will: by the only means whereof, the party that otherwise must necessarily perish for abjuring the truth, may stand in state of grace again, and be in possibility to recover his own salvation.  
When judgement is given to wear the Habit, (for so they call the Sambenite by a more cleanly term) & to perpetual prison without bail or maineprise, it is to be understood, that there is no talk to be had of any remission thereof till the party hath worn that garment, & suffered imprisonment, the space of nine or ten whole years, except the party have so good hap, as by means of his friends to obtain his pardon at the King's hand, who only may by his prerogative pardon it at his pleasure. But after the expiration of those years, unless the party have given some cause of suspicion again, the chief Inquisitor is commonly wont to remit the residue, howbeit with great crouching first, and much entreaty.  
When they adjudge a man to wear the Sambenite, and to suffer perpetual imprisonment, without adding any more, it is commonly taken for 3. years. if the chief Inquisitor do so think good: upon whose pleasure it resteth either to give the prisoner his discharge after those 3 years; or else to his perpetual ignominy, there to detain him all his life long. But when they say, that a man shall wear the Habit, and suffer imprisonment so many years or months, so soon as that certain time is expired the party is set at liberty, except it be added moreover, besides the limitation of time certain, that it shall be further referred to the discretion and appointment of the Inquisitours. The which clause they commonly use to put in the latter end, in the winding up of all, to choke men therewith, to make them think themselves much bound to them while they live, for releasing the same. But if the sentence be to wear the Sambenite with imprisonment during the chief Inquisitours pleasure, it is left to their discretions to pardon or punish accordingly, as they shall think good. In sum, how or after what sort soever their sentence be, the matter is wholly referred to them and to their ordering.  
Now the means to redeem this imprisonment, and to dispense with the wearing of these robes, is the more common and ordinary, by reason that the King hath in his Court diverse young gentlemen, to whom in respect of their service, he useth to grant pardons for those matters. Then such as get the grant hereof, do commonly make inquiry for such persons as are thereunto adjudged, who they be, and where they remain, to the intent to make their market of those pardons to their most advantage, as they can agree of price either more or less, respecting always, both the ability of the person, and the quality of the sentence. For such as had judgement without redemption, pay more: other for release of perpetual imprisonment, less: other for certain time and during the Inquisitours pleasure, less again: and lest of all, that which only resteth upon the discretion and will of the judge. Also, at some times the King, of his like liberality & gracious goodness, useth to grant unto divers, such money as should be levied for pardon of the Sambenite and other punishment, towards the redeeming of their brethren and allies, being taken prisoners by the Turks or Moors. And yet, whosoever sueth unto the King for any such pardon, must first in any case make the Inquisitours and the Clerks or other Officers of that Court his friends: otherwise, both the Kings own charter, and the payment made by the party beside notwithstanding, they will avoid him by hook or by crook, and tell him plainly, be it the King or the Pope himself that granted the pardon, he must be better informed how the case standeth ere he may depart so lightly. Then, if the matter be brought to that pass, it is an easy thing for them to imagine, that the party is not so cleared, but that there was good cause a while to make a stay.  
But when any hath judgement of Imprisonment during the chief Inquisitours pleasure, who for certain secret occasions to him known will not be entreated, and yet cannot well with honesty repulse the suitors, albeit he do them manifest injury to detain them so long, he will convey the matter full cunningly, saying, that he is content to refer it to the Inquisitours by whom the judgement was given. And when the party resorteth to them, than straightway is he posted over from them back again to the high Inquisitor, alleging that the determination hereof belongeth unto him, and so by means that one of them understandeth the others meaning, they dally and prolong the poor man's imprisonment, driving him off from day to day, so long as it pleaseth them. In like manner, the punishment is limited by the inferior Inquisitours. For when they are loath to be entreated, they pass it to the high Inquisitor, and so one of them serveth another: and therefore except the party go cunningly to work, and bribe either the Clerk or some other Officer of the holy House & that with no small gub, and there begin the ground of his suit, all his labour and cost bestowed upon the redeeming of his imprisonment, is quite lost. But if any of the Inquisitors or any chief Officer of the Court do make intercession for the party, than straightway the other understand, that it is done upon some such special occasions as they know, whereupon the suitor is moved to pity the state of the poor prisoner, specially if he use the ordinary words known and used among themselves in cases of petition. Which is on this sort. My very good Lords, my humble suit to your good Lordships is, that such a prisoners cause may be favourably considered, of whose good life and conversation, but specially of his patience in the time of his imprisonment, I have been sufficiently and substantially informed. Here are intermeddled two or three good words in his commendation, but moderately, lest it should be thought that he were too careful over him: The conclusion than is, that it would please their Lordships to determine, whether the party shall be released yea or no. And of such as escape thus hardly through the briars, it costeth some the one half of their goods: some all: and some a piece, as it pleaseth the Inquisitours to deal with them. For they are persuaded this to be the nighest way to bring them home again, that are any thing gone astray or become aliens from the faith. Or perhaps the holy House thinketh it to be against God's Laws, that an heretic should have whereupon to live. Or else belike, they have found out an Aphorism for their purpose: that as a surfeiter must use a temperate and a thin diet: so must an heretic also be kept low, lest he swell and grow up therein; and therefore take it for a sovereign medicine, to keep him so hungry that he must be fain to beg his bread.  
Moreover, of these (as is abovesaid) some have judgement, besides the wearing of the habit and suffering imprisonment, to be also whipped. Some both to be whipped, & afterward set to the Galley. But these sharper kinds of punishments they commonly use to strangers, be they never so small offenders, to be even with them this way, because they make so light of wearing the Sambenite, for most of them make but a jest of it. And all these proceed from the Inquisitours own mercy.  
The last and least penalty is appointed for such as in their judgements have committed but a light offence: that is, to be brought upon the scaffold bareheaded and without any cloak, having in his hand a wax taper: whereof some are commanded to make Abjuration ex vehementi: Some ex levi▪ Abjuration de vehementi they call, when it appeared not in the hearing and debating of any man's cause, what is certainly to be determined, for want of sufficient proof, and because the party himself confessed nothing that deserved any manner of punishment. Therefore upon such a fellow, whom they may neither by justice condemn for an heretic, nor of their consciences can absolve and set at liberty, specially having some apparent tokens of scarce good belief, they give sentence upon him as upon one vehemently suspected: and so according to their suspicion, they cause him to abjure, And such a man being afterward found guilty, be it in the least tittle of papistry, they take for a relapse, and condemn to the fire. Abjuration de levi, is much after the same manner, but that it is enjoined upon smaller offences in their judgements, whether the matter hath been apparent or no. Howbeit, no such person, though he be taken with the same manner again, shall be reputed for a relapse, or have judgement of death therefore: albeit the qualifying of the second offence, that is to say, the judgement and estimation thereof, be referred to the Inquisitours. And this kind of abjuration is for the most part used in other matters, then concerning Luther's doctrine, as for example, fornication (forsooth) betwixt single persons, as though it were no sin: therefore it is accustomably punished but as a trifling toy, by carrying of a wax candle, and by abjuration delevi. Yet at some times they punish this sin with the whip, and that very extremely, but if the party offend a thousand times after, so that he put himself upon the Inquisitours mercy, he is sure never to dye therefore.  
Lo, these be the goodly means whereby these good fathers bring into the right way the weaklings, as Paul termeth them. And thus much concerning their devices practised in the Inquisition, till the time come that we may see the fall of that ark of Iniquity, with the hidden secrets and mysteries thereof further disclosed, and all those things fulfilled and accomplished, which in time (no doubt) must be revealed and come to pass upon this holy Inquisition, these good Fathers, and their holy House, finally upon the whole man of sin, which God threateneth by his Prophet, shall fall upon all such wicked hypocrites, which to the overthrowing of Christ's kingdom, and the utter defacing of his glory, like shameless men, most wickedly do pretend the defence, and zeal, and the earnest advancement of the same. Malach. 2. And now to you this precept (saith he) O ye Priests. If ye will not give ear, nor purpose in your heart to give all glory to my name (saith the Lord of hosts) I will curse you, yea I will curse your blessings, nay I have cursed them already, because you do not consider it in your heart. Behold I will destroy your seed, and will overspread your own faces with the filth of your solemnities, and it shall cleave fast upon you, and you shall know that this commandment toucheth you only. Repentye.   

CHAP. XIIII.  
Certain special examples, wherein a man may more plainly see the treacheries and legerdemaines of the holy Inquisition in very practice and exercise.  
HEre I have thought good to annex certain special examples of their practices; wherein a man may evidently see a great sort of their treacheries heaped and shuffled together, over and above such as I have heretofore made relation of in their special places, to the end that their cruelty in the execution hereof, with their unsatiable covetousness, and all other abominable iniquity in the perverting of all good laws, may be lively described and (as it were) painted in tables, and set forth to the show, that such as do behold them may take the full view thereof. And partly I do it for their sakes, who for the professing of the Gospel, and the abiuring of an abominable religion, have been overtaken by the same means, serving these holy Fathers in stead of a booty to prey and raven upon, because I think it expedient for the Church to continue some memory thereof. Now therefore, let all Christendom open their eyes, that they may know & discern these ravenous Wolves, Lions, & Dragons, the very generation of Vipers, whom (notwithstanding their tyranny) they have till this day had in great reputation, and honoured as gods, to the great decay and undoing of all Christian commonweals: that learning to know them, and stripping them out off their cloaks of piety & godliness, whereof they have gotten special commendation, they may banish them all Christendom over. But as for any examples whereof I mean presently to make rehearsal, they are taken out of one only Court of the Inquisition holden at Seville, whose secrets alone the reporters hereof were able to disclose, having had the most part of them practised upon themselves, By relation whereof, a man may have a pretty guess, what a number there would be if a man should likewise coarse over all the other Courts of Inquisition throughout the whole realm of Spain. Neither are these that hereafter ensue, or the other reported before in my whole treatise, of any long collection: but all within the compass of 6. or 7. years' next after they began to persecute the Lutherans that grew up in Spain in great multitudes upon a sudden, especially in Seville and Valladolit.  
About which time there was apprehended for religion, and brought before the Inquisitors of Seville, a certain Englishman whose name was Nicholas Burton, a very godly man, whom afterward they burned for that he continued constant in his profession & belief, detesting utterly all their wicked & abominable religion until his life's end. Immediately after his arrest, all the goods and Merchandise which he brought with him into Spain by way of traffic, were according to their common usage seized and taken into the Sequester: among the which they also rolled up much that appertained to another English Merchant, wherewith he was credited as Factor. Whereof so soon as news was brought to London, aswell of the imprisonment of his Factor, as of the Arrest made upon his goods, he sent his Attorney into Spain with authority from him to make claim to his goods, and demand them. When his Attorney was landed at Seville, and had showed all his letters and writings to the holy House, requiring them, that such goods might be delivered into his possession, answer was made him, that he must sue by bill, and retain an Advocate (but all was doubtless to delay him) and they, forsooth, of courtesy assigned him one to frame his supplication for him, and other such bills of petition as he had to exhibit into their holy Court, demanding for each bill eight rials, albeit they stood him in no more stead than if he had put up none at all. And for the space of three or four months this fellow miss not twice a day, attending every morning and afternoon at the Inquisitors Palace, suing unto them upon his knees for his dispatch, but specially to the Bishop of Tarracon of whom I made mention before, who was at that very ●●me chief in the Inquisition at Seville, that he of his absolute authority would command restitution to be made thereof: but the booty was so good & so great, that it was the harder to come by it again. At the length, after he had spe●t whole four months in suits & requests, & all to no purpose, he received this answer from them, that he must show better evidence, & bring more sufficient certificates out of England for proof of his matter, than those which he hath already presented to the Court. Whereupon the party forthwith posted to London, and with all speed returned to Seville again with more ample and large letters testimonials and certificates, according to their request, and exhibited them to the Court. Notwithstanding, the Inquisitors still shifted him off, excusing themselves by lack of leisure, & by occupation in greater & more weighty affairs, and with such answers delayed him whole other 4. months after. At the last, when the party had well-nigh spent all his money, and therefore sued the more earnestly for his dispatch, they referred the matter wholly to the Bishop. Of whom, when he repaired unto him, he had this answer: that for himself he knew what he had to do: howbeit he was but one man, and the determination of the matter appertained unto the other commissioners aswell as unto him: and by thus posting & passing it from one to another, the party could obtain no end of his suit. Yet for his importunity sake, they were resolved to dispatch him, but it was on this sort: One of the Inquisitours called Licentiato Gasco, a man very well experienced in these practices, willed the party to resort unto him after dinner. The fellow being glad to hear this news▪ and supposing that his goods should be restored unto him, and that he was called in for that purpose to talk with the other that were in prison, to confer with him about their accounts, the rather through a little misunderstanding, hearing the Inquisitor cast out a word, that it should be needful for him to talk with the prisoner; and being thereupon more than half persuaded, that at the length they meant good faith, did so, and repaired thither about the evening. Immediately upon his coming, the jailer was forthwith charged with him, to shut him up close in such a certain prison, where they appointed him. The party hoping at the first that he had been called for about some other matter, and seeing himself contrary to his expectation, cast into a dark dungeon, perceived at the length that the world went with him far otherwise than he supposed it would have done. But within two or three days after, he was brought forth into the Court, where he began to demand his goods: and because it was a device that well served their turn, without any more circumstance they bid him say his Aue Maria. The party began, and said it simply and plainly on this sort, after the English fashion: Aue Maria gratia plena dominiu tecum, benedictatu in mulieribus, & benedictus fructus ventris tui jesus. Amen. The same was written word by word as he spoke it: and without any more talk of claiming his goods, because it was bootless, they command him to prison again, and enter an action against him as an heretic, forasmuch as he did not say his Aue Maria after the Romish fashion, but ended it very suspiciously; for he should have added moreover Sancta Maria matter dei ora pro nobis peccatoribus: by curtalling whereof, it was evident enough (say they) that he did not allow the mediation of Saints. Thus they picked a quarrel to detain him in prison a longer season, and afterwards brought him forth into their Stage disguised after their manner: where sentence was given, that he should lose all the goods which he sued for, though they were not his own, & besides this suffer a years imprisonment. His name was john Framton a citizen of Bristol.  
In the confiscation of goods, it is neither any great novelty, nor a thing so rarely seen in this holy House, that stranger's goods should be also seized among other men's. Otherwise (say they) it might easily be wrought, if they should give ear or credit to such allegations, that many by means thereof might colour their goods under another man's name, and by some false and forged Certificates prove them to appertain to other men, and so defraud the King's Eschecquer. For remedy whereof, and for the better avoiding of all coverts & collusions, the holy House thinketh it the safer way to offer wrong than to suffer any. As within these few years there arrived at Seville a certain rich Merchant stranger, whose goods were afterwaad confiscate for religion. Among the which they seized a very fair and a goodly ship, such one, as by all men's judgements, there never road a better nor a fairer upon the river. The party brought sufficient proof that the ship was none of his own, & yet notwithstanding the Inquisitours found a means that the law went on their sides, so that the ship fell out in trial to be theirs. And this Merchant's name was Reuchino.  
Moreover, in the same Court of Inquisition at Seville, there was one of the Citizens, a very godly and a virtuous man, severely persecuted by the Inquisitours for religion, howbeit not executed therefore. And among other of his punishments, this was one piece: that all his goods whereon he lived and maintained himself, reasonably well and honestly among his neighbours, should be wholly confiscate, and he commitied to close prison for ten years. Wherein, after he had remained by the space of two or three days, living there full barely (God wot) of a poor stock, that diverse well disposed persons had gathered for him of their devotion, having somtine lived in reasonable good estate; one of the Notaries of the Inquisition, came unto him with a bill signed and subscribed by the Inquisitours, charging him to pay to the Notary's hands 130. ducats for his commons and other expenses, during the time of his abode in Triana their prison for the Inquisition. The party made answer (as the truth was) that those good Fathers had taken from him all that ever he had, so that nothing was left him; and where nothing was, they could have nothing. Howbeit this answer contented not the Inquisitours, but they sent the Notary unto him once again, straight charging him either to pay the money out of hand, or else to be removed from that private place, and carried to the common jail, and there to remain till he had discharged it. What mad fools were these, to confiscate all his goods, and charge themselves by account for them into the Exchequer, not foreseeing to demand allowance for his charges?  
About the same time well-near, the House of the Inquisition at Seville apprehended a certain noble woman, whose name was joanna Bohorquia, the Lady and wife of one Francisco Varquio, a noble gentleman, and baron of Higuera, daughter to one Pedro Garsia Xeresio a very rich Citizen of Seville. The cause of her trouble was, for that a sister of hers called Maria Bohorquia, a very virtuous virgin, and one that afterwards was burned for her profession and faith, had confessed in the extremity of her torments, that she had conference with her sister in these matters of religion diverse times. This Lady, when she was first committed to prison, was gone with child well-nigh half a year: in respect whereof, neither did they shut her up so close, nor dealt with her otherwise so hardly, as they used to deal with others, for the regard of that that was within her. Notwithstanding, within four days after her deliverance, they took the child away from her, and the seventh day next after, they shut her up in close prison again, entreating her in all things as they did the other prisoners, and with as much cruelty as they used to any: in so much that in all her miseries the only comfort that she had, was, of the good company of a certain virtuous maiden that was her fellow prisoner for a time, but afterwards sent to the stake. Unto whom she bore such good will, that being on a time carried forth to the rack, & recaried to prison, sore strained thereon and so shaken in pieces, that having a bed of flags which served them both to couch on, more painful a great deal then easeful, whereon she tumbled herself so well as she could (though hardly God knows, and to her great pain and grief) the good Lady being not in case able to do her any other good, yet did she inwardly show singular tokens of love and compassion towards her. The same maid was scarce recovered, or her joints well knit again, but the said Lady was likewise carried out to be served in the same sort, & was so terribly tormented in the Burrie & Trough, that by reason of the exceeding strait straining of the strings piercing to the very bones of her arms, thighs, & shins, she was carried to prison half dead and more, the blood gushing out of her mouth amain, and in so great abundance, that it could not be otherwise, but that somewhat was broken within her body: but after 8. days God delivered her from these ravening Lions, and set her with himself in everlasting rest and peace. The bruit of which fact the Inquisitours laboured earnestly to suppress, lest it should be noised abroad among the common people, that they had so villainously torn in pieces this tender Lady upon the rack: but the beholders of this their tyranny could not hold it in. Now surely, if she had been a witch, or a traitor to her husband, or a murderer of her own children, and the temporal Magistrate had dealt so with her to make her confess these horrible facts, what time he were to give up his accounts (as the manner is) he should pay for it full dear, if so be that he had thus cruelly and without all reason entreated any person whatsoever. Yet the holy House is not to yield account of any such matters, but may rack to death even such, whom they themselves after more precise and exact proof, do acquit for innocents, and escape scotfree therefore, as it came to pass in the example of this virtuous lady. For being one of such estate, and of so good name and fame that they must necessarily yield some account of her case unto the common people, and were destitute of proofs sufficient (though they had left no device or policy unpractised, that they could imagine) seeing the matter so apparent to all the world, that by no means it could be dissembled: therefore the very first day of their next Triumph, they caused their sentence which they had given upon her, to be openly read there unto the people one this wise: Forasmuch as this Lady died in prison (without showing how or by what means I warrant you) and upon diligent hearing and consideration of her cause, is found innocent: therefore the holy house doth wholly acquit and discharge her of all suits and quarrels commenced against her by the Fiscal, and doth restore her to her former estate of estimation and honour, absolving her clearly from all guilt and crime: and thereupon do command, that restitution be made of all such goods as were seized into the Sequester, unto the hands of such persons as have right and title thereunto, etc. Thus, after that they had most beastly murdered her on the rack, they made her this goodly amends, to denounce her not guilty. God will one day (no doubt) ask an account of this their beastly and barbarous tyranny, sith they maintain it by the same power and authority in earth, which he hath ordained, for the revenge of these and such like injuries.  
Notwithstanding, not long after it happened, that the holy house was advised and fully bend to lay their baits and spread their nets in certain quarters there: but if they had not upon better advisement afterward wound them up again, they themselves unawares had given Rome such a gird, as I believe all the Lutherans hitherto have not given it a greater. And thus it was. There were certain persons, that were much more busy than I believe they had thank for, which found great fault with a foul company Monks and other religious men, for abusing their auricular Confession; under the colour thereof, masking with honest matrons and maidens that resorted unto them, making it a means to break their suits by, and to compass their purposes. The which thing the holy House thought indeed worthy of consideration and redress. But forasmuch as it was a hard to know who were these wooers and brokers, where none was appeached specially and by name (as it happeneth in a matter wherein a multitude offendeth) they caused proclamation to be made throughout all the Churches within the province of Seville very solemnly, that whosoever knew of their own certain knowledge, or had heard by report of others, of any Monks or other religious or spiritual persons (as they call them) that had abused their holy sacrament of Confession, to any such abominable acts or enterprises, or that any other ghostly Father had dealt in any such like sort with any of his shrift children, that every such person and persons privy to any such matters, should come in within thirty days, & signify it to the holy House of Inquisition; enjoining moreover, very great penalties for such as should refuse or contemn to come in accordingly, and to make declaration, what they were able to say: The proclamation was no sooner made and published, but there came such a number of women, only inhabitants within the city of Seville, to complain of their ghostly Fathers, that twenty Notaries, and as many Inquisitors would not have sufficed to take the names of such as came in and entered their complaints: wherefore the Inquisitors, having more to do than well they could dispatch, gave them other thirty days come in and do the like. But because so little time would not serve (they came in so thick) they gave them so much more respite again the third time: and after that the fourth, and there they were informed to lay a straw. For very many honest matrons and of good calling, partly of a foolish fear and superstition, lest they should be excommunicated, and partly in respect of their husbands whom they were loath to offend and bring into a jealousy or suspicion of their honesties, kept themselves at home, thinking to espy better some opportunity to speak with the Inquisitours apart. Whereupon they they attired themselves with veils or mufflers after the manner of their country, & went to the holy house as privily as they could. Notwithstanding, their husbands did so narrowly watch them during all the time of this appeaching, that they could not possibly pass so privily but diverse of them were espied, whereby they occasioned their husbands vehemently to suspect their honesties. On the other side, it was a jolly sport to see the Monks and Friars and Priests go up and down hanging down their heads, all in dump and melancholy, by means of their guilty consciences, quaking and trembling, and looking every hour when some of the Familiars should take them by the sleeve, & call them in Coram for these matters. Insomuch that a number feared lest as great a plague were come among them, as the persecution that was so hot about that time against the Lutherans. But the Inquisitours perceiving that these matters thus purposed, would sound not only to the great hindrance of themselves, but also turn to the decay of the whole Church of Rome, and that this only enterprise of theirs, if it should go on and take effect, would be enough to bring all their spiritualty into utter hatred & obloquy, but specially tend to the discredit of their auricular confession, which began already to be but of small account, although it was a matter that otherwise deserved both straight to be examined, and severely to be punished: yet did they in time take it up, and made a stay therein, contrary to all men's expectations: winding up all these matters, whereof the Court was now orderly and lawfully seized. And as the report was, the Monks and Priests made a common purse, & with a good round sum greased the Pope in the hand, so that he was content to grant a general pardon to all the whole company of Confessors, of his fatherly love and affection towards them, remitting all offences done or committed by them, & commanding the Inquisitours to surcease from proceeding any further, but wholly to suppress such things as were passed already, not suffering them in any case to come to light. Howbeit those that are privy to the Inquisitours dealings, say it is an unlikely matter, affirming, that if the Pope should make any such grant, yet is the holy Inquisition of such preeminence, that if they take in hand any matter of weight, they will not surcease upon the Pope's inhibition or countermanding, and that it is oftener seen, that their authority prevaileth against the Popes, than his against them, as by this example following may more plainly appear.  
Not passing two years before this, the Bishop of Rome had by a like foolish part and unawares cut the Inquisitors combs, by publishing a general jubily, which they call a general charter of pardon, for the safety of all Christendom, because Christ belike did not sufficiently provide therefore, besides a number of other pardons & indulgences for such as were suspected to be Lutherans: so cunningly can this fellow make a gain of the Gospel to himself. And whereas he cannot avoid the dart that Christ hath sent into the world to plague him withal, but that he must be stricken therewith, he ceaseth not to turn it some way to his own advantage. The words of the pardon were these: That whoso in time past had been a Lutheran, and would forsake that sect, might be absolved thereof by his ghostly father. An old device of the devil, that in as much as there arose about the same time great trouble in Spain, but specially in Seville the chief city thereof, and that a number offended therein, and began now to shrink from them, they might the more quietly and with less danger keep them in obedience, going about to win them by a kind of clemency and mercy, though feigned and counterfeit, rather than by dealing with them straight or severely. Howbeit, here was nothing found fault withal save only the preiudicing of the holy House, whereof as it seemed, the Pope had no great regard. Whereupon, they of the Inquisition being somewhat moved, by reason that that one only clause had lost them a good booty, contemned the Pope's pardon, & resisted it with might and main, commanding peremptorily, that no such pardon should be published, as should turn the holy House to any prejudice: by means whereof neither was it received ne proclaimed. Lo, here may a man see Satan divided against himself, and perceive thereby, that this denying of the Pope's absolute authority, which these good gentlemen punish in others with fire & sword, as being a necessary article of our belief, is but a nose of wax, which they turn what way they list: so that it serveth them rather in stead of a trap to entangle us withal, then accounted of as an article of our faith, in the observation whereof consisteth our salvation.  
The property of every tyrant is, specially to hate both mercy and truth, and to use all cruelty and extremity that may be: or else to seek utterly to be hated, when he seeth there is none other means to uphold him. As it was said sometime by one: Whom men fear, they do but hate. And truly, if a man be disposed to mark them well, he shall easily perceive, that there hath been hitherto no tyrant, that hath more duly observed these laws, nor executed them more cruelly, than this holy House hath done, devising to do all injury and extremity that possibly they can, only to bring men in fear and awe of them: so that they seem to desire nothing so much as this; that all men may fear them, hate them who dare, forasmuch as they punish trifling to ye●, and matters of no importance, yea such as are scarce blame-worthy, most severely and beyond all measure, as by the examples here ensuing may appear most manifestly.  
At what time their Church was in so good and quiet estate, that the Inquisitors had leisure enough to take their pleasure abroad, it chanced that the Bishop of Tarracon high commissioner in the Inquisition at Seville (of whose holiness I have made mention before) walked in a summer's day for his recreation by the sweet gardens that stand by the River Guadalquevir, accompanied with all his train and in his state as he was wont at diverse other times to do. Hard upon the bank of a certain pond that was in the same garden, where my Lord Bishop at that time was recreating himself, by chance there sat a little child playing, that was the gardiner's son, not passing two or three years of age, out of whose hands one of the Inquisitours Pages happened to snatch a reed wherewith the child was making himself sport, as children are wont to do, by means whereof the child cried after his reed. Tke father hearing the child cry, came straightway to know the cause, and understanding it, was somewhat offended therewithal, & prayed the Bishop's Page to give the little child his reed again: but because he made little account of the gardiner's words, proudly scorning and disdaining the poor man, he offered to snatch it from him, and by reason that he held somewhat hard, a shiver of the reed razed the Page's hand. It was no deaths wound I wis, nor any great maim, such as should deserve any great punishment, but only a small scratch, like as a broken reed could make; I wot not well what to make of it, nor how to describe it: such a thing as the very child would have made no moan for. The Page yet goeth to his Lord that walked not far off, to make complaint of this bloodshed. Whose Lordship commanded, that the gardener should be taken immediately and carried to Triana, where he was laden with irons, and there continued by the space of nine months, and in the end lost that little that he had: which was not much God knows, and yet a hard thing for the poor man to recover and get before hand again, his wife and children perhaps starving in the mean time. And all this was only because he had no special regard to the Bishop's Page, in forbearing him as a member of the holy House: but after the 9 months he released him, making him believe, that he had dealt with him in much more gentle and mild sort, than his case deserved.  
There was also in Seville a certain poor man that laboured for his own living, and for his whole family full duly and truly, and with the sweat of his brows, whose wife a certain Churchman kept against his will, and neither the holy Inquisition, nor any other Court would punish this villainy. This poor man on a time being among his companions, where one of the company ministered talk about purgatory, and happened to take his tale by the end, of mere simplicity, rather than of any malice, and to say, that he had purgatory enough for his share in that a vile knave kept his wife from him perforce, etc. the which talk coming to the good Priests ear, gave him matter enough to work upon, and to procure the poor man a double displeasure. Whereupon he accused him to the holy House, as one holding an evil opinion of purgatory. And they thought this a great deal more heinous offence, than the wicked fact of the Priest. For the poor soul for this only offence was taken and thrust into prison, where he remained two whole years together, and at the length was brought upon the stage, and had judgement to wear the Sambenite, by the space of of 3. years more, in some private place of imprisonment; and after that time expired, to be dismissed or further retained as the Inquisitours should think good. Neither did they leave him any one groat of all his poor substance, as they did let the Priest alone with his harlot: but notwithstanding his long imprisonment, did likewise confiscate that little that was renaining. Behold, this is the Spanish Inquisition, which so stoutly maintaineth the Christian faith, purgeth religion of heresies, and persecuteth the teachers thereof.  
Moreover, there was at Saint Lucre's a certain stranger, howbeit such a one as had remained in Spain by the space of twenty years, who of a very blind superstition dwelled in a wilderness within a Chapel: where hearing it reported on a time, that a great number of Lutherans were daily apprehended at Seville by the Inquisitours, and that they had made an edict, whereby commandment was given under pain of excommunication, that every man should repair to the holy House with all speed, and declare to the holy Inquisition whatsoever he knew either by himself, or by any other, concerning any of these aforesaid matters (for the Inquisitours meant special favour to such, as voluntarily would come in and accuse themselves) this doltish Hermit came to Seville, went to the holy House, and accused himself before the Inquisitours. The matter was, for that he being sometime at Geneva, had heard a certain Friar dispute of such matters, namely, of justification by faith in Christ, of purgatory, and such other like, and liked thereof very well, though afterward since that time he gave no great heed to them, nor greatly remembered them, and therefore came now to confess his fault, and to crave their pardon. But as soon as the Inquisitors had heard his confession (perhaps to fill up some empty room in their jail, or to make up their tale, wanting an odd man, they sent the Hermit to prison, where after he had remained a space, they brought him out upon the stage, and there gave sentence upon him to wear the Sambenite, and to suffer three months imprisonment, and to forfeit all his goods. So shameless (Lo) are these shavelings, that they can play such pretty pranks openly, and so severely punish these trifles even in their own darlings.  
There issued also in the self same Triumph a certain honest man a Citizen of Seville, without either cap or cloak having a taper in his hand, of whom they exacted, after he had been imprisoned a whole year together, a hundred ducats to wards the charges of the Inquisition. The cause of his trouble was, for saying, that these outrageous expenses bestowed in the erecting of those curious monuments (as they unproperly term them) made of paper & wickers on holy Thursday to Christ that is in Heaven, as also the other, that are spent on corpus Christiday (as they of Seville are marvelous excessive that way) should be more acceptable in the sight of God, if they were bestowed upon the poor in alms, or in the bestowing of poor and fatherless maidens in marriage. For the which words the party was both punished in this sort; and as one suspected for a Lutheran, abjured de vehementi.  
Also at the self same time, and in the very same Triumph there was a certain poor man brought before the people, who on a time as there chanced a quarrel to arise betwixt him and a Priest of Eciia a city in Granata, happened to say of the Priest in presence of other, that he could not be persuaded, that ever God would come down into the hands of that most abominable adulterer. For the which saying, the Ordinaries deputy had punished this poor man, howbeit the Priest held not himself content therewithal, but did afterwards before the Inquisitours lay blasphemy to his charge: who not with standing his former punishment, commanded him to be shut up close for a year, and at the end thereof, caused him to be brought out before the people in their solemn Triumph without either cloak or cap, with a taper in his hand, having a barnacle clapped upon his tongue, to revenge the blasphemy that he had uttered, and so was abjured de levi.  
Among the rest, there were also two brought into the stage at the same time, both young men and students: The one for writing in his tables certain verses, the author whereof was unknown: which were so cunningly contrived, that they seemed to sound both ways, either to the great praise or dispraise of Luther, as it pleased the reader to construe them: for the which only cause he endured a whole years' imprisonment, and was afterwards brought upon the scaffeld in his hose and doublet, bareheaded with a wax taper in his hand, and banished Seville and the suburbs thereof for 3. years' space, and abjured de levi. The other only for taking a copy of those verses, liking them well for the device sake and pretty invention, had the like judgement, save only that in stead of banishment, he paid 100 ducats towards the charges of the holy House.  
With such examples as these be, a man might easily fill whole volumes, but that I suppose these to be sufficient which are already reported, to occupy men's ears withal, that they may understand & see a great sort of more strange parts than these, which the holy House playeth daily, whereby appeareth most manifesty, by what spirit they are guided and governed in all their doings, and what their intent is, and how good their title i● whereby they claim and challenge to the place itself the name of the holy House, to themselves the titles of holy Fathers and Patròne of the Faith: where with they have bleared men's eyes hitherto: so that it is easy for every man to judge whether Christian godliness. & the true knowledge and worshipping of God, with the kingdom of Christ (the perfect comfort of all good men) be by these means increased & enlarged, or rather not destroyed, scattered and subverted▪ and Satan's kingdom that is built upon lies, wrought with craft and subtlety, up holden and maintained by cruelty, robbery, and murder of many good & godly men; whether I say it be not hereby more amplified & enlarged.   

CHAP. XV.  
Certain special treatises upon diverse godly Martyrs of Christ, who dying very constantly like good christians for the profession of the Gospel, yet the Inquisitors notwithstanding devised to defame and slander them with Apostasy and revolting.  
THe Inquisitours think it not sufficient to execute such by most cruel death, as contemning all their tyranny, remain firm and constant in the profession of the Gospel of Christ, before their faces and in open Court, but seek by all means possible as much as lieth in them, utterly to extinguish in them the life of their souls, which is Christ lesus dwelling in their hearts by faith, of whom they have declared themselves to be faithful Confessors as well at their death as in their life: For when they see all their polices void and to have none effect, because Christ taketh into his mighty protection and safeguard all his servants, so that no man is able to take them out of his hands (as he saith himself) then device they means to rob them as much as in them lieth of their name and renown of constancy, by scattering abroad false tales and misreports of them after their deaths, yea sometimes ere they be dead, as they stand upon the stage, clapping their engines upon their tongues, because they should not contrary them, reporting by them, that they have forsaken their former faith, and returned to the Romish religion.  
And this is a double device of the devils own brain, for two special considerations, which do evidently prove that they are assisted by his wicked spirit. For hereby they do not only rob the Martyrs themselves of their due deserved praise for their constancy and perseverance: but also the Church of Christ is spoiled of those examples, wherein she should otherwise rejoice, in making her reckoning. Therefore sith that in diverse Acts of faith (as they term them) they have dealt in this sort with diverse, of whose constancy God hath many ways assured us: it will be expedient that unto this former treatise I do also add these several and particular histories, to the intent that the honour and estimation that is due to good and godly Martyrs, may be yielded unto them accordingly, & the Church like wise rejoice as she hath good cause: lastly, that the memory of them may be preserved and kept, both to the glory of God, the increase of his Church, and the utter shame and confusion of this their holy House.  

john Pontio de Leon.  
IN the first session holden at Seville against the Professors of Christian religion (whom they call Lutherans) there was brought forth in the triumph at the same time, one john Pontio de Leon, son to Rhoderico Pontio de Leon Earl of Balen, borne of a noble House, and a very good gospeler, as well for his learning and knowledge, as for the practice thereof, with the continuance of many years, as I myself am able to make report for the great familiarity and acquaintance that I had with him a long season, and therefore (if need were) could give a true and a faithful testimony thereof (before God I speak it) but that all that ever knew him, or that had occasion to mark his conversation, will with one consent (I dare say) testify the same. Among other virtues that appeared to be in him unsainedly and without hypocrisy, he was singular in one thing, in that he had an exceeding love & compassion towards his poor & needy brethren: insomuch that being left very wealthy by his father, able to continue that port that his Ancestors kept, fell by such means almost into stark beggary: howbeit such as was to him neither noisome nor grievous. Not with standing, diverse have given their blind and foolish verdicts of him therefore, attributing that to folly & prodigality, which he did of a rare & singular virtue. But since he lived so well that none could justly so much as suspect any evil example of life to be in him, and many were in their extremities relieved by his goodness: besides this, accepted in so good part his poor & hard estate, as by all men's judgements he did very patiently, and in such sort as a great deal meaner men would scarce have taken a far better estate than he was in; these things must needs be evident proofs of a singular grace of God to be in him, and such a perfect kind of virtue as was void of all hypocrisy. Yet in recompense of that singular pity & compassion which he showed in this world towards others, he was apprehended by the Inquisitours for professing the Gospel, and after he had manfully maintained his quarrel against their malicious falsehoods during the time of his imprisonment (which was the space of two or three months) whether it were the very extremity of their torments that enforced him, or their fair and flattering promises of safety and deliverance that alured him, but he shrunk at the length and yielded, where erst he was invincible, stooping and submitting himself to the obedience of the Romish Church. The first that ever enticed him so shamefully to revolt, was one of these stinging and venomous flies whom they had cast into prison with him in manner as hath been already declared: who being a man very well learned, and besides that a deep dissembler, did rather by his cunning enchantments bewitch him, than by any force of reasons dissuade or seduce him. Howbeit though God suffered him so to fall for a while, that he might somewhat understand the frailty of man, and sensibly feel it in himself, yet still remembering his own word and promise, that none shall take any of his flock from under his hands, did not long time thus leave him to himself, but raising him up again most mightily, restored unto him the double strength that he had before. For the very night immediately before his execution he did most manfully defend the truth against his Confessor in the hearing of diverse as well prisoners, as also the Officers of the holy House: for at such times, their confession is not mere auricular: insomuch that being demanded by the Priest whether he would be shriven or no, where before the time of his apprehension and imprisonment he used commonly to go to shrift, he now refused, rebuking the Priest for his labour. And being urged with his former doings, answered, that he did it to serve the weakness of his brethren, and for fear of offence to them that as yet were not proceeded so far, and yet made his choice of his ghostly father; so as his shrift was more like a godly collation, than a popish confession: Marry now (saith he) as the case standeth there needeth no such yielding. The next day, when sentence was pronounced upon him, were openly read these articles among others, for the which he was chiefly and principally condemned. First that he should say, that he from the bottom of his heart abhorred the Idolatry that was committed in the adoration of the bread, & therefore so oft as it was his chance to meet it, being carried abroad to sick persons, he either turned some other by-way, and avoided it, or else hasted so that he forwent it, because he should otherwise have been enforced to do unto it some kind of worship or honour; and at many times chancing to be in the high Quire, would turn his back because he would not behold the elevation, and for the most part used to go to the place where execution was accustomably done, (like as was Smithfield here in London) and there would walk a good sort of turns, to the end, that by continual meditation of the martyrdom, but specially of that faithful and glorious confession, which the wicked of this world by force and tyranny caused the godly there to make unto Christ (by thus acquainting himself with the place) he might be the more emboldened, looking one day to be called thither, and so should in the mean time prepare himself, patiently to take it when it came. Likewise, at such times as by order he should receive his Maker (as they say) he used to remove his household, and to send them to some other place, making them believe at their return that he had so done, because they should not be offended to see him take such liberty. But the effect of his confession moreover was this: that the justification of a Christian man resteth only in the merirs of jesus Christ through only faith in him, and that other purgatory there was none. As for the Pope's pardons and indulgences, they were but mere parchment and lead, & he very Antichrist, etc. concerning myself (saith he) I am not only willing, but desirous to dye & ready to suffer any other punishment for this truth which I have confessed, esteeming of this world ●and the treasures thereof in none other respect, then for my necessary uses, to serve my necessity, and the rest to bestow in the maintenance and setting forward of the same doctrine which I have of late professed: & therefore I beseech God daily upon my knees both for my wife and children, that they may all continue in this quarrel to the very death. Howbeit the holy House laboured earnestly by all means, to deprave him, & therewithal, to deprive him of the due commendation for that notable confession made by him, spreading abroad false tales of his fall and departure from his late profession, most spitefully and maliciously. Notwithstanding I am able in few words to confute them, even by this one argument, that in the exemplifications which they caused to be made of such matters as were done and passed in that act or session, being not very circumspect, they have unawares told the plain truth themseluesgoing about to set out the offences & punishments of this good man, contained in these words, which are extant unto this day: john Pontio de Leon was burned as an Obstinate Lutheran heretic. The which word of itself, to such as doubt of the party's constancy, is occasion sufficient to suspect the Inquisitors crafty and deceitful dealing. But as for us, his good conversation, whereof diverse can bear witness, hath credit and persuasion enough of itself.   

john Gonsalue a Preacher.  
THere was executed likewise, at the same time & Triumph, a certain Preacher that some time had been a Priest, but at that time no great Clerk: yet afterwards a man of very godly life and conversation, and one that became very well learned in the scriptures, whence only he learned true Godliness, giving over all that Sophistical and Dunsicall divinity, wherein he had spent a great deal of time very idly. In all his sermons he bent his whole force to beatinto men's minds the true way and means of our justification to consist in Christ alone, and in steadfast faith in him, all the merits of man quite abandoned and set apart. His name was john Gonsalue. But of such profession, there could ensue none other effect than did. As for his confession, by the Inquisitours own reports, it was all one with the former that john Pontio made, so that it fell out accordingly, that as before times they were joined together in familiarity and friendship, they should also now be linked together in like profession, and make the like ends. Howbeit the night before his death, preparing himself to dye, he suffered a great conflict with his Confessors; whom notwitstanding after much ado on both sides, he sent away with shame enough. And at his departure out of the Castle Triana, towards the scaffold, accompanied with two of his own sisters that went to the same feast that he did, leaving also behind him two of his brethren, whereof the 〈…〉 e and his mother were in like case executed at the next act, yet did he show himself to be of a notable courage & constancy. For at the very first step, issuing out of the castle gate and standing in the full view of all the people, which had heard him at diverse times make very many godly sermons, ●e began with a loud voice to recite the 106. Psal. Deus laudem mea 〈…〉 ne tacueris, etc. cursing & condemning all hypocrites as the worst sort of people that were. Neither changed he his countenance any thing at all after he was mounted upon the stage, albeit they had stocked his tongue; because he began somewhat to comfort one of his sisters, whom he knew to be tender of nature, exhorting her to constancy and perseverance. Also when his sentence was in reading he gave very good ear unto it, being nothing therewithal dismayed, either at the degradation, whereunto they settled themselves after their manner very solemnly, or at the putting on of such ornaments and ensigns as were appointed for him & his mates. The which things though they seemed in the eyes of the world very odious, & much founding to his rebuke and infamy, yet in the sight of God and his Angels, were beautiful (no doubt) and glorious. To wit: they despoiled him of those vile and wicked Massing robes, and arrayed him with a Sambenite, a cope, and a paper hat. But night drawing on, and such as should suffer being come into the place of execution, they were all commanded to say their Credo, the which each of them did severally: and when they came to that article: I believe the holy Catholic Church, they were also commanded to add thereunto the Church of Rome. But there they stayed all at once. Then were the Monks and Friars in hand with john Gonsalues sisters and other women then presently to be executed, that they would add it in their belief, and in that article put in the Church of Rome. Who answered, that they would do as john Gonsalue did, not because they depended upon him, or were doubtful either what to say themselves, or else what he would do, but to the intent that his tongue might by that means be loosed, that he might declare his mind as well concerning that article, as the rest of his whole belief. Whereupon having his tongue at liberty, like a good and godly schoolmaster he comforted them, willing them to be of good cheer, & told them there was no more to be added. Immediately after this confession thus by them made, they broke their necks with a trice, ere the fire were kindled, and forthwith began to noise abroad, that they had added those words of the Romish Church in that article of their belief, accordingly as they were willed to do, and so departed, acknowledging and confessing the Church of Rome to be the true and Catholic Church.   

Of four women of Sivil.  
IN the congregation at Seville, which the Inquisitours had wellnigh consumed by fire, among those that had been a long time professors of the truth, there were four women most notable and famous above the rest, for their good & godly conversation. That is to say: Isabel Vaenia, Maria Viroesia, Cornelia, and one Bohorquia youngest of the four: for she was scarcely 21. years of age, & yet for virtuous conversation comparable to her other fellows: but in the knowledge of holy Scriptures, which she had gotten by continual reading, and studying, and conference with godly and learned men (whereof there were in Seville a great number at that time) she became so singular, that she did not only far exceed and surpass her fellows, but many of our Masters that are taken for great learned Clerks, whom in the time of her imprisonment she drove oftentimes to the wall, by their own confession, and made them ashamed of themselves. But Vaenia the first woman was a Matron for manners, and her house a School of virtue, and a place of resort, where the congregation assembled to sing Psalms and hymns to God both day and night. Nothing was there profaned, nothing done of hypocrisy and dissimulation, all was pure & perfect religion. At the last, the time being come that God had appointed for them, to be made ready and ripe for him, and so to be both apt and able professors of his name and truth, the Inquisitors sent for them, & at one draught caught these four with diverse other of their neighbours. The first thing that occasioned this Bohorquia to such earnest study of the Scriptures, was a little skill which she had in the Latin tongue, wherein it was lawful to read the Scriptures, both as often, and as long as she listed; being restrained and forbidden, that in no case the common people should read them in their own tongue. Yea her schoolmaster D. Giles, a man whom she did specially choose for his singular integrity of life, as well as for his excellent learning, was wont to give this testimony of her, that he never came into her company but he learned somewhat, and so departed thence always better learned than he came. During the time of her imprisonment, the Monks and Dominicanes had great disputations with her, marveling as much at the passing excellency of her wit in answering all their subtle and sophistical objections, and (as it were) cutting them so quickly with the sword of God's word, as also at the wonderful memory which she had in citing the holy Scriptures so readily: insomuch that after they had done disputing & reasoning with her, they gave very good testimonies of her constancy and sober behaviour, albeit they termed it by the names of wilfulness and obstinacy. After they had kept her a long time in that dark dungeon, and there caused her to endure all the cruel and extreme torments that might be (by means whereof they forced her to confess of her own sister, that she was also one of the same religion: which was the occasion first of her sister's imprisonment, & so consequently of her death, being murdered most cruelly among those villains by extreme torments) they brought her forth upon the scaffold, with diverse other godly men & women, whereof I made mention before. How beit she came in such sort as one making a semblance of joy and mirth and conquest over the holy Inquisition, rather than otherwise. The which strange countenance of mirth, for so much as it was rare to see in her, and unaccustomed, uttered by singing Psalms to God, the Inquisitours of spite and malice, sought to alter into another tune, by setting a Barnacle on her tongue in the way as she went, which notwithstanding ere they came to the scaffold they did undo again. When they had read their sentence upon her openly, and given judgement of death, the Inquisitours asked her whether she would recant yea or no, acknowledging her heresies which heretofore she had most wilfully maintained. Whereunto she answered them roundly, that neither she would, nor truly could confess so much. And so from thence she passed with her other companions to the place of execution accompanied with these hypocrites, still calling upon her and her fellows by the way to add the Church of Rome in the article of their creed: but she among the rest most stoutly withstood them. Notwithstanding, the abominable villains, to the intent to blemish their good name and renown by their most villainous treacheries, strangled them with halters, as though they had at their last hours returned to the Romish Church: in consideration whereof, the Inquisitours taking pity on them, would not suffer them (say they) to be burned quick. Moreover, their tyranny did also extend to the very walls where these holy assemblies and congregations were kept. For there was special commandment given, that the house wherein Vaenia dwelled, should be razed to the earth, from the very foundation, and converted to a perpetual waist ground, and in the midst of the plat an inscription to be set in marble; for the wicked and idolatrous generation, a monument of many misdeeds, but to the Godly, a perpetual memorial of the true servants of God, in whom Christ did most truly and perfectly dwell.   

Ferdinando à Sancto joanno.  
THis man likewise was one of the chief and most worthy members of the same congregation; I mean for the true fear of God that was in him, his singular honesty, his servant and exceeding zeal of doing good to his neighbours without any regard of his own commodity, not in respect of his parentage, or any curiosity about his body, or otherwise in his behaviour or speech. A young man indeed, yet for integrity of life, very notable and famous, Precedent of the House of learning (as they term it) and chosen thereunto by the judgements of many godly men that were first founders thereof, to instruct and teach the youth in the College called the College of children. In the which office after he had remained by the space of 8. years, to his great commendation, he was perceived to be a Lutheran, that is to say, a man conformed to the very pattern of true and perfect piety: whereunto also (as his duty required) he had wrought his scholars, as much as lay in him to do in a time of so great persecution and tyranny. But his reward for his pains, if we respect man's recompensing, was much like unto that which the common sort of thankless people yield a man for his good deserts: but respecting faith, such as Christ foretold his disciples that they should find among men. For, being most terribly tormented upon the jeobit or the Trough, and so shaken in every joint, that when he was taken down thence he was not of strength able to move any part of his body: notwithstanding those villains the torments took and drew him by the heels in this plight all along to his prison, as it had been a dungsacke or any carrion. The occasion why the Inquisitours dealt so extremely with him, was for answering them somewhat roundly and homely, without relenting or yielding unto them one jot. Howbeit, during the time of this straight imprisonment, God used him as a mean to comfort and erect a certain young man called Morzilio, a Monk of the cloister of Saint Isidore, laid in for professing the gospel openly, who by means of the Inquisitours fair and flattering promises, had a little before relented and yielded somewhat in religion. The which thing (no doubt) was the ordinance of God, that these two should be matched together in one prison. For this Ferdinando, perceiving the young Novice to faint in courage, rebuked him sharply, accused him of cowardice before God, & driving him thereby to repentance, confirmed and strengthened him at the length: So that within few days Morzilio prayed to come to his answer, and before the Inquisitors, then and there, solemnly renounced that recantation which he had lately made, desiring that his former confession might stands, the which he took to be very Christianlike▪ Yet was he strangled at the very same time, and afterward burned: marry whether he died in God's favour or the Inquisitors, that knoweth God alone. But to return to Ferdinando. After sentence was given, the Inquisitours demanded of him, whether he were determined still to continued the same man, and to affirm the same heresies. Whereunto he answered them very roundly and bluntly (after his fashion) in the hearing of all the people that he had uttered nothing but the very pure and perfect Gospel, and the true belief of a Christian man, and therefore was far from accounting them heresies. Whereupon immediately they took away from him a cross of wood which they had thrust betwixt his singers & the cord that bound his hands, and therewithal clapped a Barnacle upon his tongue, which remained there until the fire had consumed it, and thus was he burned quick.   

juliano Ferdinando.  
IT is a wonderful thing I assure you for a man to consider, that in so wearyish a thing as this juliana was and so poor, that a man would think he had nothing left but skin and bone, there should be so great courage and stoutness of stomach: but that the holy Prophet saith, and daily experience beside confirmeth, that God hath oftentimes chosen the weaklings of the world to confound the strong and mighty. For this same juliano the little (as commonly he was called for the smallness of his stature) being in Germany without all the Inquisitours reach, and there conversant with many learned men, among whom he came to the knowledge of true and perfect godliness, by the assistance of the Holy Ghost, rather than by any man's persuasion or counsel, took in hand a very weighty and a dangerous enterprise: to wit, the transporting into Spain of two great dryfattes full of Bibles printed in the Spanish tongue, such was the fervency of his zeal to publish and set abroad the light of the Gospel in his own country. In the which attempt and enterprise, there was a great cause of fear, as if he had undertaken to bring in cart-loades of Scorpians or other more venomous beasts, the hypocrites had so stopped all ventes, and made a restraint in every port, because no manner of light or understanding should by any means come unto them. Notwithstanding all this, God under his mighty protection, and by his own safeconduct, brought that holy burden thither, and that which was most miraculous of all, so provided, that it was both landed and discharged within the walls of Seville: where were such busy searchers & catchpoles prying in every corner, that a man might with a great deal more ease have deceived Argus for all his eyes, of the Cow which he had in charge to keep. The which dew of God's grace sent unto them so seasonably, that Paradise of the Lords did most joyfully and thankfully receive, whereby the fruit (no doubt) grew to ripeness, and became more plentiful against the time of harvest and reaping. For at the last this matter broke out, and came to the Inquisitours knowledge: first by means of a foolish fellow, more fearful a great deal than need was, and afterwards by an unfaithful brother, pretending to profess the Gospel, wherein he seemed to have profited reasonably well, but shortly after showed himself to be a judas, and a champion for the Inquisition, cloaking & colouring his malicious purpose, with that counterfeit pretence of religion, & by that means betrayed the whole congregation. Then the Inquisitors well nosed like the devil, and finding a little, followed on so far, till at the length they sprung the whole covey, found the nest, took both young and old, and so made havoc of all. And this was the first ●ouzing they had, which broke that holy heard, that was so great in number, that the hunters themselves at the first were afraid of them, and the spoil of them such afterwards, that they filled all their larders, & were enforced further to seek for other cellars to bestow them in, and to cause so many o●ens to be heated, that they were almost quenched with the suet of the Dear. For there were taken at Seville at that one time 800. & 20. of them or thereabouts, roasted at one fire. Among the which, this juliano was one of the first that was apprehended and sent to prison, where he lay continually, solitary and without any company, laden with irons above 3. whole years. By means whereof, there were daily, diverse and sundry sights to be seen. Howbeit the constancy of this man was so great and so wonderful, that the torments themselves, were sooner wearied, than he unpatient for all his torments; and notwithstanding his weak and wearyish body, yet always remained of sufficient strength in mind to abide all their tyranny, insomuch that he never departed from the rack with worse cheer or less courage, than he was of at his entrance: so that all their torments, all their threatenings, and all extremity which they could do or practise upon him, did not make him yield or shrink one jot, but that returning from the rack, or rather drawn thence by other of his fellow-prisons, he would signify unto them, how he had conquered and confounded his enemies, singing on this sort: Vencidos vanlos frails, vencidos van: Corrulos van los lobos: Corridos van. As much to say in English as thus. The Monks depart vanquished, they depart vanquished: the Wolves do fly with shame, they fly with shame. But long before this time came, he was much troubled in the first days of hearing with the Monks, and other such maintainers of iniquity as they are; by whom the Inquisitours, being utterly unlearned themselves, use to control and overrule heretics. From whom so oft as he returned, he delighted always to sing that song, in token of triumph over his adversaries. And on the great and solemn day of their Doom, being brought out of his prison into the Court of the Castle Triana, to be apparelled with such trinkets as are appointed for persons condemned (like as other of his companions were) the report is, that with a marvelous good courage and countenance he began to exhort them in this wise. My brethren be of good cheer, this is the hour wherein we must be faithful witnesses to God and his truth before men, like as it becometh the true servants and soldiers of Christ, and within this little while we shall have him ready to witness with us again, and shall within few hours triumph with him in Heaven for ever. But immediately, as he was making this good and godly exhortation, the villains set a Barnacle on his tongue, and so he went to his execution. How beit standing upon the step whereon they that are to be executed use to stand, being not able in words to utter the courage & constancy of his mind in the patient sufferance of all these torments for the Gospel's sake & the profession thereof, he expressed no less in gestures and behaviour. First, kneeling down, and kissing the step whereon he stood: and afterwards being tied to the stake, and covered up to the head and ears with faggots, did diverse and sundry times shrink his head into the midst of them, as one most willing to receive his death, & desirous to hasten the same: whereby, like a good soldier of Christ, he did very well foresee and provide to have his confession notified, and the infirmity and weakness of his feeble brethren, if any such there were among them, holpen and remedied, encouraging them by these signs and tokens which he gave them, both steadfastly to stand to the truth, and lightly to esteem of the punishment. There was also present with him at his death one D. Ferdin ando Rodriguio, a false Apostle, whose importunity being not able any thing to remove him from his profession, caused it to appear in the eyes of men, so much the more glorious: who supposing that the terrors of death would somewhat have dismayed him, obtained leave of the chief officer, that his tongue might be loosed, upon hope that he would sgnifie his conversion to the common people by word of mouth, Howbeit it fell out quite contrary. For immediately after that his tongue was at liberty, this juliano made as plain and solemn a protestation of his faith, as ever he did at any other time in all his life. As for his friend and acquaintance that gave him so evil counsel speaking flatly against his own conscience (as he knew full well) he gave him such an ●tem, and so took him up for stumbling, that the villain having not a word to answer him for very shame, to the end to be even with him some other way, fell into this outery & exclamation. O that Spain, the conqueror and dame over so many countries, should be thus troubled with such a caitiff. Kill him, kill him. And I warrant you there were butchers enough ready to do as he bade them, and to give him his deaths-wound. The rumour also was spread of this man, that he had likewise recanted during the time of his being in prison: but God be thanked it fell out in the end far otherwise.   

john de Leon a Monk of Saint Isidors' cloister.  
THis man at the first was but a tailor in Mexico that famous City in the West Indies, called Nova Hispania, & at his return thence to Seville again, felt in his conscience (as many good men do) a certain ●ea●e of God, though blind and not proceeding of knowledge, whereby he was moved to become a Monk. yet his hap was such by God's good means, who did so provide for his desperate attempt, that he entered into Saint Isidors' cloister in Seville, wherein the greater part of the covent at that time was well affected in religion. But after he bade been schooled there by the space of two or three years, and conversant among them, he began to be weary of this monkish and solitary kind of life, seeking means to forsake his order, as he did indeed: colouring the matter with his continual disposition to sickness; and yet being once out, had such a desire to talk with his former schoolmaisters, that had instructed him in the true and perfect religion, that he returned thither again, for conference sake and for their company. But all in vain Form the time of his absence, all they for whose respect he entered into that ill-favoured order once again, had left their cowls, and were fled into Germany. Whereupon he perceiving that there was no place of abode for him, determined to alter his purpose so soon as he could certainly learn what was become of his old companions, and whither they were gone. But here perhaps some evil disposed persons will call him a double Apostata in forsaking his order twice. Marry the wiser sort will give him double honour therefore, and account him the godlier man two to one. Therefore trudging after his fellows, and (as it were) tracing them, he met with them at the length at Frankford with much ado, both for the painfulness of his journey & the perils of passage: & from thence went with them to Geneva, to meet with the rest of his acquaintance that were settled there. About the same time, by means of Queen Mary's sudden death, and that the crown of England descended upon the most gracious Lady Queen Elizabeth, they of the English congregation, that by occasion of the late tyranny were dispersed here and there in Germany, were by God's good grace called home againeinto their own country: whereupon diverse Spaniards that sojourned at Geneva, thinking England a meeter place for their congregation, did accompany the Englishmen, that returned homewards into England, and for their more safety divided themselves into several companies. For the Inquisitours took the departure of the Monks in so evil part, aswell in respect of forsaking their order, as renouncing their religion, that albeit they were but few in number, yea but a handful (to speak of) in respect of the world, yet they determined to plague them sound, if they could come by them: and thereupon sent out their flies to lie in wait for them every where as they should pass, specially at Colyne, Frankford, Antwerp, & all the high ways that lay from Geneva that way: & in like case all the ways on the other side from Geneva to milan. The charges whereof were allowed out of the king's treasury largely enough, both of the kings own liberality, and of the desire which the Inquisitours had to catch them. And God knows much a do there was, sparing neither for labour nor cost to find half a dozen dogs to do this feat, and to hunt them out: besides other great privileges and immunities that were promised to such as would undertake to bring them again. A strange thing to consider, how the Inquisitours detest and abhor the light of the Gospel, that they persecute it to the very death. This fellow therefore had gotten him a companion, one john Ferdinando of Valladolit, a very godly man, & purposing to pass together into England through Germany, were laid for at Argentyne, by means whereof they were dogged, and taken in a certain port in Zealand, as they were taking ship to cross over into England. And being apprehended, this john de Leon took the arrest with so good a courage, that he never changed countenance at it, but so soon as the messengers had said that their errant was to him, he made them answer strait way. Well (quoth he) let us go in God's name, for he (no doubt) will be with us. Whereupon they were both brought back into the town, and there racked most pit fully, to the intent to make them confess of their other companions; and within a few days after were shipped and carried into Spain: each of them, during the time that they were in the ship, having a certain Iron chain wrought like a net, that covered both head and face, within the which there was also another engine of iron made like to a man's tongue, which being thrust into their mouths took away the use of their tongues. And in these continual pains and torments, besides other gins and fetters of iron wherewith they were bound both hand and foot, they were brought into Spain, and there delivered into the Inquisitours prisons: john de Leon to the Inquisitours prison at Seville, and his fellow to Valladolit, where he was afterwards in defence of God's quarrel executed by fire quick: as was also one Doctor Cacalia a companion of his, but a little before him, whose brother or sister's daughter this man had married. Howbeit john de Leon remained a great while in prison, where he tasted the Inquisitors tyranny, suffering both hunger and cold, as also endured all their torments each after the other: and at the last was brought forth in their solemn show, arrayed in like sort as the other that had continued & persevered as he had done. It was a pitiful thing to behold, and (no doubt) would have made many a man afraid to see so griezly a sight, and such a ghost as he was: his face so overgrown with hair, his body so lean as any rake, having nothing left to cover his bones save only the very skin; and to the increase of his pain, their Barnacle was set upon his tongue, that it was loathsome to see the long streams of phlegm come out of his stomach, & hang roping from his mouth to the ground, as he stood upright. But when sentence of death was pronounced upon him, having then his tongue set at liberty, to the intent that he might abjure & recant (as they supposed he would have done) he made such a confession with such a countenance, so quietly, without any apparent motion or affection; though in few words, yet so effectually, as if he had been in his best estate and most liberty that ever he was in. At the very last hour of his death, there was assigned unto him a certain Monk to dispute with him, one of the same cloister that he himself had once been on, and whose novice he was the first year after that he entered that unlucky order, that he might record unto him the principles of his old popery and superstition. Howbeit the more means that they used to assault him withal, the stronger he grew and the more able to resist them: for Christ (doubtless) like a good captain defended his soldier. In the end, he was executed as cruelly, as in his life time before he had been tormented miserably, but with as quiet and patient mind as might be. For so it was always likely that so good a man as he, should make so good an end.   

Francisca Chavesia.  
TOwards the furnishing of the same show, there was also one Francisca Chavesia, a modest Virgin and one of a perfect profession, a Nun of the cloister of Saint Elizabeth. A wonderful thing to consider how the perfect knowledge of Christ could come to her through such Iron doors and gates, notwithstanding all the froward superstition wherein she was almost drowned. But the election of God in his Son Christ is a matter of such force and efficacy, that nothing can withstand it at the time appointed. Besides this, her hap was so good otherwise, to have unto her schoolmaster one D. Aegidio, of whom we have to speak hereafter. Truly the shining light of God's Gospel could not long time be hid under that bushel, but when the time was come, it would appear and shine to the joy & comfort of the whole Church of God, and to the abolishing of darkness and iniquity. Well, the conclusion was, that coming before the Inquisitours, and entreated as others had been before her, at the length she was brought out unto the stage or scaffold: where she (albeit that in all her life time she had had no great conference with men) yet many times by her manlike answers, did put the Inquisitors to afoule foil: and did moreover, not only most constantly affirm the truth, but also most sharply rebuked those good Fathers, calling them dumb Dogs and the generation of Vipers. But of all the rest, the small regard which she had either of death or the pains thereof, and specially the cheerful countenance which she kept still even to the very fire, was most worthy the sight of all that beheld it.   

Christophoro Losada a Physician.  
THis man in like case was scholar to D. Aegidio, taught & trained up by him in the principles of true religion. Among whose other good gifts & blessings of God, wherewithal he was endued, this one thing was in him most worthy of admiration, that whomsoever he took in hand to teach and instruct in virtue and godliness, he did therewithal kindle as it were a certain servant zeal in their hearts, whereby they were inflamed to all the exercises of love and charity both inwardly and outwardly; and besides this, marvellously animated and encouraged to patience at the very hour of their deaths. Whereby he gave an evident testimony to such as were enlightened with God's spirit, that Christ was always present with him to make perfect his ministry, writing with his holy Spirit in their hearts inwardly the same in effect that he in words pronounced outwardly. But besides the good hap that this man had to light upon so good a schoolmaster, it was also his chance to meet with no worse a father in law, a man so zealous and well affected in God's religion, that this Losada being a suitor to his daughter, although he were a fair conditioned man, very well learned, and better seen in his faculty then a great sort of practifers be, yet would he not grant unto him his good will for having his daughter to wife, till he were for a while become scholar to Doctor Aegidio, and learned of him some godly and virtuous instructions. A very hard condition surely for a learned man, and one that thought himself sufficiently cathechised, to submit himself to another man's instruction, but specially to D. Aegidio, that was commonly suspected in religion at that time. Howbeit at the length he condescended thereunto, whether for virtue's sake, as desirous of better instruction, or for his wives, I know not. But howsoever it were, or in what respect so ever he did it at the first, he applied it so earnestly, that notwithstanding he lost his master ere he could well have spared him, yet after his master's death he declared how much he had profited under him: in so much that aswell for his singular learning and skill in Scripture, as for his virtuous and godly conversation, he was thought the happiest and worthiest person to be Superintendent over the whole congregation, which was great in number, though here and there dispersed in corners. As indeed he took it upon him, and did very well discharge the office of a preacher among them, so far as he might in such adversity. Afterwards by means of those books of juliano paruo, he was apprehended by the Inquisitours (being a thing almost impossible that such a faithful pastor should hide himself when his flock was dispersed) before whom he made a plain protestation of his faith, for the which he endured, first, hard and sharp imprisonment with most cruel torments, and the open infamy of their solemn show, and lastly was committed to the fire. Where he, standing at the stake, disputed very notably of true religion against those importunate hypocrites, who upon a false persuasion that they had to convert him, gave him the liberty of his tongue, to the intent he might have answered their expectation. And whereas they of policy fell out of their Spanish into Latin, because the common people should not understand them, Losada also (not greatly marking their meaning herein) began to talk in Latin so copiously and eloquently, that it was a strange thing to hear a man almost dead to this world, to have his wits so fresh and his tongue so ready, as ever they were at any time in all his life.   

Christophoro Arelliano.  
CHristophoro Arelliano, a Monk of the cloister of Saint Isidore in Seville, was by the confession of the Inquisitours themselves simply the best learned of all that came before them, and was betrayed by his own friends, such I mean, as had received a great deal more commodity and honour by him, than ever they had done by any, yet by their means was brought within the Inquisition. The cause why he was so highly esteemed & accounted of for learning, was because of his great reading and study in the schoole-doctours, as they term them. That is to say, Aquinas, Scotus, Lombardus, and such like, that whatsoever had escaped them in all their works, making for the maintenance of the truth, with a very good judgement and a passing memory, next after the scriptures and the sounder sort of the fathers and doctors of the Church, he did both readily vouch, and applied them to his purpose very directly, and so brought to pass, that all his adversaries, with whom the authority of such trifling writers weigh more than the holy Scriptures of God, were confounded with their own doctors. Notwithstanding all this, he was condemned to the fire. For with these main tyrant's fire and faggots is above learning and truth, and able to control & overrule them both. But ere he came so far, he was first brought solemnly, & set upon the scaffold to have sentence pronounced upon him, where there was a shameful matter most impudently laid to his charge; That he should affirm, that the blessed and pure virgin Mary, the mother of Christ, was no more a maid than he himself was. A seemly speech for these good Fathers to publish and proclaim in such an open audience, if it had been so that any were so beastly or so wicked to say it. Yet such means they use to bring them into hatred among the common people, whom they know many men to have good opinion and estimation of for their singular and approved virtue. Howbeit when Arelliano heard that horrible blasphemy, having the use of his tongue (as GOD would have it) he cried out in the hearing of all the people, that it was a most impudent and slanderous lie, saying, that as well at this present, as also at all other times heretofore, he did ever firmly hold, and believe the contrary, being thereunto persuaded by diverse and sundry places of Scripture, which he could presently allege if need were. Also for a further vexation, there stood of purpose one of the Monks of the same house, that had been his greatest enemy, laughing and rejoicing at his misery, thinking it, belike, not sufficient to cause so godly a man, so excellently well learned, and a very innocent beside, to be brought into so pitiful a case, but to amend the matter withal, seemed to triumph over him in this extremity. The sudden sight whereof did somewhat move this good man: howbeit like a good christian he put it up quietly, and pacified himself, giving a good example of patience to all that beheld it. Finally, standing at the very stake, he comforted and encouraged a certain monk of the same house called john Chrysostome, that sometime had been his scholar, and now become his fellow, and so partaker aswell of his death as his doctrine. But forasmuch as I certainly know not the very true cause why this Monk was executed, I have therefore not annexed him here unto the rest. Yet thus much I can truly say of him: A preacher he was, both reasonably well learned and of good conversation and living, for any thing that ever was objected to the contrary. And therefore those hogs that minded nothing but their bellies, did not greatly like of him.   

Garsias Arias commonly called Signior Blanco.  
THe wonderful providence of God toward his elect, which contrary to common course doth mightily save & defend many that deeply were drowned, and lay a long season soused in superstition and blindness, fancying it of will, and withstanding the known truth against their own conscences (which sin the holy Scriptures call the sin against the holy Ghost, declaring unto us, that the prayers of the congregation shall not avail such persons as are spotted therewith) this providence, I say, did most marvellously appear by this one man's example to be of such force, that the deeper that men are drowned in desperation, the higher it afterwards advanceth them in honour. This Arias, whom they commonly called Signior Blanco, because of his white hairs and fair skin, had a very sharp wit, and for his time was well studied in divinity: marry, therewithal somewhat crafty and subtle with a little spice of inconstancy: which vices also he did so cover with a counterfeit cloak of religion, that he was able to deceive him that thought himself the wisest man, yea, and did deceive a great sort indeed. It happened in this time that there were two sorts of Preachers in Seville, and both of them had a great number of auditors disposed to hear each part, as they best fancied the one or the other. The one of them concerning doctrine & precepts, came nigher to the discipline of Epictetus the Stoic, than to the rule of holy Scripture. But herein they were inferior to Epictetus, that all his sayings and doings were one, but in these there was some odds: for they never ceased calling and crying upon them, to move them to often fasting, to mortification, to denying of themselves, to continue in prayer at all times, lowly to think of themselves, which they called humility, and to show the same as well in apparel, countenance, behaviour and speech, as in all the rest of their life. But if you had stripped these fellows out of their side coats; Well, I will not say all, but ye should well have perceived them to be men. In sum, all their religion both top & tail (as they say) rested in works and outward exercises of the body, quite contrary to the other sect, and therefore they would seem to be doers in any case. Whereupon they left the true exercises of a Christian man, I mean justice, mercy, and faith, the only means to attain true righteousness, and ran by heaps to Masses, to hallowed places, to shrift (as they call it) & many other such like toys, which the scripture calleth spiders webs that will never prove good cloth, hoping by these & such like means to be purged and cleansed from their sins. Moreover they urged poverty, with sole and single life, even unto such as were already coupled in matrimony, but especially the vow of obedience, as do the foolish friars, to the intent to get them auditors. And this (say they) is the true denying of ourselves, and therefore extolled it as much as the obedience that is due to God himself. Further, to the intent to keep them in blindness and ignorance still, they dissuaded men from the reading of books written of divinity; specially from Erasmus works, by the which they should learn nothing but a little pride in their own knowledge, referring them rather to Henricus Herpius, and Bonaventures' works, the A. B. C. and the scaling of mount Zion, and such others, wherein they should learn humility and obedience towards all, but specially towards their elders and superiors. Among others they also cited unto them Masius, Cavallius, Guerra, Petrus Cordubensis, and many other more than I can well call to mind: For whom perhaps it had been far better never to have been borne, then to leave such monuments behind them. Of the which sort of preachers there were diverse, I confess, in some respects very honest and godly men, but yet none, that understanding the juggling and treacheries of their masters, would forsake them, and take a better way. For sundry of them by their unseasonable kind of fasting, and their curious searching of high and secret mysteries of divinity, fell into a frenzy, or else proceeding in their foolish enterprise, grew every day worse & worse, that is to say, of honest men, became very wicked, pharisees, enemies and crucifiers of Christ, and in the end twice so evil as were their masters whom they followed. The other sort did deal more sincerely with the holy Scriptures, declaring out of them what was true righteousness and perfect godliness: by means whereof they brought to pass, that that City bore the name above all other in Spain for their just and true dealing, by the space of a dozen years together, so that itappeared that they had fruitfully and effectually heard that piece of Scripture that treateth of true and perfect righteousness. For hereupon came all that plentiful harvest that hath been inning 8. or 10. years, of those good seeds of the Gospel, which then were by them so painfully sown. The brightness whereof, according to the nature of light, did so plainly discover all that counterfeit holiness, and pharisaical devotion, that it could not be but that needs there must ensue thereafter, first hatred and then persecution. The chief, labourers in this harvest, were Constantino, Aegidio and Varquio, Doctors all, and men both sober, wise, and learned: whose travails in setting forward the Gospel in so great mists of ignorance, and the worthy ends which they made at their departures out of this life, as they be worthy of eternal memory, so will we shield them that they shall not be forgotten. But yet of all the other adversaries unto the truth, this Arias was most spiteful, and more malicious than any of the rest (perhaps because the other erred of simple ignorance, but he contrary to his own conscience kicked against the known truth) for that the other had been more generally received, was more sightly in show, and more beneficial to them that followed after it. Howbeit he would not gloze so openly as other of the same sort would, for fear of discrediting himself with diverse men of good reputation, and well affected in religion, with whom he was grown into some favour & good opinion, by reason of that virtuous and godly disposition, which they saw in him in appearance: but in such sort behaved himself, and so cunningly conveyed his matters, that though such as had tried him knew what was in him, yet others took him for a dear friend of theirs, and esteemed of him as if he had been their kinsman or brother. But as touching his subtleties and dissimulation, he showed it most at one time specially above all others, at what time complaint was made to the Inquisitours by a sort of hypocrites, persecutors of the truth, of one Gregorio Ruizio, a man (as the report went of him) very well learned, for a certain thing uttered by him openly in a divinity lecture in the Cathedral Church of Seville, tending towards the controversies in religion, and concerning specially a man's justification. For where the Inquisitors had assigned him a day of hearing, two days before the day of his appearance, it was his chance to meet with this master Arias; with whom he had some acquaintance, by reason that they professed one kind of study, but chiefly for the report of virtue that was spoken of him, though unworthily. Whereupon, amongst others that were assigned, this Arias also was charged to be there at that day, and to prepare himself to dispute against Ruizio: who like a crafty Apostle so undermined this Ruizio, that he got out of him all the reasons and arguments which he had devised against the day of disputation for the maintenance of his side. For Ruizio (God knows) taking no great heed thereof, nor suspecting in him any such treachery, more than he did his ghostly father, communicated the same unto him. Which after Arias had obtained, he gave him a friendly farewell, and so left him. At the day of disputation, when both parts were assembled, this Arias was also present, & joined himself to the other side that were adversaries to Ruizio. The which when Ruizio beheld, he was somewhat astonished therewithal, and perceived at the length his Legerdemain, seeing him so readily out off his arguments, which he had made him privy unto two days before, and to answer them so fully and exactly, that he had nothing to reply again: whereupon the silly soul being thus circumvented, and spoiled of all his weapons, yielded himself, leaving to Arias the honour of the field, which he most like a judas had gotten by treason and treachery. The like honest part also for all the world he played with D. Aegidio. For whereas he meaning nothing but well (as the most constant bruit is) had referred the matter concerning the opinion of his knowledge and learning to this man's judgement, because he knew him to be as able to judge as a great sort of others, he gave such a verdict, as it had been somewhat reasonable for him to have given in a matter of untruth. Notwithstanding he was the first in all Saint Isidors' house in Seville, that started out of that dead sleep of superstition and ignorance, wherein they were all dead and drowned, and by means of a few sparks which this man had set on fire, a great part of the house began to shake off their drowsiness, and to see a glimmering of the truth afar off appear like the dawning of the day, and to desire that the veil might be drawn, to the end that they might the more easily see the shining beams of true religion. For the whole scope of all his sermons, for the which there was a space appointed, as it fell out most conveniently, sometime by night, from two of the clock in the morning, till four, was wholly to overthrow all their profession: howbeit not openly, but covertly and as it were afar off. First, he taught them that singing and saying of their prayers all the day and night, was no service, nor prayer unto God: that the exercises of a true Christian man were other than the common people took them to be: that the holy Scriptures were to be read and studied with diligence, whence alone the true knowledge and service of God and of his holy will, of true religion, and such as was most allowable in his sight, was to be had and learned: to the obtaining whereof, we must (quoth he) use prayer as a mean, proceeding as well of the sense and feeling of our own infirmities and necessities, as grounded upon perfect trust & confidence in God. Thus, by laying these and such like foundations of Christian religion, he made them to loathe that stale stuff of their old & forworn religion, & wrought in them an earnest desire of the better, but specially moved than to the study of holy Scriptures. Moreover, besides his sermons he read daily a lecture upon Salomon's proverbs very learnedly, & made application thereof with good judgement and discretion, and had private and familiar conference with diverse, such as he was daily conversant withal, and used to accompany, only to the same end and purpose. And for this one thing his hap was always very good, to have such scholars as were tractable and soon wrought, and (which was wonderful to consider) such as were not greatly wedded to their monkish superstitions though they were vowed: whereby he had less to do with them, and might with more ease give the assault, and in short time batter down this forced rampire of superstition, with the perfect shot of God's word. Howbeit his head was so full of toys and new devices, that after all these wholesome preparatives, wherewith he had so wrought in them, that the rest of their superstitious dregs might more commodiously be expelled, & that they were half won to his doctrine, he made them fall to unseasonable fastings and watchings before the Sacrament, whence they should look for I know not what inspirations: he caused them to remove all their stuff, books and beds, out of their celles, and to lie upon the bare earth, or else to sleep standing, to wear a haircloth in stead of their shirts, and a hoop of Iron next unto their skin, with a number of such toys more, as though those stinking weeds would not have taken root fast enough of themselves, except the earth had first been cared up with the coulter of God's word, as was before declared. For after he had weeded the old superstition, he did nothing else but sow a like seed again, more corrupt and perilous than the other that grew before. By means whereof many of his auditors got such good as is like to ensue of so dangerous a doctrine. Insomuch that many of them fell stark mad: some so consumed with melancholy, that they were half frantic: some caught uncurable diseases and pains in the head, and became almost brainless, that they were not able to serve any turn thereafter: but they that had stronger bodies, and better stomaches to bear it out withal, had such a pharisaical pride and glory in themselves by means of that vain persuasion of holiness and perfectness, that no wise man will account them in much better case than other of their fellows. And yet perhaps were Arias excusable herein from this so grievous guilt, either for want of better knowledge, or by destiny if it were so, first to take upon him that office, & then so meanly to execute it, but that I am right well assured that his conscience did condemn all the trash, which he had planted in place of truth. For at the very same time being among his companions, would take pleasure in remembering the folly of such men, that were so forward to run any way that he would prescribe and appoint them. Notwithstanding such is the force and might of God's election, that these few good seeds sown among those fitches', fructified in the end to the great increase of godliness marvellously. Insomuch, that diverse and sundry of them, having their consciences cleared & purged of their old hypocrisy, and scarcely well stayed or quieted with these new devices, sought further by occasion hereof, for some better instructions, and unawares happened upon the other sort of Preachers, that taught the truth with more sincerity. Of whom (after they had entered some acquaintance with them) they learned the principles of pure and perfect religion, leaving by little and little that evil opinion which they had generally conceived against the Lutherans. Afterwards, being persuaded that they could by no means attain the perfect knowledge of the truth, except they would sometime peruse their writings, God did likewise marvellously provide for them herein, that they had not only such books brought unto them by a miraculous means, as they had a long time desired, even at such time as they securely slept and sought for no such things: but also all other sorts of books that were extant at that time, either in Geneva, or any part of Germany: so that having such store both of books and masters to instruct them, they began to nosell their whole covent, insomuch that where at the first there were only two that durst give the attempt in so dangerous an enterprise, there were very few in the whole cloister (which at that time was very well furnished) but they had some taste of true religion & godliness thereby, and none repined against it. Their time that erst was spent in mumbling their matins and prime, was now bestowed upon lectures of divinity: their dirges either cut off altogether, or curtalled very short: their charters of pardons granted by Popes in ancient time whereunto all that crew leaned before, was now accounted for stale stuff. As for images, they had a small deal of worship done unto them, or none at all. Vain fasting was turned into seemly sobriety: neither was any taught to be monkish, but to be sincerely and truly religious, nor any mention made of proceeding in their former fashions, but much talk rather in derision thereof, and to have them abolished. Neither did they put this light under a bushel, imprisoning it within their own walls, but sent it abroad into the City, and the towns and villages adjoining, as well by publishing of books, as by other private conference. Then all things being brought to so good pass, that nothing was left in use save only their stout Idol of their mass, and their monkish profession that rested in their cowl and their crown, which could neither with good conscience be longer suffered, nor attempted without present peril, and yet no great good like to ensue thereof; they began to devose first, and afterwards determined with themselves, to forsake their nest, and to fly into German, where they might live with a great deal more safety of their lives and freedom of their consciences. A very bold enterprise (doubtless) and as some thought both rash and desperate. For neither was there any great possibility or likelihood, that not one or two, but so many at once, and such as were not only the sovereigns of the whole house and fellowship, but famous over the whole city for their excellent learning, should forsake such a cloister as the like was not in all the territory of Granata, leaving it in a manner desolate, and escape in safety from the furthest part of Spain into Germany. And if they should steal away in several companies and at sundry times, then were they like to be in evil case that should tarry hindmost. For the Inquisitors that had been quiet a great while, having intelligence hereof by some cankered knave or other, would bestir themselves of all hands. Therefore they concluded briefly, that either all which were privy to this counsel, must depart speedily together, or else look to be apprehended shortly after. But God seeing them in this distress, showed them a means, how under an honest pretence a dozen of them might take occasion to depart within one month, and each betake himself a several way towards Geneva, where they determined to make their abode, & purposed to meet all together within one twelvemonth: as for the rest being as yet but young nonices in religion, which remained behind because they did not greatly like of going away, they within a while after abode the brunt of the hurly-burly when it came. For at the very same time there were three burned out of that cloister, and diverse of the rest diversely punished. Insomuch, that from that day till this, there was never any examination of matters touching faith in Seville, but that house hath always made out a man, or two. And very likely it is, that the truth sown and planted there hath taken so deep root, that it sticketh to the hard stone walls, so that whilst any one stone standeth upon another, it will yearly yield them one or two Lutherans.  
I have by occasion entered into this discourse somewhat largely, partly in respect of Christ's Church, towards the which I should scarce behave myself uprightly, if I should rob these men of their renown due unto them, in regard of the overthrow which they have given to Idolatry and superstition, behaving themselves as courageously as they adventured dangerously, preferring virtue and godliness before authority and power, voluntarily refusing their present estates wherein they lived with some worship and in much pleasure, and instead thereof contenting themselves to be poor and disdained, banished from their own country, to suffer shame and ignominy: finally, to be every hour in danger of their lives, which they led notwithstanding in very great misery. Of the which good and prosperous success, a great part next unto God we do owe unto this Arias, of whom our purpose is presently to entreat, forasmuch as all this great fire, that hath inflamed to God's glory, not only that house, but diverse places in the city abroad, besides a number of other without the city which we mean not to touch, bred of those few sparks which this man kindled at the first: who by reason of his unconstant and fickle nature, being half suspected of his friends, and hated of strangers, was diverse and sundry times complained upon to the Inquisitors, convented before them, answered the matter, and so discharged. At the last it came to paste, in that troublesome time wherein every man almost was apprehended for religion, that Arias also went to the pot with his fellows indeed, though he had diverse times shifted it off before. The which end was foretold him two or three years before by Constantino, and that with a vehement affirmation, on a time when Constantino bade this Arias to his house to dinner, where were present at the same time Aegidio and Varquio, to the intent to take him up somewhat roundly for his halting, forasmuch as gentle admonitions used before would nothing prevail. But in process of talk when they were rebuking him most earnestly, he start out in a bravery and said, that he feared greatly lest he should shortly see Bulls set forth in open show, prophesying somewhat plainly of the Inquisitours Theatre. Whereunto Constantine made him this answer: Behold Arias, before God I tell it thee, that thou shalt not sit mounted aloft, as thou supposed to see and behold oaths, but shalt stand below, and be condemned thyself. As indeed it came to pass by God's secret and divine providence, that notwithstanding he had been in time before a faithless fellow, yet his last apprehension turned not to his undoing, but wrought in him effectually, and contrary to hope brought forth in him the fruits of of true repentance. For he did so earnestly and deeply lament and bewail his former estate, that whereas before time, he had been as fearful as ever was Hare of Hounds, or Ape of whip, now being upon the rack with a marvelous constancy (which argued in him a wonderful exchange) he withstood the enemies of God's truth, and took up the Inquisitors sharply, that sat in their seats of majesty like Demigods, saying that they were meeter to drive packs, & that such an office were more sit for them, than to sit where they do in seat of judgement, and take upon them the determination of causes in religion, wherein they were as blind & yet as bold as Bayard; declaring moreover unto them, that for his own part he was heartily sorry, and did most earnestly repent him, and would do while he had a day to live, for that he had wittingly and willingly in their presence impugned the truth against the godly defendants of the same, whereof he himself was now become a defender. Many other sharp rebukes, so oft as he came to his answer, the Inquisitours received at his hands. But in the end he was brought forth after their guise and accustomed manner of pomp, arrayed with all their robes, honourable (no doubt) in the sight of God, though in man's judgement reproachful and ignominious: a man, to be reverenced for hisage, but specially for the hearty repentance of his former life, & for that notable confession of the truth which he made, leaning upon his staff: & so departing from the stage to the stake with a merry and cheerful countenance, he made satisfaction to the Church of God by this notable example of repentance at his death, for all the mischief that he had done thereto by his unfaithful and hypocritical dealing in the rest of his life time before. O man most happy of all other, worthy to be shrined, and to have a several place among the chief champions of God's truth here in this world, that hast forsaken the greatest mischief and folly, and returned to make the like protestation of God's truth that other martyrs and confessors have done before thee: Paul, that chosen and elect vessel of God, placeth himself among the first sort of sinners, because 
1. Tim. 1.  he had been a persecuter of the Church of God, though of a good zeal, yet not grounded upon knowledge. In what place then or degree shall we set this Arias of ours among the sinful sort, who wittingly and willingly, secretly not openly, behaved himself like an enemy, and persecuted the same? Paul referreth it to the secret purpose of almighty God, that he might obtain the more mercy, whereof he had made himself unworthy so many ways, saying it was to this end, that Christ in him might pour out all the abundance of his mercy and graces, for an example to all them that should truly believe in him. How much then and how plentifully hath Christ opened his coffers, and bestowed his mercies (the treasures of his goodness) upon this new Paul, if we may so term him? How sure and certain a token doth he give hereby, of his exceeding great mercy, grace, and love towards all sinners? Therefore by this one example, this lesson may we learn, as by the true mirror of God's goodness, to keep ourselves from rash judgements and speeches towards such as we see in the most desperate estate that can be, forasmuch as we cannot certainly tell what God hath determined concerning them, but ought rather to follow the counsel of Paul, that is, to hope the best.   

D. john Aegidio a Canon and Preacher in the Cathedral Church in Seville.  
THis Doctor Aegidio, albeit he was a man both apt to attain learning and painful beside, yet having bestowed his time in unprofitable studies, notwithstanding that he had run his full race, and attained the highest degrees in Schools, and professed divinity a long time, (such was the state of learning in those days) that he had scarcely his Latin tongue. Besides this his small skill either in the tongues or in any other good learning, he was a wicked contemner and blasphemer against the holy Scriptures: Yea I have heard himself be wail the evil success of learning & study in his time, & the ignorance of that age, confessing it to be such, that whosoever had any ways meddled with the holy Scriptures in the University of Alcala, where he himself studied, was so far off from being accounted of among the learned, that many would scornfully and in great derision term him a good Bibler, preferring L●mbardus, Scotus, Gregorius, Arithmeticus, and such other Dunces, before the express word of God, for profoundness of wisdom or deep divinity. Afterwards being public Reader of divinity at Siguenca, he was sent for to Seville, by one Alexander that was his predecessor there, to the intent he might be their Preacher in the Cathedral Church in Seville: where he was so highly commended, both for his virtue and learning, that he was Subdeane of the Church, contrary to their orders, having never been examined by the Doctors, as the custom is. And truly for such school-divinity, as was generally and universally received all Christendom over, he was very famous, and of great credit, marry, he never attempted to preach openly, nor had once opened the Bible, to read or study the Scriptures. And therefore the very first time that he came into the Pulpit, contrary to all men's expectations, he was found altogether so unfit for such a function, that he began to be greatly out of conceit with himself, and to grow in contempt of others: by the daily increase whereof on both parts, they fell so to repent them, the one for admitting him so unadvisedly, the other for taking upon him that office so arrogantly, being unable to discharge it, that both they minded to remove him, and he himself determined to leave them. But in process of time, after he had thus passed the pikes by the space of a year or two, it was his chance to meet with one that gave him such instructions (or rather it was the ordinance of God, that provided so well, both for him & for the whole city) that within few hour's conference, he learned by that parties means the ready way for a Preacher to travail in, and what the office and duty of a Preacher was: to the obtaining whereof it was told him, that he must use other means, other books, and other masters, than hitherto he had done. Whereat D. Aegidio was somewhat astonished at the first, hearing him make such a sermon unto him, but especially marvelled to see his boldness, that being but a plain fellow, and as a man would say a very Russet-coat, besides that, one taken not to be very well in his wits, would presume so boldly to teach such a Doctor as he was, being neither familiarly acquainted with him, nor knowing him to his thinking. Yet D. Aegidio being of a gentle disposition by nature, and hearing him discourse so largely of the duty of a Preacher, wherein he acknowledged his own infirmity, did the more easily bridle himself, and gave him the hearing quietly. The force of whose persuasions (being a man endued with God's spirit) was so great, that from that day forward D. Aegidio was quite altered and become a new man, thinking all his former life and labour evil spent, and therefore began anew to tread another path which should lead him unto perfect wisdom and learning, whereof as then he knew not one step. Furthermore, perceiving his counsellor to stand so long upon that point which concerned the duty of a good Preacher, he took it to be a sufficient calling for him to that vocation, whereof he knew he should neither reap commodity nor estimation in this world. Perhaps many will marvel to hear the party named that was the occasion of so sudden a change and alteration of such a man in so short space, taking upon him to teach him the true way to perfect wisdom. Truly I must needs disclose it, to the end that the wonderful mysteries of God's election may be manifested and reverenced, who by the foolish of this world confoundeth the wisdom of man. His name was Roderigo Valerio, man long ago condemned at Seville by the Inquisitors for a false Apostle, a counterfeit Prophet, and a wicked deceiver of the people, and thereupon banished, and in his exile suffered for the profession of the truth. Whose wonderful kind of calling to the true knowledge of Christ, since I am occasioned to make mention of the person, it shall neither be greatly impertinent briefly to speak of, nor tedious to such as be godly disposed. This Valerio (a Citizen of Nebrissa, a famous town as any is in all the precinct of Granata, both for the antiquity thereof, and chiefly for the fame of one Antonio de Nebrissa a notable Clerk as any was, and one that first restored the purity of the Latin tongue in Spain in these our days) was descended of a good house, and of sufficient ability to maintain the worship thereof: howbeit he employed his wealth, not to virtue, but as commonly such men of ability do, which think all their honour to consist in the maintenance of a good stable, & the furniture thereof, in games, in costly and excessive apparel, in hunting, & other such like pastimes and exercises. For in all these qualities he was singular above all the young gentlemen of the whole city: insomuch that he sought not only to match such as were his equals in degree and ability, but also to exceed them far. In the midst of these vain fantasies, a certain motion came into his mind (by what occasion, or through whose persuasion, or otherwise by what means, God knoweth) but he suddenly left all his old delights, contemning the speech of the people (which was a hard thing for a man to do) and bent himself wholly both body and soul to the exercise of virtue & godliness, that a man would searcely judge him to be a man of this world. Moreover, the wonderful change that appeared to be in him otherwise, as well in his speech and behaviour, as in his apparel that was fine and suitable before, gorgeous as might be, and now quite altered into simple stuff and plainest fashion, was well liked of some, but on the other side a great number thought it mere madness or stark folly. But as the like false verdites given of the holy Apostles, that were endued with the Holy Ghost, were attainted by the effects of the same spirit, so the perfect fear of God, with the bewailing of his former vanities, the earnest desire of righteousness, and his whole talk tending to these ends and concerning these matters, always framed according to the prescript rule of God's word, was a sufficient proof and evidence to men of perfecter understanding, that the spirit of God most certainly possessed him. In his youth time he had gotten a little smack in the Latin, by the help where of he was conversant in the holy Scriptures both day and night: so that by continual study thereof, he had a great part of them by heart, and could make application thereof to his purpose sensibly & marvelous readily. He had also daily conflicts with the spiritual men (as they call them) the Priests and Monks, which were the causes (said he) that not only the estate of the Clergy, but also all Christendom was so foully corrupted, that they were almost hopeless of remedy: for which causes he did also diverse and sundry times sharply rebuke them. Whereat this pharisaical generation much marvelling, enquired of him how he attained so suddenly to all this skilin holy Scriptures? how he durst presume so arrogantly to inveigh against the very supporters and lights of the Church? For indeed he spared none, but would tell the proudest of them his mind, being but a layman void of all good learning, and one that had spent the greater part of his time in vain and unprofitable studies. Likewise they examined him, by force of what commission he did it: who sent him: how he was called: and by what tokens he declared the same. Alas for them good men, when they cannot deny their abominations, nor longer hold out the light which discovereth their darkness, even now as in all other ages from time to time, they are driven to these shifts. Howbeit Valerio answered them truly and with a bold courage to every demand: that he had not fished for that wisdom, and caught it in their most filthy puddles, and muddy ditches, but had it by the only goodness of the Holy Ghost, who poureth whole floods of grace into the hearts of true believers most abundantly. As for his boldness, he told them, that both the goodness of his quarrel, and he that sent him gave him the encouragement, and that the spirit of God which is bound to no estate or degree, be it in name never so spiritual, specially if it be corrupt, hath heretofore chosen very idiots, and fishermen, and placed them in the room of Apostles, to control the Synagogue of the learned touching the law, to appeach them of ignorance, & to call the whole world to the knowledge of their own salvation: & that the same Christ had sent him, whose name and authority he had for his warrant: but as for any sign to declare the same, he said it was the token of a bastardly generation, and of the branches degenerate from the true stock of the children of God, to ask for any signs in the time of such light, when all things shine therewith, yea very darkness itself as clear as noon day. At the length, for these, and such like matters he was called to his answer before the Inquisitors, where he disputed very earnestly of the true Church of Christ, and which were the marks to know it by, how man was justified in the sight of God, and of such other points of religion: the knowledge whereof, he confessed that he had attained unto by no means or help of man, but by the only handy work of God, and his wonderful revelation. Howbeit his madness & frenzy, wherewith the Inquisitors supposed him to be troubled, excused him for this time: yet to the end that he might the sooner come to himself again, they condemned him in the loss of all his substance, & sent him packing as poor as job: but he never repented himself thereof, or became other man; insomuch that within a year or 2. after he was sent for again about the same matters, & then driven to make recantation: marry, in consideration that they took him to be lunatic still, they spared him his life, adjudging him nevertheless to wear the Sambenite, and to suffer perpetual imprisonment during life, save only that on sundays they brought him forth, with many other more of his companions, and carried them to Saint Saluatours Church to hear service. Whereas diverse and sundry times he arose out of his place, and in the hearing of all the people, controlled the Preacher when he taught them amiss. At what time it so chanced, that the Inquisitors were not half so bad as other that had been before them, so that his fact was wound up quietly, and excused by madness and folly. Afterwards, he was removed forth of prison to Saint Lucre's, into a certain house of religion, where he died, being a man above 50. years of age, a very wonder to the world at that time, sent to awake men out of their dead sleep of wickedness & ignorance wherein they lay snoring and snorting so long. But forasmuch as those articles whereof he was most unjustly condemned, were strange and not heard of in Seville at those days, he had a Sambenite appointed to wear, such one as was of the largest size that any ware in his time, the which at this day is to be seen for a special monument of a notable heretic in the vestry of the chief Church in Seville, in a place where every man may easily see it, with this inscription wrought in capital letters, Roderigo Valerio a citizen of Nebrissa, an Apostata, and a false Apostle of Seville, who said he was sent from God. By this man's advertisement, as I showed before, was this Doctor Aegidio first awaked, and by his instructions came first to the knowledge of the true Gospel of Christ, which lay buried a long season before, so that neither master nor scholar once heard so much as one word thereof. Therefore so oft as his matter came in hearing before the Inquisitours, this Doctor Aegidio did always stand his good friend as much as in him lay, through whose means it was thought that he found the more favour at the Inquisitours hands in the mitigation of their sentence upon him, being a relapse as their term is. But in the end Doctor Aegidio himself bought full dear that little courtesy that was showed to this man at his mediation. For thereby he purchased to himself both much hatred, and grew daily into great suspicion with all that pack of pharisees, that could not well away with his perfect and virtuous sincerity. Besides these good instructions, this Aegidio was also familiarly acquainted & conversant with Constantino Fontio, a man excellently well learned, by whose daily conference, he profited marvellously in study, fell to the reading of good Authors, and so grew to profound knowledge in the holy Scriptures: but specially concerning such matters whereof he would preach to edify the people withal, he both learned them perfectly by conference with otherwise & learned men, & partly by his own reading and experience: at the length, began to preach as learnedly, godly, and zealously, as he had before times done coldly, foolishly, and unskilfully. Then began the hearers to feel the marvelous force of that doctrine which these three men of great credit and estimation, Aegidio, Constantino, & Varquia magno taught with one consent, insomuch that the more they grew in knowledge from their old ignorance and blindness, the more were these men had in reputation among them, and the old hyporcites despised, that had taught them other doctrine to the great peril of their souls. Whereupon there were daily diverse complaints brought to the Inquisitors ears of these men: but specially of D. Aegidio, who of mere simplicity, and by reason that he was in some more authority than the rest, did more openly inveigh against the adversaries of the truth whom they began chiefly to envy at such time as the Emperor in respect of his singular learning and integrity of life, elected him to the bishopric of Dortois. For then those hypocrites began to bestir them of all hands, and to lay all their heads together to give him a lift, thinking that if he were once consecrated Bishop there, he would keep a foul coil in their kingdom. Therefore they cited him to come before the holy House, where plaint was entered against him by such as were their craftsmaisters, able to work him mischief, and to bring it about closely, so that by their means he was cast into prison, and thereupon examined. The first matter was concerning the justification of a Christian man, and diverse other that depend thereon; as of man's merits, of purgatory, of the means of satisfaction for sins devised by man's brain, of the number of Mediators, and whether there were any more than Christ alone: also concerning the assurance of faith in such as are justified, etc. Besides these, there were also other matters that fell out by occasion of an abominable Idol of the blessed Virgin Marie, wrought very artificially by Ferdinando the King (as the report goeth): the which Image, upon diverse feasts of the blessed Virgin, is set up and showed to the people with great pomp: whereupon Idolatry or the worshipping of Images came in question. Also by like occasion of a certain chip of wood that is very superstitiously honoured in the same Church, as a piece of the Cross whereon Christ was crucified, the which relic Doctor Aegidio wished to be burned, the same matter likewise came in talk. Moreover, concerning invocation and prayers to dead saints, and the banishing out of pulpits the devices of man's brain, and of placing therein the perfect and express word of God and other such necessary matters of like importance: and therewithal, to set him forward, he was charged to be an earnest favourer of Valerio de Nebrissa, etc. Whereunto D. Aegidio made answer particularly, but chiefly touching the first point. whereof he made so perfect & absolute a defence, so learnedly, so godly, & so absolutely, as any hath been hitherto heard or seen: in the which answer he gave his adversaries twenty ways to take advantage of him, and thereupon to infer diverse other such heresies. But at that time the Inquisitours were not grown so bold as since then they have been, nor indeed durst burn such a man as he was for these quarrels, albeit they were urged and called upon on every side very earnestly so to do. Therefore seeing that they could in no wise make him change or alter his mind, they began to devose which way they might save his life, because the Emperor, who lately had elected him to so great a Bishopric, as also the whole Chapter of the Cathedral Church in Seville, were become very earnest suitors in his behalf. There was also one of the Inquisitours named Corrano, a good and a fatherly old man, who for that assurance which he had by his own knowledge of the good conversation of Doctor Aegidio, and of the forwardness of his accusers, stood his very good friend, though his wicked associate Pedro Diazio was sore against him; who like a proud Apostata forsook the truth, wherein the same Valerio de Nebrissa had instructed him in his private lectures upon Paul's Epistle to the Romans: for the which he gave him at that time most hearty thanks, and yet notwithstanding was now become a turne-cote. When Varquio was dead, and Constantino in the low countries with the Emperor being his chaplain and confessor, there were certain arbitratours appointed on both parts concerning this religion that was newly come into Spain. And Doctor Aegidio for his part among others named one Bartholomeo de Zamora, a Monk of the order of Saint Dominicke, a man very well learned, and one that knew the truth. Who afterwards by the Emperor's means was preferred to the archbishopric of Toledo: whence he was shortly after deposed for religion, or as it is more probably conjectured, upon some privy grudge which the Archbishop of Seville, high commissioner in the Inquisition, bare unto him, and so after many conflicts with the Inquisitours, at the length died. But at that time he could not be present at this trial, by reason that he was attendant upon the Emperor: So that Arias, who was commonly called Seigneur Blanco, was judge at that time. But what his verdict was, is already partly reported in the special history that I have written of him, and perhaps the same may come forth to light hereafter particularly joined with the answer that Doctor Aegidio made thereunto. But whether Arias were thereto nominated by the Inquisitours themselves, or by Doctor Aegidio, as yet it is not certainly known: so that some being absent, and some fearful to speak their minds for fear of afterclaps, the determination thereof was referred to one called Dominico à Soto, a sophister of great same in the University of Salamancke, and one other of the order of Saint Dominicke, who after great expectation of his coming, at the last came from Salamanck to Seville, and there entered disputation with Doctor Aegidio that was but a plain-dealing man and of a small foresight, more craftily and subtly then other had dealt before him. First, pretending much good will towards him, and perceauing that by dealing with him openly, he could in no case remove him from his opinion, he feigned himself to be jump with him in the same: marry he advised him, that forasmuch as those articles that presently were called in question were somewhat odious in most men's ears, to the end to stop that gap, he would make and publish some apt declaration and exposition thereof, the which he offered to prescribe unto him in the best sort that he could, that he might use it if it liked him, or else they two to confer about it, and set it forth to the better discharge of their consciences, furtherance of the truth, and contentation of the hearers. Whereupon Asoto prescribed such a precedent: both of them conferred about it, and in the end agreed without any controversy. There was a solemn day of hearing appointed by the Inquisitours for that purpose, and two pulpits set in the Cathedral Church, the one for D. Aegidio, the other for Asoto, and all the people were assembled thither. Asoto began his sermon, and proceeded accordingly. Immediately after the end thereof, he drew forth of his bosom a declaration quite contrary to that whereupon they were agreed. For in the former there was nothing but that which was consonant to the truth and his own conscience: in this, no such matter, but only a plain recantation of all those things whereof he was accused, and had been a maintainer of before by the space of 2. whole years, and lately also during the time of his imprisonment. But the pulpits were such a distance asunder, that by means thereof partly, and partly with the murmur of the common people, whiles every man gave his verdict thereof, there was such a noise, that Doct. Aegidio could not well understand what Asoto said: but yet for the good opinion which he had of him, gave him such credit, that at the end of every article, when Asoto craftily asked his consent thereto, willing him to speak aloud that the people might hear him, or else to signify so much by some countenance or gesture, he did so, confessing that he did agree to all those things which Asoto had read unto them. Whereupon he was presently condemned to suffer imprisonment for 3. years. Moreover, this crafty Monk procured a prohibition against him for preaching, reading or writing by the space of 10 years after, enjoining him during that time, not to depart Spain. Whereat D. Aegidio marvelled much, hearing that his punishment was no greater, knowing nothing hereof, nor understanding after what sort he was circumvented, till the time that he was brought to prison again: whither diverse of his friends resorting to visit him, began to rebuke him for denying the truth. The which things we never came to have any notice of, but of his own mouth in the time of his imprisonment. During which time he chanced to hear of the death of 3. of his most deadly enemies, Sbarroia, a sophister & one of y● order of S. Dominike, Pedro Mexia, o●e that took upon him very arrogantly the title of a Philosopher without any manner of good learning, and Pedro Diazio the Inquisitor that played the Apostata and forsook the truth most wickedly as was before declared. Neither is it to be otherwise thought then to be the secret judgement of God, that 3. of the greatest enemies that the truth had, and sore adversaries to this innocent man, should dye all within one year each after other, while D. Aegidio was in prison, and his matters in examination, and (as it is reported) that some of them should depart scarce quietly. Howbeit he lived four or five years after that retractation which was compassed of him by such deceitful means, and was nevertheless esteemed of all that godly congregation, and did as much good to other afterwards, as at any other time being at his most liberty. In the which time, by reason of an embassy which he was sent in, he visited his brethren that sometime had been scholars to D. Cacalia at Valladolit professing the gospel under him, & renouncing all wickedness & impiety. Whom after he had comforted and confirmed, in his way homeward as he returned to Seville, being sore shaken in that long journey, by reason that he had not been acquainted with travail of a great while before, he sickened, and thereupon within a few days after departed this troublesome life, and went to everlasting rest.  
He left behind him certain Commentaries upon the book of GENESIS, & Saint PAUL'S Epistle to the Colossians, upon certain of the Psalms and Cantica Canticorum, written by him in the Spanish tongue very learnedly, and like one plentifully endued with the Holy Ghost, the which are reserved in the custody of diverse men of trust and credit, as jewels and treasures to the behoof of the Church. The which albeit they were both learned and godly, yet other things which he wrote in prison, do so far exceed them for the special affections moved (no doubt) by the spirit of God, and expressed therein, that a man may easily see the force of affliction & tribulation, how much it availeth the godly for deep judgement in matters of divinity. But within two or three years after his death the new Inquisitors thinking that the other who had the examination of him had dealt a great deal more easily with him than became Inquisitors, seeing that they could not cite his spirit ●o appear before them, which was in quietness and in rest, therefore they determined to show their spite towards his carcase & dry bones. Whereupon they digged him out of his grave, and buried in his place and under his name a puppet of straw, brought his corpse upon the scaffold, and used it in such sort as they would have done himself that sitteth in Heaven with Christ on the right hand of his Father, if they could have caught him here in earth. But God that dwelleth on high, laugeth at their follies.   

Doctor Constantino Fontio, a Canon and Preacher in the Cathedral Church in Seville.  
IT was the singular good hap of the Church (saving that it heaped condemnation upon it the more) that Constantino should come in place after so godly a man as D. Aegidio was: by whose means Constantino in very short space marvellously increased & profited in virtue and sound religion. And therefore, forasmuch as the worthiness of this man was so great, I am justly occasioned somewhat largely to discourse of him in this history. Wherein I fear it greatly, lest I shall not be able sufficiently to set out the commendation of that man accordingly as his worthiness deserveth. For how can I devose to sound thy praises sufficiently, being the most famous Divine of any that hath lived in our days, and one whom God of his abundant gracious goodness, did endue so plentifully with so rare qualities, as hardly are to be seen together again in one man, so that well they may be wondered at, but never valued to their worth? It is a strange matter, and almost incredible, and yet true that I will report of him, for I am able to justify it: that of many thousands of men that have viewed this man's qualities thoroughly, there was never any, but either loved him passingly, or else hated him spitefully. Therefore as he was ordained to be both beloved and hated with extremity: so had he many malicious enemies, and as many earnest friends and favourers. And here I comprehend not under the name of friends, such as he himself bore good will unto, more than I account those men among the number of his foes to whom he wished evil: but only such as he knew not, and yet they with all their hearts both loved and honoured him. For those that he bore special affection unto (forasmuch as he knew the unconstancy of this world) were only one or two in all his life-time. Notwithstanding, such as he thought worthy to be beloved in respect of their virtue, he would pleasure any way that possibly he could. His youth, in comparison of other young men that bestudious, perhaps he bestowed not so praysably: yet so, as it was no hindrance to him in his age afterwards, but that he passed it with great commendation. For being a man of a marvelous pleasant wit, and in matters of disport pleasantly disposed (otherwise very fair conditioned) he diminished his credit and estimation somewhat after he was grown in years, by using himself overmuch to ●esting. Howbeit, that was only with his adversaries, who notwithstanding would as greatly have disliked him on the other side, if he had been as sage and grave as either Curius or Cato. And indeed there are a great sort of his sayings in many men's mouths, which being well weighed and considered, are more worthy to be called wise Apothegms, than pleasant speeches: but they are such as cannot aptly be expressed, and retain their grace in any other language. Neither did he so commonly use to iestat any, or so finely, as at those hypocrites the Monks and Priests that had a certain pride in themselves, of a foolish pharisaical opinion of holiness, being but in mere toys and trifles. But most of all he used to gird the foolish Preachers, whereof there was never any age so full, whom the holy Scriptures account to be the vilest sort of people that are, comparing them to salt that hath lost his savour, & will serve to no use. Neither can any man sufficiently marvel at his passing wit, that being in a barbarous age, when all good learning was almost lost, and forgotten among men, in this universal time of ignorance, he did either only attain to grounded knowledge, or had very few fellows. And in the tongues, to wit, the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, became so notable without any teacher, that he alone had been sufficiently able to restore them unto us of himself. As for all other kind of learning that served to the furnishing of a perfect orator, he attained not only a superficial sight therein, but a perfect and absolute knowledge. With these helps he fell to the study of holy Scriptures, wherein he became so well learned even in his youth, that whensoever he was occasioned to show his opinion concerning any matters, or the signification of any terms therein, he left nothing untouched that any might doubt of, except such as were blind as buzzards, & could see nothing. Moreover, he was so eloquent in his own tongue, that all his auditors were brought into a great admiration thereof. Being thus furnished with these good gifts, he fell to preaching, and without comparison passed all them of this age or of the age before him. Besides these good qualities, he had a singular good discretion and judgement in all his doings, the which he had attained unto, partly by great study, partly by long practice and experience, but specially by great search and profound knowledge in holy Scriptures, wherein he plainly saw, as it had been from the top of a high Tower, whatsoever all the world did. At such times as he preached (which commonly was about eight of the clock) there was so great resort to his Sermon, that after four of the clock in the morning, and many times from three, it was hard to get a good place in all the Church where a man might conveniently hear him. Notwithstanding all this favour and affection which all the people bore unto him (except the malicious hypocrites) besides his meat and drink for his reasonable sustenance, and his Library which was but meanly furnished, he gathered together no other great substance: for he was a man far from those two plagues that have always infected the Church of Christ, covetousness and ambition. In so much that being offered a good Canonship in the Church of Toledo, which many a man of his order would think himself in happy case if he might attain unto, he was so far from the greedy desire thereof, that he contemned it, rather not caring for it 〈…〉 t after his accustomed manner jested at it merrily. Fo●●mmediatly after the death of the Bishop of Utica, that was preacher in the Cathedral Church, the whole Chapter with one consent offered him that place which they commonly call the Opposition, and sent for him thither very honourably. But he made them answer without any great deliberation, that he had great cause to yield them many thanks for their good opinions conceived of him, in that they thought him worthy of so great a dignity, saying that he would do the best he could to requite their courtesies. Howbeit forasmuch as his fathers and his grandfathers bones buried many years ago, were now in rest and quiet, he would in no case do any thing whereby the rest that they were in might be interrupted. And this (I suppose) was the sum of his answer and the very words which he spoke. For about that time there grew hot quarrels betwixt the Archbishop surnamed Siliceus a man of famous memory forsooth, and the chapter of the same Church. The Archbishop was hated of the chief men of the chapter because he had openly & in opprobrious manner reported them to be descended of the loin of the jews: and they on the other side being men in good estate, and not able to bear these reproaches, thought to be even with this foolish Bishop that came from cart & plough, and by good hap (as a man may say) without all respect of learning or honesty, was preferred to the highest dignity in all Spain next under the king: and because he was a troubler of common quiet, they purposed to work him all the spite that might be: by means whereof none were spared that had been buried by the space of a 100 years, but that this good Archbishop under pretence of religion made inquiry of the Canon's fathers, grandfathers and great grandfathers, driving them to derive their pedigree out of their graves. The which foolish & ungodly controversies Constantino took occasion to quip them for, at such time as he was sent for to supply that place. In like 〈…〉 not long before he refused a Canonship in the Church o● ●uenca, both rich to the purse & worshipful beside for estimation, situate in his own native foil. Moreover, being the first man that brought the knowledge of true religion into Seville, he did so plainly set it forth and so sincerely, so sharply rebuked those pedlars that sold all their packs of pardons and other fancies for pence, laying such things so sore to their charge, that notwithstanding they saw full well that he would prove a plague both to them and their whole generation, yet could they not find any just cause to accuse him of but to their own shame, and yet ceased they not to hate him deadly. Howbeit he took away their stings so clean, that they could never come conveniently to poison him: neither did he slack for all that to set forth the truth, notwithstanding that he knew they lay in wait for him privily. And surely it was the singular providence of God which so blessed that City, that there should be in that Church at once three such notable men and so excellently learned, Constantino, Aegidio & Varquio, which before times were Students together in Divinity, and now furtherers of virtue and good religion with one consent, and with like zeal. For Varquio did read upon the Gospel after Matthew, in the Cathedral Church; and that being done, did afterwards take in hand to expound the Psalter. Aegidio preached daily: Constantino not so often as Aegidio, but to as great fruit and edifying, continuing all together each man in his room, till afterwards that God sent stormy tempests, to the end to try each man's building, that Varquio in the midst of this hurly burly, while he and his adversaries were bickering together, died: Constantino was sent for by the Emperor and his son Philip, and forced to forsake Seville. So that Doct. Aegidio was left alone like a lamb among a sort of wolves to minister matter for a tragedy: the which is already declared in this history. After whose death Constantino left the Emperor's Court, where he had gotten both wisdom and learning, and returned to Sivil again to set forward the light of the Gospel that had been stopped for a while. The which thing he did with as much zeal as ever he did before time: so that both he himself was very well esteemed, and his sermons liked of all the people exceedingly. It was also his chance, by reason of a certain order taken by the whole Chapter, to be appointed the next lent after his coming to preach every other day in the Cathedral Church. The which when he refused to take upon him because of his late sickness, being scarcely well recovered, he was compelled to do it perforce, notwithstanding that he was so weak a creature that he was sometime carried thither, & for faintness once or twice in a sermon compelled to drink a draught of wine to refresh himself withal, and to make him able to hold out till the end of his hour. The which (doubtless) was a very strange sight to behold: and yet such favour every man bare towards him, that he was dispensed withal to use that liberty. Afterwards being restored to his health, he devised a ready way to set forward his purpose, and such as none had trodden in before him. For by his means one Signior Scobario a famous man in Seville, both in life and learning, to whom the Senate of the City by common consent had committed the charge and oversight of the College of children (commonly called the house of learning) conferring with Constantino about the matter, translated the revenue that some drunken chaplain would have devoutly drunk for his soul, into a yearly stipend, towards the maintenance of a Divinitie-lecture in the same College, whereof this Constantino was chosen reader. Who both happily taken in hand and effectually pursued that profitable exercise: beginning first with Salomon's Proverbs, the book of the Preacher, and Cantica Canticorum. Which after he had passed through very learnedly, he proceeded into ●ob, and expounded it more than half. All which works are extant at this day in written hand, gathered very painfully by one of his auditors named Bab. Wherein it shall appear hereafter, as I can have leisure to publish them, how far he hath exceeded all that have written upon these books hitherto, and how excellently well learned he was. But some evil spirit envying the good success of that City, under the pretence of fervent zeal, caused him to forsake that course wherein he ran before, and afterward incombered him so many ways, that he was never clear quit of all till his dying day. About what time well-near, it happened that the chief Canonship (which was first founded for a Preacher) fell void in the Church of Seville, by reason of Doct. Aegidio his death. Whereunto the whole Chapter would willingly have chosen Constantino, as one whom they thought of desert worthy the place, for the notable gifts that both they and all the whole Citle saw in him of a long time while he continued Preacher there, but that it would not stand with the rules of their House to admit him thereunto without oppositions. For upon their last error in choosing Doct. Aegidio, immediately after, they entered an order, that none thenceforth should be admitted to enjoy that place without their accustomed kind of oppositions usual in all Churches. Whereas Constantino on the other side had always scorned and derided those ceremonies, as toys, not much unlike the contentions of jugglers & minstrels for the best games. Moreover, one Valdesio Bishop of Seville & a courtier, owing Constantino a privy grudge from the first time that he preached before the Emperor, & grew into his favour, was very earnestly in hand with the Chapter, pressing them with their own decree, after he understood that they were about to undo it again. Whereupon there was a day appointed for the opposition, and published in the most famous Cities in Spain, so that diverse came flocking, as it had been a sort of crows about a carrion. But the wiser sort kept themselves away from encountering with him, for the greatfavour and estimation that he was in, so that there were but only two that abode the brunt: the one called Maivelo a Canon of Alcala, the other a Canon of Malaga, hoping belike to get some great booty thereby. Howbeit the first upon better advisement returned home again shortly after to Alcala: the other Canon of Malaga, bolstered by the Archbishop to spite Constantino withal, wilfully continued the skirmish. At the length, Constantino being overcome through the great entreaty and persuasion of the Chapter, but especially moved by the importunate suit of a friend of his, to whom I wish he had not yielded so much in this (for then perhaps he had been alive at this time) resolved himself to stand for the Canonship, and to dispute after the accustomed order: by means whereof fulfilling that ceremony, he of Malaga was sent to shake his ears, and the Chapter prevailed against the Bishop. There was also at the same time a little zeal which blinded Constantino, lest perhaps some prater should have s●ept in place, that would always be barking against good & godly doctrine: whereas by his accepting of the same place there was a certain likelihood and hope, that the doctrine thereby should have the more free passage. In respect whereof, he was the more willing, rather than for any greedy or covetous desire of attaining any wealth thereby, the which vice he always contemned with a manly courage. Whereupon, his adversary that stood against him perceiving himself unable to weigh with him, either for learning; countenance, or favour which he found at the Chapiters' hand, bend himself wholly to take exceptions to his person, & to disable him that way. First he began to object against him all his youthly toys, namely marriage, the which was before he entered into orders, charing him that neither he was rightly priested, nor came by his degree of Doctorship orderly. On the other side, a marvelous rabble of the hypocrites that had been of his old acquaintance began to be galled afresh, seeing him so highly preferred, insomuch that they fell to revive old matters concerning diverse points of religion, urging them more earnestly than they had done before time, & that in the court of the Inquisition, wherein Valdesio his adversary sat as judge. Notwithstanding in the midst of these broils, Constantino resting upon the good wills of the Chapter, was installed, and whiles the controversies were at the hottest, there was much business in that Church by means of certain books of juliano paruo, whereof I made mention before. In the which storms what place was there wherein Constantino might shroud his head? And yet being brought before the Inquisitours, albeit he had thoroughly displeased all his adversaries in the former brawls before, yet notwithstanding he avoided all their quarrels picked against him by his quick and ready answers (after his accustomed manner) so easily, that they could in no case get him to make any open protestation of his faith, by the which their hope was to compass and circumvent him. And in very deed he had escaped at the length, but that God of his wonderful providence compelled him sore against his will, briefly and plainly to confess his truth. For nigh about the same time there was a very honest and a substantial widow, named Isabel Martina, apprehended, in whose house Constantino had hid certain special books for fear of the Inquisitours, which he might not avow the keeping of in Spain without present peril. Whose goods being sequestered according to the custom of the Inquisition, her son, one Francisco Bertramo, had conveyed diverse Chests of the best stuff that his mother had, because he would save somewhat, so that these greedy gulls should not devour all. The which thing coming to the Inquisitours ears, by means of his untrusty servant who disclosed it, was the occasion that they sent immediately one Ludovico Sotellio their Alguazill to demand those Chests. Who resorted unto him accordingly; as he began to say his message soberly, Bertramo forgetting the Chests, and supposing that the cause of his coming had been for Constantino's books, took the tale out of his mouth and said unto him: Signior Ludovico, I know whereabout you come, and therefore if you will promise me on your honestly quietly to depart upon the receit thereof, I will show you them. The Alguazill meaning the Chests (as for the books he neither came for them, nor knew of any such before) promised him so to do. Whereupon Bertramo carried him forth with into a secret place far within the house, and plucking forth a stone or two in the wall, showed him Constantino's jewels of paper indeed, but far more precious than gold or pearl. Whereat the Alguazil being somewhat astonished, to find that which he looked not for, told him that he came to demand no such manner of thing, but certain Chests of his mother's goods, which he had purloined from the Sequester. As for his promise made unto him for his quiet departure, he said he was not bound thereby otherwise, but that he must needs carry both him & his books to the Inquisitours. Thus by these means came all Constantino's writings out of corners to light, and to the Inquisitours hands, contrary both to his own expectation and his adversaries, which would have given a great piece of money to have come by them before. And among other of his writings there was one great volume found written throughout with his own hand, wherein (as the Inquisitours themselves reported in their sentence which they gave upon him afterwards standing upon the scaffold) he did openly and plainly in manner, as it were for his own satisfaction, handle these special points: that is to say, the state of the Church, the true Church & the Pope's Church, whom he called very Antichrist: the Sacrament of the Lords supper: the invention of the Mass, wherein he said that the whole world was deceived & abused through ignorance of the holy Scriptures: the justification of a Christian man: Purgatory, which he termed the wolus head, saying that it was a device of the Monks to feed their own bellies: also Bulls & Popish pardons, men's merits, shrift, and other articles of Christian religion. The which book so soon as it came to the Inquisitors hands, they demanded of him if he knew his own hand: howbeit he shifted them off from their purpose a good while, and drove them off from day to day, till at the last understanding the will of God, who had now taken away all evasions from him, he acknowledged his own hand, and confessed it to be his own writing, protesting openly, that all things therein contained were full of truth & sincerity. Therefore (said he) take ye no further pains in seeking witnesses to testify against me, since you have so plain and perfect a confession of my opinion and belief, but do deal with me as it shall please you. After the which examination and answer he remained in prison by the space of two whole years: where partly by occasion of his corrupt & naughty diet, though he were not a man greatly curious or dainty therein before time, but chiefly, of very sorrow consuming him to see so much labour, both of his own and others his fellows, spent in vain upon that good Church, which now was so miserably sacked, he fell first to be a little crazed, and afterwards being not able to abide the exceeding heat of the Sun, which made his prison like a hothouse unto him, was fain to strip himself into his bare shirt, & so to continue both day & night. By occasion whereof he fell sick of the bloody flix, and within 15. days after died, amids the filth & soil of the prison, rendering up his sweet soul to Christ, for the promoting of whose glory he had oftentimes before adventured it most manfully. And in this time of his sickness, as well as at the hour of his death, there was present with him a certain young man, a Monk of Saint Isidors' cloister, virtuous and well disposed, who also was prisoner there for religion at the same time, and put in the same prison with him to keep him company. This Monks name was Ferdinando. Perhaps in the eyes of foolish worldlings this Constantino seemed to dye, but in very deed he resteth in peace. As for the cruel tortures, which other have accustomably been tormented withal, the truth is, he never tasted any, not for any regard that these cruel Termagants had of such a man as he was (whose displeasure he had earnestly procured against him by his sharp and quick answers while he was prisoner) but either, for that they determined to delay his punishment, meaning to detain him, in prison a longer space, to the intent to discourage him, and to keep other that favoured his doctrine any way, or were entered in that religion, in continual awe: or else, because they thought not that he should have been taken forth of their hands so suddenly. Whereupon, the Inquisitours bruited a rumour abroad to the same end and purpose, to daunt such as had been his scholars, that they might come trembling into the Court, and accuse themselves before they were sent for, upon hope of the Inquisitours mercy: causing it to be noised, that he in his life being upon the rack, had confessed unto them of diverse that were his auditors & scholars. To the which end and purpose, diverse of the next prison adjoining to his, were suborned to affirm that they heard the cries and shrieks which he made at the time of his tormenting. Therefore now after his death, seeing him to be taken out of their hands by God's good means, so that now they had him no more alive among them to extend their cruelty upon, they determined notwithstanding to work him such poor spite as they could, in derogating from the good estimation and report which he had of all men, spreading false and slanderous tales upon him, that he should strike himself in a vein with a piece of a broken glass, ●o avoid both shame and pain. There were also sung openly in the streets over all the City diverse filthy and slanderous ditties sung by boys in his dispraise: but whether they were published by procurement of the Inquisitours, or some of their Parasites, or of mere malice devised and set out by the foolish and variable people, God knoweth, but the other is the more likely. Also against the day of their solemn Triumph, his corpse was taken out of the grave, & in place thereof, a puppet of straw put, and afterwards set up in a pulpit so artificially, resting the one hand upon the pulpit, and holding the other upright, that it resembled Constantino very lively, in such sort as he was wont to preach. And no doubt but that dumb Image did preach as effectually in many men's hearts at that instant as ever he himself had done being alive, in derision of whom this puppet was made. Then, at what time that sentence was to be given upon him (to the hearing whereof, diverse came from places far distant from Seville) the Inquisitours commanded that it should not be pronounced out of the pulpit where other judgements were accustomably read, but caused the Image to be brought into their holy Court, and there to have sentence published: which place was so high, that the the people could not well understand what was read. Whereupon Calderonio the temporal judge thinking it not convenient, and that some other subtlety was meant thereby, moved the Inquisitours in open audience, that judgement might be given in the accustomed place, or else read in such sort that the people might understand upon what occasions they had condemned him. Whereunto when the Inquisitors gave no great ear, but proceeded as before, there began to be a great tumultamong the people, forasmuch as they could not well brook that injury, nor indeed would have put it up as it seemed, but that they saw Calderonio somewhat more quick with the Inquisitours, and to tell them their duties once again: so that they commanded the Image to be carried into the accustomed place, and sentence to be pronounced aloud, to satisfy the people withal. The reading whereof, occupied about an hour and an half: and the chief matter contained therein, was that which I have receited before out of Constantino's book. Marry, the Inquisitours added moreover, that of purpose and upon good consideration they had omitted many things that were so horrible, so wicked, and so strange, that it was sore against God commandment to utter them in common audience. There be diverse of this man's works extant that have passed the print. First a brief sum of Christian religion. Also one other discourse in the same argument more at large, but somewhat imperfect, or rather scarcely half finished: for he purposed to have comprehended the whole body of Christian religion, in two tomes. In the former he treated of faith: In the other he thought to have handled the Sacraments, and to have spoken of works, and generally of the duty of a Christian man. As for the former part, it was already published some years agone: whereby he procured to himself some displeasure and suspicion of heresy among the common sort of learned men, forasmuch as entreating of faith he did not plainly inveigh against the Lutherans, nor attributed any preeminence to the Bish. of Rome, but had written rather in derogation of pardons, of purgatory, of men's merits, and such other like trifles, then in advancement thereof: upon the which suspicions being examined, he would answer them, that such matters as they wanted in his works were more pertinent to his second tome, wherein he purposed to discourse of them somewhat largely. Howbeit this other volume never came to light, except perhaps it were that which was hidden in the widow's house, and came to the Inquisitors hands, the special points whereof they published, as I have before declared. Moreover, he set forth a Catechism, which perhaps in other places elsewhere of more freedom and liberty was not greatly accounted of, but yet in these places of darkness and ignorance, and under such tyranny, it gave much light to many. There be also extant six sermons of this good man's, which he made upon six of the first verses of the first Psalm. Wherein the learned may see, as well the profound learning that was in him, as also his singular art for conveyance. But of all his works, which surely were as learnedly written and as godly as any that ever were read in Spain, the confession of a sinner, not passing two or three sheets long, exceeded all the rest, both for the zeal, learning, and eloquence uttered therein, most lively expressing the affections of a Christian man, incident to such an argument. First he bringeth in a man before the judgement seat of God, making him to see, and lively ●o lament his own filthiness and abomination, to cast off all whatsoever these pharisees flattering themselves with their own righteousness were wont to cover our nakedness withal, being either devised or established by man, and therein he peruseth all the ten Commandments orderly, confessing him guilty of the breach thereof, and therewithal maketh so plain and absolute an exposition of the whole law, in that short summary, that in such a breviat (be it spoken without offence to any) I have not hitherto seen any so lightsome. In the end he clotheth them with the wedding garment of Christ's righteousness by faith, wherewith alonely he encourageth and emboldeneth man before the face of God, as much as he discomforted him before when as he brought him to the perfect knowledge of himself, & the consideration of his own case and estate. Finally, there is no one lot that concerneth christian religion, but he hath touched it, referring it to some purpose in that brief table: nor any affection that can be in a man, from the very first letter of the law till the last end of the Gospel, and the fruition of the heavenly habitation, but he hath most lively expressed it. Neither had he been ever able to devose such a piece of work, notwithstanding his passing gifts of nature and helps of art, except he had first learned them by often experience in himself. All the which books of his writing, worthy (no doubt) to be reserved for ever, albeit the Inquisitours had a little before unawares allowed, yet at this time they condemned them: not for any thing found in them worthy of condemnation (as they themselves testified in their sentence upon him) but because there should be nothing extant that might remain as a monument or a memorial sounding any ways to the commendation of him whom they had holden accursed. Lastly, they showed their poor spite upon that good man's dry bones, which they digged out of the earth, & upon that counterfeit Image made to his likeness. Howbeit he himself being exalted above the clouds, & taken out of their chains, & delivered from their unjust judgements (besides the loss of these notable & worthy monuments mentioned before) hath caused a great number of his familiar friends and acquaintance comfortless to sit, lamenting and bewailing the miss of such a man. O detestable tyranny that deservest a thousand curses, seeing thou canst not restore them again, what amends wilt thou be able to make to the world for the death of so many godly men as thou hast most shamefully slain and murdered?    
FINIS.