¶ A Chronicle, containing the lives of ten Emperors of Rome.  
Wherein are discovered, their beginnings, proceedings, and endings, worthy to be read, marked, and remembered.  
Wherein are also contained Laws of special profit and policy.  
Sentences of singular shortness and sweetness.  
Orations of great gravity and Wisdom.  
Letters of rare learning and eloquence.  
Examples of vices carefully to be avoided, and notable patterns of virtue fruitful to be followed.  
Compiled by the most famous Sir Anthony of Guevara, Bishop of Mondonnedo, Preacher, Chronicler, and counsellor to the Emperor Charles the fift: and translated out of Spanish into English, by Edward Hellowes, Groom of her majesties Leashe.  
¶ Hereunto is also annexed a table, recapitulating such particularities, as are in this book mentioned.  
Imprinted at London for Ralphe Newberrie dwelling in Fleetestrete.  
Anno Gratiae 1577.   

TO THE MOST EXcellent and virtuous Princess, and our gracious sovereign Lady Elizabeth, by the grace of GOD, of England, France, and Ireland, Queen: defender of the Christian Faith. etc. Long life, with accomplishment of all Godly desires.  
RIGHT noble & most gracious sovereign: if I should writ or dedicated any thing, as of myself, unto your excellency, with any spark of presumption or singularity, as a matter meet for the view of the majesty of your sacred person, or sufficient satisfaction unto the depth of your divine judgement: not only mine own weakness would bewray me, and justly yield a cruel scourge of my discredit, but also procure my worthy reprehension, and no less deserved chastisement. But simply presuming of your majesties mild & accustomed favour, provoked by the eloquence of the Author, encouraged by the profit & pleasure of the matter, emboldened because this history hath been dedicated by Sir Antony of Guevara, & accepted of Charles the fifth, an Emperor of no common renown, and no less persuaded by the humbleness of a dutiful mind, as one vowed by oath and allegiance to execute my utter service in every exploit to your Majesty: the regard whereof not leadeth but constraineth (although with blushing & bashful face) to present unto your magnificence this my simple travel, translated out of Spanish into the English tongue, containing the lives of ten Emperors of Rome, namely, trajan Coceius, Adrian, Antoninus Pius, Commodus, Pertinax, julianus, Severus, Bassianus, Heliogabalus, & Alexander Severus: whose lives, governments, ends and conclusions, give forth matter so meet for the spectacle of princes, as well the virtuous of the one part to take sure direction, & good counsel to their great comfort, thereby as a sounding lead, to obtain knowledge both of the depth & coast, to lead themselves into all safety of body and mind: as also the licentious, on the other part, to moderate and stay their rash attempts, as a sheet anchor in all furious storms of perplexities, to save from shipwreck both life and honour. All which being considered, in respect that the matter therein contained, treateth of Kings and Emperors, and hath been dedicated unto an Emperor: the work of itself craveth your mild acceptation, as only due unto the sovereignty of your majesties estate, to escape the infamy of abasement. I your majesties most humble and loyal servant, in most humble wise beseeching, that of your great mildness and clemency, it may like your highness to accept this my simple present, full fraught, not of skill, but of loyalty: wherein, for as much as the Author in the front hereof, hath fixed so worthy a prologue, that there seemeth nothing to be omitted, or that any thing might be added: yieldeth just cause to cease further to urge your patience with tediousness: most humbly beseeching your Majesty, that it may please the same of your great bounty to pardon all my defects that herein may appear: and I your majesties most humble and obedient servant, shall never cease to pray, that the blessing of the living GOD, may always conduct & follow your Majesty, with all perfect felicity, both of body and soul, as may yield your Majesty immortal fame before God and man.  
Your majesties most humble and obedient servant. Edward Hellowes.   

¶ The prologue of the famous Sir Anthony of Guevara, bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler, & counsellor to the Emperor Charles the fifth, upon the life of ten Emperors of Rome. (⸫) The Author proponeth.  
VARIUS GEMINUS, a man very glorious, and Consul among the Romans, said unto julius Caesar: O Caesar and great Augustus, such as dare presume to speak before thee, know not thy greatness: and those that are abashed to appear in thy presence, comprehend not thy nobleness: words in deed right worthy of such a person. Conformable to that which Varius Geminus said, we do say: It appertaineth to the greatness of Princes, that their persons be much authorized, and on the other part, that they endeavour to communicate with their common wealths, for that with their mightiness they may give terror, and with their plain mildness remove all fear. Sucronius saith of Octavius the emperor, that ever any ambassadors came in his presence, which at the first sight were not touched with fear: and after in communicating did not adore him: because, great was the majesty wherewith he did receive them, and after, very sweet were the words wherewith he did dispatch them. Of the great Cato Censorine, plutarch saith: that being the man of most honesty, and greatest gravity that lived amongst the romans: he did never show to any man, a sad, but cheerful countenance, or give evil answer, nor shut the door against any person, either denied any thing that was just, neither shamed or disgraced any man. Not only happy, but also most happy is the Prince, that for rectitude of justice is feared, and for his good condition beloved. Much weakness of Princes, and great Lords is covered, and vices dissimuled, when with their own they be of good condition, and with strangers of grateful conversation. Of the famous tyrant Dionysius the Syracusan, plutarch saith: that the immortal hatred which the Sicilians did bear him, was not so much for the tyrannies that he did execute, as for the incomporcable condition which he used: for that very seldom he did permit himself to be seen: and very often was heard laughing. The contrary whereof is read of king Antigonus, the father of the great Demetrius: who was proud, covetous, ambitious, cruel, and effeminate: and with all these conditions the people of his kingdoms did both suffer and serve him: only for that they found the doors of his house always open, and in his mouth an amorous answer. The end of all this which we have said is, humbly to pray all princes, and give warning unto all such as be about them, always to persuade and counsel them to be so humane, that all may endure their conversation: and yet so grave, that none presume to make small account of them: for that it maketh much to the matter of good government, to be endued with good nature and disposition. Not less inconvenience doth follow the common wealth, for the Prince to be holden in small estimation, then to be untractable, over haughty, or strange: for, if he be inconuersible, they abhor him: and if not esteemed, they disobey him.  
Sardanapalus, the last King of the Assyrians, was with all men so humane, that women made him spin: and of Phalaris the tyrant, it is read, that he was so inconuersible, that his own daughters durst not speak unto him. To the end that Princes be not abhorred in their common wealths, they have to consider, and also beware to be noted of extremities: which is to wit, in using too great familiarity with some, and no less strangeness with others: because much strangeness engendereth hatred: and too much familiarity leadeth to contempt. The rule that in this case we dare give unto Princes, mighty and noble men, is: that they be neither so affable with their private and favoured servants, whereby to give them hardiness to crave any thing unjust: either so strange with them that be not private, as to give them fear to demand justice. It is not removed from Princes, to give their kingdoms unto their children, to commit their secrets unto such as be serviceable, to use their liberality with their private and favoured servants, to take their pastimes with their friends, upon such condition, that their conversation be somewhat general: for asmuch as the liberality of Princes extendeth not to satisfy every suit: they supply much more with their amorous answers that they give, then with the rewards which they bestow. Not unworthily was it ordained of the most ancient greeks, that the use of Princes should not be to pronounce in their letters patents, and commandments: I command this, I will this, I forbid this: but that they should say: We command this, We will this, and ordain this: for their better remembrance, that by speaking in the name of all, they should in time be conversant with all, be familiar with all, and divide rewards amongst all, and that they are of all, and not of themselves.  
He that hath to hold the lest part of the prince, aught to be the prince himself: for that, great regard is to be had of all men, as concerning the service of his person: and he aught to be vigilant in all things that are profitable to the common wealth. How much the more the Prince regardeth himself: so much the more he neglecteth himself. And how much the less he careth for himself: so much the more shall he attain to himself: for that the harmony of the common wealth consisteth in nothing more, than all men to live of the liberality and bounty of the prince: and that the Prince live in the love of all men.  
¶ The Author prosecuteth his intent.  
It is also necessary counsel unto the prince, that he have a sound mind and disposition, and his intents very well advertised: for that if in his affairs he make no account to be certain, he shall hardly cease to err: and if he be not attentive to the affairs of the common wealth, he shall never understand them.  
The prince aught gravely to regard the thing he doth, before it be done: for the error of any other whatsoever, the offence is only felt in his own house: but the error of the prince, redoundeth to the whole common wealth. The princes that be wilful in the things which they will: and headstrong wherein they command: beside that they go laden with thoughts, holding their persons in peril, escandalize their common wealth, accused to be over amorous of their own proper judgement, and most great enemies of others counsel. The prince also aught very particularly understand the things of the common wealth, if he will use good government thereof. And this he hath to be advertised, not of such as go to murmur, but of such as make just report, and also give counsel therein: for that twixt the Prince and the common wealth, there shall never be peace, if to liars and murmurers he give audience. Even as Princes desire not in their subjects, but to be served: even so their subjects desire not of their princes, but to be beloved, & most truly, the one is annexed unto the other, and dependeth each of other: for if in the Prince there be no love, there is none that will serve him with affection. Princes and great lords, aught to hold in great estimation, that their subjects do obey them: but much more have the subjects to make account, when their lords do love them: because, without comparison, his bounty is much greater that bindeth us to love, than the travail of him that offereth to serve. As love is not repaid but with love, so Princes are not to be satisfied with only giving such as do serve and follow them, offices, castles, customs, houses and money: but also they aught to show them love in their palaces, and favour in their affairs: because, with their liberality, they recompense their service past: but with their love they bind them to serve in time to come.  
Princes and men of power, aught in their countenance to be amorous, in their speech mild, in their behaviours much ordered: for that generous hearts, and blushing and shamefast faces, that follow courts, and go in Prince's houses, do much more feel the disfavour which they show them, than the rewards that they deny them. To the end that Princes be delivered of displeasures: and their kingdoms better governed: it shallbe moste sound counsel for them to be affable with all, to give unto all, to deal for all, & to love all: but if they determine to hold some more private, they aught much to consider whom they admit to their special favour: because for one to be private in Court, it is not sufficient that the king do choose him: but that also he be of merit and deserving.  
In giving rewards, princes may not always escape error, but in commending their hearts, they aught to be most certain: for that, In this whole world there is not the like torment, as a man to have his love evil employed. If Princes and great Lords will particularly take into their favour any of their servants, they aught to be of particular deserving: because, love shall never be fixed: when in him that is loved, there wanteth merit. Not without cause we said, that it were necessary in a Prince to be endued with a good mind and disposition, and with sound meaning and intention: because if the Prince be taken with imperfect and unlawful affection, Alas of him, and also of his kingdom, that by him is governed, It is evil that the Prince have no rule in feeding, in play, in drinking, in speaking, and also in spending: but it is much worse if he use it not in his love and affection: for it is a rule infallible: that every disordinate love, bringeth with it some notable vice. It is a love disordinate to be careful to gather riches, and not to have a mind to spend them: because unto the greatness of Princes it appertaineth, to seek what to spend: and not to learn to keep audit. It is a love disordinate, for the prince to follow the direction of his own proper will: because it is impossible but he should fail to perform that which he aught, that always executeth his own wilful mind. Love is disordinate, when the Prince employeth his love in few, being Lord of many: because Princes in such wise aught to love, and be bountiful unto their private and favoured servants, that they disgrace not the nobles of their kingdom. Love is disordinate, when Princes in vanities, and trifles do consume their times: because the curious governor in such wise divideth time betwixt him and the common wealth: that he neither wanteth for affairs, or hath too much to employ in vices. Love is disordinate, when the Prince is orgulous, quarrelous, ambitious, and proud: for notwithstanding, that as a Prince they aught all to serve him: it followeth not that as a God, they should adore him. Love is disordinate, to hazard the giving and dividing of rewards, not as every man deserveth, but according to the will of him that governeth: for there is no equal infamy unto the prince, as it is to chastise vice, & not to remunerate service. Love is disordinate, when of will he taketh away from another, that of right appertaineth not unto himself: because to the greatness & sincerity of princes, it is just & convenient, that in their rewards & gifts, they show their frank liberality: & in receiving, they stand with all men in justice. The case standeth thus: that the Prince which is endued with these loves & affections, may not escape many travels, and also many sudden assaults and perils: for that every disordinate affection, she herself, with herself, bringeth grief and displeasure. plutarch in his books of common wealth, persuadeth the Emperor Trajan, that he hath his will at liberty, and his love subject to no man: for that according as he sayeth: It little profiteth that a Prince be Lord of many kingdoms: if on the other part, he become bondman to many vices. The divine Plato said, that for a prince to be good, he aught to give his heart unto the common wealth, his rewards unto such as serve him, his desires unto the Gods, and his love unto his friends, his secrets to his privy counsel: and the time to affairs. O how happy were that prince, that according to this Platonical sentence should divide and repart his person: because he being divided for all: the whole should be joined together, with, and for him.  ¶ The author applieth all that which is said, unto the end wherefore he did speak the same. 
All that which we have above said by writing, (most sovereign Prince) we will utter and declare by example: for according to the saying of Eschines the Philosopher, Words well spoken, do awake and revive the judgements: but great and manifest examples persuade the heart. For to lead or entice a man to be virtuous, and to do virtuous works, it maketh much to the matter, to persuade with discrete reasons, & sweet words: but in conclusion, for much credit which we give to that which he saith: much more is given to that which he doth. The Poet Homer said: that it is, a thing very easy to writ acts of great prowess, and very difficil to perform them. For which cause it is necessary, for such as deal with princes, to show them by example, all which they persuade them by writing: to the end they see most clear, that the great and mighty deeds done by other Princes in the worlds: they want not force to perform them: but a mind to undertake them. No Prince hath to hold of himself so small estimation, that he doubt to perform that which another Prince hath done in time past: for after this manner, Theodosius should be dismayed, by the remembrance of Severus: Severus, of Marcus Aurelius: Marcus Aurelius, of Antoninus Pius: Antoninus Pius, of Trajan: trajan, of good Titus: Titus, of Caesar Augustus: Caesar Augustus, of julius Caesar: julius Caesar, of Scipio: Scipio, of Marcus Marcellus: Marcus Marcellus, of Quintus Fabius: Quintus Fabius, of Alexander Magnus: and Alexander Magnus, of Achilles the Greek. The hearts of these so high Princes, did not read and inquire of the deeds of their forefathers, to fear them, but to imitate them: & surely they had great reason: because None amongst the mortal hath done any deed so glorious, that by another man may not be beautified and made better. Princes be bound to do such and so high deeds and enterprises, that of themselves be worthy praise, and very honourable for others to follow: for the same it is not more necessary, to have a noble mind to give the enterprise: them after wards to have the adventure, to finish the same. plutarch saith, that Agesilaus the Greek said, that Fortune did never show herself noble, but unto a mind that was generous and noble: and surely he said most truth, because men loose many things, not because they may not attain them, but for that, they dare not attempt them. The Prince aught to strain and enforce himself to be good, and to imitate the virtuous: since with less cost, men be virtuous than vicious, mild then overthwart, valiant than cowards, patiented than furious, and sober than gluttons: for the thief doth need as desperate a mind to scale an house, as a noble mind is due to a captain that followeth the wars. Dionysius the tyrant, Gorgius the tyrant, Bias the tyrant, Macrino the tyrant, & Catiline the tyrant: if we might commend them, and they of themselves give reason: they would swear and affirm that they passed more travel, and found themselves in more peril in defending their tyrannies, than Scipio and Cato in conserving their common wealths. O, what great reason, and how much occasion have Princes to be good, and to favour the good: since they have authority to command, and riches to give: whereof if they have skill to take the advantage, with their potency they frame themselves to be served, and with their gifts they bring to pass to be loved. jointly with this, I admonish and also advise Princes and great lords, to be magnificent in their gifts, and very attemptive in their commandments. For, notwithstanding, a Prince may do what he list: it is not convenient he do what he may. Although the authority of the prince be free, absolute, and without measure: to him it is convenient in all things to use measure and moderation: for that every government that is absolute, hath a taste or relish of tyranny. Many Princes have lost themselves by their vices which they used: and many more have been cast away by executing their will and power: for princes in performing all that they can, and all which they will: it followeth, that their affection maketh them stumble: & passion, their eyes to dazzle. But (most sovereign Prince) speaking more particularly, by the imitation of plutarch, and Suetonius Tranquillus, I thought good to translate, compile, and to reform the story of the lives of ten Roman princes, worthy moste surely to be known, and very pleasant to be read. The purpose wherefore (most mighty Prince) I have taken so exceeding travail to compound this work, is: unto the end my pen may advertise, wherein my tongue with shame dismayeth to speak: for as Bias the philosopher said: The authority of princes is so great, that of more things they have to give them to understand, then to dare or presume to speak. The king Artaxerxes travailing on a certain day, a man of the country presented him with a little water in the palm of his hand: the which water, the king received and drank: and when some did murmur of that deed, and also detract him: the king made answer: It is no less nobleness unto the Prince to receive little, then to give great and bountiful rewards. The philosopher Lycurgus, that was law giver unto the Lacedæmonians, commanded those of his common wealth, that they should offer unto their Gods few things in number, and not rich of value: whereof, when he was noted and also accused, made answer: I command not to offer unto the Gods few things, for that I think them not to deserve much, but because all men should have wherewith to offer: since of all men they will be served: for in the time of Apollo, they said unto me: that they had rather have little of many, then much of few. In the law which God gave unto the hebrews, he was so limited in the things he demanded, and so humane in that he commanded: that in the order of the sacrifices which they should offer, he did ordain and command that the poor man which could not offer a goat, should offer no more but of the hair thereof. In considering that Lycurgus offered unto his Gods, jewels of small price: and that king Artaxerxes received of a poor man an handful of water: and that unto the true and living God, they durst offer no more but of the hairs of a Goat, giveth me hardiness to present this work unto your Majesty. (⸫)   

The life of the good Emperor, trajan Coceius, naturally a Spaniard, borne in the city of Calize, compiled by sir Anthony of Guevara, bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler, and counsellor unto the Emperor Charles the fifth.  

CHAP. I Of four renowned Cities that perished and were subverted in Spain.  
BEfore they had Emperors in Rome, either war was raised in Carthage, there were in four provinces in Spain, four right notable cities, which in potency did match with Rome, in riches with Tyrus, in beauty with Helia, & in opulency with Tarento. The first was Numantia: the second, Cantabria: the third, Ystobriga: the fourth, Italica. Strabo, Isodore, and Pomponio Mela, give great admiration unto the readers, of the great power, richesse, and wealth of these four cities. And on the other part, it is great pity to consider, that there is nothing of them remaining to behold. Not without cause it is said, that nothing remaineth in them to be seen: because notwithstanding the province, bounds, and climate is known of the foundation thereof: yet we may hardly attain to name the very place where it was bu●lt. Unto the city of Numantia, Soria succeeded: unto the city of Cantabria, succeeded Tudela of Navarre: unto the city of Ystobriga, succeeded Merida: unto the city of Italica, succeeded Civil. The situation of the famous Numantia, as some men affirm, was upon a certain hill near unto Soria on the other side of the bridge: and as others do think, her foundation stood in Garray a village of Soria joining unto Duero. The situation of Cantabria, was a league from the city of the Groin, and on that side of Ebro, upon a certain height where now are planted many vines. The seat of Ystobriga was, where now the ventes of Caparra, being baiting places, stand: and others say, it was on the hill that standeth betwixt the two rivers Las varcas de Alconeta, yell casare de carceres. The situation of Italica was joining unto the city of Civil: and some say it was upon the way to Carmona: and that the arches of Carmona were made to furnish the city of Italica. O secret judgements of the most high, or humane instability, that all these places being viewed personally of myself, where these so excellent cities were built, I found not so much as a tower, a wall, a street, or a house to behold: neither so much as a stone almost to stumble at. We have great reason to exclaim, and much more hath the discreet reader to wonder: since we understand that fourteen years Numantia resisted the power of the romans: and now we see it made a pasture for sheep. We understand that Cantabria was the last thing which the romans did subdue in Spain: and now there remaineth but a patch of vineyards in the same. We certainly know that the greatest strength which king Viriato held in Spain, was Ystobriga: and now there remaineth not but certain gr●ene trees & shrubs. They which writ of the city of Italica, do say: that it was the most strong and the most esteemed of all the kingdom of Vandalia: and now they gather both wheat and barley in the same. Scipio the African destroyed the city of Numantia, because in the first Punic battles, they would not help the romans. Gracchus a Roman captain, subverted the city of Ystobriga, because from thence Viriato made him war. Pompeius' host destroyed the city of Italica: for that in the partiality of julius Caesar they were most faithful. The Emperor Augustus overthrew the city of Cantabria, as a man more moved with ire, then directed by reason. The case was thus: that as he had the city besieged and brought in great distress, he sent to require of the citizens, to yield him all their treasure: and give unto Rome perpetual tribute: The Cantabrians considering, what the Emperor demanded: answered in a letter after this manner.  
Emperor Augustus, we pray the immortal Gods to receive thee into their defence, and that it may please them to examine betwixt thee and us, who in this war hath more justice: and thou knowest, O immortal Prince, that men, although they have power to take war in hand, it is not in their hands, but in the Gods to obtain victory: because we men begin many things with malice, the which afterwards, the Gods do finish by justice: with thy exceeding potency it may not be denied, but that thou hast brought this sorrowful city into great distress: in such wise that we have neither bread to eat, either water to drink, either skins to make garments, or cork to make shoes, neither towers to cover us: but jointly with this, thou hast to understand, that if we want armour wherewith to fight: we lack not hearts to abide death. It well appeareth that thou hast made experience of our weak forces, and understandest not the greatness of our minds: since thou demandest the treasure of our houses, and the liberty of our persons. The mines that we have, be not of Gold to serve thee, but of iron, to break thy pride. Doth it not seem to thee, O emperor Augustus, that since you romans have fought four hundredth years in strange countries to be lords, it were great reason for us to fight in our own houses, to escape bondage? Prosecute thy wars, and do according to the use of other captains of Rome, and care not to threaten us, and much less to flatter us: for notwithstanding our country & houses be thine by force, never whiles we have life shall we be, but the Gods and our own.  
This answer being heard by the Emperor Augustus, he did swear by the immortal Gods, to take none of them to mercy, either to leave in the city one stone upon another. And as he promised, so he accomplished. I would say in this case, that if it were evil to swear, it was much worse to perform the same. Although it be an ancient custom, the word of a king to be kept inviolable: for the good prince aught not to put in effect, that which he hath sworn in his ire.   

CHAP. II Of the country and birth of the Emperor Trajan.  
PRosecuting our intent, it is to understand that in the days when war was extremely kindled betwixt julius Caesar & Pompeius, the Pompeians held Ystobriga, which now is named Lebrixa: and the Caesarians held Gades, which now is named Calize: these two cities did serve to gather their banished; to secure their allies, and their wounded. Before the city of Italica was destroyed by the Pompeians, there did flourish two famous knights: the one was named julius Coceius, & the other, Rufus Vlpius: and these two knights, were not only Captains at arms, but also were chief of those two lineages, that is to say, of the Coceians and of the Vlpians. Before that cruel wars entered the city of Italica, these two lineages had always betwixt them great contention: but after wars began, they joined in great friendship: for that it happeneth many times, that hearts which may not join by love, do after consent and agreed by fear. The city of Italica being destroyed, these two knights came to live at Gades, which now is named Calize: the one of them that was named Coceius, was grandfather to the Emperor Nerua: and the other which was named Rufus Vlpius, was great grandfather of the Emperor Trajan, and of the Emperor Adrian by the mother's side. The Emperor Trajan was borne in the city of Calize the xxi. of may, in the second year of the Empire of Nero, Rufus and Catinus being consuls. In those times there was not in all Europe, so famous, so generous, either yet so profitable a study, as that of the city of Calize: because from Africa they repaired to study: and from Graecia came to learn. And to the end it shall not seem a fable, let them read plutarch in the life of Trajan, Philon in the book of Schools, and Philostrato in the life of Apollonius. In that city of Calize, until the age of xv. Trajan studied the Greek tongue, the Latin, & Rhetoric. Trajan was high of body, somewhat black of face, thin of hair, thick of beard, a crooked nose, broad shoulders, large hands, and his eyes, in beholding, amorous. Trajan entering the years of xuj. left his study, and did exercise arms: wherein he was no less toward then valiant. Trajan was of great swiftness on foot, and of great readiness on horseback: in such wise that it is said of him, that he was never thrown, or had fall from his horse: or ever was overrun on foot. There chanced a certain fleet of pirates to arrive at Calize, the which being many, and taking the citizens at unwares: the good young man Trajan, did show himself that day so valiant in fight, and so venturous in conquest, that to him alone they did attribute the liberty of their country, and the glory of the victory. Among the Myrmidons, which be they of Merida, and amongst the Ricinians, which be they of Truxillio, there was raised in those days a certain little war for the pastures of Gaudiano: for that the Myrmidons did say, they had held them time out of mind: they of Truxillio advouched, that they had lost them, and had received of them assistance to win them of the enemies. The Myrmidons did crave succour of them of Calize, in respect of their confederation: the Gauditaines did accept the embassage of the Myrmidons, as concerning their succour, and when they had chosen Trajan for captain of their army: he made answer: The destinies never permit, either the gods command, that I take a sword to shed the blood of mine own country: because if the one be our friends, truly the other be not our enemies. And said more. Since the war is not begun, and the cause of their debate may be discussed by justice, it is my opinion, rather to send them ambassadors to bring them friends: then captains to attempt wars. Conformable unto all men, Traianes' answer was both given and accepted: the which from thence forward, was holden & esteemed for a knight of great valiantness: and for a man of great wisdom and judgement. These two virtues go not always by couples: that is to say, valiantness and wisdom: because, there be some men that be doughty to take perils in hand, & be not wise to escape them.   

CHAP. III How Trajan passed out of Spain being a young man, to go into Italy.  
IN the second year of the Empire of the good Vespasian, great Britain rebelled which is now named England against the Roman Emperor: unto which wars Trajan repaired, and this he did without charges to the romans, and for himself to obtain fame accompanied with many others of his country: In those wars Drusius Torquatus was captain for the romans: who persuading Trajan to take wages of the Roman people, as all others did enjoy in that wars: Trajan answered. The merchants that come from thence hither, they repair to be more rich, but we Gentlemen not to be richer, but more honoured. The fame that jugurth obtained in the wars of Numantia, that same Trajan obtained in the wars of Britain: in that the one and the other were knights of strange countries, and young venturours, and also fortunate: because for their powers and noble deeds, which they achieved in those wars: jugurthe was king of Numidia, and the good Trajan came to be Emperor of Rome. That day which Drusius Torquatus entered Rome, triumphing of the Britain's, being accompanied not only with knights subdued, but also with knights and noblemen that had overcome: all the romans did inquire for Trajan to see him and know him, for that his fame was notorious unto all men, but his person in Rome to very few known. And hereof it proceeded in process of time, when Trajan, and Marius Fabritius, did contend for the Consulship of Germany: Fabritius taunted Trajan, to be a stranger borne, and disgraced in the feature of his body, unto whom Trajan made answer: I confess unto thee Marius Fabritius, that thy good face was known in Rome, before thy evil life: but thou canst not deny, that in Rome they did not know mine honest life, before my evil face. At the first when Trajan came to Rome, Titus, son to Vespasian the Emperor, placed him praetor of ten legions: and sent him to the frontiers of Illyria: where he remained all the life of Titus. The Roman legions did not a little murmur to have Trajan for their captain: affirming that in age he was a child, & in nation a stranger: but after when they found him so valiant in fight, & so wise in government, they loved him as a father, & obeyed him as a captain. And as in winter Trajan wanted victuals, for that he had taken truce with the Barbarians: a certain gentleman said unto him: it is not convenient thou shouldest be so sad, or that we should suffer so great penury: take in good part, that by dissimulation we break the truce, by which mean we shall provide for ourselves, and our cattle. The good Trajan answered: I am not only grieved with that thou speakest, but also despited with that thou presumest to say: for those matters which we set down by promise, we have not so great cause to observe our fidelity made unto men: as for that we have sworn by the immortal Gods. And the Emperor Titus being dead, his brother Domitian did succeed him in the Empire: which when Trajan understood, presently he left the charge of frontier capteinship of Illyria. The emperor Domitian was not a little grieved, & the whole army, as also all the Senate, the Trajan had forsaken the frontiers of Illyria: for that in matters of war he had great experience, & no less fortune. The romans did use great vigilancy, in seeking and conserving fortunate captains: with whom they did dissemble & suffer more defections, then with all other persons: and this they did, because there be many captains, that if" they be expert in arms, they be most unfortunate in the" execution thereof.  
Trajan remaining in Rome, without all disposition to take charge of an army: the emperor Domitian said unto him: tell me Trajan, it it doubtful that my empire is less than that which my father Vespasian held? or that I am more ingrate than my brother Titus was? that for them thou shouldest every day adventure thy life, and for my service thou dainest to take a lance in hand? Trajan did answer him: I confess that thy power is as great as thy fathers, and thy knowledge no less than thy brothers: but jointly with this, thou art very sudden in thy commandments, and very swift in the execution thereof: and it may be, that having charge of thy armies, I might be commanded to do some thing: the accomplishment whereof, might stand much against all bounty: and not performing the same, I should break the oath of fidelity, that I have made unto thee.   

CHAP. FOUR Of the friendship and parentage that Trajan had with the Emperor Nerua.  
IN those days there was a certain Consul named Nerua Coceius, banished out of Rome by the Emperor Domitian, a man in years very ancient, and in all that he either said, or did, of great credit. As Trajan was at that time in the disgrace of the Emperor Domitian, from Rome he departed unto Nola, a certain place where Nerua was in Campania: because It is a thing very common unto a man afflicted, to seek the company of an other in like trouble. These two right excellent men, which is to say, Nerua and Trajan, remained there long time in Campania, poor, banished, persecuted, & out of favour: abiding the time when Domitian should sand to kill them, or when they should hear that he were dead: because if they desired his death, no less did he seek occasion to take away their lives. Trajan, for that he was young, held Nerua who was old in great veneration: and Nerua did bear so great affection unto Trajan, that he did love him & use him as his son: for that Trajan besides his sufficiency & ableness for all causes, was in his conversation most amorous. Nerua and Trajan remaining in that banishment, found themselves of near kindred and affinity: that is to say, of one country, which was Spain, of one place, which was Italica, and that the one descended of the Coceians, and the other of the Vlpians, two famous and ancient lineages: of whom we have above made mention. When Traiaane passed into Italy, he found no other parentage, but Nerua and Vlpius Ricinius his uncle: which was two times Consul in Rome. Some say that this Vlpius Ricinius, was father unto Trajan: but the truth is, that he was but his uncle: for plutarch in an Epistle that he writeth unto Trajan, saith: The good news in Rome being known, how thou hast overcome king Decebal, which did tyrannize this land: so great was the joy which the people did receive, that as thy father's bones be in Spain, they had been here in Italy: they would do no less honour unto them in the sepulchre, than they shall yield unto thee on that day, when thou shalt enter triumphing into Rome. And for that Nerua was so ancient and so honourable, and Trajan so valiant and so well liked, many romans did come and go between Rome and Campania to see them: and this was done more secretly then publicly, because the Emperor Domitian was very suspicious: being most true, Very few dare serve or follow such as princes do hate. Amongst all other that went from Rome unto Campania to see these two knights, was the great Philosopher plutarch: who with Trajan, and Trajan with him, did plant so perfect and sound friendship, that only death was able to give end to the same. And as plutarch saw such ability and will in Trajan to learn, & jointly with this there was no wars wherein to be exercised, he was so drunken with learning, that he did abhor arms: upon which occasion Nerua said in jest: By my counsel thou shalt leave books, and return to arms, since thou haste better hands to fight, than a tongue to dispute: for that it is not just thou shouldest cease to be singular amongst captains, to be indifferent among Philosophers. Trajan remaining there in Campania, did marry with Plotina, which was his only wife: and is said only, for that before nor after did ever marry other: the which virtue until his time was found in no Roman prince: for that by growing old or misliking of the one, presently they did take another. And as on a day certain romans practised by secret device to kill the Emperor Domitian: and in great secrecy, gave part thereof unto Trajan, did answer: I do well see that Domitian deserved not to be elected Emperor, & much less deserveth to be sustained in the same: yet never the more shall I consent unto his death: for that I will rather suffer a tyrant, then recover the renown of a traitor. Many romans on a time murmuring of the insolences of the Emperor Domitian, Trajan said unto them: The intention wherewith Domitian hath entreated me, the Gods have to judge: for of his works which he hath done, I may not complain, since he hath been the occasion that I have recovered Nerua for my father, plutarch for my master, & Plotina for my wife, and above all the rest, he brought me acquainted with adverse Fortune: for that afore I presumed of nothing but to command: but now only to serve. A year before Domitian died, or to say better, before they had slain him, he went to the wars in Germany: and in that year Trajan was elected Consul, in the Senate of Rome. It was no small grief unto Trajan to accept that Consulship: not for that he liked not to be linked with the friendship of honour: but for the grief which he felt to leave the company of Nerua.   

CHAP. V how Nerua was made Emperor, and adopted Trajan his son.  
THe Romans not able to endure the injuries and tyrannies of Domitian, determined to kill him, the which out of hand they did perform: the xiiii. of October, in the forty fift year of his age, when he had reigned xv. years. In many a day the Roman people had nor received so joyful news, as the news of the death of Domitian: in such manner, that they gave rich rewards unto currers & posts that brought the same, and made great joy in the countries where they passed: for that they did as much desire his death, as they did abhor his life. Petronius captain of the guard, and Partenius his chamberlain, were the men that practised the death, and also violated the life of Domitian: and they themselves gave order, that Nerua presently should be elected Emperor. The romans did so extremely hate Domitian, that not contented to see him dead, & to hale his body piecemeal trailing through the streets of Rome, all his pictures and counterfeits they did spoil and take away, all his arches and titles they did raze out, all his edifices which he had built they overthrew, all writings which he had firmed they burnt, and all that were named Domitian's were banished, in such wise, that they could neither endure to see him alive, neither hear him named after his death. The day after the death of Domitian, Nerua Coceius was declared Emperor: and of his election all the Roman people were much pleased: the one cause, for that he was so virtuous, and the other, because he was an enemy unto Domitian. Presently that Nerua was elected Emperor, presently he sent Trajan as praetor into Germany, to the end he should take into his power, the legions and government of that province: on the one part, for that Trajan was liked, and much desired of all the men of war: and the other for that Calphurinus captain unto Domitian was holden somewhat suspected.  
Amongst other evil conditions wherewith the Emperor Domitian was possessed, was: that all things which seemed unto him good, rich, or fair, he did much praise it, and thereof they had to consider for most certain, that all which he praised, freely they had to present the same: for if otherwise, incontinently he took it by force.  
Of these like things Nerua found in his palace, much goods of other men's: which by public proclamation were all restored unto the owners: In such wise, that this good prince would not only not take from other men, but also make restitution of that which by his predecessors had been rob. When Nerua was elected Emperor, he was exceeding old, and of infirmities much persecuted: for in him there was nothing sound but his tongue wherewith he did talk, and his good judgement wherewith he did govern. The romans beholding Nerua so old, and sickly, complaining that he could not sleep, and that for weakness of stomach, he durst eat but of very few things: they held it for most certain, that his life was very short, and with this motion they began to hold him in small estimation. Considered by Nerua, that he had not long to live, and that the romans did not esteem him: he remembered to adopt Trajan as his son, and to accept him for companion in the Empire: and so it came to pass, that presently he sent him the imperial ensign, which was a certain manner of cape with a hood, and with the same he wrote him a letter, wherein were written no other words but these: Phoebe tuis telis, lachrimas ulciscere nostras. As if he should say: Noble Trajan, thou shalt have charge with thy venturous arms to revenge my sorrowful tears. For the disobedience which the romans committed against his commandments, and the want of reverence they held of his person, Nerua of Trajan craved that revengement, because it is a thing much used amongst men persecuted & afflicted, that the injuries which they may not revenge with their hands, they bewail with their eyes. In the time that this did pass, Trajan was in Almane, in the city of Agrippina, which now is called Coleine, and the night before that he received the imperial ensign, and the letter from the Emperor Nerua, he dreamt that he was invested with a purple garment, and a ring put on his right hand, and crowned with a certain crown. Only three months and five days did pass after Trajan was elected Emperor, unto the death of Nerua: who died in the age an hundred ten years, ten months, and ten days.   

THE VI CHAP. Of the laws that Trajan made, to the profit of the common wealth.  
AT the instant in which Trajan understood, that the Emperor Nerua was dead, he departed unto Rome: where at his coming he did celebrated the obsequies of his Lord and friend Nerua: and they were such and so rich, that it seemed rather feasts for the living, than honours for the dead: because there was nothing in them that moved sadness, but to see Trajan go very sad. The first thing that Trajan said, promised, & swore in the Senate, was: that no man that was good and peaceable, by his commandment or consent, should be put to death: which he observed, all the days of his Empire. After this he commanded Emilia to be sent for, which was captain of the Praetorian armies: whom he commanded to be discharged of his office, and to be banished the Empire: the one cause, for that he had disobeyed the emperor Nerua: and the other cause, for that he had embezzled the pays of the men of war. He commanded public proclamation to be made, that all men that had just cause to complain of the Consuls, of the Senators, of the judges, or other officers of Rome, that they should come forth and declare: for that he wished satisfaction unto the one, and correction unto the other. Personally Trajan did visit all offices of Rome: which is to understand, where they sold bread, where they weighed flesh, where they measured wine, where the merchants dwelled, where strangers did lodge, and so of all other offices: among which, he allowed all that was good, and gave reformation unto all that was evil. He forbade the use of shops or taverns in Rome, that is to say: that they should not cell bread, wine, and flesh dressed in one house: affirming, that prepared vices, is the occasion to make many vicious. He commanded all the neighbours of Rome to be registered: and there was found 285000 houses of married men, and 42000 young men to be married, 7000 priests of the temples, 32000 common women, 12000 houses the mesones, and 65000 stranger factors. He forbade any poor man to go from door to door, but that all which were impotent, should be succoured of the common treasure: and unto such as could travail, they gave them whereon to work from the Senate. He commanded all juglars and jesters to learn some occupation, and to maintain themselves in their own houses: and otherwise to be banished Rome. Trajan commanded reformation in all estates, and caused examination to be taken of all students: and they were more without comparison that were banished for unable and vicious, then remained for learned and virtuous. For that in Rome there were people of many strange countries, jointly therewith so many women, of which many did perish in childbed: and many children died for want of place to breed them: For which purpose the good Trajan did cause to be built a famous house in the mount Celius, and endued the same very well with his own patrimony: where all women that would, were kept and brought abed by the space of two months: and that all the children until the age of four years were there brought up and nourished. Trajan consented not, that in all the year they should observe in Rome but xxii. holidays: saying, that without comparison, the Gods were more served on such days as the romans did travail, then on such days as they rested: because the vices were more which they did commit, than the sacrifices which they did offer. Trajan did moderate the sacrifices that were offered unto the Gods, that is to say, neither to have so many, nor yet so sumptuous: saying, that the Gods would rather we should amend our lives, then offer our goods. Unto the priests of the temple he commanded to be given oil, unto the vestal virgin's wheat, unto the old horsemen cloth for garments, unto the poor wood to burn, unto ambassadors wine to drink: for that all these things were not only in Rome very dear to be bought: but also not at all times to be had for money.   

CHAP. VII. ¶ Of the noble and notable virtues that were in Trajan.  
THE year that Trajan came to Rome to be Emperor, he was of xlii. years, in which age, he had in all things such success, and did use such moderation, that neither by his youth did hazard the attempt of any foolish deed: either by slothfulness of old age, did leave any thing evil provided. Trajan was a Prince, in whose words & works envy was never known: and as on a certain time the Philosopher plutarch did commend him for the same, Trajan said unto him: plutarch, I give thee to understand, that of pure pride, I am not envious: for that always I thought myself happy, to enterprise such, so great, and so notable deeds, that all men should envy me for the things I should take in hand: and myself to mislike no man for any his noble attempts. Trajan was not malicious, either suspicious, although by nature he were of sharp judgement: which happeneth in few persons, for the commonly, men of sharp judgement, be not always of sound condition. And as great affairs naturally bring with them great thoughts and displeasures: although unto Trajan they gave some grief, he was never seen of man to be angry, because old wisdom had more Lordship in him, then sudden ire. Although Trajan had many that did wish him evil, and procure him evil: some for malice, some for envy, and some because he did chastise them. He was never found that utterly did seek his destruction: but that in chastising the quarreler and vicious, they more commended him for his clemency, than complained or murmured for their grief and punishment Although Trajan were not much learned, he was most truly a great friend unto learned men: whom he did promote unto honours and to estates, and did much joy to hold them for his friends: in such wise, that in his house and court, a learned man was never seen in necessity. Trajan did much desire to understand the ambitions of Rome, and disorders of his house: but jointly therewith he would not be advertised by the manner of murmuring, but rather by the way of advice. Trajan was a great enemy of liars, & no less of detractors: for which cause they say, that many times he said: It is more safe unto princes, to have patience to hear their own errors, then to give ear unto such as report other men's defections: and said more. That of necessity the Prince must have bloody hands, that giveth ear to murmurers. Trajan wanted the general vice which usually reigneth in all men, which is covetousness, whereof he was not either accused or noted: but rather of great bounty & largesse, he was of all nations well liked & commended, because they were infinite that did praise him, for that which they had received, and no man did complain for that which he had taken. trajan naturally did delight in wars, and after they were begun, very diligent in prosecuting, and most constant in finishing the same. Albeit he was given unto wars, yet therefore he ceased not to procure by all means to conserve peace: for as he said, The Gods never permitted that any should be overcome in the wars, but such as be enemies unto peace. Trajan was very moderate in the ordinary expenses of his house: & jointly with this, most liberal in causes of war: and most certainly in the same he showed himself to be a prince skilful, provident & wise: for as Plato said, If the expenses of the common wealth be not moderated, afterwards ye shall not fail, to want wherewith to withstand the enemies.   

CHAP. VIII. ¶ Of the proud and stately buildings which Trajan made.  
Trajan made in Rome many & very notable buildings: it is to understand, a great and sumptuous market place, and all the things that were in the compass thereof. He made a paved calsey, being a broad high way that lasted two leagues and half, whereon they might come & go in Summer without dust, and in Winter without mire. He made a temple unto the God Apollo, another unto the god Mars, another unto the god jupiter, another unto the god Esculapius, another unto the goddess Ceres, another unto the goddess Bellona, another unto the mother Berecyntha, whom the romans named the mother of all the Gods. He repaired the decayed walls, he made ten pair of mills upon barks on the river of Tiber, in which he commanded that the priests, the vestal virgins, and the old knights should first grind and be served. He did repair and enlarge the college, and placed gates, porters, and watchmen, and many counterfetes and pictures of gold and silver: and did use for custom as often as he came thither, to be the first that entered, and the last that went forth. He built in all streets in Rome public purging places, and commanded upon great & grievous penalties, that no man should be so hardy to defile the streets, or other open places: in such manner, that all the days of Trajan, Rome did not seem, but as a hall clean swept. In the fourth region joining unto the temple of Serapis, Trajan did build most sumptuous baynes, much larger than those which Titus made, and much richer than those which Tiberius built. Also Trajan built an hundred houses large and strong, wherein to kill and cell their beef and mutton. In the gardens of Vulcan, Trajan did build an house of pleasure, and made therein a certain fishepoole for delight: but it is not found or recorded, that he did either eat or sleep in the same. Near unto the houses of the Fabians, he brought from far a fountain, in the compass whereof he erected a stately house, naming it the place of Datia, Trajan naturally, was a friend not only of building, but also to behold buildings and work men: which is most certainly known, in that he made a law: that all such men as should raise any new buildings in Rome, the third part of the charges should be paid from the common treasure. It was a marvelous matter, that in all these & many other buildings which Trajan made in Rome, he used no other men's money, he constrained no man to travail by force, he deferred no man of payment, for he said and held opinion, that it were more honest and also more sure unto Princes, to devil in poor lodgings: then of other men's sweat to make rich houses.   

CHAP. IX. ¶ Of some vices whereof Trajan was noted.  
Trajan wanted not some humane infirmities, wherein men at times do fall: for, if with reason he were praised for many things: not without occasion in some causes he was justly discommended. Until this day there hath been no Prince in whom all virtues did concur, either in whom all vices were found: because, there is no man such an outcast, in whom there is not to be found somewhat to be praised: either any man of life so reformed, that in him there is not somewhat to be amended. trajan naturally was proud and ambitious of honour: and after a manner he did delight, that in open place they should erect unto him pictures and counterfetes of gold, and that his fame might be spread throughout the world. In all his erected buildings he placed the titles of his triumphs, and persuaded the Orators to compound many méetres to his praise, which he made to be graven in stone in the highest front of his buildings. In the vice of the flesh, Trajan was not a little fleshly: and yet in this case it is most true, that he never used force to any person: but jointly therewith, being most diligent in persuasion, and very liberal in giving: he fixed his amorous affection upon no person, that he enjoyed not. In his garments, and in the manner of the fashion and wearing thereof, Trajan was most curious and costly: because there was no day, that either of Gold, silver, or silk, he did not on his person use some change.  
As we have said, Trajan was a Prince both wise, and of sharp and ready judgement: but jointly therewith, much affectionate unto his own opinion: whereof cares many times did follow and persecute him: because, there is not, hath been, or shallbe Prince in this world, so wise, that necessity constraineth not, at times, to change counsel.  
Trajan was a very friend unto wise men, but he himself was not much learned: whereof being reproved by his friend and Philosopher plutarch: Trajan said unto him: the Gods have not created me to turn over books, but to deal with armour. When Trajan had vacant time from wars, he did much delight to take his pleasure in vain things, wherein he consumed many nights and days, and of this vice he was not a little noted, and also accused: and doubtless not without great cause: for that Princes which presume to be good Princes, in such wise aught to take their pastime, that they seem not to loose their time. Notwithstanding that trajan delivered Rome of many vices, and banished from thence many that were vicious: he was noted and also blamed, that he defended and sustained the sword players, who were men idle and seditious, and this he did, because in his youth they had been his friends, and delighted in them: wherein he had lest reason, for that It is not just, that Princes take such recreation for their persons, as tendeth to the prejudice of the common wealth. Trajan was very moderate in feeding, but jointly therewith, not over sober in drinking: for that to obtain good wine, he was somewhat curious and careful, and in the drinking thereof, not very temperate. Notwithstanding, that sometimes he drank somewhat more than was convenient for the health of his body, and to the authority of his person: yet, at that time, never man saw him commit or procure any vile deed.   

CHAP. X. ¶ Of the first wars that Trajan had against the Datians.  
IN the xliiij. year of his age, and in the second of his Empire, Trajan received news, that Decebal king of Datia, which in these days is named Denmark, rebelled against the Roman Empire: the which news gave no small skandal and offence unto the Senate: for that on the one part naturally they were a nation very warlike: and on the other part, for that king Decebal was a prince of great unquietness, and also of a mind determined. For that the Emperor Domitian was a greater friend unto vices, than an enemy unto enemies: in all his reign, king Decebal did never yield obedience unto the Roman Empire: whereby the Datians had recovered great boldness, and the romans lost their credit.  
Trajan, in his own person determined to go in those wars: for which purpose he made choice of a very small army, and yet of much strength: for he held opinion, that, as no other meats should be brought unto the table, then are to be eaten: so they aught not to lead unto the wars, but such as must fight: and said further: by experience I have proved, as well in eating, as in fight, that many meats at table be loathsome: and in the wars many men be troublesome. King Decebal being advertised, that Trajan removed from Rome to make conquest of him and his country, determined to march and encounter with him upon the way: and as he purposed so he performed: for he held the romans in so small estimation, that he counted it shame to be béeséeged of them. And when the armies were in sight one of another, the Barbarians being so many, & the romans so few: they did not a little persuade Trajan, to take peace, or to make some honest truce, and without peril to return to Rome. Trajan to this made answer: our weakness should be great, and with great reason they would blame us in Rome, if so soudenly we should cease to make war, without first making proof, to what end their forces do extend, and also understand what our destinies do contain: because it may be, that if their power be great, our fortune may be much greater. King Decebal had taken & fortified all the dangerous passages, and broken all bridges, barks, & boats of all the rivers, and had taken & spoiled all the victuals where the romans should pass: and all these things were occasions to increase travail unto Trajan, but not of power sufficient to remove his enterprise: for that Trajan was of so valiant a mind, that where he saw fortune most doubtful, from thence he did hope of victory most certain. Trajan did take & possess the height of the rocks and mountains, and thereon with all his army did travail many nights and days: & king Decebal did never conceive that Trajan would travail by those thorny mountains: for that he thought it impossible for men to travail where beasts could not escape. King Decebal was constrained to return unto the plain country, and to fortify himself in strong cities, & to this end Trajan did purpose not to fight in mountains that be dangerous, but in fields that be plain: for he said, that they came not to fight with the mountains, which bred bruit beasts: but to tame cities which sustain seditious men. In very short space Trajan had taken five cities, seven castles, and many prisoners: among which Mirto was taken, being uncle, tutor, and captain of king Decebal: a man of great gravity and of no less authority. Trajan was so rigorous with them that did resist him and so pitiful unto such as did yield them, that some for love, and others for fear, began secretly to practise throughout the kingdom, totally to yield themselves unto Trajan: because they saw every day Traian's force to increase, and the power of king Decebal to decay and grow very weak. Trajan besieging a certain city named Myrtha, holding the captain thereof in great distress, king Decebal forgot not to send him relief & succour of great power: against whom Lucius Metellus, a captain of Traianes did march and advance himself: who at that instant fought so valiantly and manlike, that he jest not of all the enemies one only person, that was not either taken or slain. And as in that battle many romans were slain, and many more wounded, lacking clotheses to bind up their wounds, Trajan tare his own shirt to supply their want in that behalf. Being known within the city, how their succorour was discomfited, and how Trajan, to cure his wounded had rend his own shirt, they did fear the victory, and were amazed at a work of so great clemency, and both these things were not a little prejudicial unto king Decebal, chiefly for that he was proud and disdainful: for the good Trajan, if with his engines he overthrew their castles, with the fame of his good works, he did rob and steal the minds of his army.  
The city of Myrtha being taken and rendered into the hands of romans, presently king Decebal sent Ambassadors unto Trajan, advertising that he would become subject unto the Roman Empire: upon such condition, that the things whereon they should capitulate, were reasonable, and such things as they should command to be perfourmable: for otherwise, he and his were determined rather to die with liberty, then to live in bondage. The conditions that Trajan sent to demand were these.  
That he should leave all armour, discampe his army, subvert his castles, yield his engines, restore that which was rob, become a friend unto the friends, and an enemy unto the enemies of the Senate, tender such captains as came to his succour, and give 100000 peasants of gold to pay the army, and give one of his sons in pledge for surety of all promises. All these conditions king Decebal was contented to swear and observe: except the rendering of the captains which came in his favour to secure him: saying that so vile a deed did not agree with the clemency of Trajan to demand it: neither unto his royal fidelity to grant it: for that he yielded himself and his country, but to preserve the life of his friends and allies. King Decebal came unto the presence of Trajan, and kneeling upon the ground, did take off the crown from his head and kissed the knee and the hand of Trajan: the which lifting him from the ground and again placing the crown upon his head: said unto him: I admit thee to kiss my knee for the rebellion which thou hast committed, and I gave thee my hand to kiss for the vassalage which thou owest me: now I give thee place to sit by me as a friend: I return thy crown unto thee, as unto a king: and therefore, learn to understand thy fault past, and to conserve this present benefit: for otherwise, thou shalt put me to much travail, and thyself in great peril.   

CHAP. XI. ¶ How Trajan triumphed of the Datians, and reformed his common wealth.  
MAny castles being furnished, and others overthrown and subverted, and the armies being paid with king Decebals' money: Trajan departed unto Rome, leading with him the kings son for pledge, and other noble men for Ambassadors: because it was a law much used and also observed amongst the romans, that it were of no value which was capitulate in the wars, if it were not confirmed in the Senate at Rome. The Ambassadors of king Decebal arrived at Rome before the Emperor Trajan: who bareheaded, their armour thrown down, and their hands joined and lifted up, did humbly beseech the Senate, that it might please them to pardon king Decebal the rebellion which he had committed against them, and to confirm all that which the Emperor Trajan had capitulate, because for that which had passed, he did repent him, and for time to come did offer amends. With ready disposition the Roman senate did approve, allow, and confirm all acts agreed upon betwixt Trajan and the Datians: and presently commanded their armour to be restored them, & to walk in the city at their liberty: because it was a law inviolable, that the Ambassadors whose Princes held wars with the Roman people, might wear no kind of armour, either walk the streets at liberty without licence. Many and most extreme were the feasts wherewith the romans did receive the Emperor Trajan, & very great was the riches that he bestowed in his triumph: & admitting that the Romans did much rejoice to see their Empire rich & in great power: but it did much more please them to behold Trajan returned whole, safe, and alive: for it is incredible, what affection and love all men did bear him, and the sacrifices beyond all valour that for him they did offer.  
On the day of his triumph, the son of king Decebal was placed in the arch with Trajan, for that he was a very child: whom afterwards he did entreat, not as a prisoner, but as his own proper son. In the conquest of the Datians, and in visiting the Germans, Trajan was detained willingly two years: and at his return unto Rome, he found not the common wealth in such order as he left the same, and thereof is no marvel: for Princes making war with their enemies, presently the citizens make peace with vices. That day in which Trajan entered triumphing into Rome, he that by chance was most noted in those plays and pageants, and of whom Trajan that day did take most delight, was a certain master of Interludes named Pilas, who for reward of his travail, did not crave of Trajan but licence to use his faculty, wherein Trajan did answer him: Princes have to consider that their commandments be just: but after commandment, for no request or service they aught to revoke the same. That which I will do for thee, shall be to pay thee yearly out of mine own treasure, as much as thou mayst gain by playing in the streets of Rome.  
Although Trajan went laden with armour, compassed with affairs, occupied in wars, busied in buildings, importuned with friends, tired with enemies, and above all, most studious in amplifying his fame, and to perpetuate his memory: he never grew negligent in good government of the common wealth. He was no less attentive in hearing, either less diligent in dispatching base & civil affairs, than those cases of great weight in the common wealth. Notwithstanding he were much busied in the affairs of wars, he did never the more grow negligent in the administration of justice. All the time that he was remaining in Rome, once or twice a week he did sit openly to dispatch matters of justice.  
For any motion that good Trajan had to be solitary in his house, or for any disease whereby he was withdrawn into his chamber, either for any affairs that he ●ad for the wars, never man came to crave justice, unto whom he denied audience. When any person came, much troubled and furious in complaining of some friend or enemy, presently he stopped his ear with one of his fingers, saying: that he reserved the same, to hear the accused.  
Trajan did never sit to hear and determine matters of justice, but at the gate of the Emperor Titus, and in the place of Augustus: and being demanded, why more there, then elsewhere: answered, I place myself where just Princes were wont to sit: because in remembering them, I may commit no want of justice. Trajan being on horseback, and upon the voyage of the second wars into Datia, there came a woman and said unto him: Emperor Trajan, I am poor, old, and a widow: and having but one daughter, one of thy household servants hath ravished her. Trajan answered: poor woman, be not importune with me: for I swear unto thee, by the immortal Gods, that being returned from the wars, I will do thee justice: to this the old woman did reply: and what surety hast thou Trajan, to return from the wars: hearing so biting an answer, presently he lighted on foot and deferred his departure, until he performed justice with the poor old woman. Trajan held for custom, when any person did complain, presently he commanded it to be written in a book which he had in his chamber: & this the good Prince did, to the end to ask account of the judge to whom he did remit the same, or else for his own better remembrance for dispatch thereof.  
In some things, some Princes were equal unto Trajan, and in some things did surmount him, but in rectitude of justice, there was no prince like him in Rome: for that he did never man wrong in justice, either at any time had affection or passion in giving sentence. Many times Trajan did use to say: that for Princes to be justicers, it were right necessary to be just in their own persons: because subjects and vassals be more easily persuaded to do that which they see, then to obey in that which they are commanded. Trajan was the first that placed patrons in the Senate, that should defend the poor: and the first also that gave order, that one day in the week, their causes should be heard. The censors or judges of Rome, did sit but two hours in the morning, and one at after noon, to hear causes: and Trajan did give order that they should be resident three hours before noon, and two hours at after noon, whereof Trajan was much praised, because it was occasion both to cut off suits, and to dispatch suitors. In the days of Trajan, none that had charge of justice might augment his goods: but in that estate of riches or poverty, wherein he began to govern, in the same he had to conserve himself: and in repayment of his travail, besides the rewards which the Prince did give him, his sons were married with the goods of the common wealth.  
Being known unto Trajan, how immortal suits were in the Senate: he ordained that all suits of Italy should continued but one year, and the suits of strange countries, but half a year. Trajan made divers houses in Rome, where the censors and judges might assemble to hear and administer justice, and also made strong prisons, in such wise, that this good Prince provided, that the good should be succoured, and the evil chastised.   

CHAP. XII. ¶ Of the second wars that Trajan had against the Datians.  
Twenty months after that trajan had overcome the Datians, the son of king Decebal died in Rome, who remained there as pledge, for that which his father had sworn and promised: and Trajan was no less grieved with the death of that child, then if it had been his own proper son and heir. The day that king Decebals' son was dead, they say that Trajan said: the death of this child grieveth me not, for that it is a sorrow to the father, but for breach of promise which he shall commit: for if he have been quiet, it was more for the recovering of his son, then for obedience unto the Senate. Not long after this news came to Trajan, how king Decebal was rebelled, and to resist the romans he repaired the ditches, furnished the castles, entered confederacy with his neighbours, renewed and recovered victuals, and more and above the rest, made war with the friends of romans. The camp of Agius, which was a great and a populous country, being restored by Trajan unto him from whom it was taken, king Decebal re-entered, did take and occupy the same, in such wise, that all things which Trajan had set down and determined, was despised, and in all that king Decebal had sworn, he was forsworn. Relation of these things being made unto the Senate, king Decebal was pronounced an enemy, to publish liberty unto all persons to give him and make him war: because it was a law amongst the romans, that notwithstanding any did mutiny or rebel against the Prince, until in Rome he were declared an enemy, they might not make war either against him or his country.  
Trajan once more determined in his own person to go to the wars of Datia, neither would he take with him any Consul or Captain that was notable in Rome, saying: that since king Decebal to him only had broken his word: to him only it did appertain to revenge the injury. King Decebal, how soever he had made experience of the forces of Trajan, he would not as in the former wars abide him in the field: but retired into the most strong holds of his kingdom, to his small profit: for Trajan had sworn before he departed from Rome, to remain dead in Datia, or bring king Decebal either dead or alive unto Rome. Many of the Huns which now are named Hungarians, & many of the Rhein's, which are the people inhabitant near unto the river Rhine, were come unto the secure of king Decebal, all which people, when they understood that Trajan came with so great a power, and so determined, they forsook king Decebal in the plain field: notwithstanding, would he not forsake his wilful purpose, for that his condition was to begin his attempts with great rashness, and no less stout to prosecute them. King Decebal was then of the age of two and forty years: a Prince most certainly in body of perfect proportion, gracious in conversation, magnificent in spending, valiant in arms, diligent and careful in the wars, although in the same most unfortunate: the which lost both him and his country: because little availeth diligence, where good hap is contrary. King Decebal was a Prince most unfortunate, to match in contention with Trajan, who was a Prince most fortunate: because unto the one, all things did happen unto his own liking: and to the other, all things contrary to that he did desire. After five months that the war was begun, as the one Prince did increase, & the other decrease: King Decebal retired unto a certain castle, with the most valiant men of his army: where Trajan did utter & expend the utterest of his skill, device, & policy, to take him: and king Decebal his greatest force and fortitude to defend himself. By a Decebal counsel on a certain night, they conveyed over the wall six young men, feigning to be fled, which came unto Traianes' camp, with minds determined to kill him, either with weapon or poison. King Decebal had invented this treason: for that wanting, as he wanted strength: he would profit and provide for himself, by treason and guile. And as Trajan was of a sincere condition, and nothing malicious, had no suspicion of that malice and guile, but rather received than with great pity, and conferred with them a great part of the day, enquiring and demanding them of the armies and conditions of king Decebal: and wherefore he had broken his promise and oath. There wanted not in Traianes' camp, that could discern, by their countenance, gesture and silence, that those young men were traitors, or else thieves: and one of them being taken and examined, did confess, that by the counsel and commandment of king Decebal, they were come to murder Trajan. And as king Decebal was disappointed of this treason and device, and the traitors chastised according to their demerits, he determined another device: and the case was thus. Upon a truce he craved to speak with Longinus, a famous captain and much beloved of Trajan: who being come upon assurance, was taken and bound. Trajan was not a little offended, when he understood that Longinus was detained as prisoner, & no less displeased with Longinus, that had given too much confidence to the assurance of king Decebal: saying, that the person which is a promise breaker with men, and perjured unto the Gods, by no means might deserve credit. King Decebal gave Trajan to understand, that except he might receive pardon for himself and all his knights, Longinus should continued prisoner: to this trajan made answer, that if he had taken Longinus in good war, he would do any thing to give liberty unto his person: but since Longinus gave trust where he aught not unto his word, he was bound to conserve his life: for that good Princes be more bound to maintain that which they promise', then to procure that which they desire. Although Trajan spoke these words openly, he did geatly travel to deliver Longinus, either for exchange, or else for money: but Longinus understanding thereof, drank poison, whereof he died: & sent word unto Trajan, that the Gods had never to command, that for the giving of his life, they should capitulate with king Decebal, any thing that were vile or against honour. This Roman strange act of Longinus, gave great admiration unto friends and confederates, and did yield great fear unto the enemies: because he delivered Trajan of care and thought, and for himself obtained perpetual fame. King Decebal perceiving the greatest part of his kingdom to be taken and lost, without all hope to recover the same, either able to defend that which remained, determined to make slaughter of himself, some say with poison, some affirm that he drowned himself in water, other affirm, that he hanged himself: finally, he was found dead without any wound: whose head Trajan commanded to be cut off, and to be sent unto Rome.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the great buildings that Trajan made in the kingdom of Datia.  
THe unfortunate king Decebal being dead, and all the whole land in Traianes' power, he made it a Province: which is to say, he did take away the title of kingdom, and the pre-eminence of government by Consuls: and gave order to be governed by Praetors, and to be called a Province. Trajan removed a great number of the inhabitants of Italy in that country: but many more he brought out of that country, to be placed in Italy: and this he did as a man of great judgement: because in displacing the one, he obtained sure possession of the kingdom: and removing the other, of necessity they must live as others did live in the Roman Empire. When the captain Longinus died, he left a brother younger of age, but equal in force and valiantness, whom Trajan made praetor of Datia, and gave unto him for evermore the castle where his brother died: saying unto him, of two causes, the one is for thine own virtue and valiantness, and the other, because thy brother Longinus did serve me.  
Trajan caused great search to be made for the body of his captain Longinus: unto whom he caused to be erected such and so sumptuous a sepulchre, that it was to be doubted, whether he would have given him so great riches for service if he had lived, as he spent in making that sepulchre. In all the kingdom of Datia, there was no knight or Gentleman that had any rents, but only the king: whereof the king gave unto every man as he did serve and deserve: whereof it followed, that the kingdom being so opulent, the king obtained great riches, wealth, and power. When Trajan came the second time into Datia, king Decebal had great riches both of gold & silver: not only for the great rents which he received throughout his kingdom, but that also he exacted of his subjects great sums of money. King Decebal being doubtful unto what destinies he and his kingdom were committed, determined to bury all his treasure in a river, which he removed out of his natural channel, and in the greatest depth thereof, he made sepulchres of stone to bury his said treasure: which being done, he returned the river into his old channel, which was named Sargetia: and to the end that no man should discover this secret, he commanded to murder all that were present at the hiding thereof. But to small purpose, for that a fisher, which at that time did fish the river, discovered the whole matter unto Trajan: in such manner, that there is nothing so much hidden, that humane covetousness doth not discover. Those treasures being brought into Traianes' power, he divided thereof amongst his armies, unto every man according to the merits of his service: and of his own share, the first that he commanded was, to build a most sumptuous temple unto the God jupiter: wherein he left provided, that for himself and the people of Rome, yearly sacrifice to be offered. He re-edified there also the royal house, that is to say, where the kings of Datia did use to be resident: which for the antiqutie thereof was somewhat decayed, and through continual wars, not well repaired: a work most certainly delectable to behold, and pleasant to devil in. He repaired also many decayed bridges and mills, upon high ways he renewed their broken calseys in all places, he did build new houses, and re-edified others infinite that were burnt. He broke and made plain many ways upon the sharp mountains, and raised many new forts, and renewed the old: finally, you might hardly travel a league throughout all the kingdom, wherein should not be found some notable work of Trajan. Not yet all satisfied, he built upon the river of Danubie a bridge of stone, which was so curious in the building, and so costly in the making, that few works did match it, but none did pass it. That bridge contained twenty arches in length, and every pillar of one square stone, and the arches were of the height of an hundred and fifty foot, wrought without cymet, and the distance betwixt the pillars, were a hundred threescore and two foot: and the breadth of the arches aloft was forty foot: and above all the rest, the singularity of the mould and fashion was to be considered, and the richness of the stone to be regarded: because the stone was of such gloss, that in judgement it deserved to be set in plate. It seemed incredible to man's judgement, for a bridge to be made upon that river: because the stream was broad, deep, in course very swift, and above all the rest, on no side it might be turned out of his channel, to the end it might be dry at any time to lay the cymet. That building was so extreme, or to say better, so monstrous, that it needed to make experience of all high judgements and capacities, and the romans there to show their strengths, and Trajan there to spend his treasure: because in the work there required great potency, and in the order thereof great industry: it is very small that the pen can magnify, in respect of the wonder which he seeth that beholdeth the same: for the better credit thereof, at these days the pillars give a muster upon the fierce waters: declaring the pride of his power, and the riches of the emperor. Trajan would with that edifice give terror unto the living, and admiration to his posterity, to give manifest argument, that any thing may not be so impossible, either so hard, that with man's hand may not be enterprised, and with the riches of Rome might not be finished. The cause that moved Traian to build this costly bridge, so monstrous, was, as they say, to the end the barbarous people on the other side Danubie, might come to fight with the romans, although the river were overflown: and also that the romans that remained there, should not give themselves to pleasure and idleness, when they considered themselves to be in the eye of the enemy. The Emperor Domitian had no such mind and valiantness: which for fear that the barbarous people should come to fight with the Roman host, commanded the arches of that bridge to be overthrown: in such wise, that the one made a bridge to provoke the enemy to fight, and the other did raze the same for fear of battle.   

CHAP. XIIII. Of the second entering of Rome by the Emperor Trajan, and the notable thing which he did in the same.  
IN finishing the wars, in giving order for the Province, in dividing the countries, and in yielding perfection unto all his works and buildings, Trajan was detained in Datia more than three years: in which as he after did report, great were the travels and perils wherein he did see his person, and not small were the expenses that he made of his goods. The victories that Trajan had obtained, being known unto the Barbarians that did inhabit the other side of Danubie, the mighty buildings that he had made, the great rewards that he had given, and the clemency that with prisoners he had used, sent their ambassadors unto Trajan: who with very good will did set down with him a perpetual peace & amity, & bound them selves to keep and defend for him the kingdom of Datia. Incredible was the love that all those nations did bear unto Trajan, which was well known when he departed from that country to go unto Rome: in that by all cities where he did pass, and by all ways where he did travel, so great were the tears and cries uttered by all persons, that it seemed the ground to tremble. In respect of the great largesse and prowess that Trajan had performed in those Provinces, it was no marvel that his departing was so be wailed: because with his great benefits, he had won their hearts, and with his great and sumptuous buildings he had ennobled his people. universally of all friends and enemies, never prince as Trajan was so much feared in wars, either loved in peace. The cause whereby Trajan obtained so great love, and to be so well liked, and in such especial grace with all men, was, that with his friends he never used negligence, and also in readiness and strait reckoning with his enemies: in such wise, that such as stood in his disgrace by his words, they had to understand thereof: but unto such as did bend to serve him, both in word and deed he did manifest the same. They were infinite that praised Trajan, in that he had been pitiful with them, but none did complain that he had found him ingrate. Ennius Priscus, a noble & ancient Roman demanded of the emperor Trajan, by what means more than all other Princes past, of all men he had obtained so special love and liking: Trajan did answer, for that naturally I delight to pardon such as do offend me, and never forget such as do serve me. And truly Trajan said most truth: that love and hatred have their beginning of thankfulness and ingratitude: because there is no enemy so fierce or cruel as he which in time passed we held for a friend, being removed by unkindness. All things as concerning Dati●…a, being dispatched, Trajan returned to Rome. If the triumphs of the first wars were great, when king Decebal was overcome, much greater were the triumphs of the second wars, when he was slain.  
The feasts of the triumphs of Datia, endured an hundred and twenty days: in which were slain an hundred Lions, and of other wild beasts an hundred thousand, which is to understand, Dear read and vallo, Tigers, Bulls, Leopards, Wolves, Bears, Unicorns, Boars, Panthers, Eliphants, Camels, Ounces, and many other such strange beasts taken & brought from the deserts of Africa, and the great India. The feasts of the triumph being finished; presently trajan commanded to be made great sacrifices unto the Gods, in remuneration of the great perils from which they had delivered him, and for the great triumphs which they had given him. He commanded new temples to be made, one unto the unknown God to the romans, another unto the God Mars, which was the God of the Datians. He commanded great sums of money to be given to the Priests of the temples: unto the end they should offer daily sacrifice unto the Gods, for the health and prosperity of his kingdoms: and also to repair & ennoble their temples. At his coming from Datia, when Trajan passed the river Rubicon, being detained an whole day for want of passage, immediately upon his coming to Rome, he sent money & workmen to make a bridge over that river: which was more profitable, although not so sumptuous as the bridge made over Danubie. In the marshes of Pontaine, Trajan did raise and make a calsey both long and large of stone, a work right profitable and necessary, although not a little costly: for where as afore there was but water and mire, there succeeded houses and inhabitants. In those days there died in Rome, a certain Physician named Suras Lycinus: in whose death Trajan did utter great sorrow, unto whom he commanded his picture to be advanced in the place, and a rich sepulchre to be erected in the field of Mars. There was in Rome two special men learned in letters, and virtuous in manners: which were perfect friends of Trajan, and in the common wealth much esteemed: the one was named Palma, and the other Celsus: unto these he gave many and great offices of honour, and in the place did erect unto them pictures of Alabaster. Trajan made in Rome many and great Libraries: wherein he did place books of all sciences, and of all languages, where strangers might read, and citizens learn. Where so ever Trajan entered, were it within the Empire, or in a strange kingdom, he was always curious, in causing search for five things: that is to say, horses of good race, learned men of good inclination, new armour, fair women, and ancient books. All these things, or which soever of them, were neither lost by any negligence: or left unbought for any money. In the place named Datia, Trajan erected a certain most high pillar, a work most certainly being of one stone right stately, and to behold, in breadth and height of great wonder. It is not written from whence that pillar was brought unto Trajan, neither for what intent he did raise the same in that place: but as some do guess, he meant upon the top thereof to have placed his sepulchre: others said, to no other end, but to perpetuate his memory.   

CHAP. XU. Containing what Trajan did in Sicyl, in Africa, and in Spain.  
Trajan being soakte with delight in the buildings of Rome, Rufus Galba praetor of Africa did advertise, that all Africa was scandalized, by means of cruel wars, between the Numidians and the Mauritans. These news being heard in the Senate, they say that Trajan said. The war grieveth me, but the occasion to pass into Africa doth much please me: for that many days passed I have desired to see the famous fields of Carthage, where Scipio in so short space obtained for himself immortal renown, and Hannibal lost that in one day, which he had gotten in sixteen years in Italy. Trajan departed from Rome by the way of Sicyl: where he stayed all the Winter, and to avoid idleness he scarcely left any place in the whole Island personally unvisited, none that were then alive in Sicyl, might remember to have seen any Roman Prince within the same: for which cause Trajan found many things to be repaired in the walls, and much more to be amended in their customs and manners. Trajan being informed, that many strange ships did lurk in the haven of Mecina to spoil, and many pirates barks did haunt and retire unto the same, to execute their robberies, in his own person went to the view thereof, and at his own cost commanded three bulwarks to be made, at the mouth of the haven: which either for want of diligence of the one part, or too much malice on the other side, the case was thus: that before it could be finished, the pirates had overthrown it. Amongst the Panormitains, which be they of Palermo, and the inhabitants of Mecina, of old time had continued great contention: betwixt whom Trajan not without great travel, determined & finished all quarrels and debates: and brought to pass, that from thence forth they continued in great friendship. To the end to perpetuate that peace, and to root up all passions and unkindness of that Island by the roots: to the principal both of the one and the other, Trajan gave pensions out of his own house, and daily did 'cause them to eat at his own table. In Palermo, Mecina, and Tatania, Trajan commanded several temples to be made: and the Gods to whom those temples should be dedicated, the inhabitants to make choice. Trajan renewed in Sicyl the kind and race of good horses, re-edified the decayed walls, melted all counterfeit money, erected new castles, builded stately temples, set peace and established quietness amongst the mutined cities, & gave many great rewards: although no liberties unto the people. Trajan being demanded why he gave no liberties unto the Sicilians, as he gave unto other kingdoms: answered, because servitude doth conserve them, and liberty destroy them.  
The Winter being past, and the Spring come, Trajan passed into Africa, and did land in the haven, where old Carthage in time past was situate: & not finding one stone upon an other, to give testimony of the foundation thereof: they say that he said. It grieveth me that Carthage so greatly resisted Rome: but it more forethinketh me, that Rome should not be satisfied, but with the total destruction thereof. In the place where old Carthage stood, Trajan did build a castle more fair than strong, and erected therein two counterfeits. the one of Hannibal the Carthaginian, and the other of Scipio the African: but presently upon his departing from that country, the pirates laid it flat on the earth. Incontinent after Trajan had arrived into Africa, there grew a general pestilence throughout the same, for which cause he could neither go to see that he desired, either perform that which he determined. And as the pestilence grew so cruel, Trajan was constrained to retire unto the port of Bona, which was somewhat more sound: and from thence he sent for the principals of the Numidians, and also of the Mauritans: who incontinently in presence of Trajan, were made friends, and left and committed into his only hands all their affairs. Amongst all the Princes of this world, Trajan obtained this excellency: That never man came into his presence, that denied him that, which he craved, either disobeyed him wherein he commanded: because in his commandments he was very wise, and in requesting very humble. Trajan thought to have stayed in Africa, more than two years, and yet remained there but four months: and as he said afterwards, that if the pestilence had given no impediment, he would of himself have left as great memorial in Africa, as he did in Datia. Trajan took sail at the port of Bona, and came by the straits to Cadix, which is now called Calize, a city of Spain: wherein he had been bred, and from whence being a very young man he had departed.  
Trajan gave many Privileges unto the Gauditains, as unto his natural friends: amongst which, two were most notable: namely, that they should be citizens of Rome, and pay no custom or tribute, for any merchandise which they transported. Trajan did build in Calize a most sumptuous temple unto God Genius: which the romans held for the God of birth. He made also a calsey of stone along the shore: but it was not all finished, when by the fury of the water it was all destroyed. He intended to repair the pillars of Hercules, which by their great antiquity were then consumed: and being persuaded by certain persons to erect others in his own name, to the end that in time to come, they might be called the pillars of Trajan, and not of Hercules: he answered: that which I aught to do is, that as Hercules came from Graecia unto Spain, to obtain honour: so aught I from Spain to go into Graecia to win fame.  
Trajan commanded the bridge of Alcantara in Spain to be made, a work that lasteth to this our age: wherein concurreth stateliness, subtlety, cunning, and profit. He made another bridge upon the river Teio, near unto Ystobriga, and is the bridge that now is broken, at the banks of Halconeta. Trajan commanded the way named Publius to be continued, being the way that now is called in Spain, the Calsey, that goeth from Civil unto Salamanca: and is named the Publian way, which is to say, the way of Publius: for that the first that began the same, was Publius Fabatus, one of the Consuls that fought with Viriato. That which Trajan made of that calsey, little more or less, was from the Caesar of Casares, until within a league of the vents of Capara, which be lodging or baiting places: and so to be understood, not because the histories do clearly report thereof, but by the pillars which upon that way be erected: which say in their graven letters, that they were placed there in the days of Trajan. And he that will be curious to go and see, (as I many times have gone to see and read, and also to measure:) shall find within the said bounds, the name of no other Prince but of Trajan: and before the Casur which is a town, neither after the vents of Caparra, which be lodgings, upon no pillar shall they find Trajan written. The cause wherefore the Consul Publius Fabatus did raise that calsey, was to make a division betwixt the Vetical Province, which is Andaluzia, and the Province of Lusitania, which is Portugal: dividing from Civil to Salamanca, all on the left hand of the calsey in old time being Lusitania, and all on the right hand Andaluzia. Betwixt the Proconsul of Betica, and the Proconsul of Lusitania, there did arise great contention, upon the division of their bounds: whereupon this large and sumptuous calsey was erected and performed. Upon the river of Gadiana, Trajan commanded a long bridge to be made, on the midst whereof he built a market place for the merchants of both people, to trade and concur. This bridge appertaineth to the city of Merida, which at this day appeareth very large, and had in the midst thereof a division, stretching up into the river, the hurl of a stone, which on both sides came back unto the bridge, continued, directed, and sustained by walls, in the compass whereof was the place or market. When the Greeks did first give foundation unto Merida, they made therein two streets, and the river Gadiana betwixt them both, and where Merida now standeth, was the stronger, and that on the other side the river was more delectable: in such wise, that they held the one to retire unto in time of war: and the other to delight in time of peace. As the Consul Publius Fabatus made division of Portugal and Andaluzia, the street on the other side the river fell to the Province of Lusitania, and the street which is now Merida, fell to the Province of Betica, and from thenceforth there was always betwixt them great contention: in such wise, that they overthrew the bridge that stood in the midst of the city, and the coin that in times past had been currant, they made of no value betwixt them. This good Emperor Trajan, meaning to cut off these so old enmities, made in the midst of the city, upon Gadiana the bridge that now is: and to remove all quarrels for walking in each others streets, he made a market place in the midst of the bridge, where they should congregate, talk, and traffic of their merchandise. The prosperity of Merida continued, until the time that the Goths entered Spain: which holding war with the Silingues, being in those days Lords of Andaluzia: fortifying them selves in Merida, by the Goths were there overcome, and those generous, sumptuous, and ancient buildings, thrown flat upon the earth. In no city of all Europe, did jointly concur four buildings, such as Merida held: that is to say, a stately college, certain conduits and arches for conveyance of waters, a temple of Diana, and a bridge that contained a great and large market place: which continued in building many years, and perished in one day.   

CHAP. XVI. How Trajan did pass out of Spain, into Asia, and the manner that he used in the wars.  
AFter that Trajan had visited in Spain the Province of Betica, of Lusitania, and the Province of Carpentania, he came through the province of Tarragona: in which year in the whole land, there was great scarcity of bread: whereby Trajan was constrained to shorten his journey, and to hasten his imbarkage: in such manner, that the pestilence drove him out of Africa, and hunger out of Spain. Trajan departed Spain, with determination not to stay, until his arrival in Asia, and there to take the way unto the greater Armenia: would never take land in any port of Italy, but passing like pilgrims, made no stay, but only to renew their victuals. All those which traveled with Trajan, were astonished to see him pass the ports of his kingdoms, as if it had been the land of enemies. Trajan had a captain named Valerius Gracchus: unto whom the Emperor did bear special affection, and did esteem him as a kinsman: unto this man they say, that Trajan said, in great secrecy. If I had found wars in Sicyl, Africa, or Spain, as I found in Datia, whereby I might have obtained some victory, I would not have passed without landing in Italy: but since it is thus come to pass, I swear by the immortal Gods, to set no foot a land in Italy, until I deserve to enter triumphing into Rome. High & very high were these words, worthy and right worthy to be written in the hearts of Princes: to behold this Prince that banished himself from the delights of his own proper kingdoms, to seek fame in strange lands. With great determination Trajan did enterprise the voyage into Armenia, wherein he entered, making cruel war: taking occasion of the king of Armenians, which refused to confess to have received his kingdom from the romans, but of the king of Parthians. Trajan not satisfied to make war upon the Armenians, but also entered the lands and territories of the Parthians: because in the most principal Province of Trapa, he detained his army more than three months. Parthurus king of Parthians, a man of great years, beholding the wars offered him by the enemy, determined to present peace unto Trajan: who being demanded of his Parthians why he discovered so great fear within his own kingdom? he made answer. If the wars were but army against army, the Parthians would not fear the romans: but we fight with the Emperor Trajan: unto whom the Gods have given so great fortune, that it far exceedeth our great power.  
Without consuming of many days, or employing of many armies, the Parthians made peace with Trajan, and the Armenians did yield themselves as overcome. From Parthimisires' king of Armenians, the kingdom was removed, and both crown and kingdom Trajan gave with his own hands unto his son: and this he did, because king Parthimisires had said: that of the Parthians, and not of the romans, he was crowned king: in such wise, that the good trajan in removing the kingdom from the father, did execute justice: and in giving it to the son, gave a show of his clemency. Trajan was not satisfied, that the Parthians should have peace, and become tributaries unto the romans, but that king Parthurus by the hands of Trajan, must be crowned: and so it came to pass, that kneeling upon his knees, he received his crown, kissed his hand, and consented to pay tribute. Trajan did march through all those Provinces and kingdoms, and unto the kings that did yield obedience, benignly he did entreat them, and in their kingdoms did confirm them: and unto such as did use resistance, unto others he gave their kingdoms, and sent them prisoners unto Rome. Trajan held for custom, that in all principal cities of kingdoms or Provinces: that he had taken by force of arms, he did command to erect a most strong castle, whereunto his armies did repair: and a right sumptuous temple, wherein to worship the Gods of Rome. As Trajan did pass and travel, visit and conquer all the three parts of the world, that is to say, Asia, Africa, and Europa: in all which countries he did travel to leave of himself immortal fame: the testimony whereof maketh it credible, that all the Roman princes jointly have not erected so many buildings, as Trajan only did perform. Trajan did lead his armies very well furnished, ordered, corrected, and also in great subjection: & this proceeded, that always in his own person he did accompany the same, and held them both paid and rewarded: for as he did use to say, The host that of his own proper Prince is not visited and paid, is seldom or never in subjection. When Trajan was in the wars, in his feeding and apparel, he did rather seem a companion, than an emperor of Rome: for that seldom he went unarmed, and many were the days wherein he did eat standing. Having a body somewhat dry and of great sinews, he was most patiented in tedious travail of wars: that is to say, in suffering hunger, cold, thirst, wet, snow, heat, & perils, which he refused not as a coward, but sought them out as one of a valiant mind: for that in all hazards & perils, he never said unto his captains, go: but, let us go: do: but, let us do: fight: but, let us fight. He gave in charge unto his armies, not to attempt to burn houses, set fire in corn, overthrow mills, or cut down orchards: affirming, that these things are to be obtained, but not destroyed. When Trajan would take any city, he did not employ his force in any thing more, then to deprive the enemies of their waters. In the camps of his enemies, he did cause to be sown false news: that is to wit: that if he had victuals, to say, that he wanted: that if he had money, to say, it was spent: that if he had much people, that they were gone: that if he would shortly give an assault, to say, that he would depart: and by this means he brought his enemies into negligence, while in mean time he did fortify his armies. Trajan was of great liberality unto such as discovered the enemies secrets: and jointly therewith, of no less providence, for the entering of spies within his camps. When he held war with any city or country, he did not permit his soldiers to spoil the borders thereof. for he held opinion, that small profit might rise to spoil the poor villages: and great hurt and offence unto the armies, by want of victuals. Unto a captain that took a ploughman, & killed his two Oxen at the plough, Trajan commanded to be banished with great ignominy, and to give the ploughman his horse, his armour, and all his wages that was due. For no fault Trajan commanded any man to be slain in the wars, but only him that slept being of the watch, or the captain that ran away out of the battle, or did ravish any woman. Trajan was so pitiful, that usually he did pardon all negligences, especially in the wars, except two faults which he did never remit, that is to say, such as blasphemed the Gods, and ravished women. Trajan was very diligent and careful in visiting his camps, and to keep a reckoning of all his armies: and this he did to the end that no vagabonds should wander amongst them: in such wise, that no man went to the wars, that did not bear armour, and go to the battle. Trajan held in his armies masters of all exercises to teach the young men the art of knighthood, that is to say, how to play at the sword, to shoot in the crossbow, to run an horse, to scale a wall, to mine a castle, to wrestle with the enemy, to swim over a river: finally, the greatest of Traianes' exercise was, to augment and nobilitate his army and knighthood.   

CHAP. XVII. ¶ Of the honourable titles that the romans sent unto Trajan, and of the earthquake of Antioch.  
THE romans did much desire, that when Trajan did sail from Spain into Asia, that he should have landed in Italy: but when they understood of the great victories and prosperities which he had received in Asia, great was the joy and sports which were done at Rome. In times past, some Princes overcame the Parthians, and others of them were overcome: but never prince, as Trajan, did make them by fear yield up their kingdom: and that of his own will, kneeling upon his knees, would by a Roman Prince be crowned. The Parthians were a people so untameable to be subdued, that they said of themselves: the Gods could absolutely confounded them: but impossible for men to overcome them. Many days they were debating in the Senate upon determination, of the manner of thanks which they should writ unto Trajan, and what ensigns of honour they should send unto him: since by his virtue they were all honoured, and by his valiant acts, feared throughout the world. All the Senate came to consent to one advice, the which in deed was very generous and noble: that is to understand, that all manner of coin should be melted within the Empire, and made a certain new money in the name of Trajan: wherein Trajan was engraven, and in the compass thereof, these letters were written: Imp. Vlp. Tr. Opti. Da. Parth. P. P. Tr. P. Con. 2. Sem. Aug. Which is to say: this is the Emperor Vlpius Traianus, which was very good, and right fortunate: he overcame the Parthians, triumphed over the Datians, father of the country, tribune of the people, two times Consul, his memory shallbe immortal. Great was the joy the Trajan received, when he saw that money which the Senate had made: and when he read the writing therein contained: but of all the titles which they gave him, he gloried in none so much as to entitle him Imperator optimus, that is to say: best Emperor: for he affirmed, that all other titles he had obtained by arms, but this other with virtues. For defence of cold, & provision of victuals, Trajan retired in Winter unto the city and province of Antioch: where whiles he remained, such & so fierce an earthquake happened, as never in the world past was ever heard or seen. The chance was thus, that on the 22. day of October, before the break of the day, suddenly there rose such wind & storm so extreme & importune, that pulled up trees, beat down birds, threw down tiles, & shook the houses: forthwith it began to lighten and thunder, & did so sparkle and flame, that being night, it seemed to be broad day. After the thunder and lightning, presently did follow so terrible tempests and flashinge of fire, which with their furious violence, broke down stately houses, set hills on fire, killed men at the sudden: finally, it seemed not, but that all the world was on fire, and that the earth did open. And if the earth were afflicted, no doubt but the Sea was cruelly tormented: for the waters began to swell, the winds to altar, fishes to be troubled, the air to be darkened: and that which seemed most terrible, the waters did so yell, roar, bray, and rage, as if they had been wild, fierce, & most cruel beasts: presently upon the sudden there followed, such, and so strange a heat, that it constrained all men to give air unto their breasts, unbuckle their girdle, to throw off their clothes, to mount into galleries, their bodies to sweat: and that which was woorste of all, that if they went forth into the air, the violence thereof did overthrow them: if into the sea, the rage thereof did drown them. As the winds did use their fury so strange or never seen, and the earth so parched and dried by the drought of the Summer, they raised so sharp a dust, that the air seemed to be farsed or compound with dust. The matter was marvelous monstrous, and terrible to behold: the air so thick with dust, the Seas to yell and roar, the winds in so furious combat, that one might not see another, that they durst not open their mouths, neither draw breath at their nostrils: for so great was the dust that they did swallow and receive into their bodies, that suddenly they fell down dead upon the earth. All these calamities, and marvelous wonders, were no doubt very fearful: but universally not so dangerous: for although many did perish, many also were saved. Then presently began the earth to quake so strangely and unusually, that old houses did fall, walls did open, towers did cleave, the monuments did rend, and stones did encounter each other. In some places, the houses were utterly overthrown, in other parts half thrown down, in other places walls opened, in other some places trees pulled up by the roots, domestical beasts slain: finally, there was no street in the whole city, wherein the earthquake had not used his violence. If such destruction was executed amongst trees and stones: how great was the calamity that passed amongst men? the case was right lamentable to hear men cry, women scriche, children wail, beasts howl and bray, one crossing and encountering another, some dead, some with broken heads, some with broken legs, some lamed in their arms, and some stricken clean through the body. At such time as these things did chance, great numbers of people were come from all the parts of the world unto Antioch, some to see Trajan, some to ask justice, some that went to the wars, some brought prisoners, and others that were strangers: and in so great a multitude, there was no man that escaped either deadly wounded or hurt, except one woman and one slave. Upon that night of the earth quake, Trajan was lodged in a place of pleasure without the city, who leaping out at a window, not with such speed, but that he was hurt on his right arm not able to say of the cause, whether it proceeded, of timber, tile, or stone. Trajan was so terrified with the earthquake, that all the time in which he staid at Antioch, he would not remain in any house, but in the fields in a tent, wherein he did eat and sleep. Many days after these things did pass, certain persons walking to behold the fallen houses, heard the voice of a woman: and digging very deep, they found a woman and her child, that under the hollowness of a vawt were escaped: a thing admirable, how the mother without meat so long time, might have milk to nourish her child. In re-edifying of other houses, they found a dead woman, and a live child sucking the breast. At the time of the earthquake in Antioch, the mountain Caucasus did so open and tremble, that all the cities adjoining, doubted to be overwhelmed with the fall thereof. Running rivers of immortal memory become dry. Springs never seen or heard of, did flow & remain. and old fountains for evermore dried up: many hills made plain, and many valleys made even. Finally, there was no house in Antioch, or within the compass of the territories thereof, that was not totally destroyed, or changed after a manner into some other order or fashion.   

CHAP. XVIII. ¶ How Trajan subdued Assyria, and what he did in Babylon.  
Now when Summer was come, Trajan prepared to depart the confines of Antioch towards the journey of Assyria, to conquer that country, if that by peace they did not yield the same: and being arrived at the great river Euphrates, he found the ships burnt, all the bridges broken, and all the Barbarians in arms, with a mind to die, or to defend their countries. The Barbarians understanding of Traian's approach, made an utter spoil of all their woods, to remove all means of renewing their navy, or to re-edify bridges. Trajan had intelligence that far from thence, certain ships upon the hill Nisibin were a making, which presently he sent for, and brought in carts, and in very short space, a float upon Euphrates rigged and armed. The river Euphrates being passed, Trajan found another river named Pessin, joining unto the hill Cardius, which also was of great strength, and almost impassable, but Trajan broke up his ships, and once more by land did carry the same unto that river: wherein he fought with the Barbarians that defended their banks. And as they after reported, utterly determined rather to die, then to submit themselves to subjection. But that they conceived, Trajan to be no mortal man, which would fight against them, but some of the immortal Gods that came to destroy them: moved thereunto, in beholding Traian's ready carriage for ships by land, as they had by Sea. That country was named the province of Adiabena: which being all overrun & brought under subjection: he passed unto Arbela, and unto Anguaguemela two most opulent provinces, in whose fields, in the old worlds past, the great king Darius, was overcome of Alexander Magnus. Trajan spent all that Summer in conquering those provinces: which although they differ in names, yet differ not in signory, because they be always annexed unto the kingdom Assyria, which the Barbarians changing the S. into T. do call the same Attyria. And now when Summer began to decline, Trajan determined to winter at Babylon: in all which way he neither found enemies that did resist him, either friends to accompany him: because those deserts be so solitary and dry, that hardly bruit beasts be found in the same. Before Trajan did enter Babylon, he would first personally see the lake of Bytamin: the water whereof hath this property, that brick, tile, sand, lime, or chalk, that is tempered therewith, maketh a cement thereof so hard and strong, that yieldeth not unto stone or iron. With this water the tiles and bricks were made, and all other matter tempered, that did erect all the walls of Babylon. Also Trajan went to see the cave where the water came soaking forth, whereout proceeded a stench so pestilential, that killed all cattle that came near thereunto, and all birds that did fly over the same. Men that pass that way dare not venture the view thereof, much less to approach the smell, except the eunuchs that be gelded, which fear not to behold, neither are endangered by the savour. Trajan might not be satisfied with the view and contemplation of Babylon, much delighting to view the infinite antiquities therein contained, and had thereof great compassion: and also said it many times, how many and how renowned Princes had consumed there their treasure, and employed the chiefest part of their life, to perpetuate their fame, which were now forgotten, and their stately buildings utterly ruinated and fallen down. Trajan attempted a certain work within that land which did not only excel all that he had done in Rome, Italic, Sicyl, Datia, and Spain, but also all that Ninus, Belus, Semiramis, and Alexander had made in Babylon. Trajan was of so high thoughts, and so singular in his conceits, which he attempted, and in his buildings which he erected, he was not satisfied that others should think him equal with Princes past: but judge and confess him to be singular amongst the rest. The case was thus: he opened the mother of the river Tigris, and of the river Euphrates: & made from the one to the other, a great & a deep channel, to unite them both into one stream: a thing for the present easy to be written, but at that time, very terrible to behold: because the channel that Trajan caused to be made from the one river to the other, was so high, so large, and so deep, that very great ships might turn, sail, and ride at anchor. Upon that channel Trajan did build a most stately and a right lofty bridge, a strong castle, a rich and sumptuous palace, and certain gardens and orchards most pleasant, and on either side the river, he built fair houses to devil in, and store houses for merchants: and to place there his perpetual memory, did name the same Trajanical Babylon. This building endured not long, and the cause thereof proceeded, that the river Euphrates had his channel more high than the river Tigris, whereby Tigris did increase, and Euphrates diminish: and the Babylonians doubted the one for want of water to be lost: and the other with the fury of the water to be destroyed. From Babylon, Trajan departed to the city Tesiphont being the head of that province: which although some days it stood in defence of itself, in the end it came to be yielded: and there it is said, that Trajan found so great sums of money, that he had sufficient to pay his armies, to raise up new buildings, and also to furnish his treasury. Great were the news that daily came to the Senate, of the marvelous victories which Trajan obtained throughout the world, and how beyond all Princes past, he had augmented the Empire of Rome.  
The inhabitants of Tesiphont were ignorant to sacrifice unto the Gods, or to observe feasts and holy days: whereupon Trajan commanded to erect a temple unto the great God jupiter, and gave them instruction, what feasts they should observe, and how they should sacrifice unto their Gods.   

CHAP. XIX. ¶ How Trajan, after great travail to pass into the Indias, was constrained to retire.  
ALl these countries being overcome and set in order, Trajan determined to sail by the read Sea, which is very great, and runneth from the Ocean of the Indias, unto Arabia, and is otherwise named the Sea Eritrean, in memory of king Eritreus which in old time reigned there. The river Tigris in the discourse of his currant maketh an Island, conteinining thirty. miles in breadth, and lx. in length: wherein reigned Athabilus a Prince both proud and warlike: whom without arms Trajan brought under his Empire. The air of those Seas being different in nature from other Seas, and being then in the greatest heat of Summer, Trajan in that navigation passed much travail and peril: and being persuaded by certain to forsake the Sea, and take the land, answered: the vicious go from hence to Rome to seek delight, and the virtuous come from Rome hither to seek travails: because our predecessors in exchange of great travails, received great and glorious triumphs: wherefore I will never cease fight for fear, either navigation for peril or danger. At the mouth of those Seas, there was a people named Sipassinos, so called of certain fields which they held: whether from many parts they brought their herds to feed: these Sipassinos were subjects to king Athabilus: who understanding of his submission unto the romans, jointly with great good will came forth to receive Trajan. Passing along those Islands, and all the cities along the Sea coasts on either side being subdued, Trajan entered the Ocean Sea, and therewith understanding the wrack & decay of his ships, the darkness of the air, & his pilots to want experience upon those coasts, he arrived to land to renew his navy. Trajan was informed, that those Seas were of such condition, that they endured not ships made of strange timber, but of wood of the Indies, for otherwise they did consume, or at times drown them. The sorrow of Traianes' heart, might not be expressed, for that, to pass into the great Indies, he had no preparation, because of the insufficiency of his own ships, and want of timber of the Indies. And when Trajan saw his voyage to be frustrate & without remedy, they say, that he said with a great sigh: Of all Prince's past, only unto Alexander I give the pre-eminence, for that he passed into the Indies: but if fortune had not hindered me: him, as others, I would have excelled: for I had a will not only to conquer all the Indies, but therein to have erected a now Rome. All the time that Trajan stayed there, he gave himself particularly to understand of the state of all things in the great Indias: that is to say, what Gods they worshipped, what temples they held, what kings they obeyed, what diet they used, what garments they did wear, how they did fight, in what cities they did inhabit, wherein they were exercised: and how much the greater things they did report: so much the more, the sorrow of his heart did augment. From thence Trajan sent certain messengers unto Rome, with great riches for the treasury: Also a memorial of all the provinces, kingdoms, Islands, nations, and people that he had subdued and taken, and brought under the Empire of Rome. Great joy was received in Rome upon the manifestation of these news: no less wonderful unto the romans, to read so many, and so variable people to be overcome by Trajan: because it was affirmed amongst them in the Senate of Rome, that none had seen them, either as much as to have heard of them. Presently they erected in Rome unto Trajan an arch triumphant, wherein was graven the names of the kingdoms that Trajan had subdued, and the principal provinces that he had taken: for if they should have placed them all, conformable unto his memorial, they should want marble to be wrought, and workmen to grave the same. When Trajan might not pass into the great Indies, he came unto the house of Alexander the great, where (as it was said) he died: and there did build all that by antiquity was decayed & fallen down: & also did add other new buildings thereunto, & offered rich sacrifices unto the Gods, in memory & reverence of Alexander. Trajan sailing on the Ocean Sea towards the Indians, & the Tesiponts, supposing that he should never return into that province, determined to rebel, and therewith slew all the romans, that remained in garrison, & brought all their country in arms. Against these & other people that rebelled, Trajan sent Maximinus and Lucius with an army of great power, who fought most unfortunately: for that the one fled, & the other died. He that escaped was Lucius, who to reform all faults past, took the city of Nisibin & Edessa, which he destroyed & burnt with fire, whereof Trajan was not a little offended: because in the wars, he would not any spoil to be made by fire. Eritius Clarus, & Alexander Severus, two Roman Pretours, made their entry by Seleucia, which they totally did sack & destroy: being advertised the Trajan was drowned at Sea, they rebelled & slew the Roman magistrates. Trajan doubting the rebellion of the Parthians, entered their country, having intelligence of the death of Parthurus their king, & the alteration of their kingdom. Trajan commanded all the principals of Parthia to appear before him, who assembled in the fields of Tesipont, where Trajan being advanced did advertise them of his determination, which if they did admit & consent unto, they might safely hold him for a pitiful father: and otherwise they should find him a most cruel enemy.  
The Parthians jointly answered, that their desire was much more to hold him as a father, than an enemy: and did yield themselves both to believe, and to obey him: making their humble suit, to give them no king, except he were a native of their kingdom: for that a stranger should want both love and obedience. Presently Trajan took a crown in his hands and set it upon the head of Persnapate, declaring him to be their king and lord, of which provision they held themselves marvelously well pleased, for that he was not only of their kingdom, and well known unto them, but also both virtuous and warlike.   

CHAP. XX. ¶ How Trajan coming from Asia to triumph in Rome, was staid by death in Sicyl.  
THE land of Parthians being stayed & pacified, Trajan was in disposition to go to Rome: partly to rest, and to cease from travail, and chiefly to triumph over so many nations and kingdoms: but being advertised of the rebellion of the Agarens, and that the Roman pretours were fled: presently Trajan departed unto the land of Agarens, which is in Arabia, having a city as principal of their province, very little, but marvelous strong: the destiny whereof was such, that being sieged by infinite Princes, was never taken or overcome. For defence of that city, the nature and situation of the country did not a little help: for that the assailants had neither wood or timber to advance their engines, either water or forage, for relief of themselves or cattle: & the same unto strangers not used thereunto, did rather seem to burn, then to give light. Trajan commanded an assault to be given unto the city: the most valiant captains being mounted upon the wall, at an instant some were slain, and some overthrown. Trajan disguised, and in disposition to view the city, was of the enemies both known, wounded, and his Squire slain.  
The Agarens being demanded, if at that instant they had notice of the emperors person: they answered, that his gravity, and the majesty of his presence did discover his estate. Trajan being at that siege, there arose terrible lightning and thunder, which in that country was never seen: and beside, there descended upon the Roman camp flies so many & importune, that both their meat and drink, and their own persons, were continually covered with the same. Trajan considering the city to be impregnable, did retire his army. They say, that he said, at his retreat: Since the Agarens, with mine armies, either my words, be neither subdued or persuaded: the destinies have reserved this triumph for some other Prince in the world to come. In the province of Cyrene, Trajan had a great army both of greeks as of romans: and the praetor of those armies was a certain Roman named Andreas, against whom the jews of those parts did rebel, and slew both captain, greeks, and romans. The jews were not only contented to have slain the romans, but also brought the dead bodies unto the shambles, and there did quarter, cut in pieces, and sold by weight: & with no less appetite did eat that humane flesh, then if it had been hens and pheasants. Adding cruelty upon cruelty, they brought forth certain romans which they had in prison, and did wage one with another, a denéere, or a point, to strike off the head of a Roman at a blow. Another thing, not more vile than horrible, the jews committed upon those miserable romans, that is, they flayed them quick, and tanned their skins for leather: and further, with greatest disgrace, did cut off their most shamefast parts, and played and tossed them as a ball in the market place. As the jews left no Roman unslain, so left they no cruelty or kind of death that they did not experiment: and in this matter, we have no less to marvel, at the hearts of the one to execute, then of the patience of the other to suffer. That which was done by the jews of Cyrene, was executed by the jews of Egypt, and of the islands of Cypress, who slew all the romans within their common wealths: which slaughter was no less, than 500000 greeks and romans. When these sorrowful news came unto Trajan, he was very sick: but notwithstanding provided what was convenient for so desperate a case: and presently sent Lucius into Cyrene, Marcus into Cypress, and Severus into Egypt: who committed so great spoils among the people, and executed so cruel justice upon the inhabitants, that if the dead had been living, they would have yielded themselves for sufficiently revenged. Elius Adrianus was captain unto Trajan for the guard of Syria, and hearing what had passed in this matter, suddenly he descended into jury, and did execute therein a great slaughter: and they of Cypress, receiving warning by this great treason, did ordain that no jew should dare to inhabit, or pass into that kingdom: and that if tempest should bring them by chance into that Island, to have no redemption thereof, but by the loss of their heads.  
trajan naturally was always of great health: but in the travail of so many provinces, following of so many wars, sailing upon so many Seas, and enduring so many wounds, the grief or disease of the piles did not a little vex him. But the case was thus: that from the day that Trajan might not pass into the Indies, they never saw health in his person, or joy in his face. Through the cause or disease of the piles, at change of weather, Trajan had a flux of blood, which for his health was very profitable. Either by the cold which he had passed, or angers which in himself he suffered, or great age, wherewith he was laden: there increased unto the good Prince, a Pasma or numbness of his arm, and his purgation by flux of blood was stopped. joining unto the city of Seleuca, there were certain famous baths, whereunto sick people of all parts did concur, whether Trajan did 'cause himself to be removed, to make proof for recovery of his health. And as experience, did after declare, those baths did not profit, but hinder: for being weak, consumed, and spent, although he had force to bathe, he had no strength to sweat. Now when Trajan saw himself without hope of life, he wrote a letter unto the Senate of Rome, commending the state of his house unto Lucius, and the affairs of the wars unto Elius Adrianus. He died in the city of Seleuca which is in the province of Sicyl, which from thence forth was named Traginopolis, in the age of 63. years, and in the reign of his Empire 21. years, 6. months, and 15. days.    

¶ The life of the Emperor Adrian: Compiled by sir Anthony of Guevara, bishop of Mondonnedo, Preacher, Chronicler, and Counsellor unto the Emperor Charles the fift. (⸫)  

CHAP. I ¶ Of the lineage from whence Adrian descended, and of the place and country where he was bred and nourished.  
THE great Emperor Trajan being dead, Adrian succeeded in the Empire: who was servant, friend, and cousin of the said Trajan. The beginning and lineage of Adrian by the father's side, was of Italy, borne in a city named Hadra: and of the mother's side a Spaniard, borne at Cades, which now is named Calize, a city of Andoloizia.  
His father's name was Elius Adrianus married unto a woman of Spain named Domitia Paulina, a woman sufficient wise and fair, borne in the city of Calize, she was niece unto the Emperor Trajan & his sister's daughter, whom he did much love, for that of a child she was bred in his house. Adrian had a sister named Paulina, who was married unto a Consul named Severinus: and the grandfather of Adrianus was named Marillinus, of the lineage of the Priscans: which lineage did not a little flourish in the time of the Scipions. Adrian was borne in Rome the 9 day of February, in the consulship of Vespasianus septimus, and Titus quintus: in the year of the foundation of Rome 488. Adrian had an high body of perfect proportion, except his neck, which was somewhat stooping, his nose somewhat hawked, his face swart, his eyes more grey than black, his beard black and thick, his hands more of sinews then of flesh, his head great and round, and a broad forehead, a great sign (as he had) of great memory. When his father died he was but of ten years, who left him for tutors, Vlpius Traianus, and Celius Tatianus, the one being his uncle, and the other his friend: effectually requesting to train and instruct that child in wisdom and valiantness: for that he had no less ability for the one then for the other.  
At the age of ten years, Adrian studied Grammar, and after his father's death, his tutors set him to learn the Greek tongue, wherein he was so learned and expert, that for excellency therein, in Rome they named him the Greek child: for that he was as ready in the Greek tongue, as others in the Roman speech. At the age of xuj. years, he had a desire to pass into Spain, to see his old country, he arrived at Calize, where his mother was borne, and from whence trajan was native, and there leaving his letters, did exercise himself in arms: because in those days the Spaniards had there a famous study of science, and the romans held there a school for the wars.  
Adrian both in leaping and running was very light: wherein it is said of him, that he ran for many wagers, and not a few times by running and leaping, did win, to supply his necessity. He greatly delighted to ride swift running horses, and did much presume, to judge and make choice of them: and after in his old age, he would vaunt and say of himself, that he never road in coach, mule, or other beast, but an horse. In the time of Adrian his youth, he was an enemy to idleness, and also of them that were given thereunto: and many times said, that he remembered not since the age of ten years, whether he stood still, or walked by the way, that he had not either a book to read in, or some weapon to fight with. Adrian was naturally sharp of wit, and of great life, most apparent, in that he was not satisfied, to know what some men did know: but traveled to have skill in all things that men understood: with Philosophers he would dispute, with masters at weapons he would fight, with artificers he would work, and with painters he would paint. Adrian did praise himself, and according to writings of old time, he had great reason so to do: because there was no Art, science, occupation, or invention in the world, that he knew not, or at the lest did not travel to know. When Adrian was young, he was but of small patience, for that he endured not any to excel him, neither yet to compare with him: and rare was that quarrel, which he did not make or maintain. When Tatian, Adrians' tutor, did reprehend him for his impatience, and because he was not mild, as the young man his cousin Emilius, he made answer: My cousin Emilius is not patiented, but for that he is a coward, and I by quarreling, am become valiant. Neither being a child, or grown to more years: Adrian used not to break forth into foul words, although they said, or did him great injuries: but indeed, although his tongue were slow, his hands were very ready. Adrian was of a sound body, except that sometimes he complained of his left ear, and that one of his eyes at times did water: but two evils did not hinder his hearing, much less his sight.   

CHAP. II Of some evil inclinations that possessed and had power in Adrian.  
THe Emperor Adrian did much delight in hunting, which he did not exercise in the plains, but in mountains for he took no care to flee with hawks, but to fight with fierce beasts, to make a show of his valiantness. So given and so venturous was Adrian in his chase, that with great reason I will not say did reprove, but note, the time that he consumed: and that not only for much time he spent therein, but for that many times he was in great danger. It happened sometimes, that in following the chase of wild beasts, Adrian did lose himself, in those rough and craggy mountains: whereof there followed not a few times, that he would have eaten if he had had bread, and would have drank, if he had had water. When he went to hunt, he carried his crossbow to shoot, his quiver of quarrels, and his wallet of victuals: and always did place him, in the pace, where the beast should pass: and had so little fear, and so desirous of chase, that if it were a bear, he did execute some adventure: and if it were a Lion, he did abide him. It is not read, that he siue any Lion, but one: but bears and other cruel beasts, that he siue with his own hands, were infinite. Adrian followed most fiercely a certain beast with so great desire, and did so travel to attain the same, that he fell over a rock, put his shoulder out of joint, broke one of his legs, and cast much blood out of his mouth. In the Province of Misia, Adrian built a city, which he did name The chase of Adrian, because there he used to pitch his Pavilion, and from thence at mornings he went forth to hunt, and at night did return to bed. He had an horse very ready for hunting, which would stay and make ready as a man, when he understood the chase coming: and therewithal ran as sure down the hill, as up the hill. This horse was named Borystenes, which being dead, Adrian did not only cause to be buried with much honour, but also commanded for the same a very rich sepulchre of Marble to be made and erected. Adrian did much esteem and delight, to paint figures and counterfeits very naturally, and to grave in Marble with great skill and device: sometimes in wax to make new inventions: and was in these Arts so curious, that he made the Goddess Venus in Alabaster, and with a pencil did paint the wars of Carthage: and of ware did form the whole Island Creta. And albeit, that in these things he were ready and expert, jointly therewith he was very ambitious: because he had as great envy, and also rancour at an artificer, which was said to paint or work more curiously than himself, as if the maintenance of his living had consisted therein. There were in Rome two excellent men, the one named Dionysius, the other Milesius, men right famous in the liberal Arts: for that many in Rome did frequent their studies, but much more did peayse their works: Adrian did take thereof so great envy, that although he found no cause to kill them, he wanted not occasion to banish them. A certain skilful carpenter in drawing plots for buildings, being in some question with the Emperor Trajan, of the form and manner of placing of a stair, Adrian being present, said his judgement somewhat beside the purpose: whereunto the carpenter Polydorus answered: Master Adrian, if your cunning did not serve you better to paint gourds and coocumers, then to place stairs, you should obtain a small credit amongst painters, as you have amongst artificers. Although Adrian could dissemble those words, he might not in any wise forget them: for after the death of Trajan, he attaining the empire, those injurious words were no more costly unto the sorrowful Polydorus, but to serve Adrian for sufficient revenge, to take away his life. Adrian being so great a Graecian, and also a Latinist, compounded certain works in Heroical metre, as also in press, & did much delight to have them praised, & could not endure but the some must read them. In those days the Greek tongue flourishing in Rome, brought the of Homer in great estimation: whereof Adrian did take so great envy, that he gave straight commandment, that none should read Homer, either openly or secretly, but the works of Anthimachus, who was a Philosopher most obscure. Adrian had condition curiously to inquire, of common and small matters: whereof he was both noted and murmured: because, Princes being given to make search of trifling causes, prove variable in providing for matters of importance. Also Adrian was of fickle disposition: for that at the souden, he would determine, to perform some enterprise, and after grow cold, and incontinent omit the same: of this, as of the rest, with great reason, he was noted and accused: because grave Princes aught to have a reposed deliberation, and a diligent execution. Adrian was in two things most extreme: that is to say, he used no measure or weight in his love, or hatred: for unto whom he did love, he gave all his heart: and where he did abhor, he did employ all his strength. Admitting that this manner of love, or hatred, is tolerable in others, yet most truly of virtuous Princes not permitted: because if they be unbridled in love, in others which they love not, they 'cause envy: and if they be absolute in hatred, they seek unto themselves great infamy: wherefore it is convenient in love, to be discrete, and in hatred, provident and advised, He was likewise most extreme, that if he praised any thing, he did advance it to the clouds: and if it fell not into his favour, he dispraised it to the deepest bottom: in such manner, that all said of Adrian, that in praising, he was very gracious, and in nips, taunts, and girds, not a little malicious. Adrian had great delight in fair women, who was so absolute and also so dissolute in that vice, that he did not only enjoy virgins, persuade married women, but also in the houses of his very friends, he had his secret loves. Of the one part, considering his injustice, and of the other part, the great justice that he did execute: the historiographers would not place him amongst the pitiful Princes: neither condemn him that were tyrannous: because most truly if he did chastise some by justice, also he siue others by envy.   

CHAP. III Of the friends and enemies which Adrian had.  
ADrian being of the age of nineteen years, Trajan conceiving the ability and towardness of the young man, as well in letters as in arms, sent to Spain for him to come to Rome, with whom he did so behave himself, that for entertainment, he did receive him into his chamber, and in his love, did place him as a child. The natural bounty, and great ability of Adrian being in appearance, Trajan from thence forth did so regard and fix his eyes, as well to honour him, all the days of his life: as also to leave him Emperor, after his death. Adrian being in so great favour with the Emperor Trajan, there followed thereof in process of time, no small displeasures to his person, and perils unto his life: for his enemies by envy, with the Emperor procured his disgrace, and with their malice, did malign him with the people. It is an ancient pestilence in the courts of Princes, that the Prince being pleased to bear affection, or to honour any person, forthwith they join to murmur, & procure to persecute the same. As Severianus being husband unto a sister of Adrian, did murmur of him unto Trajan, saying that it was a wonder unto all men in Rome, to see Adrian to private, & so far in favour, & that they presumed that after his days, he should leave him the Empire: unto whom Trajan made answer: Who hath to succeed me in the Empire? only the Gods be acquainted therewith: but admitting, that it were my will, and the Gods permitting, that Adrian should succeed me in the Empire: I can say unto thee, that to govern the same he will prove no fool, neither a coward to defend it. The answer that Trajan made, was very good, and yet not without a secret taunt, for that the Consul Severianus, had neither praised him for valiant, either held him for wise. This Severianus was always a great enemy of Adrian, & did not cease traveling to disgrace him with the Emperor: whereby Adrian happened at times, to be both in favour, and disfavour: in such manner, that Adrian burned betwixt two fires, which is to wit, ear to resist his enemies, and solicitude in conserving his friends. The first office that Adrian had in Rome, Trajan being Consul, and Domitian being emperor, he was made a Decem viriato: that is to say, he was appointed for one of the ten men, that were deputed, to determine contentions amongst the people. Adrian gave so good account of his office, and recovered in Rome so good fame, that he seemed sufficient unto all men, alone and in his own person, to govern a common wealth: and so it came to pass, that in the year following, he was deputed Tribune of the second legion: that is to say, that he had charge to govern and correct the second capteinship, of the armies that were in the wars: because it was a custom in Rome, that every capteinship should have a captain to fight: and a Tribune to rule and govern. The year of the tribune office being past, he was sent unto the inferior Misia, governing that Province with so great prudence, and was of such readiness and skill amongst those Barbarians, that some delighted to obey him, & the others durst not resist him. Adrian was in no small perplexity, for the doubt he had to be removed from Traianes' favour, which he suspected, to see himself in Misia, & his enemy Severianus with trajan in Rome: that upon any report that might be made of him there, the malice of his enemy had place to aggravate, and he for himself being far distant, not able to answer. Trajan had in his chamber one whom he much favoured, named Gallus, a most special friend unto Adrian: and Adrian being advertised, that Gallus his most faithful friend was dead, made for him great obsequies, and wept for him many tears. There succeeded in favour unto this Gallus another named Surus, a man sufficiently wise and prudent: and also this, as Gallus, was most special friend unto Adrian: and the very cause whereby he obtained the favoured to be his friends, was: for that in his gifts he was very liberal: and to do for his friend, no less determined. Also Adrian gave himself to content, serve, and please Plotina, Traianes' wife, and used therein so great skill, and came so far into favour with Plotina, that out of that so narrow friendship, he gathered more profit, than she did honour. Trajan had in his house a niece named Sabina, which was to marry, and requested for wife, of many noble romans: but Plotina and Surus traveled and persuaded trajan to marry her unto Adrian: affirming that with this marriage, he was excused of two marriages, that is to say: to seek a wife for Adrian, and an husband for Sabina. When as Adrian had presented many gifts, and offered many services unto Plotina: partly for the great love that she did bear him, and for that she had married him unto Sabina, she made him answer: Adrian, according to the good will which I bear thee, it is small which I have done for thee, in respect of that which I mean to do: for that I may do little with my Lord Trajan, but as he hath chosen thee to be his nephew, he shall also adopt thee to be his son. After Adrian had obtained Plotina for his good Lady, Sabina for his wife, and Surus for his friend, he little esteemed the enmity of Severianus his enemy: because in Traianes' house, all did honour him as one in favour, & did serve him as a master.   

CHAP. FOUR Of the love that the Emperor Trajan had unto Adrian.  
BY the marriage that Adrian had with Sabina, niece unto the Emperor Trajan, there followed him, not a little, but very much profit: for, beside that he was most in favour with the Emperor, and very well liked of the Empress Plotina, the greatest part of the affairs of the Empire, was dispatched by his hands. Adrian presuming of great eloquence, presented upon a day before the Senate, a certain pastoral interlude, whereat the Senators and Orators did greatly laugh: not only of that which he said, but also of the base style wherein he did speak the same. He gave himself to the Latin tongue, and to the Art of an Orator, wherein he grew so profound, that they gave to him as great glory for his speech, as unto Cicero for his writing. In the first wars that Trajan had with the Datians, Adrian was made Questor, that is to say, he had charge to provide, victuals and furniture for the camp: which was an office amongst the armies, of great honour, and of much confidence: for he had both the treasure in his custody, and the payment of the camp. When Trajan was either sick, or not at leisure, on his behalf Adrian went to the Senate: but the Senators although they did admit him to speak, they did not permit him to exceed or to take the chief place: for it was a law amongst them much used, that being assembled in the Senate, none should presume to clap his hands, to 'cause silence, or command the door to be shut, neither enter being clad with a long gown, or to place himself in the highest seat, but only the Emperor. Being notorious unto all men, that Adrian was private with the Emperor Trajan, and in great favour with Plotina his wife, and therewithal, that he was a man both prudent and politic: and although in the Senate not permitted to the chiefest place, yet all things were directed by his counsel, in such wise, that at home all things were done as he thought good, and abroad as he did command. When it was known in Rome, that the king of Datia eftsoons had rebelled, Adrian presently persuaded Trajan, in his own person to go to that war, and to leave the enterprise to no other man: wherein Adrian did follow and serve Trajan, more than any other captain: and certainly did there so valiant and notable deeds, that with Trajan he obtained favour, and advanced his person to great estimation. Adrian being thus notified in the wars of Datia, Trajan thought it meet to commend unto him the second legion, which was under the protection of the Goddess Minerva: and in such manner did govern the same, and gave his soldiers so great courage, that he was the man, that did most grieve the enemy, and lest did fear perils. The thing most esteemed of the Emperor Trajan, was a Diamond which Nerua had given him: this Diamond Trajan gave Adrian, in the time of the wars of Datia, which was so kept and esteemed of Adrian, that until the day of his death, it was never seen off from his finger. The wars of Datia being finished, Trajan returned to Rome, leaving Adrian as praetor of that Province, Sussurus and Severianus being consuls. He had not long governed Datia, when Adrian received from the Senate new provision to pass into Panonia: where he was not only governor in causes of justice, but also had charge of all martial affairs: because certain barbarous Danubians had entered those Provinces, sacking and spoiling great countries. Adrian being arrived into Panonia, did in short time expel the enemies, visited the countries, reformed the armies, chastised the Roman officers: and found by infourmation, that they were great friends of idleness, and no enemies of robbery. The fame being come to Rome, of the commendable government of Adrian in Panonia: in the year following, in the Kalends of januarie, the Senate did elect him Consul: and truly, as they were many, that did allow this election, so they were not few that did resist it: but in fine, the procurers had more force in their diligence, than the malice of them which resisted.   

CHAP. V Of the care and solicitude of Adrian, to obtain the Empire.  
IN all Kingdoms and Provinces, where Adrian was either praetor or Questour, presently he made diligent inquisition, if there were any Magicians of Soothsayers: and if he found any he did persuade them, with sweet words, and rich rewards, to be certified, if after the death of Trajan, the Empire should come unto his hands: for that he was not only desirous to obtain the same, but careful to know the issue thereof. Being resident in the Province of Mesia, he was advertised by a Mathematic, that he should be Emperor: and demanding how and by what means, he understood thereof, answered: by a certain friend which was not only learned in the natural courses, but also did understand the secrets of the immortal Gods. Although Adrian was resident in strange Provinces, he was not slack to serve the Empress Plotina, and to please the chamberlain Surus: in such wise, that if his enemies did think him far off, they found his service, always ready and at hand. Now when Trajan was stricken in age, and become sickly, Adrian continued no less diligent, to solicit Plotina and Surus, to persuade the Emperor, to adopt him for his son: but on the other side the Consul Severianus, Palma and Celsus, and other his enemies, did withstand: whose diligence and malice did little profit, because they did but discover their intent, and could not obtain their desire. Either by the only will of Trajan, or by the importunity of Plotina, nor by the suit of Surus, either by the merit of his own person, the Emperor Trajan determined to those Elius Adrian to be his son, after his days to succeed him in the Empire: for the Emperor had many kingdoms to give, but no son to whom he might leave the same.  
Before Trajan had elected Adrian, he was long determined, to make no assignment of any person, to succeed him in the Empire, but to have used the order of Alexander the great: who being demanded, whom he would assign to succeed him in his Monarchy, answered, Unto the most worthy. Trajan made a memorial, of all the most virtuous, wise, and of most worthiness within the Empire: and jointly therewith, caused to be written of them, several Orations, in Greek and Latin: and he himself did add with his own hand, what he thought agreeable to their conditions and abilities. To the end that after his days, the Senate might open and read the same, and from thence to make election: not of him that did most procure, but that did best deserve. At one time a certain Consul, named Neratius Priscus, was greatly in his favour, unto whom he had thought to have left the Empire, in so much, the one day Trajan said unto him: Neratius Priscus, from henceforth I commend the Empire unto thee, if any sorrowful or sudden destiny shall happen unto me. All such as did withstand the adoption of Adrian, did favour the election of Neratius Priscus: but Fortune that should have framed the effect, brought Neratius into Traianes' great hatred, not a little to the profit of Adrian: because from thence forth, although their remained enemies to hinder his intent, none as an opposite, durst demand the same. When Trajan passed from Spain into Asia, to the wars of the Parthians, Plotina and Surus, made great suit that Adrian might be sent, as praetor into Syria: who being in Antioch, was advertised by a messenger from Trajan, which in times past had been his tutor, how he was elected to be Traianes' son, and assigned his successor in the Empire. exceeding was the joy that Adrian received with that news, which he did utter in such excessive manner and degree, that presently he did celebrated, with great games and feasts, the day of his nativity: and not only upon that day, but every year, all the days of his life: because it was the thing, that his heart most desired, and for the attainment whereof, he had employed his greatest skill and strength.  
At that time were Consuls, Sosius and Pretorius, with whom Adrian entered new friendship: and the end wherefore he did undertake this new affection, was, that as Plotina & Surus did solicit & procure the Empire with Trajan, so those two Consuls should subsist him in the Senate: in such wise, that if he did watch to obtain it, he did overwatch to sustain it. Not long after that Adrian was adopted, that is to say, after fourteen months, Trajan died: presently Plotina his wife, and the Consul Tatianus, being chief friends unto Adrian, did take order and use great diligence, that Adrians' admission unto the Empire, might first be notified and known in Rome, before the death of the Emperor Trajan: which was concealed and covered for certain days, saying, that he was so sick, that he would not be visited, until they were possessed of the power of the armies, and had obtained the good will of the Senate. Adrian did writ unto the Senators, giving them to understand, that Trajan was at the point of death, and that also he was assigned and adopted to be his successor and heir in the Empire: and did right instantly request them, to take the same in good part, and thereupon did promise, and swear unto them, to divide or give offices, but at their own liking and consent.   

CHAP. VI How at Traianes' death Adrian was declared Emperor.  
THe news of Traianes' death being arrived at Rome, presently it was published, that the succession of the empire was committed unto Adrian: & upon the confirmation, or refusal of this election, there arose no small contention in the Senate: and the matter so far argued & prosecuted, by his friends, and so resisted by his enemies: that it gave no small doubt of intestine wars, no less cruel, than the wars betwixt Caesar and Pompey. The servants of Trajan, the friends of Plotina, and the kindred and allies of Tatian, did use such diligence in this case, that within three days they confirmed Adrian, in the Empire: and the greatest cause to move the Senate thereunto, was: that they had intelligence, that Adrian was in Syria, in full power, possession, and authority, of the whole army: and might have been constrained to yield by force, which they refused to perform by good william. Presently after Adrian was confirmed in the Empire, he did writ unto the Senate, gratifying their friendly fact, and requesting that Trajan might be collocate amongst the Gods, since he had been a Prince so divine, whereto the Senate gladly consented, saying: that although Trajan had finished his life, for evermore in Rome his fame should endure. In memory that Trajan had overcome the Parthians, they ordained that every year the Parthik plays should be celebrated in Rome, which endured amongst the Romans many years: but in fine, they and their plays had an end. Before all things, Adrian gave order, that the body of Trajan might be brought into Italy, where it should be given a generous sepulchre, and to effectuate the same, commanded his ashes to be enclosed in a box of Unicorn, which also was enclosed with gold, and placed in a pillar of most excellent marble, lined with most rich purple: all which being laden into a galley, he sent Tatian and Plotina, with the body unto Rome: all Rome went forth to receive the body of Trajan: and as it is said and written, there was never so much joy uttered for any man, that entered being alive: but much more sorrow was discovered, for Traianes coming dead. Adrian stayed in Antioch, which is the head of Syria, partly to assemble the whole army, and partly to recover money: for being then winter, he could neither camp for coldness of the weather: either march or journey for want of money.  
Adrian was there advertised, how the Mauritans did defy him, the Sarmatians did mutinate, the Britan's did rebel, the Palestines resist, the Egyptians disobey, and that all the Barbarians were in commotion. Finally, it is to be understood, that upon the death of Trajan, all people and nations were so scandalized, that it seemed not, but that he left the world without a master or an owner. Adrian perceiving the greater part of the Empire in commotion, determined to make them no war, but to entreat them by peace: and for this cause he refused and forsook all those kingdoms and Provinces, that lay beyond the river Euphrates, and the river Tigris, which the good Trajan had won and conquered: in which conquest he employed his noble person, and gave end unto his honourable life. Unto all kingdoms and Provinces, Adrian sent Ambassadors, to confederate with some, and to confirm peace with others: and with some he did capitulate things so slanderous, and with so great disadvantage: that it had been much better to have raised war, then to have procured a peace so infamous. Parsnapate king of the Parthians, came to complain unto Adrian, saying, that the good Trajan had given him that kingdom, and crowned him with his own hands, and now upon the death of Trajan, they would neither obey him, or suffer him to live within the kingdom. Adrian would not, or else durst not, make wars with the Parthians: but gave unto Parsnapate, the Signiory of certain countries and Provinces of Syria, being vacant at that time, as Lord to enjoy the fruits thereof, and as Roman praetor to govern the people. When Adrian had obtained the Empire, presently he published and said unto all men, that he would become a pitiful Prince: and truly, in some pitiful causes, he did show himself to be the son of Trajan: but in some rigorous matters, he seemed to be the brother of Nero. A certain man named Bebius, was Perfect in Rome, who was contrary unto Adrian, in all things that either touched his honour or profit: and being counseled to kill Bebius, for that he ceased not to be his adversary, made answer: I will not only permit Bebius to live, but also the office of praetor, which he held but for a year, I will confirm unto him during his life. Laberius and Frugius, two Roman Senators, were banished unto the Isle of Pontus, whom he commanded to return to their houses, and their goods to be restored them: but the Consul Frugius being mutinous, moving commotion betwixt Adrian and the Senate, he commanded to be thrown alive into Tiber: and obtained no less honour, in the executing of the one, then in pardoning the other. Unto certain Gentlemen of the army, that said unto Adrian in times past, that he should be Emperor, he gave double rewards: affirming, that he gave them not for their advertisement, but for their good william.   

CHAP. VII. Of his entry into Rome.  
Now when Summer was come, Adrian parted from Antioch to come to Rome: and left for Preposite of Syria, Catalius Severus, and took his way through Illyria, and determined to make war with the Sarmatians, which would not receive the Ambassadors of peace. Lucius Turbon, that had been praetor ten years in Mauritania, came forth to meet him upon the way, with whom Adrian had great friendship, being a young man, and in house with his Lord Trajan: presently he made him praetor of the Province of Datia, and Panonia. At that time Lucius Turbon was in Africa, master of the horse men, of whom Adrian was advertised, that he was very rich, and in great power throughout the kingdom, and that he had not obtained all that riches, in the time of war, but by bribery in time of peace.  
Adrian was not a little grieved, of that which was said by Lucius Turbone, because he was his friend, and also servant unto Trajan: but all this notwithstanding, he applied all that he had, unto the common treasure, and disarmed him of his knighthood. As much as Adrian did increase in potency, so much did his enemies increase in envy: in such manner, that they could neither incline their hearts to love him, either yield their strength to serve him. The case was thus, that Palma, Celsus, Sobaius, and Lucius, Adrian going on hunting, were determined in the midst of the chase, to rid him of his life: whereupon they were agreed, that in his swiftest pursuit of any wild beast, they would attend him in the most thickest pace or tract: & there under the colour to miss their level at the beast, would shoot and kill the Emperor. All these four were men of noble blood, and rich in goods, and were called Consulares: because at other times they had been Consuls: but as their treason was discovered, first by justice they were beheaded, before Adrian went on hunting. Great was the murmuring and mutiny throughout all Rome, when they understood how Adrian had executed so cruel justice, upon these four Consulares or noble men: partly for that they held opinion, that Adrian had raised that quarrel against them: and partly for custom and manner, for that few were the chastisements, which the good Trajan did execute, but great was the number that received pardon. Adrian being advertised, that for the death of the four Consulares, all Rome was scandalized, and that for a man revenging and cruel, his person was defamed, determined with all speed to come to Rome, to excuse himself of that fault. The affairs of Adrian stood not in so evil estate, as upon the way, they gave him advertisement: which did well appear, in that the Senate did offer him the triumph due unto Trajan, being cut off by death to enjoy the same: but Adrian refusing, gave order, that the Image of Trajan should be placed in the triumphant chariot: to the end that good Trajan should not want a triumph, although but after his death. Presently when Adrian came to Rome, he went to visit the Sepulchre of his Lord Trajan, where his eyes did shed many tears, and for him did offer unto the Gods most sumptuous sacrifices. All the Senate being joined, and also all the most principal of the people, unto whom Adrian made a long oration: wherein he gave them to understand of the state of the Empire: and did excuse himself of the death of the aforesaid four Consulares: because the officers of the Senate had made search and inquisition of the cause, and the Praetors of the armies did execute the sentence. The Senate did offer Adrian the title of Pater patriae, but he would not receive it, affirming it to be one of the titles of his lord Trajan: and since he had been a good father, it were great reason he should prove a good son. It was a custom in Rome and throughout all Italy, that when their Princes came newly to govern the Empire, that all cities and other people should furnish him with a certain sum of gold and silver: with the gold to make a crown, and the silver for the service of his house: and sometimes they did present so much gold to make the crown, that the remnant was sufficient to maintain the wars. Adrian refused not only this service to be demanded, but also returned that which was brought him: saying, that his crown should be rich, when his subjects should be in wealth. The officers of the treasury, that is to say, such as had the collection and keeping of the mass of Rome, had raised great rents, daily inventing new manner of tributes, in the common wealth: which being known unto Adrian, he commanded all new impositions to be removed from the common wealth, and the inventors thereof to be displaced from their offices. Generally the Romans complained unto Adrian of the dearth of victuals: forthwith he provided for provision of wheat from Sicyl, wines from Candie, and oil from Spain: and further, gave such prices unto the same, and all other victuals, that the poor might feed with the rich. He did promise and swear in the Senate to put no Senator unto death, although he were culpable, without the accused should first be heard, and his cause considered by all the Senate: and truly this oath did excuse Adrian of many executions, and was no less occasion that the Senators committed many faults. Princes have to consider what they swear and promise': for, from that day wherein Princes shall unable themselves, to punish vice and sin, from thenceforth their vassals shall follow wickedness. In the year that Adrian entered Rome, all things were dear, and the people not sound or in health: who using great magnificence, commanded much money to be given to the poor of the common wealth: in such wise, that it was not found that any died for hunger, either suffered any extreme necessity.  
There were many that had been banished, and diverse in prison for debt due unto the fiscal: that is to say, unto his chamber. Adrian gave commandment by public proclamation, that all such debts should be absolved, and that for any such debt, none should be runagates, either kept in prison. Adrian did derogate the law & custom of his predecessors, which is to wéet, that the goods of the condemned, should be for the Prince, which he commanded from thenceforth to be employed not to his chamber, but to the comfort of the common wealth: for he said and held opinion, that the judge should never be grieved, to punish offenders, when he should remember, to inherit a share of the offenders goods. He extremely delighted when any person came to crave, and much more did rejoice, if he had to give: but if by chance he had not to satisfy his demand, at the lest he gave him a friendly answer. From the time that Adrian was in possession of the Empire: he was never heard to say, or name, Trajan: but, my Lord Trajan.   

CHAP. VIII. ¶ Of the good conditions and inclinations of Adrian.  
WIth much diligence and no less secrecy, Adrian inquired, what life the Senators did lead, and what exercise they used: and such as he found poor and virtuous, he augmented their patrimony: and such as he found rich and vicious, he found mean to deprive them from the Senate. Adrian was a Prince, very skilful, and much considerate in punishing his officers and servants, that is to say: he kept secret from the people the causes why he removed any person from his office. And further, if he displaced any person from his commodity, he did not forget otherwise to recompense him, in such manner, that if he did chastise them, he did not dishonour them. Many times, did Adrian speak these words: Whom I shall see esteemed and worshipped in the common wealth, I will rather determine to take away his head then his honour. The rents which the good Trajan left in many parts of Italy, for the breeding of children, the sustaining of widows, & the marriage of Orphans, he did not only confirm, but also made better. All the servants of Trajan he did advance to better offices: & such as were not meet for offices, he gave them money. Adrian commanded search to be made, how many noble men were fallen into poverty: & such as were decayed by mischance, he relieved: & such as procured poverty by vice, he gave them leave to endure necessity. He gave help to all the Roman widows to marry their daughters, & he was not more bountiful in giving relief unto the daughters, than he was an enemy to secure the sons: for he held opinion, that, that young man deserved not to be married, that with his hands did not obtain a marriage. By three days space, he did celebrated the feast of the god Genius: that is to say, the day of his birth: and commanded upon those days, to give pitances unto all the people, and he with all the Senators and nobles did eat and banquet in his imperial palace: the cost whereof did not amount unto so little, but as they were three, if they had been six, the rents of the whole Empire had been spent, and part of their treasure.  
By the space of six continual days he did 'cause them to represent the game of sword players: and the people craved certain other plays, which he would not consent: not for that he delighted not therein, but to give them to understand in Rome, that it appertained unto Princes, as much to moderate their pleasures, as to give order for things of importance. Before Adrian was Emperor, he was thrice Consul, for which cause he made divers romans three times Consuls: and whereas some were offended, for want of like favour, he did answer: Such as did exceed me in merit, aught to be equal with me in dignity. Within the compass of Rome, never before the days of Adrian, were permitted more than two Consuls: the one to govern the common wealth, the other to go to the wars: but Adrian did add and created a third Consul: for that if the one should be sick, and the other resident in the wars, the common wealth should not remain without an head. Tutinus a noble knight of Rome, Adrian did created Senator, and gave him the ensigns of Consul, whereat the whole Senate was offended: affirming, that the Emperor aught or might not created in such manner: partly, because Tutinus was not of deserving, and partly, for that the advise of the Senate should have been used therein. Adrian was displeased with these words of the romans, and from thence forth did use more liberty in reparting offices, and less company in determining causes. He held Severianus in great veneration, which had married his sister, unto whom he gave both honour and great rewards: and at all times, when Severianus came unto his chamber to confer, and to understand his pleasure, Adrian came forth to meet and receive him at the door. Although Severianus came to visit Adrian, and Adrian came forth to receive Severianus, yet ancient and very mortal was the hatred betwixt them: for in this case, either of them did utter and discover, to be possessed with a most vile intent: for that Severianus did travail to deprive Adrian from Empire and honour, and Adrian with no less facility did take away his life. When Adrian was in Rome, at the lest he went thrice a week unto the Senate: and if he were either sick, or much busied, they did repair unto his presence: in such manner, that nothing of importance did pass in the Senate, wherein they did not use his judgement. Adrian, was of familiar conversation with his special friends, and with his particular servants, with whom he went to eat in their gardens, to fish at rivers, to hunt in the fields, and all other such like pastimes. Naturally he was given to have compassion of the sick, and herein he did neither consider whether they were friends or foes: for that indifferently he did visit them, and at his own charges did provide for them. He did not only visit the sick, but also the old men, decrepit with age: of whom at large he would inquire of the years that they had lived, the kingdoms they had traveled, the dangers they had passed, the enemies which they had held, & the necessities that they had endured, in such wise, that many times, of the things which they had said, of times past, he took example for the time present. Adrian was a most singular friend of virtuous men, and wise Philosophers, and never wanted their company, either in war or peace: because of the virtuous he learned how to live, and of the Philosophers how to govern.  
Turbone, master of the horse men had a son with Adrian, sufficiently valiant, and with Adrian very private: but jointly with this, he held him for presumptuous in speech, and covetous in dealings, because all which Adrian did at his request and suit, he sold it all for money: the truth of this case being known, Adrian received thereof so great displeasure, that presently he commanded the young man to be apprehended, and that all things which by bribery he had purloined should be taken from him, and restored unto the owners, and to be transported as a banished man to the Isle of Pontus: unto whom Adrian said, of this offence, thou shalt remain chastised, and I warned for ever more, to show overmuch and extreme favour unto my servant, whereby to convert love into pride, or to cell favour for covetise.   

CHAP. IX. ¶ Of the manner which Adrian used with the men of war.  
WHen Adrian parted from Almain to come to Rome, not as then determined to have stayed long there: but the occasion of his stay, was, for that the good Trajan, in his latter years, was detained so long time in the wars of Asia, & Europa, that the common wealths of Italy were grown to great and overmuch liberty. Adrian departing from Rome, came straight unto Gallia Transalpina: not to conquer but to visit the same. The frenchmen did much rejoice at his coming, and in every province did him great service, because Adrian was the first Roman Prince that ever entered France in peace, for that all his predecessors broke in by violent hostility. Personally visiting all Gallia, wherein he did erect new buildings, repaired the old, re-edified temples, reformed priests, set at liberty certain gentlemen, gave gifts unto the people, pardoned some offences, and punished others: finally all his deeds, were grateful unto the citizens, & profitable unto the common wealth. The affairs of France being set in order, once more he returned to pass the Alps, and took his way into Almain, without any disposition to make war, but to procure peace: for that Adrian naturally was given friendly with all men to have peace, which if they would not accept, he was not after easy to entreat.  
In the time that Adrian had most peace, than did he exercise his men of war, as if he had been amongst his enemies: and for this cause he held opinion, that all Princes did crave his peace, for that he was never unready to make war. Adrian invented many devices, wherein his knights might exercise their strength, as wagers to run, towers, and forts of wood, and earth, to assault, march ten against ten in combat: he sought out strong places to practise the art of mining, provoked them to go to wrestling, and brought them to rivers to learn to swim: finally, he held them so occupied, that they desired rather to fight an whole day in earnest, then so many days in jest. Also Adrian did use to feed of the common victuals of the camp, that is to say, gross baken, rat eaten cheese, powdered beef, and barley bread: and if any thing were dressed for his own person, more delicate than the rest, he made such division, that the lest part came to himself. What more or less, he always did wear some armour: and if by chance he found any gentleman unarmed, presently he was checked of his wages: affirming, that the man that goeth unarmed, aught not to be entreated and honoured as a gentleman. In the armies, amongst the greater or less, better or worse, their work or exercise was equally divided: which is to weet, when the time was to draw, all did hale and draw: and when the time was to dig, all without exception at their turn, did dig and mine: at the time of watching in their course, every man did watch: in these travels he did no more excuse himself then others: for at his turn, he did both watch and dig in the mine with his own hands. He had not, neither consented in the wars, the use of high tables to feed on, either portals to pass the time, neither canes to cool or recreate, either warmed water to bathe, neither cookery or dressing of meat, either selling of sweet ointments: for he held opinion, that the good and valiant soldiers, did not anoint themselves, but with the blood of enemies. Adrians' garments were not curious or costly, but very cleanly, whereunto he was addicted, both in diet, and apparel: and after a manner he did abhor such men as were not neat and fine: affirming, that filthy men be always of drowsy judgements.  
In the wars he did never wear silk, purple, or rich vesture, either buttons, or agglets of gold, or his dagger, sword, or armour guilt: but notwithstanding very fine and strong. When any was notified in the wars, of valiant and doughty deeds, presently he did notify him, with great and bountiful rewards: in such manner, that he did not defer to recompense at Rome any service done in the wars. When he travailed through mountains, most times he did alight to bring other men on foot, and did march xv. or xx. miles in his armour: and this he did, to keep their horses fresh and lusty, if they should hap to encounter with the enemy. He did always lodge within the camp, and ordinarily he went from tent to tent, to visit the wounded, and with the whole and sound to have conversation. Adrian was so familiar with his men of war, that he called very many by their names, and knew all men by their gesture: in such wise, that no enemy or stranger, might enter his camp that to him was unknown. When a horseman's room was vacant in the wars, the captains sought out such as should succeed: but Adrian in his own person would examine him, and this he did, to know his face, and try his strength. Such as he did elect tribunes, or captains of his armies, were very valiant, but not covetous: and jointly therewith, he admitted not young men without beards, either old men broken or decayed: doubting, in too much youth, want of government: and in too much age, strength to fight. He made good pay unto his men of war, straightly forbidding his captains to embezzle any wages, or to take away present giving unto the soldiers: and this Adrian did, to avoid necessity in the one, and covetise in the other. He did prohibit by a public law, that none should carry unto the wars any superfluous thing, and that none should presume to buy or cell any thing that was not necessary. Very diligent to furnish his camps with victuals, which being brought unto the camp, he did so prize them, that the buyer was not rob, either the seller defrauded. Imitating Vegetius, Adrian did writ a book, wherein he did instruct the captains, how they should fight: and an order, how tribunes should govern the armies: to conformity whereof he made many excellent laws, which for long time were observed of the Roman Princes. In this case, of order, provision, and correction of the men of war, they were only three Princes that attained unto the chief perfection thereof: that is to say, Augustus, Trajan, and Adrian, because all other Princes, held men of war not to defend, but to dissipate the common wealth.   

CHAP. X. ¶ Of the acts that Adrian did in England, France, and Spain.  
ALl the time that Adrian was in Almain, he did most occupy himself in reforming his men of war into good customs and order, which he did not without great prudence, after the manner of a good mariner, which in time, when the Sea is calm, doth dress and mend his fails, & order his anchors against the storm and soudein chances that may follow in time to come.  
From Almain, Adrian came unto great Britain, which is now called England, and there found peace, as in France, which was then holden for a great marvel: because from the time of julius Caesar, which did first conquer the same, unto the days of Adrian, they were never without wars with the French men, or rebelling against the romans. Presently upon his entry into Britain, he sought curiously to be informed of the laws they held, and of the customs they used: which being perused and examined, some he did allow, and some he did remove and make frustrate: especially, he did annihilate that law, whereby the man should hold two. wives, and the woman vii husbands. When julius Caesar did conquer the Island of England, he brought many people out of Italy to inhabit that country: and although the native, with the stranger, held no war, yet lived they not in perfect peace: for the Britan's did term the romans new come men, and the romans did call them Barbarians. Adrian finding that no friendship might be framed by prayer, or amendment by correction, devised to divide the kingdom in the midst: and the case was thus: that in the mids of the kingdom, he made a wall from Sea to Sea, a work most strange, wherein this Prince did employ great treasure. Adrian being resident in Britain, was advertised from Rome of the want of good government that was used in his wives house, by the occasion of certain romans, which adventured to accompany the Empress: whose conversation was more to the prejudice of his fame, then to the profit of his service. Septicius Prefectus, and Sortonius Tranquillus, which at that time were Secretaries unto the Senate: these & others grew very familiar with the Empress Sabina: whom Adrian sent commandment to be deprived of their offices, and to be banished Rome, Sabina, Adrians' wife, was holden to be frank of speech, and of life somewhat licentious. Adrian did greatly abhor to have Sabina unto his wife: and would say, not in secret, but openly, that if he were a common person, he would have been divorced, for that in her conversation she was presumptuous, & in life lose & dissolute. Adrian was much inclined to understand, not only the conditions & inclinations of his friends but also of the manner which they used to live in their houses: for the understanding whereof, he would inquire of the servants, slaves and labourers that brought them victuals, what they did eat, and what they did drink, & what their masters spent in their houses. Sabina wife unto Adrian, did writ a certain letter unto a Roman gentleman, complaining that he would not come to visit her, through the pleasures of Britain, & new loves in that country that he had taken in hand, which letter happening by chance into the hands of Adrian, & the knight understanding thereof, neither went to Rome or abode in Britan. All things set in order in great Britan, Adrian had intelligence, that in Gallia Transalpina, which now is named sweet France, a popular sedition was raised, in such evil manner, that if it were not presently cut off, it might break out into a long & cruel war. All the contention was raised upon certain bounds & pastures, in a place called Apim: Presently Adrian passed into Gallia, & personally went to see the marks & bounds thereof: & the one & the other heard, he did divide those bounds & limits equally betwixt them. When as a Roman said unto Adrian, that it was the office of a poor judge, & not of a mighty Emperor, he answered: I had rather divide bounds in peace, then conquer countries with war. Now, when Adrian would depart from France, he received news from Rome, how Plotina wife unto Trajan was dead: and as she had been his only mistress, & his special friend, he felt her death so sensibly that besides sighing & weeping, he grew so extremely sorrowful, that he did not eat in long time. He staid in the place where he received these news many months, and presently did writ unto the Senate, that Plotina should be adored amongst the Goddessses: and on the other part, he commanded costly & generous sacrifices to be offered for her: he did edify unto her honour & perpetual memory, a temple near unto Mansin, which he erected upon pillars of marvelous marble, & did endue with great riches. The affairs of France being dispatched, he came by the Pyrinean hills, into Spain, & stayed a whole Winter in the city of Taragon: which in those ancient times, was the most strong, rich, & also most esteemed in all Spain. When the Emperor Octavius did conquer Cantabria, he did build in Taragon, a most noble house, which by the antiquity thereof was much decayed: the emperor Adrian at his own cost, commanding to be re-edified in such wise, that by repairing the decayed edificies, he renewed there the name of Romans. The imperial house being made, Adrian kept court there with all the mighty and noble men of Spain: where and with whom he made many and good laws: and in especial, he commanded that the father which had but one son, should commit the same unto the wars, if he had twain, the second should be committed unto science, and the third should learn some occupation in the common wealth.  
The Spaniards complained, that the ships of Italy did transport many things out of Spain, that is to say, gold, silver, silk, oil, yarn, wheat, and wine: and out of Italy, they brought nothing into Spane: whereupon Adrian commanded, that no strange ship should lad any thing out of Spain. Adrian gave great rewards unto many, and some for company, he caused to go with him, and others some he gave offices both by Sea and land, of great honour: and generally, he gave money unto all cities, to repair their decayed walls, in such wise, that all Spain, of him, held themselves right well contented. There in Taragon, Adrian walking alone in a garden, by chance, a young man being mad, broke forth upon him with sword drawn: Adrian, although without armour, did take away his sword, without commandment of correction, either to him or his master, & also with great pity, provided for his cure: of which deed Adrian was praised for valiant and pitiful. Also in the province of Taragon, they had cotention for their bounds, wherein Adrian provided to plant land marks of stone, after the manner of pillars, to the end, that they should neither be stolen or changed.   

CHAP. XI. ¶ How Adrian did pass into Asia, and of the things that chanced there.  
ALl the provinces of Spain being visited, Adrian made his navigation, by the Sea Mediterrane unto the Isle of Sicyl, where he mounted the hill Aetna, to behold the marvelous things therein contained: from whence he descended more in fear and abashed, then either instructed or satisfied. Adrian being descended from the hill Aetna, astonished, wearied and also derided, staid not in that kingdom, but to visit the works of the good Trajan, which he did amplify with buildings, and endued with patrimonies. Adrian being resident in Sicyl, understood that Asterlike the greatest lord of Germany was dead, in whose place he presently created a king, whom he sent to govern the same, both well received, and better obeyed: because the Germans held themselves scandalized, in that they had not kings to govern them, but Consuls to chastise them.  
The Mauritans, and the Numidians being divided in cruel dissension, and understanding that Adrian was in Sicyl, ready to pass into Africa: amongst themselves they cut off all causes of war, and concluded an assured peace. At that time also the Parthians suddenly did arm themselves, came into the field, made captains, and fortified their frontiers: and brought their signiory to be over the romans, and not the romans over the Parthians. Adrian being advertised of this commotion, prepared a great army to pass into Asia, and also did writ unto the Parthians, giving to understand, that he held them as his friends, and the Senate esteemed them as brethren, and not as vassals: wherewith the Barbarians were so much satisfied, that presently they left their armour, and proclaimed peace throughout the lands. Notwithstanding, he was advertised of the Parthians retire, he always continued his navigation into Asia: and descended first in Achaia, and entered Elusin, a famous city of that province: and leading a great army, & possessing but little money, he seized the sacred things of the temples, saying, that he did it not, as a Roman Prince, but as a Graecian: for that Hercules and Philip being Greek Princes, had first done and attempted the same. He alone did enter the temples of Asia, which was holden for great valiantness: because without armour, he entered amongst the armed Priests: and being demanded, why he would enter to rob those temples alone and unarmed, answered: because, from our barbarous enemies we take by violence, but from the Gods by request.  
Adrian departed also unto Athens, and curiously did consider the order of their studies, and the manner of their life: and said, that in Athens, there was nothing perfect, but Agonata the sword player: because he had greater readiness and skill to play with the sword, than the Philosophers in teaching Sciences: Which notwithstanding, he did greatly honour the Philosophers: and to some towns, he gave great liberties: from thence, he returned to Rome, where he stayed but to visit, to honour, and also to bewail and mourn upon the tomb of Plotina. Which being finished, Adrian again went into Sicyl, and from thence into Africa, where he did visit many towns and cities, re-edified certain buildings, banished divers Numidians, and also Mauritanes, for their mutinies. From thence he did pass once more into Asia, straight unto Athens, where he finished a certain temple which he had begun, dedicating the same unto the God jupiter, wherein he did engrave the Image of Trajan, & did paint with his own hands the figure of Plotina, his most especial sovereign lady and mistress. The greatest exercise that Adrian did use in Asia, was in building, repairing, and consecrating temples: wherein he did place his name, and paint with the pencil, or else in Alabaster did grave his figure.  
Adrian feasted and made a great banquet unto king Cosdroe, at that time king of Parthians, & also did restore him his daughter, which was committed for hostage unto the good Trajan, and a litter curiously wrought with silver, gold and Unicorn, and gave him also many other jewels. Many kings of Asia and other great Princes, came to visit and to honour Adrian, who gave them all so noble entertainment, and so highly rewarded them, that great was the honour and magnificence he obtained amongst them. Pharasmano king of the Albans refusing to visit the Emperor Adrian, and to renew the league made betwixt him and the good Trajan: not many days after, Adrian wanted not occasion to dispossess him of his estate, and to banish him all Asia, constrained thereby to crave upon his knees, which would have been given him, sitting in his chair. Adrian, traveling and journeying throughout Asia, visiting his presidents, procurors, and chief officers, finding amongst them faults of great enormity, did punish the same with most cruel chastisements. The cause is not unknown of the displeasure that Adrian did bear unto Antioch, which hatred was so great, that he travailed to divide Syria from Phoenicia, to the end that Antioch should not be the head of so many provinces. Visiting also the whole country of Arabia, he came unto the renowned city of Peluno, only to visit the sepulture of the great Pompeius, which he renewed and enriched, and also did offer great and sumptuous sacrifices, in the honour of the great Pompeius: whereof the Roman people being advertised, received no small delight. He did not only honour the sepulture of Pompeius, but also gave great rewards unto the people of Pelusio, because they had that sepulchre in reverence, placing upon the sepulchre with his own hands this verse as followeth: Ossa viri magni, tenni quam blausa sepulchro.  
How small a tomb of lime and stones,  
Contains a valiant warriors bones.   

CHAP. XII. ¶ Of the great liberality that Adrian used, and some cruelties that he committed.  
ONe of the things, wherein the Emperor Adrian deserved most justly to be praised was, that with all men he used great magnificence and liberality: for that naturally, in receiving he was a niggard: but in giving very bountiful. There was not ever any thing demanded, that he gave not: if it were not prevented by some other's suit, which always he did recomfort with hope for time to come. The rewards of his nobleness, was the gift of towns, cities, castles, Provinces, kingdoms, mountains, rivers, flocks or herds, salt marshes, mills, offices: and not only such as happened in the government of the common wealth: but also he gave the horses out of his stable, the garments for his person, the provision for his dispenses, and the money for his chamber: in such wise, that to deliver others from necessity, he brought himself in to want of provision. Adrian in his life was noted of divers weaknesses and defections, which were both coloured and covered, with his large and bountiful gifts. Great were the rewards that he gave unto Epiteus, and Eliodorus philosophers: but much more was his liberality towards Phavorinus, because he both gave him great goods, and honour in the common wealth. His custom was, when he sent for any to serve him in the wars, to give him all things necessary for the same, that is to say, armour to fight, & money to spend. Adrian being advertised of a noble gentleman of Numidia, named Malacon, a man both valiant & warlike: who refusing to receive the usual reward that Adrian gave unto such as did accompany him in wars, said unto him: It is more reason that I should prevent thee, in doing mine office, than thou shouldest precede me in doing thy duty: which is to say, that before thou begin to fight, I should begin to gratify thee: for in the end, it is much more that thou dost for me, in adventuring thy life, than I in rewarding thee with my goods. Many times Adrian would boast himself, that he could never remember that he had eaten alone, but always did eat in the company of Philosophers that disputed in Philosophy: either else of captains, that did talk and confer in matters of war.  
He was neat in his apparel, curious and delicate in his diet. Examining the order of the diet of his household, and finding the provision provided for the honour thereof, to be imbeziled and purloined by officers, he commanded them to be whipped, and turned out of his gates: for notwithstanding, he had a noble mind, to give a Province for a reward, he had not patience to suffer or endure, the deceit or stealth of a penny. Adrian was a man both severe, gladsome, grave, courteous, pleasant, suffering, rash, patiented, furious, a saver, liberal, a dissembler, pitiful, & cruel: finally, he was variable in his vices, and inconstant in virtues: because he did not long abstain from evil, either long continued in doing good. Adrian unto his friends, was both grateful and unkind: that is to say, he gave them much goods, and did not much esteem their honour. Great inconvenience did follow the Emperor Adrian, for his infidelity and want of faith unto his friends: which did most clearly show itself in Tatianus, Nietus, Severus, and Septitius: whom at one time he held for friends, & after did persecute them as enemies. Eudemius a noble Gentleman of Rome, he was so great a friend with Adrian, that he offered sacrifices unto the gods to give him the Empire: and after Adrian did bear him so great hatred, that he did persecute him, not only to cast him out of Rome, but also until he had brought him to extreme poverty. Polenus and Marcellus, were of Adrian so evil handled and persecuted, that they chose rather to die with their own hands: then to live under his government. Eliodorus, a most famous man in letters, both Greek and Latin, was not only of Adrian persecuted, but also put to death, and torn in pieces: whose death was much be wailed for that he was profitable unto the whole common wealth. Oluidius, Quadratus, Catalius, & Turbon, ancient Consuls, were by Adrian persecuted, although not put to death, because every one seeking to save his life, were banished Rome and all Italy. The noble Consul Severianus, husband unto Sabina, sister unto Adrian, of the age of a hundred and ninety years, was constrained to die, for no more, but for that he had reported to have lived the death of thirteen Emperors, & that if Adrian should die first, it should make up the number of xiv. the which, when Adrian understood, he rather determined to take him from amongst the living, than he should reckon him amongst the dead. In all things Adrian was very well learned: that is to say, reading, writing, singing, painting, fight, hunting, playing, and disputing: but that he had therewith a attach or a fault: which was, that if he knew much, he presumed much, wherein he was noted of all men, because he scorned all men. After he entered into Egypt, he gave himself unto Astrology: and held for custom yearly to writ out of that science, of all things that should happen that year: which also he did in the year that he died, but obtained not the knowledge thereof.  
Adrian in one thing did seem to excel, in that he never desired the knowledge of any faculty, art, or science: but that he procured to be singular. He overcame many wars with arms, but he did appease and cut off many more with gifts: because unto divers peoples, cities, and towns, he gave liberty and privileges, and to his Lords and viceroys, he gave great rewards. Although in some particular things, touching both friends and enemies, he showed himself both affectionate, and also passionate: universally, as touching the weal of the common wealth, Adrian was always friend in ministering justice. When there happened any grave matters, at the souden, he would furiously be altered: but at the time of judgement and determination, seriously he did both consider & examine them. He did seldom determine matters without counsel, and to this end chief used the advice of Silvius and Neratius, the most learned of that age, and approved by the Senate. Naturally, he was of an unquiet heart, and of condition intermeddling. It did happen unto him many times in reading of histories, when he found of any place or country, that was possessed of any extremity, or singularity, that he could not come to the view thereof, with extreme desire, he did many times grow both sick and sorrowful. Notwithstanding he was large and of great magnanimity with Philosophers, with countries, with men of war, and with his friends: much more was his magnificence to the ministers of justice: and being demanded of Favorinus, why he was so bountiful unto them, answered: I make the ministers of justice rich: because, by robbery of justice, they shall not make other men poor.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the laws that Adrian made.  
MAny and right necessary laws were made by Adrian, which were approved by the Senate, and received of the common wealth, and long time observed. He did ordain, that if any man would remove from one city to an other, that at his own liberty he might cell his house, but not to adventure to pull it down, either to sell or make profit of the stuff thereof: because the authority of a common wealth is impaired, when the buildings be ruinated. He did also ordain, that when any man was condemned to die for offences of great enormity, and his goods confiscate, that his children, should enjoy the tenth part of those goods: in such wise, that for that, which was taken from them, they had to bewail the offence of their fathers, and for that which was given them, they should feel, and also commend the clemency of the Prince.  
Also there were certain cases forbidden, in which if any man did fall, or incur, he was accused as if he had committed great treason against the estate Royal of the Prince: all which Adrian did remove and annihilate: affirming, that those laws, were but of small service, to the behoof of the Prince, and to the great offence of the common wealth. Also the Roman Princes did use to inherit the goods of strangers: wherein Adrian did ordain, that the children, or the next of the kin should enjoy the same. Also he ordained, that what so ever he were, that found hid treasure, in his own inheritance, should enjoy the whole: and if it were found in an other man's inheritance, the owner thereof should have the one moiety: and if it were found in public or common place, that then it should be equally parted with the Confiscator. Also he ordained, that no man what so ever, of his own authority should kill his slave, for any offence: but to be remitted unto the judge, deputed by the Prince. Also he made a law of refourmation, both for eating of superfluous meats, and also for wearing of garments, either too many, or over costly. Also he did ordain, that none what so ever, should go or be carried in a litter: and one which he had, he commanded for example, to be burnt, in the market place. He also commanded that Consuls, and Senators, within the compass of Rome, should wear their gowns, which was a garment of peace. He also ordained, that young men that wanted their parents, should have tutors unto the age of five and twenty years: although they were married. He also did ordain, that no slave should be sold, either man or woman, to any ruffian, jester, or juggler: affirming the possession of slaves, to be most unjust, unto such as wander in idleness all the days of their life. Also he did ordain, that merchants, or such as dealt with exchange, that broke their credit, or were bankrupts without just cause, but only of covetousness, by defraud to enrich themselves: to be set upon the pillory in the market place, and afterwards to be banished Rome for evermore. He did ordain, that none what so ever, should suffer execution within the city of Rome: affirming, that so generous a city, and consecrated unto the Gods, were not convenient to be defiled with the blood of wicked men. Also he did ordain, that men and women should have their several baths, and that who so ever should enter into the forbidden place, to suffer death for the same. Also he did ordain, that neither for the Prince or Consuls, any victuals should be taken from any man: but that every man might cell to whom he would, where he would, and how he might. He did ordain, that no woman should adventure to heal with words, either that any man should presume to cure with compound medicines: but to perform all their cures, with simple herbs. In buildings he did chief imitate his Lord Trajan: that is to say, that in all countries, Provinces, and kingdoms, where he had been, he erected many and very famous buildings: wherein it is to be noted, that he never placed his own name, but in the temple of Trajan. In Rome, in a manner he wholly renewed the temple named Pantheus, dedicated unto the Goddess Berecyntha, and where all the Gods were honoured. The field of Mars in old time was compassed, and by great antiquity the buildings fallen flat unto the ground: wherein Adrian did not only renew the decayed walls, but also did furnish the same with very stately buildings. He edified the real palace named Neptunus, he enlarged the palace of Augustus, he re-edified the bath of Tiberius, he much advanced the temple of Titus: in all these edifices, he placed the names of the Princes that in times past built them, and not his own name which had re-edified them. From the foundation he built a stately bridge, which was afterwards named Adrians' bridge. He made also for himself a sepulchre, joining unto the river Tiber, the stones whereof were brought from India, and the workmen out of Greece. He translated the temple of the Goddess of good Fortune, and the figure of Decian the artificer that was placed therein: that was of so great weight, that hardly four & twenty Eliphants might remove the same, the which figure was dedicated unto the Sun: Adrian did erect one other to be dedicated unto the Moon, of no less weight or riches then the other: whereof the great Polydore was workman. He built in Rome a certain building, which many years after was named, the mole of Adrian: and at these days is called, the castle of of Saint Angelo. He removed many rivers out of their channels to water the fields, brought many fountains, for provision of cities. In Greece he edified a city, which in time past, was named Adrianopolis. In the kingdom of Palestine, he re-edified the great city Jerusalem, which had been destroyed by Titus and Vespasian, and gave it for name, Elia, for that his own name was Elius Adrianus.   

CHAP. XIIII. Of some of his gracious and pithy sentences.  
THe Emperor Adrian was a Prince, not only sharp of judgement, and provident in his affairs, but also of great urbanity, and gracious in speech. And the case was thus, that Favorinus a very friend to Adrian, having an old house, at the entry whereof, he had raised a stately porch painted white, he said unto him: This house of thine, seemeth a gilded pill, which outwardly giveth pleasure, but within is full of bitterness. another friend of Adrian'S, named Silvius, very black of face, and of evil shape of body, and coming on a certain day unto the Palace, all clad in white: Adrian said unto those that were present: That black face with that white garment, seemeth no other but a fly drowned in a spoonful of milk. The Emperor Adrian, upon a time from his Palace, beheld a Senator, in a long black gown, wearing upon the same a short crimson cloak in grain: and demanding, why he did wear such apparel in that place: the Senator answered. Sir, I walk here with this read cloak, to see if my good hap may chance to fish some fair Lady. Whereunto Adrian readily answered: Thou seemest rather a read worm to fish frogs, then as a man enamoured to fish Ladies. A certain person with a hoary head, craving a reward, which at that time the Emperor denied: the said hoar headed fellow, remembering himself, pouling his head, and shaving his beard, came again unto the Emperor, to renew his suit: and Adrian beholding how he was altered, made fresh, and grown young, did answer: That which now thou cravest, I denied unto thy father. They held in Rome many fierce beasts, to magnify a day of great feasting: and when certain Senators said unto Adrian, that it was somewhat late, and high time to go chase the beasts, he made answer: You might better have said, to be chased of them, than the beasts to be chased of men: for if there be ten that dare abide them, there be ten myllians that run away.  
There was in Rome, a certain man named Enatius, somewhat entered in age, and of natural condition, mutinous, ambitious, importune, intermeddling, quarrelous, & full of garboil: and being advertised that Enatius was dead, he fell into a great laughter, and swore, that he could not a little marvel, how he could intent to die: considering his great business both night and day. A certain ancient citizen coming unto the Emperor Adrian, for certain suits and causes propounding his demand, and also replying an answer without intermission, removing without all manner, any mean for the Emperor to speak, answered: Friend, if thou feed on both cheeks, we may not eat both together: Surely, it was an answer very fair, and of great urbanity: for, thereby he gave him to understand, that if he both propound and answer, he could not give him justice. There was a Senator in Rome, named Fabius Cato, of ancient years, and amongst the people, in great credit: but jointly therewith he was a man of a small stature, which would soon be offended, and as soon be pleased: unto whom on a time Adrian said: Since your chimney is so small, you must beware to lay much wood upon the fire: for otherwise it will be always smoky.   

CHAP. XU. Of the things that he did worthy praise, and some other things worthy dispraise.  
THe Emperor Adrian, did use and entreat such as did serve him, very well and with great affection: but he might not endure them, to presume to be over private: for he would say, that he held them not to command him, but to serve him: and grew not a little displeased, with such as were not moderate in their deeds, and courteous in their words. Being in Spain in the city of Taragon, he beheld in a garden, one of his mean servants, walking betwixt two Senators: unto whom he commanded to be given a great blow, with this advertisement: The Emperor commandeth this blow to be given thee, because thou shalt be ashamed to presume to walk, with such as thou art bound to serve. In his diet he was neither temperate, much less a gormound that used excess: for that he left not to eat of any thing, in respect of health, or virtue: but without diet, did eat, both what and when he liked. In wine he had a good relish, and at times drank thereof so frankly, that he hindered the health of his person, and also the credit of his fame. There was in his days great earthquakes, pestilences, dearth, and hunger: in which calamities, he showed himself a pitiful Prince, and of great magnanimity: because in time of hunger, he gave the people wherewith to be sustained, and in time of earthquakes, money to re-edify. He discharged many cities of their whole tributes, and to others some part he released: in such wise, that in all his Empire there was no city, that newly received not, some benefit at his hand, either delivered not from some old payment. In the first year of his Empire, the river Tiber did so overflow, that three days damage thereof, was not repaired in three years. He was of the men of war much feared, for that he did chastise them: and no less beloved, because he did pay them. The chiefest cause, of his great praise in Chronicles, or of writers of histories, and the tender affection that the romans did bear him, proceeded, that in time of peace, he held his men of war in great civility: and in time of war, he governed the common wealth, as if it had been in peace. Always when the Senators repaired unto him, either to eat, or for affairs, he did always entertain them standing: and if they were Consuls, he came forth to receive them, and if they were judges, he did rise when they came before him: and if they were officers of the Senate, he would somewhat stoop or nod with the head: in such wise, that with all, he used great courtesy: and in speech and conference, no less urbanity. To repair temples, to provide priests, and to offer sacrifices, he was a Prince both careful and diligent: and jointly therewith it is to be noted, he consented not to the invention of new devices, and much less did he admit strange customs.   

CHAP. XVI. Whom Adrian did adopt to succeed him in his Empire.  
AFter the Emperor Adrian had traveled in a manner throughout the world, by sea and land, and passed both cold and heat, he fell into a grievous sickness: he himself, giving occasion thereof, for that in his diet, either in the time of heat, or cold, did seldom or hardly use any order. Presently upon his sickness, his heart was touched with great care, upon the determination, whom he should adopt to the succession of the Empire: because many did follow him, that did much desire it, but very few that did deserve it. The death of Severian, Dion doth report, was after this manner. Adrian on a certain day at his dinner, said unto the Consuls that sat at his table: I would have you name me ten men, in science learned, and sincere of life: unto one of which I may commend, after my days, the estate of the common wealth. They all using silence unto that demand, Adrian said: reckon me but nine, for I have one, and such a one, as is my brother in law, Severian: for that he hath both age, and gravity, After a few days, that these things did pass, Adrian being in great danger through a flux of blood, that broke forth without ceasing at his nose: doubting that first his life should have finished, before the blood would have staunched: did point with his finger, Lucius Commodus to be his successor. And after recovering more health, he was advertised, that Severian and Fuscus his nephew, continued murmuring, at that which he had commanded: and that unto him the Empire was not directed: Adrian began to disdain and abhor him with great hatred. This Severian of the age of ninety years, Adrian commanded to be slain: because he set himself in the imperial chair, and gave unto such as were in favour with the Emperor, a solemn supper, and because in secret, he had conference with the captains of wars. Before that Severian died, he determined to have given the Empire unto the Consul Fuscus, which was his nephew: but when Adrian understood, that Fuscus had conference with Magicians and Soothsayers, to be advertised, if he should enjoy the Empire, he put him to death: in such wise, that he both lost the inheritance, and also his life. Pletorius Metus, came to visit Adrian in his sickness: which being his great friend, he would neither hear nor see: because he did imagine, that he came not to visit, but to inherit. Gentian the Consul, a noble and ancient Roman, also he persecuted, for no other cause, but for that he understood, he was both liked and honoured of the Senate: and that all men did hope he should succeed him in the Empire. The Emperor Adrian did never show himself so cruel in his life, as he did somewhat before his death: because all those that he thought, did hope to succeed him in the Empire, he commanded to be banished or slain. Being sick in a village, named Tiburtina, of a flux of blood, where he remained many days both desperate, unruly, and out of temper: for that he had no patience, to think that he should die, and an other should succeed him.  
There was always some unkindness betwixt him, and the empress Sabina, but in the end, Adrian used such skill, that secretly he gave poison unto his wife Sabina, whereby she finished his life, and he lost his suspicion. When Adrian perceived that of necessity he must needs die, and that an other must have his Empire, he appointed Cenoio for his successor, son in law unto Niger: and this he did against the minds of all them which did serve him, and also of all such as did best love him: because many others seemed to be of more deserving, and also of more ability to govern the Empire. Unto this Cenoio he gave the name of Elio vero Caesar: and to the end it should be grateful unto the people, and confirmed of the Senate: he gave them the Circen plays, which was unto them very acceptable, & did distribute throughout Rome, four thousand Sextercies. Presently upon the adoption of Cenoio, he gave him the Pretourship, he placed him before the Panoniaes', which were admitted to go next his person, did created him the second time Consul, did set him at his own table, and did permit to accompany him in the litter: finally, Adrian did entreat him as his son, and all did serve him as their Lord  
Presently after that, Cenoio was adopted, he fell sick, of the disease of death: in such wise, as he had not leisure to give thanks unto the Senate: whereof Adrian being advertised, said unto the Senate: Unto a weak wall were we stated, that day when Cenoio was elected. Cenoio died in the Kalends of januarie, for which cause he was not bewailed of the people: for that month being dedicated unto the God janus, no Roman durst bewail the dead, either utter any sorrows for the living. Adrian finding himself more oppressed with infirmity, did adopt and declare Antoninus Pius his successor: upon condition, that he should adopt the good Marcus Aurelius, and his brother Annius Verus. The adoption of Antoninus, was displeasant unto some, but especially unto Attilius Severus who with great care did solicit the Empire for himself: and at that time being Perfect of the city, some he did corrupt with money, and some with fair promises: but Adrian being advertised of the web that Attilius had in hand, did not command him to be slain, but to be banished all Italy.   

CHAP. XVII. How and where the Emperor Adrian died.  
ON the day that Adrian commanded the old Severian to be put to death, before the executioner came to cut his throat, in a vessel he put certain coals, adding thereunto some incense, lifting up his eyes unto heaven, he said: You immortal Gods I take to witness, if I be culpable wherein I am accused, and for which this day I am condemned and put to death, and jointly therewith I request and beseech you, that in testimony of my innocency, ye give me no other revengement: but that when Adrian shall desire to die, he may not die.  
For the time that the Consul Severian was executed, Adrian never enjoyed one day of health, but many times desired to die, and sought occasions to kill himself: but Antoninus Pius understanding thereof, commanded him to be guarded by day, and watched by night. Being assailed with extreme infirmity, and not able either to eat, or sleep, he many times sought venom to drink, sometimes he would have a knife to kill himself, sometimes he would not eat, by pure hunger to hasten his death: whereof the Senate being advertised, they did humbly crave, that it might please his excellency, to have patience in that infirmity, since the Gods were pleased to lengthen his life. Adrian was much despited, with this suit of the Senate: and so much displeased with him that said it, that he should be taken and put to death. Adrian had a Barber named Mastor, both faithful and valiant, that did attend on his person when he did hunt, being his ancient servant: whom he did most instantly desire, and secretly threaten, to dispatch him of his life: but the barber being terrified, to hear such words, fled out at gates. By chance he recovered a knife into his hands, wherewith he would have dispatched himself: but by force it was taken from him, but therewith and from thence forward, more desirous to die, and his life more hateful unto him. Adrian had also a Physician borne in Africa, this man he did most instantly request, to minister unto him some poison, to finish his sorrowful and most wretched life: so hateful unto himself: but the Physician was so faithful unto his lord, & not able to resist the suit of his sovereign, determined to drink the same, & to die. Adrian holding himself, for the most unfortunate, & the extremest wretch in distress, that so much desired death, and could not but live: & most truly the suit of Severian unto the gods, was most thoroughly performed in him: that is to say, that they would enlarge his life, when he should desire to die. Antoninus Pius being now declared, and confirmed for Caesar, and Adrian every day finding himself to grow in weakness, departed from Rome, unto the port of Baias, where he remained, using many experiences in medicines and Physic: which for his health did little profit, and to shorten his life, gave some assistance. Adrian died in that port of Baias, the sixth day of july: and was buried in a village named Ciceroniana. He lived threescore and two years, and reigned one and twenty years, six months, and sixteen days. Before Adrian died, he commanded this verse to be placed upon his sepulchre. Turba medicorum, Regem interfecit. Which is to say, The Emperor Adrian by trusting Physicians, gave so hasty an end unto his years.    

The life of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, compiled by Sir Anthony of Guevara, Bishop of Mondonnedo, Preacher, Chronicler, & counselor unto Charles the fift.  

CHAP. I ¶ Of the lineage and country of the Emperor Antoninus Pius.  
THe natural country of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, was of Gallia Transalpina, which is as much to say, of sweet France: and was borne in a city named Nemesa, which from the time of julius Caesar, was established a Colonel of Rome. His grandfather was named Titus Fuluius, a man both generous and valiant, who in the times that julius Caesar did conquer France, did utter his great partiality in the behalf of the Roman Empire: for which cause after the wars were ended, he came to Rome. Titus Fuluius in passing into Italy, and settling in Rome, had happy and great success: for the Fathers of the Senate, besides their recompense for service, they made him a citizen of Rome. He had such skill to profit himself by that liberty, and proved so cunning to content the people, that within the space of four years, he was twice Consul, once Governor of the city, and once judge: in such wise, that his virtue was more beneficial than others, to be natural of the country.  
The father of Antoninus Pius, was named Fuluius Aurelius: a man virtuous and learned, and no less than his grandfather Titus, was twice Consul: his grandmother of the mother's side, was named Bobinia, and the father of his mother, which was, Arrius Antoninus, was no less esteemed in the Roman Empire, than was his other grandfather: for he was judge two years, Master of the horse men one year, Tribune of the people an other year, and in the end, two times Consul. This Arrius Antoninus, was a great persecuter of Domitian, a great friend of Nerua, and very private with Trajan: which when he perceived Nerua to accept the Empire being so old, he had great compassion of him, and said these words: My friend Nerua, I give thee to understand, either it is some curse from thy predecessors, or some vengeance that the Gods will take of thee: since they permit thee to take the Empire, and at the time of most need, to have counsel, they deprive thee of thy sound and good judgement.  
The good old Nerua, did so sensibly feel these words, spoken by his friend Antoninus, that had it not been by the great importunity of Trajan, he had presently renounced the Empire: which if he had done, as afterwards he did, he had not erred: because his age was too great, and his strength but weak. Antoninus Pius had a father in law, named julius Lupus, which long time was a Senator, that desired not to bear office, but with his patrimony to live in quietness.  
Antoninus Pius married with the daughter of Annius Verus, who was named Annia Faustina, a woman of excelling beauty, and this was mother unto the famous Faustine, wife unto the great Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Antoninus Pius, and Faustine his wife had two sons, which died in their youth: and also two daughters, of which the elder was married unto the Consul Sillanus, which also died in their youth. The second daughter (as the mother) was named Faustine, & married unto Marcus Aurelius, in whom the succession of the Empire did remain. Antoninus Pius had but one sister, named julia Fadilla, whom he tenderly loved: not only, for that he had no more, but because they were twins and borne both at a birth, Antoninus Pius was borne the xiii. day of October, at a certain place named Laurina: which afterwards he did nobilitate with stately buildings, and endued with great privileges, and also did amplify the bounds thereof, which were but short and narrow. In the most time of his infancy, he was nourished with his father's father: and being more entered into years, he continued with his other grand father by the mother's side: and was so virtuous and so well inclined, that he was pleasing unto all men, and beloved of all persons: he attained to be known unto all his grandfathers both of father and mother, who all fixed their eyes upon Antoninus, as well to invest him with learning, as to endue him with riches and wealth: for, as he afterwards reported of them, they used to say, that they favoured him more for his virtue, then for affinity. With his grandfathers he learned both tongues of Greek and Latin, he gave himself more to cosmography, then to any other science, and did much delight to talk with men of strange nations, to give them to understand, that he did know all the particularities of their countries, by science, as they did by experience. Being so entirely beloved of his grandfathers, they held him always in company with Philosophers: who of his own natural: condition, delighted not, but in the company of the virtuous: whereof it proceeded, that after he become so cruel an enemy unto the wicked, and so perfect a friend unto good men. The customs and companies that Princes do take in their youth: they love and follow afterwards when they be men.   

CHAP. II ¶ Of the inclination, proportion, and natural fashion of his body.  
Antoninus' Pius was of an high stature, slender and very straight, his eyes somewhat outward, black hair, thick beard, white, rare, and gaptothed, his face white, merry, gladsome, and fair, in such wise, that he did rather provoke, to be loved, then feared. Naturally, he was of great health: his teeth excepted, which he lost before he came to age. When a certain cunning man made offer to be bound to place him teeth wherewith to speak and eat: Antoninus made him answer: Since never from my heart proceeded feigned or double words: there shall never enter into my mouth, counterfeit teeth. The want of his teeth, made him to eat with pain, and stutter in his speech. Being touched with a jester for his stammering, Antoninus answered: I reck not greatly to stumble in words, so that I err not, and stand up right in deeds. In Rome there was a Senator named Taurinus, liberal in speech, and not sober in diet, who reproving Antoninus for that his teeth failed him, both to eat and speak, answering, said: I consent to that which thou sayest: for that I, if I would, may not be a glutton: but thou mayst, and wilt not leave to be malicious. Many Princes did excel Antoninus Pius in science, but none did match him in eloquence: for that ordinarily, he did talk in the Latin tongue, & did dispute in the Greek. He was naturally very well conditioned, which had in him most appearance, for that always his words were without malice, and his thoughts without suspicion. Although he were of complexion choleric sanguine which giveth men occasion to be rash and soudein, it had no place in Antoninus Pius, for that he was constant in adversities, and patiented in injuries. When in his presence they said any words that did grieve or offend him, or brought him any sorrowful news: in biting of his lip, in casting down his eyes, and laying one hand upon another, they understood his great sorrow: but jointly herewith, he was never seen of any man, suddenly to change countenance, much less to speak any cruel or injurious word. Before he was Emperor, he was the wealthiest man of all the Empire: for that he did inherit from his four grandfathers, great and ample patrimonies: unto whom he was sole inheritor. He was given to gather, conserve and augment his goods, riches and wealth, but without all oppression to any person, for that he lived only of himself, defrauding no man of his suit. After he obtained the Empire, when by chance any talk was moved of the covetousness of men, and of the necessity of Princes, many times he would say: I give thanks to the immortal Gods, that since I have been Emperor, I have not taken any thing from any man: either before, that ever I was benighted with debt. He had great affection to the works of the field, and therein had not only the tools and things necessary for the purpose: that is to say, buffs, oxen, carts, ploughs, but he himself would be occupied in sowing corn, cutting vines, pruning trees, and at times would take the plough, and make a dozen of furrows. He was extreme in nothing, but that in, and for all things, he placed himself in the midst: which he did very well discover in the government of his person and estate: wherein, neither for his prodigal expense, he was noted proud: either for want of a noble mind, esteemed a niggard. Many times the Heavens being clear, and a settled fair weather in appearance, he would say: upon such a day we shall have rain, or change of weather, wherein he never erred: and many times did avouch, that the knowledge thereof proceeded not of science, either of Philosophy, but of certain experiences, which he gathered, when he used the labour of the field. When on a certain time, with his knife he was pruning of a plumb tree in his orchard joining unto the high way, a Senator said unto him: since you are an Emperor, cease to use the office of a labourer, unto whom Antoninus answered: it is less evil for an Emperor to prune trees in his orchard, then to consume lost time in his palace. He was very attentive to that which was said, and curiously he did consider, what others did: chiefly to the end to attain knowledge: for that naturally, he was sharp and of delicate judgement. He was always occupied, either in reading, studying, disputing, or doing something with his hands: and wherein he wanted skill, he disdained not to crave to be taught. Always for the more part, he went bore headed, through much heat he had therein: and one advising him, the air of Rome to be very hurtful, and therefore right necessary to have his head covered, answered: assure me from troubles of men on earth, and I am assured that nothing shall offend me, which the Gods shall sand me from Heaven. He was of himself excellent in Music, delighted therein, and a great friend to Musicians. Antoninus Pius, was such and so good, that all hearts did love him, all tongues did praise him, and all such as did not know him, but by report, had him in admiration: finally, he was compared unto Numa Pompilius, because in him there were not more virtues to be desired, either one only vice to be reprehended.   

CHAP. III ¶ The works of piety which he did, and the cause, why he was entitled Antoninus Pius.  
ANnius Verus, father of the first Faustine, and father in law unto Antoninus Pius, become so old, that he was not able to sit on horseback, either to go on foot, but that he was led and staid by the arm, to say his opinion in the Senate: because, from old putrefied men, ripe and found counsels do proceed. Antoninus Pius being the man that delighted to lead his old father, did not only give him way in foul places, but in going up of stairs, did rather seem to bear him, then lead him. Passing on a certain day, and beholding an old man named julianus led unto prison for debt, and understanding the cause, he presently paid the same, and added a work of more pity, that paid not only all his debts, but gave him also to sustain him & his house. For that a penal law, provided in that behalf, that by justice or otherwise, none should shed blood within the compass of Rome: for his cause at the gate Salaria, a place deputed for execution of offenders, and masters also did there chastise their servants: and thus it chanced, that Antoninus Pius, passing that way, found there, many slaves bound and beaten most cruelly: he conceived so great pity, to see them so beaten without pity, that presently he bought them all: and the same day he bought them, the very same day he made them free. From his youth it was his inclination to visit the sick, and to accompany such as were in sorrow, distress, and out of comfort: wherein the good Antoninus did so much utter the grief, that he had of their grief, & he so much sorrowed of their sorrow, that no man did so sensibly feel his own grief, as he did bewail the misfortune of others.  
An ancient Roman widow, which had but one son, whose misfortune was to kill another young man, and being condemned to die, the sorrowful mother came lamenting, wailing, and crying unto the Emperor Antoninus: with whom he did so earnestly and so grievously weep, as if it had been his own son. And being advertised by his friends, and his most special and private servants how evil it become him to weep with and like a woman, answered: that sorrowful woman came to crave help and secure for her son: and for that I may not relieve her with some remedy, I did assist to bewail her mischance.  
The romans had a custom, to leave the dead bodies of men executed in the fields: but Antoninus Pius was the first that gave order for such bodies to be buried: affirming it sufficient, to take from men their lives, and not to feed beasts with their carcases. From the time of the proud Tarquin, the romans held for custom, to give malefactors great torments: the good Antoninus did take away all tortures, wherewith the members of man's body was put in danger: saying, that the torment was sufficient that were to chastise, but not to dismember. Fabatus, Dioscorus, Lipolus, Macrinus, Fuluius, Torquatus, Eucenius, Bruscos, and Emilius, whereof four being Consuls, three judges, and two Praetors, and banished by Adrian, Antoninus gave them all pardon: and for that many did mislike this deed, affirming it to be done to the prejudice of the fame and memory of Adrian, he answered: Adrian my Lord did not err in that which he then did: and I think I do not err in that which I now do: because then, he did it to profit himself by his justice, as I now do to obtain advantage by clemency. Whether so ever he went, either in Rome or other places of Italy, weekly he did visit the prisoners, and the poor which he found there for debt, he commanded the creditors with his own money to be paid: and after that he had three times paid for one man, and the fourth time found in prison for debt: he commanded him to be delivered unto his creditor for his slave. A few days after this commandment, his clemency not able to endure so rigorous justice: notwithstanding the sentence was most just, he provided at his own cost once more to buy and to give liberty unto that poor man. As before recited, when Adrian was sick, and so distempered with his infirmities, that some he commanded to be taken, some banished, and some put to death: but Antoninus Pius being adopted Augustus, and being invested with the whole government, did neither arrest, banish, or kill them: but only commanded to absent themselves, and not to appear in his presence. Amongst all the notable works of piety that Antoninus did perform, was, that Adrian striving and watching to kill himself, Antoninus did overwhatche to preserve alive: being most true according to sensuality, he should have procured, and not have given any impediment to have finished his life: since unto him, both house, goods, and estate should succeed.  
The Senators, & many other magistrates of Rome, did attempt to annihilate the laws, and monuments of Adrian: which Antoninus did most stiffly deny, withstand and repulse: and in the end not only did 'cause all his acts to be ratified, confirmed, and allowed: but also did frame and bring to pass with the Senate, that Adrian should be accounted amongst the Gods. He built in the honour of Adrian a most solemn temple in a certain place, named Pusoll, and did furnish the same with Priests to serve him, and endued them with rents to found them, and were commonly named Adrians' priests. In the honour of Adrian, he did institute certain plays, entitled Lustra, to be played every fifth year, for the maintenance whereof, he gave great rents.  
Before Adrian died, he had made for himself a sumptuous sepulchre near unto the river Tiber, whether Antoninus brought him to be buried, and brought to pass with the Senators, and the people of Rome, to receive him with no less honour, then if he had been alive. No Prince had reigned in the Empire, that had not been noted either cruel, or of small piety, Antoninus Pius excepted: who with his tongue, never commanded man to be slain: either would ever firm sentence of death, or ever would behold any man executed: because so great was his clemency, that he might not behold the shedding of blood.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ Of the words that Adrian said unto the Senate, when he did adopt Antoninus Pius.  
AFter that the Emperor Adrian was recovered of a certain great surfeit, it happened afterwards as he sat at his dinner, he was taken with an incessant cough, whereof followed a bleeding at the nose, in such abundance, and with such continuance, that both himself, and others thought, first to have seen him dead, yer the blood would have ceased to run. Adrian perceiving, the greater that his flux of blood did increase, so much the more his life did shorten: desiring like a good Prince, to provide for the weal of his subjects, commanded all the Senators, Consuls, and all other the notable officers of Rome to come before him, unto whom he briefly said certain words, right worthy to be committed unto memory, as followeth.  

His Oration to the assembly.  
Father's conscript, you see with great certainty, how suddenly and unawares death hath assailed me, and by how small occasion I loose my life. Let me be an example unto you, and all men, and hold it for most certain, that that part of life is most times in peril, where, of certainty of life we had settled most affiance. Nature hath not granted me to have children of mine own, but therefore I give great thanks unto the immortal Gods, because in delivering me from children, they have discharged me of great and many cares. There goeth much difference betwixt the engendering, or the electing of a son: for the one proceedeth of necessity, the other is elect at large, will, and liberty. The sons that nature giveth us, are many times lame, filthy, and also foolish: but such as we adopt, we elect them able, sound and discrete: for that no man is so imprudent which at the time of election, chooseth not the best. In time past, I elected Lucius, sufficiently known unto you: but the destinies were so contrary unto him, that before he had power to command in the state of Rome, he was buried in his sepulture: but now we have elected Antoninus for your emperor, who we promise' you, shall prove mild, benign, quiet, and merciful: for that clemency is as natural unto him, as it is unto the Sun to give light by day. He receiveth the Empire in a competent age, to the end ye fear not, by his too much youth, to commit some rash deed, either by too much old age, negligently to govern the common wealth. He hath been bred and nourished in our own country, and therefore will observe the customs thereof. Also his life hath been trained under our own laws, a sufficient occasion to avoid all search of unnecessary laws of strange countries, and this you have to regard, not as a matter of small importance: because there is not any thing that more doth offend the common wealth, then to infect the same with strange and unused customs. He knoweth what thing it is to go on warfare, to govern armies, to suffer both passions and motions of people, to use clemency with some, and to correct others: in such wise, that in him is contained great sufficience, for the government of the common wealth, since in all things he hath experience. You know him, and he knoweth you, ye have dealt with him, and he hath dealt with you: & I hold of him such opinion, that he will neither despise you, either forget you: in such manner, that his obedience shallbe unto me, as unto a father, and shall deal with you in love, like a brother. And I would that all you which be here present, as also all other persons in Rome, that upon such condition I transfer the Empire, that after his days he leave the same unto Marcus Aurelius his son in law, and my servant: and from henceforth, I swear and protest, that these two elections shallbe acceptable unto the Gods, and profitable unto men. In credit, life, and science, Marcus Aurelius doth exceed Antoninus: but that hitherto Antoninus hath had more experience: for which cause unto him, the rather we have commended the Empire, because, for the general government of any estate or common wealth, one year of experience is more worth than ten years of science. I have been weak, careless and negligent, in many things of the common wealth, partly enforced thereunto by the greatness of mine enemies, but for the recompense thereof, I do leave two such Princes one after the other, to govern the Empire, which for their singularity in science and virtue, shall excel all that be past, and I doubt in equality, not to be matched with any their successors.   
These words being said by Adrian, he drew a ring from his finger, and put the same upon the fingar of Antoninus Pius, and after that hour he was holden, served, and obeyed as Roman Emperor: notwithstanding that Adrian lived some time after. Perfect was the election of the Emperor Nerua, in the good Trajan, and no less of Trajan in the adoption of Adrian, and most just of Adrian in the election of Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius, which five Emperors were such and so good, one after the other: which seemed a Prognostication, that the felicity of Roman Emperors, should in them take an end.   

CHAP. V ¶ Of the offices that Antoninus held before he was Emperor.  
BEfore Antoninus Pius came unto the height of the Empire, he did often put forth his money to usury, but all the gains of that trade, he spent in succouring the poor, and redeeming captives. He was sent on a time by Adrian to visit the Isle of Sicyl: in which visitation he reformed many people, chastised many tyrants, deprived many officers, removed many enmities, repaired ruinous buildings, did melt many sergeant coins: but most of all in such manner did govern the common wealth, that no man remained discontented.  
He was iiij. years Praetor within Rome, he was Consul in Campania, with Catilinus Severus, he was judge three years together, in all which offices he was never noted, either rash in commandments, or rigorous in his chastisements.  
Adrian divided all Italy into four jurisdictions, placing in every one a Consul for government thereof, and established Antoninus supreme governor of them all: in such wise, that he held such authority and credit, that in Rome all was governed by his counsel: and in Italy all did obey his commandments. Were his person far distant, always Adrian and the Senate had his counsel present: the cause whereof proceeded of his clear judgement, in the foundation of that which he said: and through the bounty of his virtue, he frankly did speak his opinion.  
We said not without just cause, that by his virtue, he did freely say his opinion: for speaking the very truth, he is not only unjust, but very wicked, that hath liberty in his speech, and hath not virtue in his life. Exercising in Asia the office of Proconsul, he uttered so great wisdom in his commandments, and so much without covetousness in his dealings, that he was entitled, the holy proconsul, which government amongst strangers, by a stranger, was a case somewhat strange, because detestation always accompanieth such government.  
Coming from Asia unto Rome, in Antioch he buried his eldest daughter: who had such fame in her life, that after her death she left behind a slanderous memory. We have said how the wife of Antoninus was named Faustine, which was mother unto the fair Faustine wife unto Marcus Aurelius: and moste truly, both mother and daughter were touched with infamy, by the mean of too much liberty, and too little virtue.  
It was never seen in the Roman Empire, that two so virtuous Princes, had wives so licentious: notwithstanding the one was sufficiently advised, the other corrected: but for that they were so gracious in their conversation, and so perfect beautiful of their persons: it was very little which was said unto them, in respect of that which was dissembled.  
Antoninus was so limited in that which he said, and so advised in the counsels which he gave, that he never repented that demanded the same. Before Antoninus came unto the Empire, he was covetous, but afterwards very liberal: and his wife reprehending, that he used no order in giving or spending, he answered: Faustine, simple is thy judgement, since thou understandest not, that after we were advanced unto the Empire, we lost all that ever we had, because all Princes of noble minds be bound to give, but have no licence to keep or hoard.  
The tribute coronal, that is to say, the money that was given unto the Emperors for their coronation: the one half thereof he gave unto the cities of Italy, to relieve the charges of the common wealth. His wife he did both honour, and cause to be honoured: and it was in such manner, that he obtained and brought to pass with the Senate, that she should be entitled Augusta Faustina, and in her own name to grave and stamp certain money, the which is seen at these days. Antoninus was embraced with so ardent affection of the Senate, that without his request, they erected the pictures and counterfeits of his father and mother, his grandfathers, and graundmothers, his brothers and sisters, notwithstanding they were all dead.  
The Circene plays, which were used every fifth year, the Senate did ordain to celebrated every year on the day of his nativity. And after that he therefore had greatly gratified the Senate: by great request he obtained the celebration of them, to be performed on the day of Adrians' death.  
The Senate to satisfy Antoninus, consented that his wife Faustina, should be entitled Augusta: and also in the coins which they made, unto her honour, there should be engraven, Augusta Faustina: which excellency, was never granted to any Woman of Rome: for that in giving her the title of Augusta, they gave her authority to set her hand to the things of the common wealth.   

CHAP. VI ¶ How he held all provinces in peace, not by arms, but with letters.  
Amongst all the Roman Princes, there was none, that performed so great constancy in his affairs, as Antoninus Pius: which proceeded, for that he was not rash in his commandments, either variable in his determinations, but that exactly he considered and examined, what he did command: and after, for no importunity would revoke the same. Antoninus being resident in the province of Campania, sending unto the Senate to request a certain matter, which notwithstanding the difficulty thereof, was granted: Gaius Rufus a Senator, said unto him. Serene Prince, I beseech thee to give me to understand, by what reason it is brought to pass, that in all thy enterprises thou dost never repent: in all thy requests thou art never denied: either in all thy commandments thou art never disobeyed. To whom Antoninus made answer: If I repent me not of any my deeds, it is because I do them according to reason: and if my requests are not denied of the Senate, it is because I crave not but that which is just: and if in my commandments I am not disobeyed, it proceedeth that they are more profitable unto the common wealth then for mine own person.  
Most truly these were words right worthy of such a man, and to the memory of Princes most chiefly to be commended. It was an ancient custom amongst the romans, to have the time limited for their residence in their offices, that is to say, the dictator, six months, the Consul one year, the Praetor two years, the Censor three years, the master of the horsemen half a year, and so of the rest.  
Antoninus would not consent unto this custom, but in every respect did altar the same, in such wise, that with some that should have continued but two or three years, he held them in office seven or eight years: and others that should have continued three years, he displaced them in three months: affirming, that the good officer aught to be conserved all the days of his life, but the evil, not to be suffered one only day.  
He sent Fuluius Tusculanus, as Praetor into the province of Mauritania, whom within half a year he deprived of his office: for that he was both impatient & some what covetous: and complaining of the injury, said and alleged, that in times past, he had been friend unto Antoninus, which now was forgotten. Whereunto Antoninus Pius did answer: thou hast no reason thus unjustly to blame me, because the office was given thee by the Emperor, and not by Antoninus: and since thou didst offend, not as Fuluius, but as Praetor: even so I discharged thee of thine office, not as Antoninus thy old friend, but as an Emperor of the Roman Empire. He was not inclined to begin wars, either in his own person to prosecute the same: for he hold opinion, that the Prince with more sound counsel should commend his wars unto his Captains, to the end in his own person to govern the common wealth, then to go to the wars himself, and leave his common wealth unto others.  
Talking on a time in his presence, of wars and battles, that julius Caesar, Scipio, and Hannibal, had fought and overcame in the world, Antoninus Pius answered: Let every man hold opinion what he thinketh good, and praise what it pleaseth him: but for mine own part, I do more glory in conserving peace many years: then with wars to conquer many battles.  
In the second year of his Empire, the Britain's rebelled, against whom he sent the Consul Laelius Vrbicus, who subdued that Island, although afterwards by mischance he lost his life.  
In the third year of his Empire, the Mauritanes also rebelled, which are a people of Africa: against whom he sent the Consul Murus Cespitius, who used so great policy in those wars, that he constrained them to crave peace. In those days the Germans and the Datians had great wars amongst themselves, upon the division of certain territories: but in the end, after their own destruction, amongst themselves, they came to such concord, that they bent their whole force, as cruel enemies against Rome, and the countries thereof: protesting and affirming, their charges to be much more in paying so great, and so continual tribute, then might arise by defence of their persons against the Roman power.  
Antoninus' understanding of this rebellion, he would not presently send forth an army, but a judge with great power, to visit those countries, to mitigate and unfold all griefs, and to remove all unjust tributes, and jointly therewith did writ such and so good words, that at the instant those Barbarians left their armour, and did yield their countries unto the obedience of Rome.  
Of this example, all mighty Princes have to take example, to the end, that with fury they undertake not to tame a furious people: because many times, hearts be more tamed with sweet words then with cruel arms.  
The jews that were in the province of Pentapolis, also he did repress and tame, which was done by the hands of the precedent that was in Assyria, whom he commanded first to offer them peace before he made them war. In Achaia and Egypt also certain people did rebel: understanding the occasion to proceed of the Roman Praetors, which were rigorous in their commandments, and covetous in their dealings, gave order, that his officers were chastised and the people pardoned.  
The Praetors that were resident in the countries of the Alanes, sent to complain at Rome, how daily they were threatened to be slain, only for demanding tribute: unto whom Antoninus answered. We have received your letters, and be grieved with your perils, and no less sorrow your travails: if these people do pay their tribute which they do own: suffer their threatening which they make: because it is peerless to think that any man which is a tributary, shall live contented. In any wise, adventure not to give them injurious words, to commit bribery, or to do them wrong: because in such cases, we have to hear their complaints, and to correct your offences. The Gods have you in keeping, and guide well your Fortune.   

CHAP. II ¶ How he did visit the officers of his common wealth, and the reformation of his house.  
WHen Antoninus sent any Praetor to govern any province, he was not satisfied that he were wise, prudent, and valiant: but also without any infection of pride, or covetousness: for he held opinion, that he may evil govern a common wealth, that is a subject to pride or covetousness. Unto Pretours, censors, and Questours, before he gave them any government of any country, first, he caused them to give an inventory, of their own proper goods: to the end that when their charge were finished, the increase of their wealth might be considered: and jointly therewith he did both say and warn them, that he sent them to minister justice, and not by fraud to rob countries. In all things that Antoninus commanded, provided, and chastised, he was very pitiful: such excepted, as did offend in the execution of justice: with whom he was both rigorous & extreme: in such wise, that other offences, were they very great, he did pardon them: but as concerning justice, the smallest offence was grievously punished. On a time certain officers of his treasure, brought him a memorial: wherein was contained the manner and form, yearly to increase his rents, which being seen and read, in the back thereof, he did writ these words: the order and form that you have to search, aught not to be to the augmentation of my rents: but for the advancement of my common wealth: either to impose new tributes, but to devise with order, to avoid excessive expenses: for if Roman Princes use no rule to moderate their charges, either we shall loose ourselves, or rob our common wealths. Amongst all the Princes past, only Antoninus did never permit, the rents of his estate, either more or less to be augmented: but rather did pardon many common wealths, of their old debts, and also relieved others of some new impositions. Presents that were brought him, of silver, gold, silk, purple, jewels, or other rich things, he would not receive them, were it not of the kings that paid tribute unto the Empire: for he held opinion, that the common wealths, rather than himself, had need thereof. The things that he used most commonly to receive, were books to read in, horses to run, and fruit to feed on: which he forgot not, gratefully to recompense. In affairs he used great expedition, that is to say, that if he once did undertake any business, he never withdrew his hand, until it were finished. Every year he caused his house to be visited, as concerning excessive expenses: if exaction or bribery were committed by any of his household, against strangers: if they did serve, which received wages: if amongst them, there were any that were notably vicious: finally, all that which the visitor for the remedy hereof did set down, presently was performed. For the time of Domitian, the emperors officers had a custom, to receive many & chargeable fees of all men, that by warrant of the Prince's liberality received relief: which the Emperor Antoninus, as a vile custom, did utterly take away: affirming, that a gracious reward, aught gratis to be dispatched. The pride, the presumption, the haughtiness, and also the tediousness of the whole Empire, he brought, placed, and restored unto the plat of great humility: in such wise, that as easily they dispatched affairs, with the Emperor Antoninus, as with a citizen of Rome. A matter surely to be noted, to behold the Court of Rome, in the days of this good Prince, how perfect the refourmation thereof was established: for surely, whether their affairs, were either with the Prince, or with the Senate, neither did they begin their suit with fear, or were dispatched, with just cause to murmur. The officers of his house, and also of the Senate, by whose hands matters were dispatched, some he advanced, and to others he gave double fee: to no other end, but to remove them from adventuring to take any bribe. Being (as he was) a great friend unto the common wealth, and not a little delighted to be in the grace thereof, and to this end, with the good he used great liberality, and with the evil great clemency: in such wise, that of all men he was beloved, and also praised: as well for that he pardoned the one, as gave unto the other. All that ever he said or wished, to be used of good Princes, the same did he perform after he was Emperor: and reformed all things, that he thought were to be amended.  
In the third year of his Empire, Faustine his dearly beloved wife died, in whose death he did utter so great sorrow, that it exceeded the authority of his estate, and also the gravity of his person. In the memory of Faustine, he placed her picture in all the temples, and performed with the Senate, that she should be recounted amongst the Goddesses, which was, as to canonize her: all which was truly agreed by the Senate, more at the request of Antoninus, then for the deservings of Faustine.   

CHAP. VIII. Of certain notable buildings erected by Antoninus.  
THe buildings which he made were not many, but exceeding stately and sumptuous: for in them appeared and were represented the greatness of his estate, and the magnanimity that he had in spending. He built a temple in the reverence of his Lord Adrian: wherein he erected a picture of silver, with a Coronet of gold, and a chaplet of Nacre: a work most certainly, no less curious than costly. He re-edified a certain building, called Gregostasens: which served to lodge all strange ambassadors: because the romans did use to give ambassadors, an house to devil in, and a stipend for their diet. He did amplify and nobilitate the sepulchre of his Lord Adrian: whereunto none durst approach, but on their knees. The greatest session house of all Rome, was burnt in the time of Domitian: which the good Antoninus, built from the foundation. He built the temple of Agrippa, and endued and dedicated the same, in the reverence of the Goddess Ceres. Over the river Rubicon, he built a sumptuous and a stately bridge, and also not a little necessary: because afore time many were there dangered, and aftewardes that way much victual, and provision was carried.  
Not far distant from the port of Hostia, near unto the sea, he built a right strong tower, for the safety and defence of the ships of Rome: which a foretime might not bring in any victual or other provision, but were distressed of pirates. The haven or port of Gaieta, which had been long through great antiquity forsaken, he freshly re-edified, that is to say, built new houses, erected a mighty tower, made a strong wall, placed inhabitants, and gave them great privileges: in such wise, that whereas afore time, it was a thing utterly forgotten, it was from thence forth most esteemed. That which he did in Gaieta, he performed in a port of Spain named Taragon: which he re-edified, & amplified, with great buildings and privileges. A mile from the port of Hostia, he built a sumptuous and a curious bath, and endued the same in such manner, that in all Italy it was the only bath, that was unto all men free without charges. A mile without Rome he built three temples, naming them Laurianos, for that many bay trees grew there, to this end: that the dames and matrons of Rome, walking according unto their manner, should encounter with some Church to pray in.   

CHAP. IX. Of certain laws which the Emperor Antoninus Pius made.  
IT was a law amongst the romans, that such as were put to death by justice, might make no testament: but that in losing their life, they lost also their goods. Antoninus' moved with piety, did ordain, that none for any fault, what so ever, should jointly lose both life and goods: but if any were put to death, he might frankly make a testament of his own proper goods. Where he had placed any good and sound judge in any common wealth: he did not only permit him not to be removed: but also with gifts and requests he did sustain him. This good Prince made a law, that none should presume to sue to the Prince or Senate, for the office of justice: upon pain to be banished Rome. There was in Rome a judge, named Gaius Maximus, who in Rome continued a judge twenty years: of whom Antoninus would often say, that he had never seen, heard, or read of a man more clear of life, either right in justice. In the place of Gaius Maximus, there succeeded Tatius Succinus, a man surely of many hoar hairs, and of much learning: but the office of praetor being so tedious, and he of years so ancient, died immediately upon the burden thereof. Antoninus being informed, that the good old Tatius died with the burden of his office, divided the same betwixt Cornelius, and Repentinus: but after the Emperor being informed, how the Senate had given the same unto Repentinus, not for his deserving, but at the suit of a Gentlewoman of the Court: he commanded him publicly to be banished, declaring by the voice of a crier throughout all Rome, that he was banished for obtaining the office of a judge, by the suit of a woman. This was the first officer of Rome, that in the days of Antoninus, suffered punishment, which correction gave so great fear throughout the Roman Empire, that from thenceforth the Emperor Antoninus was as much feared of the evil, as beloved of the good. A mighty Senator named Tranquillus, confessing to have procured his father's death, of extreme desire to inherit: he commanded to be removed into an Island, only to pass his life with the bread of sorrow, and the water of tears. All the time of his Empire, he gave wheat and oil unto the citizens of Rome. The people of Rome in those days, being given to drink wine without measure: he commanded that none should presume to sell wine, but in Apothecary's shops for the sick or diseased. He established a law for himself and his successors, that openly three days in the week, they should show themselves in Rome: and if by any weighty cause, there happened some impediment, that on such days their gates should stand wide open, without porters, that freely the poor might repair to follow their suits. In dear years he did ordain through Italy, that no gardener should dare to sow in his garden any feed, but wheat and barley: whereby the poor of the common wealth might be relieved of their penury. He made an universal law, throughout the Empire, that governors and rulers of the people, should not adventure to spend the goods of the common wealth, in matters either unprofitable or superfluous: but to the defence of enemies, or repairing of fortifications, either else for provision of the common wealth in time of dear years. There was in Rome certain stipendary interpreters of all languages, to manifest the meaning of strange ambassadors: whose fee and office Antoninus commanded to be forbidden, and taken away, affirming it to be very convenient unto the greatness and majesty of Rome, that all nations and kingdoms should learn to speak their speech: and that it were abasement for them, to learn any strange tongue. Also he did ordain, that all the old, impotent, & blind people in Rome, should be sustained at the charges of the common wealth: but such as were younger and more able, should be constrained, either to bolt meal at the bakers, or to blow the bellows at the smiths. By chance on a certain day, he found an old servitor, which he had known long in the wars, rubbing and clawing himself against the pillars of the Church: Adrian demanding why he did so rub himself, and wear out his clotheses: the old man made answer, I have no garments to cloth myself, neither any man giveth me to eat: yet if it may please thee, Adrian, I have found mean to rub myself. Adrian took great compassion of that which he did see, but much more of that which he heard: and presently he commanded goods to be given him, and slaves to serve him. And as envy, is natural unto the poor, as pride is common among the rich: The next day other two poor men came before Adrian, rubbing themselves amongst the pillars, in hope to receive the like liberality: whom he willed to be called unto him, commanding the one to scratch the other, and by turn to ease each other of his itch. Unto king Pharasmaco of the Parthians, Adrian gave great gifts: that is to say, fifty Eliphants armed with their towers, and three hundred men of Hiberin in the country of Spain, which were of his guard.   

CHAP. XI. Of the prodigious and monstrous things that happened during the Empire of Antoninus.  
MAny travels and hard adventures followed the Emperor Antoninus while he lived, and also in all his kingdoms, in the time of his reign: because Fortune is so variable, that she never stayeth her wheel, or ever ceaseth to be turning thereof. In the second year of his reign, hunger was so great, so sharp, and so general throughout all Italy, that thereof there died no less, then if it had been of a fierce pestilence. There was in Asia, so cruel, and so general an earthquake, that many houses and buildings were subverted, many people slain, and not a few cities disinhabited: for the repairing of which great hurts, he sent not only money from the common wealth of Rome, but also plentifully sent his treasure out of his own coffers. In the month of januarie, there was in Rome so furious a fire, that it burned ten thousand houses, wherein there perished of men, women, and children, more than ten thousand. In the same year was burnt the stately place of Carthage, the one half of Antioch, and in a manner the whole city of Narbona. In the month of August, there was at Rome great floods: and beside, loss of their corn, both reaped and unreaped. The river Tiber did so swell and overflow, that one days loss was not repaired in three years. On the fourth of the month of May, there appeared a star over Rome, containing the quantity of the wheel of a mill: which threw out sparks so thick and so continual, that it seemed rather the fire of a forge, than the shining of a star. In the sixth year of the Empire of Antoninus, in Rome was borne a child with two heads, the one like a man, the other like a dog: but the strangeness of the matter did more exceed, in that, with one head he did cry and bark, as a whelp: and with the other did weep as a child. In the city of Capua, a woman was brought a bed and delivered of five sons. At that time was seen in Arabia, a great and a most huge serpent: which being seen of many persons, upon the height of a rock, did eat half his own tail: in which year, there was throughout all Arabia, & marvelous great pestilence. In the ninth year of the Empire of Antoninus, in the city of Mesia, barley was seen to grow in the heads of their trees: in such wise, that no tree bore fruit that year, but ears of of barley. In the same year, there happened in the kingdom of Artenitoes, in a city named Triponia: four wild and unknown Lions to lie down in the market place: which become so tame, that they made them packehorsse to the mountains for wood, and boys become horsemen upon their backs. In the kingdom of Mauritania, a child was borne, which had the head turned backwards, which lived, and was bred up, and also such as would either see or speak with him, most conveniently did place themselves at his back: which notwithstanding, could both see, speak, and go, but with his hands might not feed himself. There died in Rome a Senator, named Rufus, a man of great wealth and credit, which after his death did many times come to the Senate: sitting in his wonted place, and clad with garments, after his old fashion, but was never heard speak one word: and this vision continued in the Senate, full two years.   

CHAP. XI. Of the wars that happened in the reign of Antoninus Pius, and other his acts.  
IT chanced unto no Roman prince, as it did unto Antoninus: which always remaining within the bounds of Italy, and commonly within Rome, was so beloved, feared, and served of all strange kings and kingdoms, as if personally he visited & had conquered them. In the fourth year of his empire, king Pharasmaco came to Rome, but only to see Antoninus, and brought and presented unto him, so much and so marvelous things, that the eyes of men were not satisfied in beholding, either their hearts in wishing them. The king of Parthians, had taken away much lands from the king of Armenia: who sent to complain unto the romans, as unto their friends, allies, and confederates: for whom the Emperor Antoninus did writ his letters unto the king of Parthians, to cease to do wrong, and also to make restitution unto the Armenians: whose letters being received and read, was presently obeyed and performed. King Abogarus one of the mightiest and most notable kings of the Orient, the Emperor Antoninus did force to come to Rome: because that owing a great sum of money unto one of his vassals, he would not come to accounted. The good Emperor Trajan, had constrained the Parthians to receive their seat and royal crown, at the hands of the romans: which subjection, the Parthians both denied and refused: but Antoninus not only by letters, but also by apparent threatenings, did force them to yield and consent unto the obedience of Rome. Rometalce king of the Pindaroes', was accused in the Senate, of disloyalty unto the romans, in the wars they held against the Rhodes: who coming unto Rome, to quite himself, the good Antoninus did not only confirm him in his kingdom: but also did not permit, that for any thing past, any motion should be made: affirming that his offence might not be so great, but that his submissive appearance did reform the same. The Olbiopolites a people in Asia, held war with the Taurocistes, allies of Rome: unto whom Antoninus sent secure by sea, and with assistance of the Romans, subdued the Olbiopolites, who not only paid all charges of the wars, but also gave hostages to maintain peace. Antoninus never raised war, but that first he sought to conserve peace, and praised not a little that saying of Scipio: that is to say, He rather wished the life of one citizen of Rome, them the death of a thousand enemies. When he married his daughter Faustina unto Marcus Aurelius, he made a sumptuous feast, and gave great rewards unto his men of war. He held his son Marcus Aurelius in great reverence, and would have made ●im Consul, which he refused, holding it for more happy, to turn books, then to appease nations.  
After he had sent unto Calcedonie for the great Philosopher Apollonius, and had given him an house to devil in solitarily, near unto the river Tiber: Antoninus sent for him, who refusing to come sent answer, That scholars do use to come to their masters, and not masters unto their scholars: whereat Antoninus laughing said: A trim jest, that Apollonius hath passed so many seas, from Calcedonie unto Rome, and now refuseth from his house to come to mine. Although Apollonius were learned in Philosophy, yet was he in his life very covetous: whereat when certain in presence of the Emperor did murmur, he answered: for very dear that Philosophers cell us their Philosophy: always their science is more worth which they teach us, than the goods which we give them.   

CHAP. XII. ¶ Of the succession of the Empire, and the occasion of his death.  
AS the Emperor Antoninus in his youth was always a friend unto the virtuous, even so in his age carefully he did seek the conversation of the wise: and therewith had no less care of public matters, then of his own private affairs. Generally he was so liked and loved of all nations, that in all temples, in all walls, gates, and buildings, these four letters were placed, namely V.A.C.R. which is to say Vita Antonini Conseruatur Respublica: which is to say, On the life of Antoninus, the whole weal of the Roman Empire dependeth. Leaving a part many good laws, which he made for the Common wealth, for which purpose, he had always attendant about him, men in the laws singularly learned, who among the chief was Vindemius Verus, Silvius Valente, Abolusius Metianus, Vlpius Marcellus, and jabolinus: before whom he set the laws of all kingdoms, and of the most necessary and approved, to take the choice to be established in his kingdoms. When he did institute any law, either ordain any proclamation, he always expressed therein so great reason, that his commandments were never disobeyed, either his laws revoked. The cause of his death they say was after this manner: from Gallia Transalpina, that is to say, sweet France, they did present him certain chéeses, whereof he eating at his supper more than was convenient, they ministered unto him a perilous vomit, whereby they discharged his stomach not only of meat superfluous, but also of blood right necessary, which bred in him a furious fever, and finding himself in great weakness, without disposition to sleep, either appetite to eat: he commanded all the Senators and chief governors, to be called unto his presence: and before them all did commend the common wealth unto Marcus Aurelius his son, and Faustine his daughter. And making his testament in very good order, wherein he gave unto his servants great gifts, which being finished and performed, he gave unto his daughter Faustine, the inheritance of all his lands which he possessed before he came unto the Empire. His fever increasing, and his strength and life wasting, the fourth day of his sickness about noon, beholding and viewing all the circumstants, and shutting his eyes as if he would sleep, gave up the ghost: who was no less bewailed at his death, than he was beloved in time of life: and presently by conformity of the whole Senate, was entitled Holy: and all the people at the news of his death, a vie in every street did grite, skrich, and cry, advancing and magnifying his bounty, clemency, benignity, liberality, justice, patience, prudence, and providence. All the honours were done unto him, and all the famous titles were given him, that upon any noble Prince had been employed. And deserved that in the temple of jupiter, a priest of his own name should be institute. Also they built him a temple, and dedicated unto his honour the Circene plays, and a fraternity: where they were all called Antonines. This Prince only amongst all Princes, lived and died without shedding of blood: and for likeliness, compared unto Numa Pompilius, not only in good government of the common wealth, but also for sincerity of life.    

The life of the Emperor Commodus, the son of good Marcus Aurelius: compiled by Sir Anthony of Guevara, bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, Chronicler, and Counseler unto the Emperor Charles the fift.  

CHAP. I ¶ Of the birth of the Emperor Commodus,  
THe Emperor Commodus had to his grandfather Annius Verus, and his father was the good Emperor Marcus Aurelius: and his mother was the right fair and renowned Faustine: on whose side, he was nephew unto the Emperor Antoninus Pius, a man of a reformed life, and very beneficial unto the common wealth of Rome. He was borne in a certain place named Lodie, on the eight day of September: at the time that his father, and Drusius his uncle, were Consuls: the one governing matters of war in Datia, and the other in refourmation of causes in the common wealth. The Empress Faustine being great with child, and near unto the time of her child birth, dreamt that she was delivered of certain serpents, but especially of one, more fierce than the rest: of which dream, when his father Marcus Aurelius was informed, they say, that he said: I fear me Faustine, that the son of this birth, shall prove so fierce a Serpent, that shall be of power to commit a murder of our fame, and to poison the whole common wealth of Rome. The Astronomers and Nekromantiques, which in those days were resident in Rome, they said and prognosticated many things of the birth of the Emperor Commodus: and as it appeared afterwards they said very little, in respect of that which followed: because this miserable and unfortunate Prince, in his manners, did rather resemble the infernal furies, then reasonable creatures. From his infancy his father Marcus Aurelius, carefully did travel, in the learning and instruction of his son Commodus: for which purpose, he made inquisition throughout the whole Empire, for men learned in science, and of life and manners reformed. His first schoolmasters were, Onesicrates to teach him Greek, Capilus to instruct him in the Latin, Teyus to instruct him in the Art of Oratory, Pulion to inform him in Music, Calphurnius to give him order for behaviour on horseback, and Marcius to give him rules for good manners: for that his father having no more sons, did not a little travel, to frame in him such perfection, as was due unto a most noble and perfect Prince. But alas for pity, that so many and so excellent men, neither could persuade him to follow or embrace virtue, either separate him from his detestable vices. Right happy may we call those fathers, whose hap is to have children inclined to virtue: for if they naturally be evil inclined, neither doth it profit, that which their masters teach them, either wherefore their parents do correct them. After Faustine was conceived with Commodus, she never ceased to say, how painful he was in breeding, and how dangerous in his birth: and his nurses for his biting when he did suck, always complained: in such wise, that from the time of his first conception he was painful, and tedious in conversation. After Commodus was weaned, and began to feed himself and learn to talk: presently it appeared, that he was hard of condition, intolerable to serve, ingrateful of benefits, a glutton in feeding, malicious in countenance, cruel in revengement, impatient in injuries, proud in commandments, and above all, filthy, double, and uncertain in his talk. At the sixth year of his age, it was marvelous to see how in so tender years, he was given to all manner of vice: that none whatsoever in times past, had used such industry to prove either valiant or learned, as the unfortunate Commodus did travel to be vicious. He was sharp and of a delicate wit, and of excellent memory: he was also, quarreling, valiant, and doughty: most apparent in him from his infancy: for he was never seen to fear either water, or fire, sword, or wild beasts. Nature also had endued him with natural abilities, which valiantness if he had employed in wars, either his memory unto learning, or his wit unto virtues, he might have proved an other Alexander in prowess: or Plato in science, either trajan in justice: but by evil conversation, he rightly resembled Brutus the traitor, Nero the cruel, and Catiline the tyrant.   

CHAP. II Of the honourable titles, given unto the Emperor Commodus, in time of his youth.  
NOtwithstanding that Commodus was as yet but young, he was overthwart, quarrelous, hateful, and generally of the people not well liked. At the age of fourteen years, the Senate gave him the title of Caesar: not for the merit of the son, but to yield to the virtue of the father. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius, seeing his son increase in age, and decrease in virtue, advised to place him in a college of priests, with whom many sons of noble men were bred: but in the end, he as little profited, by the company of priests, as by the doctrine of his schoolmasters: for he held always, enmity with other men's counsel, and great friendship with his own william. When his father came from the Parthike wars, in token of gratefulness, the Senate gave unto Commodus the title of Prince: which name unto that day, was never given unto the son of any Emperor.  
The Roman Princes held a custom, yearly to give unto the people for their sustentation, wheat, wine, and oil, and other things, on which day always in Rome they made great feasts. Commodus being then of fifteen years of age, and also placed in the temple of Trajan, gave and divided unto the people, their accustomed shares of wheat, oil, and wine: on that day Commodus was so feasted of all the Senate, as his father was the day he entered triumphing into Rome. When the Emperor Marcus Aurelius came from the wars of the Argonauts, he was received into Rome with great triumph: and the more to honour and to do him pleasure, the Senate did ordain, that his son Commodus, should with him be placed, in the chariot triumphant: & further & beside this, they did invest him with the garment imperial: that is to say, they did abilitate and elect him, that after the death of his father, his son Commodus should be Emperor. Marcus Aurelius went into Egypt, and also into Assyria, to visit those countries, and lead with him his son Commodus. The Senate understanding the noble works and deeds which he performed in all those countries and provinces, sent him a dispensation of the law Annuaria, which did prohibit, that no young man might be admitted to be Consul: to the end that freely he might establish his son Commodus, Roman Consul. Commodus was but xvij. years of age, when he saw himself clad with the imperial garment, when he divided shares of relief unto the common people, when he was elected a Roman Consul, and was placed with his father in the chariot triumphant: which four titles and honours, were not given to honour the son, but to please the father. His proportion was after this manner: his body long and slender, his face fair and well bearded, his eyes great and black, his hands white and long fingered, his hair yellow & thick: finally, he was so fair and so gracious, that in his person there was no blemish, either in his life any thing to be praised.  
It was monstrous and also lamentable to see, how this Prince was naturally endued with so high a wit, and of such perfect singularity of proportion, and further, being named Commodus, how to all purposes, he was incommodious, that according to the judgement of all men, he was not only unworthy of so great and singular graces, but possessed his life with great indignity.  
Commodus had his locks so perfect yellow, that when they were moved in the sun with the air, they seemed not hairs, but threads of gold: and many held opinion, considering the incomparable beauty & fineness of his person, and the lively freshenesse of his face, that he had not been engendered by mankind, but that the Gods had made him with their own hands. At all times when he did ride through Rome, a vie both men & women left their business, placing themselves at windows, upon houses, and all streets, to behold him, as though they had never seen him: but as much as they praised him for his beauty: so much did they dispraise and abhor him for his wicked life. Commodus was far out of favour with his father Marcus Aurelius, and too much cherished of his mother Faustine: wherein both the one and the other had great reason: for doubtless, he gathered too small profit of his father's counsel, and followed too much the liberty of his mother. Commodus had another brother named Verissimus, unto whom, if he had not died young, the father had left the Empire: but so the destinies did ordain, that he died which deserved to live, and that he lived which deserved to die. When in the presence of Marcus Aurelius, talk was moved of Princes that had been honourable and happy: some praising Alexander, that overcame Darius: others, Scipio that subdued Hannibal: others, julius Caesar that conquered Pompeius: others, Augustus that defeated Marcus Antonius: Marcus Aurelius made this answer: I hold the Emperor Nerua more happy than all the rest, and for no other cause, but for that he adopted trajan for his son, in such wise, that he elected whom he liked, and not as I most sorrowful, that must take such as they have given me.   

CHAP. III ¶ How Commodus did inherit the Empire of his father Marcus Aurelius, and of a certain speech which he used unto the Senate.  
IN the xuj. year of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and in the 63. year of his age, war was raised in Panonia, which at these days is otherwise named Hungary: in which wars the good Emperor would go in his own person, leading also with him his son Commodus, according unto his accustomed manner, that by the taste of travels in the wars, he should bend and yield himself to conserve peace. The Emperor in the greatest heat and fury of those martial affairs, was suddenly stricken with a deadly sickness, and in few days deprived of his life: Commodus being then in so tender years, that he neither felt what he lost, either the danger wherein he stood. At the death of Marcus Aurelius, his son Commodus was elected Prince, and confirmed Caesar, whereof proceeded (but chiefly for affection they bore unto his father) that presently he was obeyed of all the armies, as true Emperor: notwithstanding they all suspected, he should be the loss of their common wealth, and procure to his person some evil conclusion. Before the emperor Aurelius died, he left his son Commodus commended unto certain tutors, as well fortunately to finish those wars begun, as also to assist and counsel him in the government of the common wealth, because the father comprehending the son, did fear, that leaving the enemies, he would abandon himself unto vices: and although the common wealth were forgotten, would dedicated himself unto the pleasures of his person.  
The exequys for the good Prince Marcus Aurelius being celebrated, and sumptuous sacrifices also offered for him unto the Gods, Commodus was advised by his counsel, to use some speech unto all his Senators, and captains attendant in those wars: who being advanced upon an high scaffold, began after this manner to make his Oration.  

The Oration of Commodus made to the Senate.  
The universal calamity, and the particular sorrow, which for the death of my father, this sorrowful day doth represent, is no less common unto you then to me: for if I have lost a pitiful father, you have lost a righteous and a just Prince. My loss is not small, that have lost such a father, but much more have you lost, that have lost such a Prince: because the hurt of one is tolerable, but that which redoundeth to the offence of many, for ever is to be lamented. Experience teacheth us, that of an hundred fathers, there be not twain, that are evil unto their children: and by the contrary, of an hundredth princes, ye shall hardly find twain, that exquisitely shall prove good for their subjects. If this be true, as it is most true, that I have said: it is just, and very just, that if sons lament the death of their parents, with tears of their eyes: that subjects bewail the death of their good Princes, with drops from their hearts.  
How humble my father hath been unto the Gods, how severe with the wicked, how affable with good men, how patiented in injuries, how grateful for service, how bountiful in his house, and how zealous for the common wealth: although you have seen, you have not thoroughly comprehended: for that good Princes be not exactly known, until they be lost. My father was so fortunate and venturous in the wars, so singular in science, so sincere and clean of life, and so perfect a lover of the common wealth, that the dead had envy at the living, not of the life which they possessed, but of the Prince which they enjoyed. It may not be denied, but that the Roman Empire is in debt and beholding unto many Prince's past: but I say and affirm, that Rome is more in debt unto my father, above all other: for others made the common wealth rich, but my father made it virtuous: others repaired walls, but he reformed manners: and that which is more, others brought to pass that Rome was feared of all strange nations: but my father framed, that Rome of all in general was both served and beloved. You all well understand, what difference there goeth betwixt voluntary, and forcible service: for as my father did use to say, it is more tolerable to be commanded of such as love us, then to be served of such as abhor us. My father hath now finished his journey, and certainly, most perfectly hath run out his race: herein ye may conceive his inestimable love towards you, in that he commended me his only son into your hands: and if I follow and perform his will, he gave me not the Empire to command you, but to the end I should serve you, for he expressly gave in charge, that my Empire should tend more to your utility, then to mine own profit, humbly beseeching the immortal Gods, to make me such, as my father at his death commanded, & as you romans do wish and desire: because there is no man in this world so evil, that desireth not to be governed by a Prince that is good. You with me, and I with you, in the manner of our government after his death, he did very well express in the time of his life, directing me by commandment to call you fellows, and forbidding you to call me Lord: for his desire was, that you should favour, and counsel me as a son: and that I should deal with you as with brethren, and trust & believe you as fathers. The love which the gods do bear us, the same my father always used with you: that is to say, he did so tenderly love you all, as if ye all had been but one man: whereof it followeth that you are not so much in his debt, for that which he did for you, as for the he would have done, and could not. I remember me, that many times being a child, my father delighted that ye should take, embrace, kiss, and cherish me: to the end that embracing of me in your arms, ye should place me in your hearts: and also, that I finding your arms open, should not unjustly close my bowels from you. My Empire is not as the Empire of others, that is, I neither bought it with money, either obtained it by voices, or won it by arms, or took it by guile: no doubtless, it is not so: for as others obtain by adventure, naturally I inherit. You have great reason in mind to be satisfied, and in heart contented, since ye have a prince not delivered by the hands of strangers, but borne in your own houses. I confess that to prove good, it availeth much to desire and also procure to be good: but jointly herewith I say, that to be a prince, it necessarily requireth to have the favour of his kingdom: for otherwise, if strangers do repugn, and subjects do not secure, it may be in his own hands to be a good man, but not in his power to be a good Prince.  
My father was old, and I am young, whereof it followeth, that more glory redoundeth unto you, by yielding obedience unto me, then unto my father: because obedience done unto him, proceeded of the merit of his authority: but that which ye shall yield unto me, proceedeth of your own pure virtue. All the rewards, honours, and offices, that my father gave in time of his life from henceforth I confirm them unto such as hold them: for that being (as he was) both holy and virtuous, the Gods aprooving all his acts, it were not just, they should be disallowed of men. Neither in the dignities of the Senate, the captainshippes of the armies, the offices of my house, there is nothing to be said, much less to be altered: only one thing remaineth betwixt my father and me, which is, that I confirm his good works, & change my unreformed manners. Let us jointly put on noble minds, to give good end unto the wars which my father hath so happily begun, which being finished, we will all go to our ease and solace, and enjoy the pleasures of Rome: which wars, if we should leave undone, although the hurt should redound to me, the fault should proceed and be imputed unto you. I will not say more unto you, my friends & companions, but that I request and desire you, always to commend unto your memory, the great love that my father hath borne you, and the good dealing he always used with you: that from his antiquity, my tender years, and your great virtue, ye may frame a Prince, good for yourselves, and profitable for the common wealth.  
Finally, I say that if ye have my father in remembrance, ye will never forget or disobey me his son: for comparing his virtue with my liberty: doubtless and without comparison, ye shall be much more persuaded by his nobleness, then altered by my youthfulness.   
This talk being finished, much money was thrown out amongst the armies because, on such days, it was amongst the romans much used. The Roman Princes did not much vary from reason, to give and promise' much money in the beginning of their Empires: for as much as the malice of man is greedy and covetous: they are more persuaded with a little money which is given, then with many words that are spoken unto them.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ Of a certain famous and notable speech, used by one of his tutors: for that he would leave the war of Panonia unfinished.  
ALl the officers of the Senate, and all the captains of the army did marvelously mitigate their sorrow, for the death of their most loving Lord Marcus Aurelius, when they heard his son Commodus talk with so great singularity: not only for that he confirmed, whatsoever his father had done, but also because he promised by imitation most naturally to resemble him.  
But what and how great difference was betwixt the words of this Prince at that instant, & the works which after he performed in his life, was much & too much: for nothing was more apparent, then that all his good words and works, upon that day did finish and take an end, because from that day, he did not only speak evil, and do evil: but that which is worst of all, it was never seen, that ever he had any motion or desire to do good. Many be wicked, and desire to amend: but this person so unhappy and sold to sin, was not to day so evil: that he desired and procured not to morrow to be worse. Certain days after he had used this talk unto the army, he permitted to be governed by the advise of his tutors: but even shortly after he both forgot the commandment of his father, and his promise made unto his men of war: for that he lost not only the fear of his tutors, but also the love and shame unto his friends. Commodus when he did inherit the Empire, was weak, delicate, and of tender years: but notwithstanding did use such licence and liberty of life, that decayed his person, and damnified his inclination and manners. His tutors and governors finding the offence that ensued thereof, advised to remove the mischief by information and counsel in secret: but so perverse was his condition, that for their gentle admonition, he did presently abhor them. Now when Commodus had publicly lost his fear unto tutors, his obedience unto governors, and reverence unto his friends, he would neither behold the one, or speak with the other: but that all his communication, and conversation was with persons light, young and vicious, unto whom he committed all his secrets: who began to persuade him to leave the wars, to go to Rome, renewing his memory with the opulency of Italy, and the beauty of Rome: and jointly did murmur at the land of Panonia, saying, it was barren, dry, cold, poor, and contagious: and that to drink a pitcher of water, they were first constrained to break the Ice.  
With these and such like words, Commodus was easily persuaded to leave the wars of Panonia, and take his way into Italy: and to bring the same to effect, calling his tutors and governors into his presence, feigned to have great suspicion, that while he remained in the wars, some others should conspire & rebel in Rome: in respect whereof to avoid the woorste, he was determined first to assure himself of his own countries, before he conquered strange kingdoms. So great sorrow entered the hearts of the governors and captains, that were present at that assembly, that heavily casting their countenances on the ground, they were not able to answer one word. A Senator named Pompeyanus being present at that counsel, who had married Lucilla, daughter unto Marcus Aurelius, and elder sister unto Commodus: besides his alliance in marriage, he was a man both rich, wise, valiant, and ancient: and therewithal had great boldness in that which he did, and no less credit in that which he said. This Consul Pompeyanus, beholding all the assembly in great silence, thought good to take in hand, to answer the Emperor Commodus after this manner.  

The Oration of Pompeyanus to Commodus.  
O my son, and my Lord, for thee to have desire to see Rome, & to go into Italy, is no marvel: for the same which thou desirest, all we have long wished, but following and embracing reason, we endure not to be overcome or carried away with sensuality. I call thee son, because I have bred and nourished thee from thy youth: and I call thee Lord, because thou art Lord of my mother Rome: by the one I am bound as a faithful vassal to follow and obey thee, and by the other thou art bound as unto a good father to believe me: and may it please the immortal gods, that thou have as ready an heart to believe my counsels, as I have, readily to obey thy commandments.  
Many years I did follow and serve thy father, and also am fully persuaded, that my service was grateful unto his heart, and did not only tenderly love me, but also frankly gave and recompensed me: for which reason, unto him and his house I will never become ingrateful: and am determined, one for one to counsel thee, in that which thou oughtest to do, and afterwards employ my life where in thou shalt command me. In that which I shall now say, if I have not that reverence, that from a vassal is due unto the Lord, at the least I shall have that love that a father doth own unto his son: and if now thou shalt be displeased with my words, and shalt take them to other end than they be spoken, the time shall come, wherein thou shalt repent thee, for not believing the old Pompeyanus, and that thou hast followed thine own will and judgement. But coming to the purpose, thou seest (most sovereign prince) that all which be present, neither do behold or answer thee, which may not proceed, but that either they know not to speak, or dare not answer, or else they think thou wilt not believe them: any of which, is too much hurtful and dangerous: because it is a fault in a prince, to demand counsel of him that knoweth not to give it: but it is much woorsse when they dare not speak that which is meet to be said: but that which is woorste of all, is, when a prince knoweth not to take the benefit of good counsel.  
If thou hadst in remembrance, what thy father commanded, it were superfluous at this present to advance myself to give thee counsel: and I dread, that as thou haste made no account of his commandment, in much less estimation thou wilt hold my request: but in the end I will say my opinion, and after wards, make choice of what shall, or may please thee.  
My son, call to remembrance whose son thou wert, that is to say, of my Lord Marcus Aurelius. for if thou dost consider that thou hadst to father so good a father: thou art much bound, being his son, to prove a very good son. Thou diddest inherit of thy father his house, his goods, his estate, and his memory: all which doubtless is very little, if thou didst not inherit his nobleness: because, for thy only virtue thou art to be honoured & obeyed: as touching the rest, as thou didst inherit in one day thou mayst loose in one hour. The glory which thou receivest, to have so good a father, so near and in company with the Gods, the same should he have there, to have so good a son here amongst men: for other wise, as much pleasure as thou takest of his glory, so much grief shall he receive of thy infamy.  
Thou wilt (my son) leave this war which thy father hath begun, and wilt go to enjoy the delights of Rome: I swear by the immortal Gods, I may not imagine the unworthiness of him that put the same into thy head: because such and so great an enterprise as this, aught not to be left unfinished, either if it were not begun, unperformed.  
Thou mayest not deny, but that thy father was wise, advised, patiented, & valiant, which being so in my judgement it should be right just, that thou shouldest adventure thy goods, where in he adventured and also lost his life. The affairs of Italy are in peace, in Rome there is no mutinous person, in Asia, & Africa, there is no common wealth out of quiet: the cause thereof proceedeth, of the great affection which they did bear unto thy father: and of the great power, that here they understand his son doth possess, which if thou forsake, & loose therewithal so great reputation: thou shalt leave the Barbarians in peace, and make war against thyself. If thou (my son) wilt obtain rest and a good life, sustain and conserve that which thy father did win and get in time of his life: and thou shalt find, that he conquered all, won all, recovered all, and made all plain: and it is not unjustly said, that he had all: for if he conquered walls with armour, he won hearts with good works and noble deeds. My son, what wilt thou seek out of Panonia, that thou mayest not found in Panonia: if thou desire to see Rome, I give thee understanding, that true Rome is where the Emperor of Rome is resident: because Rome is not holden for Rome, for the stately walls where with it is compassed, but for the heroical men where with it is governed.  
If thou wilt have riches, behold here is the treasure and the collectors thereof. If thou wilt have men of counsel, here is the whole sacred Senate. If thou wilt have men of noble minds, there are none in the world, as those of thine army.  
If thou wilt have lusty young men of thine age, here are the sons of all the noble romans.  
If thou wilt fish, behold here the great river Danubic, if thou wilt hunt and chase the wild beast, here are sharp mountains, if thou wilt have fair women, behold here women both of Rome and Germany most beautiful. If this be true, as it is most true, wherefore my son wilt thou depart from Rome, to go and seek Rome? If upon the sudden thou leave this war, thou shalt stain thy fame with a great blemish, and also put thy common wealth in great danger: because the barbarous shall think, that thy power is not sufficient to overcome them, and also that thou darest not attempt to assail them. Thy father left thee with great power, and great reputation in the Empire: and thou (my son) shouldest rather bend and fix thine eyes to conserve thy reputation, than thy potency: because thy power only profiteth against thine enemies: but thy reputation profiteth to conquer enemies, & to conserve friends. And thou oughtest not to conceive or think that the power of the Roman princes is so great, that it lieth in their hands at their own liking to make war or peace with the barbarous nations: because there is nothing wherein fortune is less correspondent than Martial affairs. The good princes aught to do much, travel much, and also adventure much, to avoid war and to obtain peace: but after they are determined to attempt and prosecute the same, they aught to respect nothing more than the finishing thereof: because many evils are cut off, by a good war, which may not be finished or brought to pass with a suspicious or a doubtful peace. It is great folly for any man to endanger himself, only upon the hope of a remedy: but much more is it, when a man hath already thrust himself into danger, not to seek to escape the peril thereof.    

CHAP. V How Commodus left the wars of Panonia to go to Rome.  
After that Pompeyanus had ended his Oration, Commodus did show himself offended, for the opening thereof in so common assembly, and pleased for the integrity of his words, giving for an answer, that for the present he would defer his departing: until ripe counsel, should determine some other matter. Not withstanding his small age, he was of such dissimulation in matters he would bring to pass, and so double in his words which he did speak, that the answer which he made, was not to the intent to stay his departing, but to confirm them in negligence and want of providence. It was published in the whole army, what Pompeyanus had said unto Commodus, and that the departing into Italy was deferred until the wars were finished: of which news some were pleased, and some displeased: because the ancient and virtuous wished all things to be done to the honour of the common wealth: but the younger persons and such as were vicious, had desire to go the vices of Rome. Some remaining quiet, and others negligent, Commodus determined to proceed with his purpose: and wrote certain letters unto Rome, wherein he commanded, they should order his house and prepare for his coming: and he did also writ, that they should relieve him with some money, for that with the wars he was much consumed. His letters being dispatched unto Rome, Commodus commanded all the valiant capteins to come unto his presence, with whom he did communicate the manner and fashion which he would use with those barbarous people, to frame them to yield to some honest truce: & if a better conclusion might not be obtained, to finish the same with a peace dearly bought. After that messengers had passed betwixt Commodus and the Barbarians diversly to and fro: in the end it was resolved, that he rendered many countries, that had been taken from the enemies, and also gave them a great sum of money: and they promised to continued friends, but not vassals unto the romans. This conclusion being known and published, was not a little grievous unto all noble minds of the army: because most truly the capitulation thereof was too too infamous, that in respect of the state of those wars it was not only not to be done, either as much as to be talked of. Of these infamous conclusions, and the payment of so great sums of money, he gave no part thereof unto the Senate or governors to understand, but unto such men of war as he understood had desire to be gone, and such as he thought durst not repugn. The fame being published that Commodus would departed towards Rome, the whole army was so altered, that none would remain in the frontiers, but that every man without order, prepared with great haste to return into Italy: in such wise that Commodus, not only ceased to continued hostility against the Barbarians, but also left no garrisons, to guard the Roman people. The Emperor Commodus parted from Panonia to go to Rome, the tenth day of the month of February: and so great was his desire to come to Rome, that in many cities which were in his way, where they came forth to receive him, he would not only stay to hear what they would say, either receive that which they would present: but also alone and disguised, in post would pass their streets.  
Incredible was the pleasure which they received in Rome, when Commodus did writ of his parting from Panonia: but much greater was their joy, when they understood that he was at hand: for remembering that he was borne amongst them, and that they had bred and nourished him, and that he was the son of so good a father: they held it for certain, that in his time Rome (more than ever it did) should flourish, and that every man in particular, should augment his estate. In respect of the great love and reverence they did bear unto the father Marcus Aurelius, and the report blown amongst the romans of the singular beauty of his son Commodus, they did so extremely desire to see him, that he held himself most happy that came furthest of to receive him. March was half passed when Commodus came to Rome, at which time trees do yield forth their flowers, and fields their fragrant smells: against the day that he should enter Rome, the Romans had made all ways even and clean, and banqueting houses decked with boughs to eat and drink in: the Senators came forth in great order, the women of Rome in sumptuous apparel, & the townsmen all with boughs and green branches, in such manner they received him that day with as great pleasure and joy, as if he had entered in his chariot triumphant triumphing of all Asia. After he entered the city, that which he first did, was, in visiting all the temples within the same: chiefly he stayed in the temple of jupiter, where he offered sumptuous sacrifices, all the noble men of Rome being present. Also he did visit certain ancient sepulchres, especially the sepulchre of Adrian, of Trajan, of Antoninus Pius his grandfather, of Faustina his grand mother, & Faustina also his mother: and some things that were in them evil handled, or decayed, he commanded to be repaired and made better. joining unto the sepulchre of Adrian, he commanded another sepulchre to be made, rich and sumptuous, wherein the bones of his father Marcus Aurelius should be translated, which sepulchre being finished, and having in remembrance how great love Marcus Aurelius did bear them, and the good & sincere dealing he used with them, the romans did visit, honour, and held his sepulchre in as great reverence, as their chiefest temples. This done, Commodus on a day went unto the Senate, saying and giving them warning, that in all and for all things, they should follow the ordinance of his father, and perform and execute all that he had commanded them: because after this manner, the imperial state should be conserved as concerning strange nations: and the common wealth well governed amongst themselves. Also he commanded all judges of Rome to come before him, charging and commanding them, that without all exception of persons, equally to give sentence according to justice: with a warning, that if any of them should presume to attempt the contrary, to have his sentence revoked, and his person chastised.  
The romans received great delight, to see how Commodus was obedient unto the Gods, a lover of temples, grateful unto his friends, and zealous of the common wealth: but alas for sorrow, so few were the months, and also the days, that this gracious heat endured, that it seemed rather they had dreamt it, then that he had done or performed it.   

CHAP. VI How Commodus was cruel, and of the cruelties which he used.  
IN the nineteenth year of his age and the third year of his Empire, he advertised the Senate, that he would visit all the cities in Italy: at his departing from Rome he went unto the mountains to hunt, on which chase, many were the days that he employed, much money he spent, but much and many more were the vices which he there committed.  
Three months and odd days he went a fishing at rivers, passing the fields, and hunting in mountains: in all which time he never entered city, town, or village, either slept in any house: and then sent his commandment unto the Senate to prepare a triumph, for that he would enter triumphing into Rome: affirming, that he better deserved triumph, for killing beasts that did eat corn, than other Emperors for killing of men that lived in towns. The Senate neither might or durst, but to receive him with great triumph: & the abominable Commodus, most odiously in the chariot triumphant, placed a young man named Anterus, and openly, after the manner of man and wife, did embrace each other. In his progress and pastimes which he used in those mountains, he lost no part of his evil customs: but rather added evil upon evil: that is to say, the fierceness which he recovered in slaying of wild beasts, after his coming to Rome he employed in murdering of many honourable personages. As touching the first, it is to weet he banished xxiiii. Consuls, possessed their goods, and made a reward thereof unto his strumpets, & other infamous persons: whereof five by importunate suit, of his gracious favour were restored to their houses, and shortly after he cut off their heads. There was in Rome a Senator named Birrius, a man in the days of Marcus Aurelius much esteemed, who deserved to marry with a sister of Commodus: who for that he warned and informed Commodus of his evil and foul life, he commanded him and all his friends to be slain: and also all the allies and servants unto his sister.  
From the time of Commodus father, there was remaining a certain perfect named Ebutianus a man most truly ancient in years, and no yonglinge in virtues: Commodus being advertised that Ebutianus had much lamented the death of the Consul Birrius: unto whom Commodus sent a messenger to say unto him: that he would understand of him, if he would weep for the death which he sent him, as he had wéept with the life which he possessed: which being said, by the commandment of Commodus he cut off his head.  
Another Senator named Apolaustus, who also sorrowed the death of Ebutianus, Commodus commanded to be slain.  
The day that Apolaustus was executed certain young gentlemen of Commodus his chamber, when they understood of execution done unto such as mourned for Ebutianus: they devised to make a show of great joy for the death of Apolaustus to escape the like danger: whereof Commodus being advertised, he commanded their throats to be cut: saying that for any act done of the prince, they aught neither to laugh or weep: but hear and see and hold their peace. Also he slew Servilius and Dulius with all their parentage which were descended of the lineage of Silla: and he slew Antius Lupus Petronius, and Mamertus, with all their band, which were of the lineage of Marius, affirming, that he executed the Sillans, to revenge the Marians, and executed the Marians to revenge the Sillans.  
There was in Rome a young gentleman a cousin to Commodus, both very fair and valiant: and one saying by chance unto Commodus, that Mamertus Antonianus his cousin, did resemble him in favour, and imitate him in valiantness: he commanded them both presently to be slain, affirming, that he should be an Emperor that did so resemble and compare with him. Among other ancient romans, there were six old Consuls, whose names were, Alius Fuscus, Celius Felice's, Lucius Torquatus, Alatius Ropianus, Valerius Bassianus and Patulius Magnus, who for their impotency were not able to come unto the Senate, he commanded them all to be slain: saying, that he was bound to do in Rome, as the good gardener in his orchard: that is to say, that the dry old tree must be cut or pulled up by the root and cast into the fire. In the government of Asia, the Senate had placed Sulpitius Crassus, julius Proculus, and Claudius Lucanus, as Proconsul's to govern those provinces: whom with their families, Commodus gave order to be murdered with poison: because in his presence they were praised, for their deeds done in Asia: and also for communication, which they had of his evils committed in Rome. Marcus Aurelius visiting the kingdom of Achaia, had borne unto him a niece, and daughter of his sister, named Annia Faustina, whom also Commodus commanded to be slain: but the quarrel that he had to take away her life, was, for that she had married without his licence. On a certain day upon the bridge of Tiber, were fourteen noble romans talking and passing the time: and Commodus at that instant passing that way, said unto one that he should demand as of himself, whereof they talked: unto whom they answered, that they were recounting the virtues of Marcus Aurelius, and that they had great sorrow of his death. Commodus hearing this answer, presently and out of hand, commanded all the xiiii. gentlemen to be hurled headlong over the bridge into the river: affirming, that they could not speak well of his father, but that they must speak evil of him which was his son. He would many times play with the sword players: and betwixt jest and earnest he killed a thousand of them. He was so cruel of nature, and so doughty in his deeds, that he had no scruple to kill, either fear to be slain. Commodus perceiving that all the romans fled, either to see, hear, speak, or to be conversant with him, to no other end but to avoid occasion to be slain at his hands: he remembered to invent a conspiracy, which is to weet, to say and publish, that many had conspired against him to his destruction: all which he commanded to be strangled and cut in pieces, notwithstanding that any such conspiracy was never thought of or intended.   

CHAP. VII. Of a certain conspiracy attempted against Commodus, and of Perennius his most favoured counsellor.  
Among other sisters, Commodus had one named Lucilla who in the life of her father Marcus Aurelius, married with a Consul whose name was Lucius Verus, whom he admitted with himself to be companion in the Empire, by such mean as Lucilla was entitled Empress, & her husband Emperor. But a year and three months, Lucius Verus lived as companion in the Empire with Marcus Aurelius, his father in law: in such wise, that even then, when he was very young, he lost his life, and Lucilla as young become a widow. Lucius Verus being dead, Marcus Aurelius married his daughter Lucilla unto a noble Roman named Pompeyanus, a man very wise in letters, expert in arms, and ancient in years. After the death of Marcus Aurelius, Commodus succeeding in the Empire, and not then married, did always entreat his sister Lucilla as Empress, for as much as she had been wife unto an Emperor: and also being an ancient custom, continued in the malice of man, that although the state be finished, and the goods consumed, notwithstanding folly remaineth. Thus stood the case: Commodus was after married unto a Roman lady named Crispina, unto whom from thence forth honour was done, that was accustomed to be used unto Lucilla, that is to say, in the Theatre or open place to sit in the chiefest seat, to receive gifts & presents of free men, and by the ways to have torchlight, and to be recited by name in prayers made in Temples. Mortal was the envy that Lucilla received, to behold the honour imperial which she had once in possession, to be removed, and pass unto her sister Crispina: and from thence forth, all her device, practice, and speech, tended but to rid her brother Commodus of his life, and Crispina her sister in law of her honour.  
There was at court with the prince a young gentleman of Rome, of noble blood, & of face beautiful, with whom it was bruited, Lucilla used unhonest love: his name was Quadratus, the son of a very rich father, unto whom she discovered the secret of her intent, to kill her brother Commodus, because he persecuted her husband Pompeyanus, & the Empress Crispina did deadly hate her.  
Quadratus desirous to do Lucilla a pleasure, consented to perform that act, & the order which he used therein was, that he joined in counsel with the son of a Senator named Quincianus, a young man both doughty & valiant: who should upon the sudden, with a sword drawn, enter upon Commodus in his chamber, with these words: This present the Senate sendeth thee: and at the instant to cut off his life. Quincianus accepted this enterprise, that is to say, to kill the Emperor Commodus: but failed at the time of the execution thereof: for notwithstanding he had courage sufficient to enter the chamber with a sword drawn, yet to perform the deed his heart was dismayed: in such wise, that the treason was uttered and the deed unperformed.  
Quincianus was presently taken, and discovered the conspiracy that Quadratus and Lucilla had devised for the destruction of the Emperor Commodus. And for as much as Quincianus was son unto a Senator, Commodus did bear so mortal hatred unto the Senate, that from thence forth, whosoever named himself a Senator, he held him for a traitor. Immediately after Commodus began to reign, a warlike captain named Perennius, fell into his favour: who in martial affairs was very expert, and of inclination and condition no less perverse: for his pride was intolerable, & his covetousness, insatiable. The favour, conversation, and credit, that Perennius had with Commodus was to the great prejudice of all the Roman people: because if Commodus were cruel, Perennius was most cruel: if Commodus had ire, Perennius did persuade to take vengeance: and beyond all the rest, did not disuade from vice, but invented new devices to lead unto wickedness. Pompeyanus being a man both honourable and ancient, and husband unto Lucilla sister unto Commodus, the Emperor did bear him some reverence: and jointly therewith, Lucilla had the fame of great riches, in money & jewels: whereof proceeded no small displeasure unto Perennius, who hardly endured the estimation of others in the court of the Emperor Commodus.  
Where upon, the treason being discovered, he with great impatience did incite the Emperor Commodus, on Pompeyanus and Lucilla to execute cruel justice, which he incessantly persuaded, not for justice sake, but to finish the favour which the Emperor did bear unto Pompeyanus, and to get unto himself the treasure of the lady, Lucilla.  
When princes be in ire, and furious, they have much to consider, of whom they demand counsel: because, not a few but many times it happeneth, that the private and favoured courtier giveth counsel unto the prince, not so much for the favour he beareth to the execution of justice, as for the revengement of his own cruel and damnified heart. The tyrant Perennius beholding Commodus inflamed with ire, did know to take the profit and benefit of time: that is to say, Pompeyanus, Lucilla, Quadratus, Quincianus and all their affinity, brothers, friends & servants, he caused to be slain, put to death, their goods to be confiscate, in such wise, that he was not only revenged of all his enemies, but also applied unto himself all their treasure.  
After the death of these persons, all the affairs of the Empire were governed at the will, wisdom, & pleasure of Perennius: who grew to be a lord so absolute of the Empire, that all ambassages that came to Commodus, he only heard them: and all letters missive he read and answered them, in such manner, that Commodus bore the name of Emperor, & Perennius did enjoy the empire. All offices and rewards being given by the hands of Perennius, procured service and diligence from all men, that in as much, as he that might do most, saved most: but he was so hard of condition, and of gold and riches so cruel and covetous, that of mere grace he gave no office, but by the weight of pure money always did cell the same: and to him that would not buy, he gave presents more dear than the money which he demanded. Perennius had enrolled the names of all the moneyed men in Italy, which if they did not present him some rich jewels, he procured them to be placed in offices: wherein he did seek quarrels, to spoil them of their lives, and to rob them of their goods.   

CHAP. VIII. Of a conspiracy that Perennius wrought against the Emperor Commodus.  
IN very short time Perennius become very rich, but his presumption and riches being examined and laid together, without comparison much greater was the pride which he did show, than the treasures which he possessed. Commodus had such confidence in Perennius, that he not only committed unto him the government of the whole common wealth, but also the order and honour of his house: in so much that Perennius was of the one and the other so absolute & so dissolute, that he was not contented to rob Commodus of his riches, but also used unlawful company with his own especial courtesans, by whom he had both sons and daughters. Perennius had sons grown to man's estate, which were in the armies: and when any notable deed was done in the wars, he would report at the emperors table, that it was performed and achieved by his sons: in such wise, that from them the were in peace he bereft their goods, and them that died in the wars he spoilt of their honour. In the fift year of Commodus reign, the Senate sent an huge army against the Britain's, whereof Perennius was admitted both Consul and captain: in which journey he was not satisfied, to be served as one in favour, and obeyed as Consul: but would be reverenced as a prince, and adored as a God.  
Perennius prospering in his martial affairs, and holding the whole common wealth in his own hands, and possessing wealth above all reckoning, he then imagined to want nothing but the attainment of the Roman empire: for the accomplisment whereof, he thoroughly determined to kill his Lord and master Commodus, placing his sons Praetors over all the armies, to be ready at hand in time upon the news of the death of the Emperor Commodus. Perennius also had drawn unto his partiality certain senators, and other the wealthiest neighbours and citizens of Rome by gifts and rewards in secret, but in especial by aggravating the wicked life of Commodus. On the fourth day of May, the romans did celebrated the great feast of jupiter Capitoline, whereunto not only the whole people of Rome, but also of all cities of Italy did concur: and when the Emperor on that day was resident in Rome, always in his own person went to authorize and see the feast. The Emperor Commodus beholding the plays and pageants provided for that triumph, and Crispina his wife being placed on the one hand, and Perennius the private and greatly favoured courtier, set on the other hand: they beheld a cart coming all covered with boughs, crying continually for room and audience. And when they were come unto the presence of the Emperor Commodus and all persons by his commandment using silence, the people thinking they would have uttered some pageant or matter of disport: suddenly there appeared a man aloft upon the cart, which had a long beard, a shepherds hook in one hand, and a sling in the other: and from the girdle upward all naked, his other garments very poor, and after the manner of a Philosopher, and directing his words unto Commodus, said:  

The Oration to Commodus  
O Commodus, it well seemeth that thou art a Prince, and that very young, which art in these plays and delights so careless and negligent, which thou oughtest not to do, because Princes of thy age, estate, and condition, run much more in peril, in their excessive pleasures, then in their mean travails. Being (as thou art) rigorous with thine own, and furious and unbridled with strangers, thou oughtest to consider, and not to be unmindful, that thou hast enemies: for the Prince that is feared of many, hath just cause also to fear many. The greatest riches, and the best treasure in this world, is truth, whereof Princes be most poor of all people: for that their ears being filled and led away with lies, may take no taste in matters of truth. Thou Commodus and other Princes, do not evil govern your common wealths of any prepenced malice to destroy the same: but because ye give not, either delight yourselves to hear the poor that be grieved and oppressed, when they complain, neither the good, godly, and virtuous, when they give advisement, of the great and horrible vices of bribery, extortion, and violent robberies, committed by officers, by the private and favoured, by the mighty and men of power. Great is the fault of Princes, for the vices which they commit, but much greater is their offence in dissembling the offences of their favoured servants, because ye offend not, but only the Gods, but they both offend the Gods, vex and trouble men, & are traitors to your own persons. Although Commodus, thou be licentious, dissolute, wilful, & also not very honest: it is impossible, but if the hurts and mischiefs, scandals, and robberies, committed by thy officers & favoured servants, were notified & given thee to understand, thou wouldst command them to be amended, & also to be remedied: for in the end there is no Prince so evil, that desireth not his common wealth to flourish. At these days, truth in Princes houses is so odious, that who so adventureth but to make report thereof, of death he must have determination: and if any such do escape with life, it proceedeth of some conceit to be spoken of madness. That, which at this present I will say & discover, I protest unto the immortal Gods, it proceedeth not of madness, for that my natural judgement is confirmed with reason: either do I say it of malice, to be revenged of any person: but only (O Commodus) to deliver thy life of great peril, and to franchise Rome from servitude of a tyrant: for that which I presume to say, and adventure to discover, I am assured before my tale be ended, my life shallbe taken away. But (O Commodus) I give thee to understand, that if thou wilt not give faith unto my words, the time will come, when thou shalt understand the truth, of all that I have said, when thy mischief may have no remedy. Thou (Commodus) art there set & placed, with the Empress Crispina on thy right hand, & on thy left hand thy private & favoured Perennius, but hadst thou certain intelligence, what he hath ordained against thee, with thine own hands thou wouldst bury him quick. Perennius hath not been satisfied, to put to death all good men, to be revenged of his enemies, to have destroyed all thy servants, to have rob all thy treasures: but that now he practiseth to take away thine own life, to advance and exalt himself to the whole power of this city and common wealth.  
O Commodus, if thou know not, I give thee to understand, that the sons of Perennius, by fraud have incensed thy armies of Illyria against the. Perennius himself ceaseth not to corrupt the Senate, and secretly seeketh to win the minds of men, giving gifts, and large rewards unto the people: and all to the end that upon the first news of thy death, without contradiction, he may possess the whole estate of the Roman Empire. And think not, that Perennius doth now be gin to attempt this treason, for that of great certainty I do assure thee, that many days passed he hath put the same in practice, & is upon the point, at this instant, to have it to be executed: in so much that if on this day I had not adventured to give thee warning, be thou assured, that on this present day before this feast had been finished, thy life had here been ended.   
Until that poor man had said, that on that day Commodus death was prepared, not only the people gave ear, but also Perennius: who presently rose out of his chair with great fury, commanding the sword players to kill that presumptuous and rash dizarde, who was presently slain, drawn, cut in pieces and burnt.  
Perennius of all men so deadly hated, by this poor man's tale, sunk into suspicion of the people, and also Commodus conceived against him some scruple: but that Philosopher being there slain, and Perennius in so great power, although they had all suspicion of his treason, yet no man there durst speak a word. The matter remaining certain days more suspicious than clear: there came gentlemen from Illyria, and brought certain pieces of gold, wherein both the name & also the Image of Perennius was engraven: which money Perennius commanded his sons in great secrecy to be made.  
The coiners thereof being advertised what the Philosopher had said, and being in great doubt in process of time to be discovered, came unto Commodus and manifested the whole matter, which were not only pardoned, but also largely rewarded. The treason being detected, which the traitor and tyrant Perennius had devised, it seemed good unto the friends of Commodus, and the enemies of Perennius, to the end to deliver him from all suspicion, first and immediately to cut off his head: for that Perennius being guileful, and in great power, might have prevented his own execution with the slaughter of others.  
A great part of the night being past, and Perennius reposing in his own house, Commodus commanded him to be called in great haste, advertising him at the instant of letters out of Asia: who entering the emperors chamber, found not Commodus, but yet wanted not that presently cut off his head. At the instant that Perennius was put to death, a post with great speed was sent into Illyria, by whom Commodus did writ unto the sons of Perennius, that all things set apart, they should repair to Rome to visit their father being sick in his bed: to the end that if the destinies should permit his death, to succeed in his place. The sons of Perennius did well think that all had been truth which was written unto them, and nothing doubting the detection of their treason, presently departed towards Come: but at their entry of the first city of Italy, they were made shorter by both their heads. This in conclusion was the end of the tyrant Perennius, which lost his sons, his goods, his honour, and his life: not rather for any mischief, then for his presumption and pride. Of this example, let all Princes take warning, how they magnify their servants with too great wealth and power: and this is said, because potency engendereth envy: and overmuch riches doth breed and bring forth pride.   

CHAP. IX. ¶ Of the tyrant Maternus, and of his treason against Commodus.  
exceeding joy did the romans receive of the death of Perennius, and his sons, because his avarice and pride was more sharp and intolerable, than the folly of Commodus. The offices of Perennius were divided amongst many: because it seemed, that so great authority and power, to be placed and committed in one person, were to put his life in peril, and his Empire to commission. Incredible and innumerable were the richesse, jewels, and money, that were confiscate by the death of Perennius and his sons: but they were so wilfully and wickedly divided and spent, that whatsoever Perennius gathered by extortion and bribery, Commodus spent & employed in vices. There was in those days in Italy a certain man named Maternus, who from his childhood was bred in the armies of Illyria: of nature bold and valiant, subtle, painful, sharp or quick, proud, seditious, and stammering, in such wise, that as he was filthy of his tongue, so was he sudden of his hands. In all debates, seditions, and mutinies which happened in the camps, or cities, this Maternus was ever found one, either the chief author thereof, or else to be noted above the rest, because they say, this was his common speech, that on that day, wherein he shed no blood, wine had no good relish. The captains of the armies did partly bear with him for his valiantness, but on the other side, they might not endure his continual quarelinges, and in the end his lewdness being grown intolerable, they did not only dispatch him from the wars, but also did banish him the confines of Italy.  
This Maternus being a ringleader of all wicked and desperate persons that were in the armies, many did accompany and also follow him in that exile: not to remain as bound to lead a better life, but to have liberty to commit much evil. With those companions that Maternus had recovered from the armies, and with others that daily joined with him, he obtained under his Standard twenty thousand footmen, and two thousand horsemen within the space of four months: with which people Maternus committed so many robberies, burnings, and slaughters in the cities and territories of Italy, as if an Hannibal had been raised from the dead to conquer Rome.  
Italy being rob and sacked, Maternus departed into Lombardie, and from thence into France, and after into Spain: in which kingdoms, he continued in that courtesy which he used in Italy: and that which was most to be marveled, was, that his army daily increased, and no man attempted to resist him, in such wise, wise, that with them which were present, he did yield occasion to be busied, and with them that were absent, he ministered matter of communication. This tyrant Maternus and his people, held no other trade but to rob temples, to sack towns, to scour the fields, to spoil corn, to burn houses, to force women, to defile virgins: and that which was woorste, that not contented for themselves to live at liberty, they broke prisons, and set at large all malefactors.  
It is amongst evils the supreme evil, and in tyrants the greatest tyranny, that they of themselves will not live according to reason and justice, but that also they will not consent that malefactors be committed to justice. Maternus and his army remaining in Spain, Commodus wrote unto all the Praetors of those countries, to raise an army of great power, to destroy the tyrant Maternus, and to make great promises by public proclamations, that unto him which should cut off the head, or take the body or person of Maternus, should have in reward all his goods, and his picture advanced and set up in Rome.  
The first proclamations were published in Saragosa, at which time Maternus was resident in Taragon, who being advertised that they of Spain prepared an army against him, and that amongst the captains great wagers were laid, who should first rid him of his life: he determined to return into Italy with determination to kill Commodus in Rome. Where upon Maternus most secretly conferred, with his chief and special friends & arrantest thieves and most doughty personages, to forsake the army: severally dividing themselves, by sundry ways upon one certain and appointed day without fail to make their meeting in Rome. Presently after Maternus was gone out of sight, all the remnant of his army was dismayed and fell in pieces, whereof there were infinite taken, strangled, drowned, drawn & hanged: in such wise, that in so great a number of thieves, none had better adventure, then to be slain or put to death, except he had friendly favour of fortune to be made a bondman. Maternus & his companions, the day, hour, & place, on which they had agreed in Spain, jointly did encounter at Rome: which for a time went dispersed & disguised by day, but joined by night to commit their thefts: being furnished for their provision, but only with such provision as they might pick by day, and steal by night, wherein they used so great shifts, guile, and skill, that although they accompanied but by couples, yet, if the ward or watch by day or night did attempt to arrest or offend any one, at an instant they were all ready for his defence: in such wise, that although they were of great disorder in their life: yet they used great conformity in agreement for the manner and fashion of their robberies  
One of the things wherein the malice of man most readily doth show itself is, that to do evil, we are soon agreed: but to perform a good work, we consent with great difficulty.  
Commodus was well persuaded, that the tyrant Maternus was now dead, imagining in his own conceit, that at the forsaking of his camp, and renouncing of his army, of extreme desperation and horror of himself, he had desperately drowned or committed himself to the halter. But Maternus in recompense of the loss of his potency, and negligence of his honour, bend all his study to deliver Commodus from his life. The romans held a custom upon the tenth day of March, to celebrated the feast of the Goddess Berecyntha: on that day the Emperor and the Senate went unto her temple, to offer sacrifices, which done and performed, generally all persons for the most part disguised themselves, masking and feasting throughout the whole city: in such manner, their faces being covered, the one was unknown unto the other. Maternus and other his fellow thieves and friends, had agreed to wear secret armour, with face disguised, that when the Emperor Commodus should most chief be addicted to view and behold the plays, and his guard most careless of his person: by a counterfeit brawl amongst themselves, to find ready mean to cut off his life. But notwithstanding Maternus had lost his wealth, power, and honour, he ceased not to continued proud, haughty, and disdainful: seeking to be served and reverenced, not as a friend and poor companion, but after the manner of a Prince, and as one that were very rich. Whereupon certain of his companions, being not only wearied, but tired, to walk lurkingly in corners, and not able to endure to be handled with so great servitude: and further, fearing some day to be discovered, they repaired unto Commodus, and with great secrecy manifesting the whole matter, which is to wit, that Maternus the tyrant was alive, and fully determined in those plays and feasts to kill him. Incredible was the fear wherewith Commodus was touched, when he heard that Maternus the tyrant was alive: and no less was his joy, to consider the conspiracy to be detected: and notwithstanding Commodus had intelligence thereof certain days before the feast, he suspended the execution thereof until the day of the Goddess Berecyntha: to the end that nothing should be revealed unto Maternus, of that which was discovered unto Commodus. The manner that Maternus devised to murder Commodus, the same did Commodus use to take and kill Maternus, that is to say: the great day of the feast being come, as Maternus and his band came masked and armed: so Commodus brought forth his men armed and disguised: and with a set quarrel the traitor and tyrant Maternus was slain, and his men cut all to pieces. The greatest feast of that feast was celebrated, in strangling, hewing, mangling, drawing & burning of the bodies of these miserable thieves: because it is an evident law for tyrants, that the hurts, robberies, slaughters, violences, and burnings, which they have committed in many days, they come to make repayment thereof in one hour.   

CHAP. X. ¶ Of the inexpected death of Cleander, a favoured and most private servant unto Commodus.  
AFter the death of the tyrant Maternus, the Emperor Commodus passed his life in great doubt and fear, imagining with himself, that some day they would dispatch him, either eating or sleeping: for he did both know, and also would say, that they were few which prayed for his life, but very many that sighed for his death. Until Commodus died he ever walked warily: for he doubled his guard, to guard him by day, and strongly shut in his house by night: in that which he did eat, in his lodging where he slept, on the palfrey whereon he road, on the garments which he did wear, he set great watch: in such wise, that he paid it but only with his life that durst touch his garment.  
Very seldom he went to the Senate, and much less did ride openly in the city: he had not talk with strangers but by writing: with his subjects he had no conference, but by a person intermitted: and that which was more marvel, he had many times such conceit, not only to refuse to writ, answer, hear causes, or dispatch affairs: but also in four or five days would not speak only one word. In the xi. year of his Empire, Maternus the tyrant was slain: on the next year there followed a great pestilence, and a general hunger, in which hunger and pestilence, the third part of Italy was consumed. Immediately after the pestilence had entered Rome, Commodus departed unto the city of Laurento, where were planted many Laurel trees, for which cause the city was named Laurento: where also the Emperor more remained, then in any other place: the Physicians giving him to understand, that to be under the shadow thereof, was very proper and convenient for defence of the pestilence. Notwithstanding the scarcity of bread and wine that was that year, further, a certain occasion of great hunger happened in Rome, which was as followeth. When the good Marcus Aurelius triumphed over the Argonauts, he brought amongst other captives a young man named Cleander: who was openly sold in the market place in Rome, and by chance bought by a clerk of the kitchen, to sweep & make clean the larder at court. This slave Cleander become so handsome in sweeping, serving, and pleasing his master, that not many years after, he did not only make him free, and marry him with his daughter, but also did advance him to the office of Clerk of the kitchen: in such manner, that from the estate of a bondman, he endued him with the condition of a son. Now when Clenander saw himself free, married, and in office in the Court, he traveled to obtain the good will of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, which he obtained by carefulness in service, and diligence in his office: and used therein so great diligence and promptness, that he was never noted, either slack in provision, or false in reckoning.  
Marcus Aurelius being dead, Commodus forgot not to remove Cleander from the affairs of the kitchen, and made him captain of his guard, and Lord great Chamberlain of his chamber. Unto none of as many as did serve & accompany Commodus in his youth that he was grateful, but unto Cleander: unto whom it had been much better, never to have risen to so great honour: for thereof only proceeded the loss of his life. Although the favour of Cleander did rise in jest or of small causes, he framed in few days to perform the same in earnest, which was as followeth: that as Commodus grew into disgrace, & was abhorred and had no care of the government of the Empire, Cleander did press and in such manner did throng to intermeddle with affairs, that for the more part all matter were dispatched at his will and pleasure: in such wise, that Commodus gave or firmed nothing, if Cleander did not sign or allow the same. Commodus had never any private or favoured servant, that in all points could so win his will as Cleander: who affirmed to wish nothing, that Commodus wished not, either to allow any thing that he said not: but advouched also that he did not think or dream, but that which Commodus did dream and think: and with these and such like lies and flatteries, he won the heart of Commodus, and obtained service of the whole Empire. After Cleander beheld himself the only private and favoured servant of Commodus, he easily made himself rich: obtaining the custody, not only of the whole common treasure, but also the keeping of all the money and jewels of the Emperor Commodus: and further in giving offices, and receiving presents, his sincerity exceeded not. But Cleander finding himself in so great magnificence, began not greatly to regard so great favour, or much less the obtaining of so great wealth: conceiving in the end, that Commodus did use him as a vassal, and that he must account him as his Lord: to cut off which opprobry, and to give contentation unto his heart, he determined to kill Commodus, and for himself to usurp the Empire. Cleander did build at the port Salaria, most costly and delectable baths, and commanded proclamation to be made in Rome, to notify unto all men, that would bathe therein, to be discharged of all cost, and freely to use the same: and also added thereunto great pastimes, and preparations unto all kind of vices: in such wise, that there they cleansed their bodies, & defiled their souls. Many times Cleander did invite the Senate, and sent them particular presents home to their houses: The Praetors, Censors, Questors, Tribunes, prefects, and other Roman officers, he caused their duties to be paid: and all the men of war he did not only pay them, but also did travel to hold them contented: in such manner, that some with vicious delights and pleasures, and some by rewards, gifts, and money, in a manner he recovered all men for his friends. In the year of great hunger and pestilence in Italy, Cleander bought all the wheat in the country's adjoining unto Rome: wherein his intent was, not to gain or make a profit thereof, but to bring Rome into a necessity, to the end that all men should come to his house for wheat: and therein to have used so great liberality, in selling good cheap, and giving plentifully, in a year so dear, that after the death of the Emperor Commodus, they should not mislike to give him the Empire. And as hunger increased cruelly, a great part of the year being as yet to come, and the people not knowing Cleander's intent, who did neither give or cell any wheat: suddenly all Rome did rise, exclaiming death and treason against Cleander, as an usurper of the goods of the common wealth. Cleander being a man valiant, of great power, and Captain of the guard, commanded all the men of his captainship, to be armed: who did place themselves in the compass of his house, for the guard of his person, and to resist that civil fury: although it be most true, that he rather defended the sacking of his house, then of fear to defend his life. The townsmen on the one side, and Cleander on the other part, traversed amongst themselves so long and perilous a contention: that it seemed no other matter, but that Silla and Marius were once more fallen into fight, for the signory of Rome. And as Cleander's party was defended with men both armed and determined, in the first onset they executed so great slaughter amongst the people, that scarcely a street was to be found in Rome, that was not bathed with blood: either any place great or little, that was not filled with dead bodies. The townsmen perceiving the slaughter and havoc which the men of war so cruelly did perform amongst them, retired every man into his house: and fortifying their doors, they fought from their windows and house tops, and from thence threw and whirled out stones, tiles, spits, pots, and cauldrons: and in that so common danger, no less did women fight then men: & Cleander's party so hardly handled, that scarcely remained a hundred that were not slain or wounded. Whilst these deeds were doing at Rome, Commodus was recreating himself in an house which he had in an orchard, and Cleander being of great power, of some feared, and of others beloved, no man durst make report thereof unto Commodus, because so strong was the friendship betwixt them, that they feared the displeasure of the one, and the unkindness of them both. There was in the Court a sister unto Commodus named Fadilla: whose eyes being charged with tears, and tearing her hair from her head, as one in great distress, said unto her brother Commodus. Most serene prince, and right dear brother, if thou wert advertised of the condition and estate of Rome, thou wouldst not be so careless solacing in this garden: because I give thee to understand, that the yeomen of thy guard in the favour of Cleander, and all the other people of the common wealth, have traversed amongst themselves so cruel a fight, that if presently at this instant thou provide not some remedy, this day will be the end of the Roman people. The exceeding honour, the great riches, & to to much favour which thou hast employed upon Cleander, hath raised him into exceeding great pride, whereof although he be in the fault, yet the occasion hath been given by thee: for as thou makest Lords of bondmen, it is most certain that they will make slaves of Lords & noblemen. The people be so furious against Cleander, & Cleander and his men so fleshed against the people, that thou haste to choose one of two things: which is to wit, to yield Cleander unto the common people, or else to abide what fortune of them and us shallbe proved: for as the case standeth now empoisoned, it is impossible, that jointly thy life and his person this day may be preserved. These words being spoken by the infant Fadilla, all men present recovered new boldness, persuading Commodus to remove Cleander from amongst them, and so to appease the whole people of Rome: and to hold the ease of the common wealth more dear, than the friendship or life of Cleander. Commodus hearing these matters, & dismayed with fear, forthwith commanded Cleander to come unto his presence: and at the instant of his appearance, commanded his head to be cut off, which being set upon a lance, and carried about Rome, immediately the whole multitude was pacified. Cleander being put to death, his children, servants, & friends, were executed, whose bodies after they were drawn by boys throughout Rome, were thrown into sinks and places of vile ordure. This was the conclusion and end of Cleander, and the end of his children, his house, goods, and honour: who though for many things, aught to be reprehended, yet only for one thing he deserveth praise, namely, that he had rather die a gentleman, then live a slave.   

CHAP. XI. ¶ The report of a fire which descended from heaven, and burnt in Rome the temple of peace.  
ONe of the most notable examples, wherein fortune hath discovered the inconstancy of her wheel, was in the discourse that she had & used with Cleander and his house: who in short space, of a slave made a freeman, of a freeman a Steward, of a Steward a praetor, of a praetor a Chamberlain, & of a Chamberlain, in effect a Monarch of the world: and afterwards in one day, and in one hour, was utterly destroyed: whereby we have to learn, that While we live in this life, with surety we possess nothing. He aught not to be dismayed, that from an high estate, is descended unto a poor degree: neither aught he to glory or grow proud, that from a base estate, is advanced to honour: for there is none in so wretched condition, that hopeth not to grow better: either is there any so set a fit, that needeth not to doubt to catch a fall.  
The present day that Cleander was put to death, Commodus repaired unto his imperial Palace, & never more returned unto his garden, neither to devil, either as much as to solace: and if in times past he had been cruel, from thence forth he was much more cruel, and also suspicious: for he conceived that popular sedition proceeded not, to take vengeance of Cleander, but for device to dispatch him of his life. His friends, his kinsefolks, his counsellors, his servants, his natural subjects, and also strangers, he held them all his utter enemies: because he doubted that all manner of men, that came to speak with him, came to deceive him: and such as repaired to visit him, that by treason they would kill him. In the xii. year of his Empire on the xvij. day of March, at noon the heaven was seen full of stars, as if it had been midnight: and that which was most marvel, and never read in books, or seen with eyes, that on the evening when the Sun naturally was accustomed to be seen to set in the West, they beheld rising in the East. In the month of july next following, a Comet appeared in heaven, as large as a great beam, and so flamed with fire, directing his sparkles unto the city of Rome. On the xx. day of the month of August, suddenly the heavens being clear, neither rainy or cloudy, in Rome there struck an horrible clap of thunder: and after the thunder, there came a globe of fire, which burned the temple, named the temple of peace. This temple in authority was most ancient, in buildings most stately, in riches most wealthy, with priests most published, and in devotion most esteemed: because in all other Churches, the Romans might pray unto their Gods sitting or standing: but there were forced to pray on their knees. All men which had money, treasure, jewels, or rich stuff, laid it all up in the temple of peace: not only thinking them most safe, by the strong building of the Church, but also of devotion to commend and offer their goods unto the God of peace, to obtain permission to enjoy quietness. The loss which the Romans received, by those flames of fire, did exceed all reckoning: for that in a manner all rich men had there their riches burnt & consumed: in such wise, that no heart might endure, either yet dissemble, to hear the cries of men, and the exclamation of women: every man recounting his loss unto his neighbour, & jointly bewailing the burning of the temple. Now when the temple of peace was burnt, visibly they did see it pass, unto the temple of the vestal virgins: which wholly it consumed, leaving no sign of any building thereof. And yet notwithstanding, better order was taken for the remedy thereof, then in the other temple: for presently upon the kindling of the fire, they took out the vestal virgins, which there were enclosed, and the relics which the Romans had there reposed And for as much as we have said of relics, it is to understand, that the Romans had in that temple the Palladium: that is to say, the image of the goddess Pallas, which fell from heaven upon the walls of Troy, and from thence was brought to Rome: which was holden in as great veneration, as the ark of the Lord amongs the Israelites. The Romans held that Image of the Goddess Pallas, so shut up, enclosed and hidden: that long time after she was brought from Troy, of mortal man being never seen: either of Consul, Emperor, or priest: for they had a prophecy, that in the year, in which that Image should be seen, there should be great change in the prosperity of Rome.  
The Romans removed their vestal virgins, and the Image of their Goddess Pallas, unto the house of Commodus: and so great was the lamentation amongst the Romans, to behold their vestal virgins set at large, and their Palladium discovered, that without comparison they did much more bewail the burning of their temple of relics, than the other temple that contained all their riches. After this globe of fire had burned the temple of Peace, and the temple of Relics, it burned also many other sumptuous buildings: not burning alongst after the manner of other fire, but amongst many houses burnt one, and far off from thence would burn another: whereof the Romans did gather, that it was not the fire in use amongst men, serving only to burn: but a fire sent from the Gods, to consume and chastise. These terrible fireinges, and prodigious spectacles, of the Romans being considered, if until that time they did wish the Emperor evil, from thenceforth they could neither endure to behold him, either abide with patience to hear his name: for they held it for certainty, that all those evil signs wherewith the Gods did threaten the Common wealth, were all sent for his foul and filthy life. This globe of fire continued by the space of a xi. days: in all which time it ceased not to burn temples and houses. On the xii. day Commodus road out of the city, and at the instant that he went out at the gates, soudainely the fire ceased: which confirmed the Romans in their opinion, namely that during the life of Commodus, the Roman people of the gods should always be scourged.   

CHAP. XII. ¶ Of many cruelties, and not a few fantastical practices of Commodus.  
AS it hath been said, Commodus continued certain days very sad and pensive, when he considered how traitors sought occasion to take away his life, and the terrible flames and burnings of Rome: but in short time after, he both forgot the chastisement of the Gods, and conspiracies of men: and this manifestly appeared, for that he so stoutly returned to all his vices, as if he had never been vicious. Cleander being dead, he made Niger Perfect, and after six hours he did revoke his power, and commanded him to be banished: and provided also Galba Rufus for his Chamberlain, whom after four hours he discharged of his office, and sent him in exile: and when Niger & Rufus complained of their griefs, Commodus answered, he did not banish them for that which they had done, but for that which they might do. He created Perfect Marcus Dulius, a man (most certain) right generous and ancient: whom after three days he removed from his office, and commanded him until his death, in his house to be prisoner, the occasion whereof was, for that (as he affirmed) Marcus was very old and spent, and therefore it were no reason he should be troubled of any person: and also, that if any man should request any thing, he might answer him, that he was a prisoner, and might not go out of his doors to do him pleasure. He gave the Senate to understand, that he would go into Africa, and had necessity, for his navy by sea, & his army by land, of a great sum of money: although the Senate did suspect it but a collusion, they durst not but open the treasury, and divide with him the treasure: for otherwise, he would both make havoche of their lives and treasure.  
In April the Senate gave forth their money, and when Commodus was in possession thereof, he bruited his departing unto Campania, to take men of war: where he remained all that Summer, and also part of the next winter, eating, drinking, fishing, hunting, playing, wrestling, running, leaping, dancing, swimming, and such other vanities. All the Senate was much ashamed, and all the Romans not a little touched, after they understood the money which was given out for the wars of Africa, to be so viciously consumed by Commodus in Campania. After his return to Rome, Commodus was advertised, that Motilenus' Perfect for that year, had murmured more at him, than any other person: and for very grief and despite did weep, to see their money provided for the wars, spent in so wicked uses: Commodus confected certain figs, and invited Motilenus to dinner, who being fed with figs died the third day following. One day he clad himself as a priest, right pontifically, and placed himself aloft on a choche of 4. furious horses: the Romans supposing he would offer sacrifices at the temple, he mounted certain rocky cliffs & mountains: and there against all reason ran his chariot, where his horses happened to be all to torn, & his chariot rend all to pieces, and he broke his head, and wrenched his foot: finally he made a narrow miss, in repayment of his folly, that day to have lost his life. On a day he went to the Senate, and said that he would not have Rome named Rome, but Commodiana: and the Senate answered, they were both pleased to call Rome Commodiana, and the Senate Commodiano. That which the Senators supposed to be demanded in jest, also consenting in jest, Commodus did accept in earnest: & from thenceforth, the letters which were written, the provisions which were made, & the seals thereto joined, in all such instruments Rome was entitled Commodiana, & the Senate Commodiano: and if by negligence any man happened to be oblivious thereof, & to use the name of Rome, presently he was banished from thence, to seek Rome: for that was not, but Commodiana. The priests of the Goddess Isis were commanded to come into his presence, and said unto them, that she had revealed unto him, that their heads should be shaven, and that he was commanded as high priest to perform the same: and with a blunt knife he cut their nails, and blunting his knife upon stones, would dry shave their heads: in such wise, that as their hair was dry, and his knife blunt, it might more truly be said, that he did rather flay them, then trim or dress them. Such as guarded the temple of the Goddess Bellona, he caused their right arms to be thrust out of joint: alleging, that since they painted the Goddess with a broken arm, her priests aught not to have their arms whole and sound. The Romans painted their Goddess Isis with naked breasts: and Commodus on a day visiting that temple, and beholding the image of Isis, painted with breasts discovered: he caused the breasts of the priests to be scrat with combs of iron in his presence, affirming that it were unjust for their Goddess to have naked breasts, and they to hold their entrails hidden.  
Commodus commanded all men to call him Hercules, which, to the end he would resemble, he made a coat of Lion's skins, and took in hand an huge club, wherewith he went day and night kill men, breaking doors, and overthrowing pillars, with such other vanities: in so much that a fierce cruel Lion would not have done so great hurts, as Commodus committed as a Lion, but counterfeit. With many other vain and wicked deeds unworthy to be written.   

CHAP. XIII. ¶ A discourse of the provinces that rebelled in his reign, and the prodigies of his death.  
THere rebelled against the Roman Empire, in the reign of Commodus, the Mauritanes, the Datians, the Sarmatians, and the Germans, all which were only come by the Roman capiteines: for that Commodus did rather employ his valiantness in vices, then in resisting enemies. He was not only in his words and works, vain and frivolous, but also in his letters which he wrote for the Empire: for that many times being advertised from countries and provinces, of causes of great importance, he would answer them with matters of vanity: and sometimes would send an whole sheet of paper sealed and firmed, containing only one Latin word, that is to say, Vale. Notwithstanding the days of his reign were the most unfortunate days, yet would he needs command them to be termed the golden world. Most heinous offences he would pardon for money: if any person being absent were condemned to die, he would find out some other of his age and name, to be executed for his offence: affirming that since he did resemble him in age and name, he should not vary in the manner of his death: in such wise, that this tyrant did kill innocents for the wicked, and let offenders escape for money. If any man had an enemy of whom he would take vengeance, he needed no other mean to perform the same, but to bargain with Commodus for a sum of money, which being agreed he never wanted occasion to rid him of his life. At all the vile and filthy deeds which Commodus committed, he was not grieved, but delighted in the publication thereof: in so much that he was not only evil, but also boasted himself to be evil: for that he entered so great folly or madness, that all things which he either did, or said, whether allowed or misliked of himself or all other men, expressly he commanded them to be written, in the registre Capitoline. On a certain time he determined to burn the whole city of Rome: and being priest to give fire to many parts, Letus a Consul came unto him, and said unto him so many things, and put him in so great fear of the hazard of his life, that he ceased that day to execute so desperate a deed: and being demanded, why he would burn his mother Rome, answered: that he would not burn Rome, but his Commodian Colonel: because at that time it was named Rome. These prodigies following did precede his death. There came out of his house certain little birds, of the fashion and colour of turtles: which were never seen either in Rome, or in any the confines of Italy, and remained iij. days upon his house, neither flying or removing to any other house: and their note and song which they used, did rather give motion of weeping, then of mirth. suddenly the ports of janus did open, the copper Image of the god Mercury was seen to sweated, the Image of Hercules without approach of any person was seen to move, and upon his chamber where he slept the skrich owl nightly ceased not to howl. Commodus considering these causes, departed to remain at mount Celius: affirming that he was feared by night, & might not sleep. On the next day, being demanded for the celebration of certain feasts & games, which were to be done before the gates of his Palace, what garments his guard should wear, he answered and commanded them to be clad with hooded capes for the rain, a garment much used in Rome for mourners: in such wise that on the other day he was in such manner accompanied, that it seemed rather they went to honour his obsequies, then to celebrated or magnify his feasts.   

CHAP. XIIII. ¶ How Commodus was slain by the device and counsel of his Courtisane Martia.  
THe time approaching, wherein the follies and wickednesses of the Emperor Commodus should finish, and the sorrowful Rome obtain liberty from the servitude of so cruel a tyrant: the occasion both of the one and the other was after this manner.  
The first day of the month of january, the Romans did celebrated the feast of the God janus: on which day Commodus determined to show himself in the habit, not of an Emperor, but of a sword player: whereof Martia his concubine being advertised, with great instance did humbly pray him, and with many tears no less request and béeseech him, that it might please him to take some other order, both to avoid the peril that might happen unto his person, as also the blemish unto his authority. This Martia was so loved and so tenderly cherished and honoured of the Emperor Commodus, that notwithstanding she did serve him as a concubine, yet he brought to pass that all men did serve her as Empress. To restrain Commodus from that feast in the show and form of a swordplayer, neither were the abundant tears powered forth of Martia sufficient, either her humble suit so instantly requested, either the fear and hazard of his person so flatly informed, either the amorous enticements so exactly performed, remove his purpose: the which Martia considering, forgot not to request others to be assistant in that suit: for as afterwards she reported, her heart did give her, that Commodus that day should pass great peril. At that time Letus was his Chamberlain, and Electus Capiteine of his guard, who were private and in great favour with the Emperor Commodus, & friends unto Martia: these both she requested to be humble furtherers in her former suit. But Commodus was so obstinate, and determined to celebrated that feast of janus, in form of a fenser: that he was not only unwilling to hear them, but also grew to be offended with them. On the eves eve of the great feast of the God janus, Commodus commanded the Capiteines of the sword players, to prepare him the arms & ensigns of a sword player: for that he would celebrated those feasts not as an Emperor, but as a sword player. This done and provided, Commodus commanded Letus and Electus to departed to their lodging, to the end he might repose: and seeing himself alone in his chamber enclosed with doors shut, he took paper and ink, and did writ with his own hands, the names of all such persons which he determined on the next day should be slain with the sword players: for his meaning was not principally to adorn those feasts and to honour them, but to dispatch many men of their lives. This memorial being made, of all such persons as the next day should be slain: partly of excess, and partly of weariness in writing, he was taken with dead sleep: laying his memorial under his pillow, not doubting that any person should encounter therewith. Commodus had in his chamber a little boy sufficiently fair, named Pugius, whom he did love and favour above all the rest, not for his service, but for delight he had of him in bed. As Pugius was but childish, and in so great favour, coming and going always into Commodus chamber, fortune would, or to say better, God so ordained, that he should take that paper in hand wherein were contained the names of all such as were appointed to the slaughter: and came forth unto the lodging, where Martia received him to play, according unto the custom used with children: and finding the paper in his hands, suspecting it to be some writing of importance, took the child into her arms, embracing, kissing, and dallying with the child Pugius, and giving him another jewel wherewith to play, took the paper into her hands, without all suspicion to find that, which therein was contained. Martia could both writ and read, and understood the Greek, and spoke the Latin tongue, and presently began to read the contents thereof, written by Commodus his own hands: wherein she found first her own proper name, as appointed amongst the rest to be slain: the second was the chamberlain Letus, the third the captain Electus, and so consequently the most ancient, wealth, & the most noble personages of Rome, Martia being astonied and terrified to found what she found in that libel, began to sob and weep: and saying with herself: what is this? may it be, that I am Martia that read this writing, and shallbe executed to morrow? O Commodus, joy & take no care: for whereas thou hadst thought to have done vengeance upon thine enemies: this day, they shall be revenged of thee, in such wife, as men shall praise it, and the Gods allow it: that in thy rigorous chastisements, all tyrants shall obtain and recover both warning and example. If thou ever in all thy life, diddest commit or perform any good deed, it hath been to place me amongst such persons as thou hast appointed to be slain to morrow: for that she deserveth most justly to die, that abandoneth her conversation unto so vile a person. Since the Gods have so permitted, and my good fortune would, that this matter should be discovered, full contrary to thy purpose, it shall have success: because thou thoughtest to have slain me, and all other virtuous, noble, and most wealthy of the Empire: but the case shall be thus: that this day thou shalt see the end of thy wicked life, and we all shall behold our mother Rome set at liberty.  
These and such other words being spoken, she sent for Letus and Electus, to whom in great secrecy, she showed this writing: and when they considered, that on the next day they should all be slain, they forgot not to determine to kill Commodus that night: but hardly might agreed upon the device and manner of his death.  
It was the even of the feast of janus, and also a great part of the day already past, and not as yet determined with what manner of death they should finish Commodus his life: for that, if they should kill him on the sudden, he might defend himself, and the case discovered: and if their affairs were deferred, on the next day they were judged to die: but finally, they concluded to dispatch him with poison, offered by the hands of Martia. The manner was thus.  
Martia persuaded Commodus that night to bathe himself, and coming from the bath, Martia bore him in hand that he was pale and colourlesse, and prayed him to drink and to eat a morsel, and in that same which she gave him in a collation to eat, in the same she ministered poison for him to die.  
Not long after this surfeiting diet, his head began to ache: and being counseled by Martia to take his bed, she provided to send forth all persons that might seem either to hinder his rest, or her determined purpose. He had reposed little more than an hour, when the poison began to come to his heart, and taking occasion with his fingers to cast, Martia, Letus, & Electus, doubting that by vomit he might throw forth the poison, and so they by matter committed might justly be put to death, began to féare and dismay in their enterprise. But Martia more like a man then a woman, perceiving her complaints to be daunted with fear, brought in Narcissus, a beardless and shameless young man, fleshed in murders: to whom she promised a great sum of money, who entering the chamber finished the murder. This was the end of the unchaste and filthy life of Commodus, whose life and death may yield unto all Princes both example and terror: for, notwithstanding the wicked are forborn for a time, yet God's justice doth not permit them to escape unpunished. (⸫)    

The life of the Emperor Pertinax, compiled by sir Anthony of Guevara, Bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler, & counsellor unto the Emperor Charles the fifth.  

CHAP. I ¶ Of the lineage and country of the Emperor Pertinax.  
THE emperor Publius Pertinax was borne in the province of Apennia in a certain place named Martos, in the second year of the Empire of Trajan: and his father was named Lineotinus, a man that lived by his own proper sweat and travail. Pertinax being a stripling, served his father with the carriage of wood upon an ass, to be sold at the town, who used to cell so dear, contentious, and pinching, that if they gave him not his first demand, he did rather leave his wood unsolde, then abate one blank of his price. And being noted of all men, and but for a packeman, it proceeded thereof to be named Pertinax, that is to say, contentious: for that before time he was named Publius. Pertinax perceiving that he was now called, not Publius, but Pertinax, contentious and packman, he parted from his country in a great chafe, and shamed, giving himself to writ and read: which when he had learned, he travailed to attain the Greek & Latin tongues, which also he obtained: in such wise, that he become more handsome in science, then in selling of wood. Now when Pertinax perceived himself to be instructed both in the Greek and Latin tongues, he gave himself unto the wars, to learn the art of warfare, perceiving that from his study there proceeded much travail, and no profit: and that his life diminished, and his goods nothing increased. In those days the romans held wars with the Assyrians, against whom the Consul Lolianus was captain, where Pertinax being repaired, made covenant with a captain of Rome to serve him for his provision, in the condition of a cater: who using his service in that office very faithfully, and in skirmish and encounter with the enemy no less valiantly, his master removed from his said office, and advanced him to the state of a Soldier. Not long after that Pertinax had served in the condition of a soldier, but he was raised to an office of more honour and credit, which in these days, is termed Sergeant of the hand, that is to weet, to give order unto the soldiers, to set in array. Pertinax every day recovered fame in the wars, and his valiantness and noble mind was notorious unto all men in the camp. It chanced at the furious encounter of the enemy, the captain of his hand to be slain: whereof the Consul Lolianus commanded him to take the charge, wherein he did so behave himself, that not long after, he did not only with blood, revenge the blood of his captain, but also brought to pass, to be loved of the romans, and feared of the enemies. The wars of Assyria being finished, Pertinax remained as praetor thereof, and as he was feared of the Assyrians in the time of war: so was he afterwards beloved in time of peace: for if in times past he had been rigorous, as unto enemies: so was he in process without all comparison, more pitiful unto offenders. In the second year of the Empire of the good Marcus Aurelius, the king of Parthians rebelled against the Romans, & amongst other Captains that were called unto that conquest, was Pertinax the Praetor of Assyria: in which wars, so strait and sound friendship was planted betwixt Marcus Aurelius and Pertinax, that from thenceforth they dealt not as master and servant, but as father and son: because no matter, were it of most great importance which Marcus Aurelius commanded, that Pertinax performed not, and exactly did not accomplish: either any counsel ministered by Pertinax unto Marcus Aurelius, unto which he yielded not. In those Parthian wars, Pertinax proved so provident in perils, so doughty in hazards, so wise in counsel, so venturous in sallies, and so valiant in battle, that by report of the enemies and judgement of the armies, he only deserved more glory than all the rest. The wars of Asia being finished, the Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent him as Praetor unto the province of great Britain, which now is called England.  
Two years after he arrived into Britain, war was raised against the Germans, unto which wars Pertinax was also called, and there had the charge of the Eagle, which was to be bearer of the royal standard, and was called the Eagle, because the Romans had always in that special standard an Eagle bravely painted.  
Pertinax being resident in the wars of Germany, his own mother from Rome, came to visit him, for that ten years had passed in which she had not seen him: and not ten days after she had enjoyed the sight of her desired son, she died and passed out of this world. Unto whom Pertinax erected so solemn and sumptuous obsequies, and so generous a sepulchre, whereof was divined that she was the mother of some Emperor to come, and that the Empire should fall into his hands. The affairs of Germany being settled, the Emperor Marcus Aurelia's scent his commandment unto Pertinax, to pass into Datia, which now is named Denmark: and did assign him fifty thousand sextercies for his stipend, which may amount to five thousand Ducats of our money: whereat many did envy, no less for the great summies of money which he gave him, then for the honourable government that he committed unto him.  
Now Pertinax being grown very rich, and notified both valiant, hardy, and in great estimation, he was there withal envied of many: which hatred borne him by his contemporants and companions in the wars, they discovered by their extreme publishing his negligences, darkening and inféebling his heroical acts.  
It is an ancient custom in the malice of man, to hold nothing for well done, but that which we love, although it be evil: and to esteem nothing for evil, but that which we hate, although it be right perfect. There came from Datia certain soldiers to Rome, which gave forth so perverse and foul information against Pertinax, that presently the Emperor did suspend his office, and discharged him of his stipend, and that he should serve one whole year at his own proper costs in Illyria.  
This imperial commandment being notified unto Pertinax, presently with great patience he obeyed, and departed unto Illyria to perform his banishment with much constancy: and they say, that he said these words at his departing.  
I am not grieved for the honour whereof they have deprived me, either for the stipend which they have taken from me, either of this exile which they have sent me: but it grieveth me that this commandment should proceed from so good a Prince, and I not heard, either he well informed: because mine innocency being known (as shortly it shallbe known) the Emperor, my Lord, shallbe noted of all men, as a Prince of light belief, and I shall obtain the credit and fame of a gentleman, both sincere and patiented.  
And as Pertinax said, so it succeeded, which is to weet: the Senate commanding inquisition to be made, and finding Pertinax free and clear from all matters, whereof he was accused, and many things wherefore to be commanded, he was by public sentence restored unto his honour, & to his adversaries was given the pain that he did and should have suffered: although, notwithstanding in short time after, by his own suit, they were pardoned, because Pertinax naturally was pitiful, and not given to revenge.   

CHAP. II ¶ Of the variable fortune that Pertinax did pass before he obtained the Empire.  
THE emperor Marcus Aurelius held Pertinax in reputation of a man both virtuous, valiant, silent, of a noble mind, and also fortunate: but after he had by false report exiled him, he held him both for wise, and of great patience, considering how mildly he endured so unjust banishment, and afterwards how friendly he sued for his adversaries. In recompense of the injury which Marcus Aurelius the Emperor had done unto Pertinax, he made him Praetor of Datia, and sent him jointly with his provision, the ensign, and did also constitute him captain of the first legion: that is to say, to have the vanguard of the army, which in the wars is a matter of most trust, and also of honour: in such wise, that where as his enemies had thought most to have confounded him, from thence he received occasion to be most advanced. The province of Noricus and Retius rebelled against the romans: against whom the armies of Illyria were sent, unto whom they gave advertisement that they were ready to be reduced unto the service of the Roman Empire, if the Praetor that presently did govern them were removed, and in his place they might obtain Pertinax for their Protector: saying and affirming, that they rebelled not, to retire from the subjection of Rome: but because their officers did oppress them with cruel dealing. Great joy had the Emperor Marcus Aurelius when he understood those provinces to be reduced unto his service: but much more did he rejoice, when he was advertised, how instantly they craved Pertinax for the government of that country: unto whom presently he sent, both craving and commanding: and to the end that Pertinax should accept his suit, and condescend unto his commandment, he sent him the ensign and livery of Consulship. Many days after that these matters had passed, the Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent for Pertinax, which had been absent sixteen years, and as he was in martial affairs, famous, so generally they came forth into the streets of Rome to behold him, as it had been some monster, brought from the deserts of Egypt: and being arrived at Rome, he was conducted by the Emperor Marcus Aurelius unto the Senate: and after all sorts and fashions was praised and honoured as an assured friend doth use to praise and honour his approved friend, which was great novelty in Rome: that is to say, for one Prince to speak for another in the Senate: for unto such like Captains as unto Pertinax, they did only hear what they would say, but used not to answer any one word within the Senate. Presently in the kalends of january next ensuing, Pertinax was created Consul: which the Emperor wished the Senate had not performed, to the end he would have made him Praetor principal, because he esteemed him to be in possession of great wisdom, for government of matters of the common wealth, and very upright to administer justice. The people inhabitant near unto Danubie, did writ unto the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, how they were rob, lost, and evil governed: and that if Pertinax were not sent to govern that province, ere long the whole country would rebel: which Marcus Aurelius understanding, framed and forced him to return unto Danubie: and to the same end he gave him power and stipend so accomplished, that he reserved unto himself but only the name of Emperor his Lord,  
One year after that Pertinax had governed Danubie, the Senate sent him new provision for the government of Datia, by the occasion of the death of Cassius: and that also he should use the residence of the Praetor of Panonia: in such wise, that there was no matter, either in the inferior or higher Almain, that by the hands of Pertinax was not governed and provided. Two years after the death of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, Pertinax was removed from the government of Germany, and assigned unto Syria: the government whereof was the best, the most honourable, and also the most profitable that was given by the Romans: for that it was not bestowed, but upon the most ancient Consul, or the most valiant captain, or the most grave Senator, or the ambassador that hest had performed his charge. All the life of the good Emperor Marcus Aurelius, Pertinax in all his offices was found to be very wise, very just, severe, and no less sincere: but after the good Emperor was dead, he grew negligent, and also was noted with the blemish of a niggard, and covetousness, because from thenceforth, he did rather employ his forces to gather richesse, then to govern the common wealth. Of this notable example it may be inferred, of that which every day we see to chance: which is, that good Princes, of evil men make good servants, and evil Princes of good men, make evil servants: for that many times, notwithstanding the servant naturally be evil, he doth endeavour and enforce himself to be good, in respect of his master which is good: and so by the contrary, if the Prince be evil, the servant strayeth unto evil, although of his own nature he be good.  
Now Commodus being Emperor in Rome, when Pertinax bribed, and gathered money in Asia, against whom certain people did rise and mutiny, exclaiming that he held them oppressed and rob, he was constrained thereby to retire unto Rome, to escape their pretended practices, to dispatch him of his life: nothing displeasant unto Commodus, to the end he might inherit his goods.  
Pertinax being come to Rome, and the tyrant Perennius in those days governing the Empire, and commanding Commodus, gave him very evil entertainment, and worse conversation: not for that Pertinax had so deserved, but the rather to give him occasion to depart from Rome: for that being (as he was) very wise, and of great judgement, valiant, rich, and also ancient: he doubted to be deprived by Pertinax from the favour of Commodus.  
Pertinax beholding the follies of Commodus, the tyrannies of Perennius, the loss and spoil of the common wealth of Rome: advised to depart from thence, and to go unto the country of Liguria, separating himself to live in a poor village, where in times past, his father had lived and kept shop: and buying that poor dwelling, where his father had sold oil, fish, wine, bread, and other victuals, built in the compass thereof a stately building, permitting the old to remain in the midst without any addition or diminishing thereof. Pertinax exceedingly delighted to behold that country, wherein he had passed his life being but a child, and from whence he had departed so abject, and now returned with such wealth and credit.  
And being advertised of the foal of the Ass, whereon he had used to carry wood, to be alive, he bought it, and did so use & feed it, as it had been some ancient servant of great deserving. He there erected many and solemn buildings, bought great and many purchases, gave great sums of money unto his kindred, old friends, and acquaintance: and did so joy to see himself so rich, where he had been so poor, and to obtain so great quietness, after so much travail: that he said, and wrote unto his friends, that if Princes had thoroughly tasted and known the rellishe of reposed rest: of themselves, and of their own proper will, they would abandon their Empires.  
Pertinax being settled in quietness, Commodus sent his commandment, that he should depart into Britain to execute the office of Praetor: which he obeyed, more for fear then of good will, and presently began to reform the armies: which were in robberies very absolute, and of life no less dissolute. And on a time a certain mutinous legion made commotion, not because they had contention amongst themselves, but early to awake Pertinax, to violate his life. The matter fell out after this manner, that Pertinax found himself in so great peril, that all men thought he had been slain: yet amongst the dead he escaped alive, notwithstanding cruelly wounded. After these matters were pacified, and Pertinax cured of his wounds, he so seriously chastised that treason which they had conspired against him, that he ministered matter to murmur at Rome, and to bewail in Britain. The Senate being advertised, what had passed betwixt the army and Pertinax, sent a suspense of, and for his praetorian office, and gave him charge of provision for victuals and munition, which he would not accept, but sued for his discharge to depart: for that the armies held him extreme and cruel, and he of the armies had great doubt and suspicion. Pertinax being arrived at Rome, found that Perennius the tyrant was now dead: and Pertinax being a man of authority and gravity, a small time fell into the favour of Commodus, unto whom he commended the prefecture or government of the city of Rome: and succeeding Fussianus who used his office with great cruelty, Pertinax obtained great good liking of all the people, who performed his charge with no less mildness and piety.  
Commodus not contented that Pertinax had recovered so great favour in the common wealth, and finding no occasion either to kill or banish him, advised to discover his evil will which he did bear him, both in word and deed, that of himself he would seek occasion to depart from Rome: who finding apt & sure means to renounce his office, retired unto his own proper house and country, supposing never more to have been removed from thence all the days of his life: partly, for that he perceived how Commodus sought occasions to take away his life: and partly moved of old age, to repose the remnant of his days.   

CHAP. III ¶ What was said, and what he answered unto those persons, that offered him the Empire.  
AFter that Martia, Letus, Electus, and Narcissus had slain the Emperor Commodus, a great part of the night being passed, and all persons in the palace being couched under the government of profound sleep, Martia and her companions took the carcase of Commodus, and wrapped it in an old Seron, wherein the slaves did bear out the ordure of the stable: giving them to understand, that it was a certain vessel, with a charge also to carry it forth. After the body was removed out of the court, they laid it into a car, and conveyed it into a certain village named Aristro where Commodus did use to bathe and solace: but on the next day his death being published, the Romans pursued, and although he were dead, they cut off his head, and trailed his body throughout all the streets of Rome. Martia, Letus, and Electus, considering they had slain Commodus, and bestowed his carcase at their pleasure, advised amongst themselves to seek out, and to name an Emperor before day should come upon them: to the end the Empire should have an owner, as also to have defence under his protection: and so it came to pass, when the death of the one was manifested, the election of the other was published.  
the matter happened after this manner: Letus and Electus talking with them, certain of their especial friends departed straight unto the house of Pertinax, knocking at the gate to have it opened with great haste: one of the sons of Pertinax beholding them to come armed, at such an hour, and with such haste, was taken with so great fear, that when he would have made report thereof unto his father, terror and trembling would not suffer him to speak.  
At the instant that Pertinax understood how Letus and Electus were come with armed men, he leapt from his bed and commanded his gates with great speed to be opened, which proceeded of a noble and a valiant mind, for that he held it for most certain, that for as much as they were both so private with Commodus, who did bear him so mortal hatred, and coming unto his house at such an hour, might be to no other end then to take away his life. And all the time whilst these matters did pass betwixt the one and the other part, Pertinax was neither troubled or altered: but after the manner of a man determined to die, said unto Letus and Electus these words.  
I do well understand that the Emperor Commodus, my Lord, hath sent to kill me, whereof I do not marvel: but wonder it is, that so long he suffered me to live: because of all the old servants that were bred with his father Marcus Aurelius I only am alive, a small remnant of all the rest which he hath slain. I may not with reason complain me, the Commodus in my quietness and security doth sand to put me to death, since certain days past, I have attended this last day & hour: for that abhorring, as I did abhor his wicked life, I was most sure he would procure my death. It grieveth me not to die, but for that I die before I see my country delivered from the hands of so cruel a tyrant: for I swear unto you by the immortal Gods, that I never wished any thing rather unto myself, either my posterity, then that it might please them, before they would take away my life I might behold my mother Rome set at liberty. I have been a right perfect and sincere Roman, and zealous for the common wealth of my country, and do hope in the immortal Gods, that I shall obtain that in their presence which they have denied me in their absence, before whom, his malice and mine innocency shallbe examined. You Letus, and Electus, servants, friends, and favoured with Commodus, do that which he hath commanded you, and dispatch me out of this tedious and miserable world: for in the end to die with the sword, or to die with an ague, all is but death.  
Letus and Electus were astonied to behold the constancy that Pertinax had, and to consider the excellent words which he said: whereunto they made answer.  
O, how secret are the judgements of God, and how variable are the thoughts of men. This we say unto thee Pertinax, because thou thinkest that we are come to take away thy life: and we are not come, but to the end thou shouldest give us life, and take wretched Rome under thy defence.  
We may not speak or advertise thee at large, for want of time, the break of day being at hand: but the case is thus, that the tyrant Commodus is dead, the cause thereof proceeded, for that he had determined (as was found in memorial written with his own hands) this day to have slain us all: and as by a certain manner never hard of, the matter was discovered, we determined to preserve our own lives, and give an end to his tyrannies. In this deed which we have done, we neither think to have offended the Gods, or committed treason: for that the life of this tyrant was odious unto the Gods, and dangerous unto men. It was now high time that some man should give an end unto his life, that had taken away the life of so many good men. We, as we were in his favour, had perfect intelligence, whom he held for friends, or enemies: and also we know right certainly, that if thou Pertinax be now alive, it is not, that he so wished it, or that he procured not to kill thee, but the Gods gave him no place, but have reserved thee to the end thou shouldest deliver Rome, and restore the common wealth.  
No man knoweth unto this hour that Commodus is dead, but Martia and we that have slain him: and as we have laid our hands upon him to finish his days, so have we fixed our eyes upon thee to make thee Emperor.  
And believe us, Pertinax, that if we could have made choice of any better than thyself, we would have chosen better: because they are so many and so great evils which have been committed by this tyrant, that they may not be amended or repaired, but by the hands of some most virtuous prince. That which hath moved us to elect and give thee this Empire, is, because thou art ancient, wise, valiant, virtuous, rich, and of great experience, above all the rest loved & desired of all the people: for that Prince which is not acceptable unto his people, he shall of many be disobeyed & of many much less duly esteemed.  
These words being noted of Pertinax, determinately did think them to be spoken feignedly and with collusion, and thereto answered. O Letus and thou Electus, you aught to be satisfied, simply to accomplish the unjust commandment of Commodus, without derision of these my poor ancient years, that is to say, first gilefully to flatter me and afterwards to kill me. As I have said, perform that which ye have to do, which the sooner ye shall accomplish, the greater joy shall ye yield unto Commodus, and deliver me of grief. I well know that Commodus now sleepeth not, but carefully abideth your return, for at this present he attendeth no better news, than the report, that ye have given an end unto my wretched life. Letus and Electus considering that Pertinax continued doubtful and suspicious, began to say and reply: there is so small time for so great affairs as we have to do, that there resteth no time to contend upon our embassage and thy suspicion: and because thou shalt see the truth of that which we have said, and not as thou supposest, take and read this memorial, written with Commodus his own hand, and there shalt thou see, how great reason we had to kill him this night, since to morrow he meant to have slain us all. Pertinax receiving the memorial into his hands, and knowing it to be Commodus writing, found himself placed in the fourth degree, which is to wit, that on the morrow Commodus would have killed Martia, Letus, Electus and Pertinax: & so by degrees, many other Senators & Consuls of Rome. Pertinax having read the memorial, stayed as one astonished again demanding if Commodus were dead in deed: they advouched no less, and thoroughly affirmed the same: whereupon he began most piteously to weep: saying, that he wept not for the death of Commodus, but because the memory of the good Marcus Aurelius in him was finished. And lifting his eyes up to heaven, said: O unfortunate Marcus Aurelius, O unfortunate Marcus Aurelius, O infortunate Marcus Aurelius: (three times exclaiming him to be unfortunate and unhappy) because thou wast unfortunate in thy wife, which thou possessedst: in thy daughters which thou nourishedst, & in thy sons which thou begattedst.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ A certain notable speech uttered by Letus unto the army, in the favour of Pertinax.  
AFter that Pertinax had bewailed the death of Commodus, not for his own condition, but for that he had been the son of the good Marcus Aurelius, he said unto Letus & Electus, that he would not by any mean receive the Empire, if the Senate did not command it, and the army consent unto it: because to hold the Empire safe and established, and not to enter the same as a tyrant: unto the Senate, it appertained to use their election, and the army their confirmation. Letus made offer to finish all that which Pertinax demanded: that is to say, the Senate should elect and choose him, & the army confirm and allow their election: and the hope that he had to obtain the same was, that he had amongst them many friends and kinsfolk: and the joy that all would receive upon the news of his death. Letus departing to talk with the Captains and leaders of the army, made unto them a compendious speech after this manner.  

His Oration to the assembly.  
THAT which now I mean to say (right excellent Princes, and my martial companions) will be very strange unto your hearing, although not far distant from your desires: because of many things which we desire, the lest and fewest parts thereof we do obtain. Neither are the Gods so liberal to give us all that we desire, either so niggard to deny us all that we crave: and this they do, because we shall acknowledge them to be good, for that which they give us: and confess ourselves to be evil for that which they deny us. The good and virtuous be not only known, in the good works which they do, but also in their good desires which they have: because the evil and wicked, if they durst, would never cease to commit mischief: and the virtuous if they might would never grow cold in doing virtuous acts. The Gods never jointly accomplished the desires of so many, as this day they have accomplished all your desires: for being (as you are) noble, generous, valiant, true, and no counterfeit Romans: it is not to be thought that ye should wish or desire, but the liberty of our mother Rome, and the reformation of our ancient common wealth.  
You have all seen what the Emperor Commodus hath been, which is to wit, how large in commandment, how cruel in kill, how careless in government, & how filthy of life: through which cause, we not only held our houses as consumed & lost, and our persons in peril, but also were defamed throughout all strange nations. The Prince that is over youthly, foolish, absolute or dissolute, looseth his people, and defameth his kingdom. Since ye have seen the evils and cruelties which he hath done, I would have you see, hear, & understand, what he meant to do: for as it seemeth by this memorial written with his own hand, he had a will to have slain all persons within the Empire: and if he might have brought it to pass, it is credible, he would have cut the throats of so many as be in this world. It was never seen or heard off in this world, of any tyrant that hath been of the manner and condition of Commodus: for that naturally he delighted in loss of friends, and did glory to have enemies. Commodus your Emperor is now dead, & if I be not deceived, I suppose he dieth with conformity of the whole Empire: because there is nothing more certain, then that he which liveth to the prejudice of all men, should die to the conformity of all men. In as much as the Gods have taken in good part to deliver us from the servitude of this tyrant, it is necessary that another Emperor be provided and chosen, and this election may endure no delay, but must be dispatched at this instant: because otherwise, as the great dignity of the empire, is a thing that many desire, & few deserve: so it might happen that at the time we would bestow the same upon some virtuous man, it might be usurped by some strange tyrant. If unto every man that is here present, we should have due respect, according to their deserving: I swear by the immortal Gods, we should want Empires, and not Emperors: but considering the Empire is but one, & is not to be given but unto one, in the end none shall obtain the same, but he unto whom the Gods shall assign, and the destinies permit. The prince that ye have to elect, aught (in my judgement) to be native of your country: because the prince that is not native but a stranger, he shall rather first finish his days, then attain to the love of his common wealth. You have also to elect & choose an Emperor, that possesseth age & gravity: for that it furthereth not a little the profit and reputation of the common wealth, to have a beard on the face, & hoary hairs on the head. Also it is right necessary in the Emperor which ye shall elect, that he be no fool, either a coward: but that he be wise, pregnant, noble minded, & of experience: because in natural science, and long experience, the good government of the whole common wealth doth consist. Manifesting my mind more clearly, I say again unto that which I have said: that if my opinion might be taken in this case, we aught to determine and fix our eyes upon Publius Pertinax, in whom concur all the conditions aforesaid: that is to say, naturality, age, gravity, science, and experience: & that this is most true, there needeth no greater testimony for the credit thereof, then that Commodus held him for his enemy. It is not to be thought, that the Gods in vain, have conserved the life of Pertinax until this day, Commodus procuring by a thousand means to put him to death: as it is most true, that of all the old servants of his father by him slain, only Pertinax is reserved alive. As we have all well known that be here present, that Pertinax hath been the man most afflicted, banished, envied, toiled, and persecuted, of all the men that now are alive in this world: and surely it is a great argument, to think that for him, & for no other the Empire hath been reserved: because the Gods do never preserve the life of any man amongst so many perils, but afterwards greatly they advance him. We aught all to hold it for great good hap, and greatly to gratify the gods in respect of such and so many as have been slain in our common wealth, that we find such a prince for our mother Rome, whom they shall not adventure to contemn, because of his gravity: neither be daunted with fear, for that he is noble minded: either noted of simplicity, in as much, as he is sapient: neither accused of vice, for that he is virtuous: either reproved of feebleness, because he is reposed: finally, no man may deceive him in words, in so much as he hath experience of all things. O most excellent princes and my commilitants, I will say no more unto you, but that, if ye may persuade yourselves to the election of Pertinax, ye shall not only yield a good Emperor unto your Common wealth, but also every man shall obtain in him, a father for his family: for as he hath been a leader unto us all, so he cannot deal with us, but as with his children.   
All the time that Letus was reasoning these matters unto the army, they stood all astonished and rapt: partly in hearing the memorial, containing the treason that Commodus had ordained, & partly for the news of his death: and also in considering how aptly & eloquently Letus had used his speech in opening the matter. Presently at the instant that Letus had finished his talk, the whole army began to say & exclaim: Vivat vivat Pertinax Augustus, which is to say, Long & many years may Pertinax live our Roman Emperor. All the principal of the army departed to visit Pertinax at his own house, & found him not, but in the temple of victory, and taking him upon their shoulders they carried him about all Rome: and as it was then, as yet not thoroughly day, the townsmen were abashed to hear such news: because not knowing that Commodus was dead, they heard that Pertinax was proclaimed Emperor. The Romans afterwards did swear and affirm, that in long time past there was ever any news diwlgate in Rome, that generally gave so great joy unto all persons, partly for the news of Commodus death, as also for that the good old Pertinax was made Emperor.   

CHAP. V ¶ Of an Oration made by Pertinax in the Senate immediately after he was elected Emperor.  
VEry great was the joy that was manifested throughout all Rome, because they had obtained Pertinax for their Lord, and no less was the heaviness that Pertinax discovered, to behold himself an Emperor: for he said, that this name or title of empery or regiment, was the thing that every man desired for himself, and in others did most abhor. No sign of an Emperor would Pertinax consent to accompany him, until he and the Senators had seen, conferred, and saluted each other, and all jointly being mounted upon the height of the Capitol, where the imperial cloth of estate was placed, Pertinax would by no mean sit down in that imperial seat, but took the Consul Glabrion by the arm, and by strong hand would have set him in the same, seriously affirming, that it appertained much better unto his deserving. Glabrion was a Roman, in age very ancient, in condition very mild, in government very wise, in life of great sincerity, & in blood much esteemed: for that he was descended by the right line of king Aeneas son unto Anchises, and son in law unto king Priamus, and father to Aschanius. When Glabrion perceived Pertinax to persist with so great instance to invest him with the Empire, he said unto him in the presence of the whole Senate: the humble humility which thou showest Pertinax in the want of merit of the Empire, the same maketh thee of deserving sufficient of the Empire, unto which election all we of the Senate do consent: not moved thereunto by the election of the army, but to see thee make so small account of thyself: in such wise, that this thy refusal yieldeth thy merit sufficient. A great while was the whole Senate persuading Pertinax to condescend to their request, which is to wit, to accept the Empire: but his repugnance was so great, that in a manner by force they placed him in the chair: and that which is more, the whole Senate perceived, that he did nothing feignedly: for it was lamentable to hear the lamentation which he made, and to see the abundance of tears which he shed. But afterwards, when he was placed in the imperial chair, Pertinax spoke unto the Senate after this manner.  

His Oration to the Senate.  
THAT which I will now speak unto you (father's conscript) the God jupiter, in whose house now we stand, be my witness, I will not therein deceive you: for this place being consecrated unto the gods (as it is) it should be great sacrilege, for men to adventure to lie therein. For all weakness which men commit, they may have excuse, except it be for lying: because unto other vices, human weakness doth invite or entice us: but to lie, we are not moved but with our own proper malice. Father's conscript, ye see how Commodus your Emperor is dead, and the destinies have brought to pass that I succeed him in the Empire: perchance, for as much as he did wish me evil, and his works of my part not very well liked, it may be thought of you, that the manner of his death was first notified unto me, and his life cut off by my device: wherein thoroughly to satisfy you, I swear and protest by the immortal gods, that of this fault I am not guilty: because I was so innocent thereof, that when they said that Commodus was dead, at that instant I thought he had sent to have slain me. Notwithstanding, that both he and we shall all die, I would not that so strange a death should have finished his days: not because Commodus did not deserve the same, but for the great bond which our mother Rome doth own unto his father Marcus Aurelius: for it many times happeneth, that the errors of the children, be recompensed with the merits of their fathers. I was servant and advanced of the good Marcus Aurelius, which is the greatest weal that the destinies might have given me in this world, & I say it is to this end, because it should be great grief unto me, if in my presence any thing should be said, either in my absence any thing should be done, against his son Commodus, although he be now dead: for that in my heart, I find myself much more bound to acknowledge the great goodness which I received of my Lord Marcus Aurelius: then to revenge the injuries that I suffered of his son Commodus. Believe me (father's conscript) that if ye shall do contrary unto this which I have said, it may be, that observing time wherein I shall found myself, it shallbe necessary to dissemble it, but I may not cease greatly to feel it. The providence of the gods is far different from the devices of men, & that which moveth me to this speech, is, that when I was a young man, I much desired the Empire, and might not attain it: and now that I am old and do abhor it, they force me to take it: in such wise, they give us that which we hate, and deny us that which we seek or crave. When I began to hold offices in the common wealth, I thought it most certain, that it was no humane matter, but a divine dignity, to be a Roman Emperor: but after I tasted of the travels of commandments, and of authority, and understood the peril to reign: I did clearly see that amongst all the travels of men, to be an Emperor is the greatest.  
Neither marvel, either be escandalized (O ye fathers conscript, to see me so untractable, and with so many tears to refuse the Empire: for if I thought to use myself therein as a tyrant, I would not cast it off, but would rather procure the same: but as my meaning is to live & govern more to the profit of the common wealth, them to the advancement of mine own house: respecting my small strength, the Empire is to me, a great burden. Being, as I was, most truly satisfied with the acquaintance and conversation of the travels of the Empire, there were no reason to think, I should desire the Empire: because there is none so foolish, as the man, that with the hope of a remedy, would offer himself unto an hazard. Unto this day I have been esteemed in possession of great wealth, but now that I am an Emperor, I am forced to become poor: for that a prince, in respect of such, with whom he hath to deal and accomplish, hath few things to give, and hath a thousand necessities that constrain him to bribe and rob. Until this day I have had some quietness, but from henceforth I shallbe constrained to live discontented: because from the travel and disquietness of the prince, peace and quietness doth proceed unto the common wealth. The office of the prince is not to sleep, but to watch: not to be idle, but to travel: for that every excessive recreation, which his person taketh, forthwith redoundeth to the offence of the common wealth. From my birth until this day, of any thing I have not had greater experience, then to see, hear, read, suffer, and experiment travels: whereof many I beheld far off: but alas of myself, that now am environed therewith: because the appetite of the vulgar people is so feeble and variable, that if to day they give and elect a good prince, to morrow they would relish and have a taste of the government of some other. Naturally, all men, in all things, and at all hours, desire to hear and see novelties, and much more desire the same in the estate of government, then in all other things: for that no prince governeth so well, but that they conceive an other should govern better. Until this day I have been well liked, served, and reverenced, but from henceforth all men for the most part, shall bear me envy and hatred: because the estate of princes is so envied, that he shall want sand in the Sea to reckon his enemies: but the number of his fingers of one hand, shall exceed to point out his friends.  
All this I have said (fathers conscript) to the end ye shall not marvel, why I have refused the burden of the Empire, but rather am scandalized, knowing what I know, to see myself charged and over laden with the Empire: because to renounce it, a thousand things do move me, & to attempt it, nothing invite me. But since the gods have so willed, my destinies so permitted, & ye also have so ordained: I determine to load myself with this burden, although I am assured it will cost me my life: but I yield it all for well employed, if it performed to the benefit of the common wealth.   
These words being said by Pertinax, the Senate received great pleasure, and chief praised him, for that he forbade all men to speak evil of Commodus, knowing (as they all did know) that he had been his mortal enemy. The Senate received Pertinax in the midst amongst them, and did accompany and attend upon him, unto all the temples: and every temple did offer unto the Gods, notable sacrifices. And most truly this was a notable and also a laudable custom amongst the Romans, which is to wit, that princes newly elected, did first visit the Gods, before they permitted themselves to be visited of men. As Pertinax had his person in so great authority, and being elected by the army, and the Senate with so great concord: and further, being old and hoary headed, and so long time known in Rome, it was a monstrous thing to behold, when he came forth into Rome, how all men hasted to see his face: for truly it seemed little unto every man to obey him as a prince, but to love and serve him as a father.   

CHAP. VI ¶ Of many things which he did after he was Emperor.  
THe first thing that Pertinax commanded, or provided, was, that the men of war were very well paid: and therewith practised great discipline, in which matter, more than in any other, he presently gave reformation: for that in the Empire of Commodus, the army was abandoned unto great liberty.  
Commodus consumed so great sums of money in vices, that there was not sufficient to pay the men of war: & by this occasion they did filch by night, rob on high ways, sack houses, spoil corn, oppress the poor, and were bribers with rich men: finally, they were desperate, and so fleshed, that for fear of any pain, they never abstained from offence. Not many days after that Pertinax was published Emperor, and with great seriousness on a certain day, used familiarity with Letus and Electus, a Consul named Falcus said unto him: what an Emperor (O Pertinax) thou shalt prove, thy works begin to make demonstration: since thou leadest after thee Letus and Electus, which as traitors did kill their Lord Commodus: doing what thou dost, and consenting to that whereto thou didst consent, it may be no less, besides the evil example which thou yéeldest unto Rome, thou givest also such scruple unto thy fame: whereby we think, that if thou wert not the inventor of his death, at the lest thou delightest to cloak the same. Unto this Pertinax made answer, it well seemeth, that although thou be a Consul, thou art but a youngling: since thou knowest not to make difference of times. It maketh no great matter, that I do with Letus and Electus, as they did with their Lord Commodus, that is to say, they obeyed him and followed him, and that which they most desired, they most dissembled: and at the hour of opportunity, they dispatched him of his life. The same day that he was created Augustus and Emperor, he was entitled Pater patriae: this excellency unto none, either since or before, was given upon that day. His wife was named Flavia Titiana, unto whom likewise on the same day that he was invested Augustus, she was entitled Augusta. The Emperor Pertinax did greatly travel, to allow all things that his Lord Marcus Aurelius did favour, to finish that which he had begun, to sustain that which he had left, to repair that which he had built and to imitate all that which he had done: for he said, it was impossible to err, in following the steps of the good Marcus Aurelius. The fame being divulgate throughout the Empire, how Commodus was dead, and Pertinax chosen Emperor: the countries, cities, provinces, and kingdoms, gave very large rewards unto the messengers thereof, no less for the death of Commodus, then for the election of Pertinax. As he had been in so long time in so many provinces, Praetor, Censor, Quirite, Edil, Consul, Proconsul, and Censor, Pertinax was one of the most famous Romans in the Empire: whereof succeeded, that after the Barbarians were advertised, that Pertinax was Emperor of Rome, such as were rebels, left their armour, and such as had taken truce, made peace. Pertinax had a son, whom the Romans would have created Augustus, to the end he should succeed him after his days in the Empire: which he could never like off, or consent unto, saying: The Gods never grant, that with the hope of the Empire, my son should be nourished unto vice and idleness. Commodus had laid intolerable impostes and tributes upon his people, which Pertinax commanded to be made frustrate: affirming, that of the will of princes in charging their kingdoms with unjust tributes, there succeedeth a wilful denial of due and most just payments. False witnesses he commanded to be punished according unto the law named, Pena deal talion, that is to say, they should be executed by justice, wherein they had accused others by malice. He ordained that the testament which had been made by the husband & wise jointly, might not be altered by the survivor. Also he did ordain, that any man dying intestate, should not forfett his lands or goods unto the fiscal, but that his son, or most near kinsman should inherit the same: saying, there were no reason or just law, where the dead for want of speech should lose his goods. The Senators on a day said unto Pertinax, how the Questors of the treasury, and the officers of the fiscal, had murmured at him, for the law that he made in the favour for the dead intestate, unto whom he answered: Father's conscript, I may safely say, there are not so many that complain of this law, as there be that praise and allow it: but I reck not whether the one doth praise or the other mislike: but in my judgement, it is no work of Romans, but the invention of tyrants, of robberies, briberies & rapines, to fill the treasury with riches. He made a law, that no fiscal should sue any person for lands, or goods that were doubtful, saying: that the fiscal aught to remove nothing that clearly were not his own: and that in case of doubt, more sure and more conformable unto justice were it, to remain with him that doth possess it, than with the fiscal that doth demand it. He commanded all things unjustly taken by his predecessor Commodus, to be restored unto the owners. When the Secretary came to firm this law to be proclaimed, and Pertinax reading the same, wherein it was said: We command that all things which our predecessor Commodus hath rob, which word rob, he blotted out with his pen, and interlined this word gotten: saying, it is sufficient that the law be in the favour of the living: without injuring, with foul words, Princes that be dead. All that which was known manifestly to be Commodus debt, he commanded to be paid, and all which he had promised to be given: and besides all this, the wheat, oil, and other things which particularly were used to be given and divided amongst the people of Rome, he caused with great diligence to be brought from all kingdoms, and in great abundance and liberality commanded it to be bestowed. Many unjust tributes being taken away by Pertinax, there succeeded a great necessity for the payment and relief of the army of Africa: whereby he was constrained to exact new impositions of his common wealth, whereupon the Consul Gelianus took occasion to say, that he had done contrary to that which he had begun in the Empire, & against that which he had said in the Senate: Pertinax answering said. When I was Consul (as thou art) I did marvel at the deeds of princes, and now that I am an Emperor, I marvel of that which you Consuls do speak: thus much Gelianus I say to this end, because thou shalt understand, that Emperors at times, make laws as they aught, and at other times not as they would, but as they may.   

CHAP. VII. ¶ Of many things which he did ordain and reform in the common wealth.  
THere was in Rome and in the confines of Italy, much rough ground for corn, which being barren for want of manuring, Pertinax commanded proclamation to be made, that if any man would grub, manure, or till the same, he should freely for ten years, take the profit thereof. Before Pertinax used this diligence in Italy, from Egypt, Spain, and Sicyl, they brought wheat to furnish the same: for which cause Trajan did use to say, that Rome was more tributary then any place of the world: for that they could not eat, but if it were given them from other kingdoms. There were many particular things said to be the Emperors, namely, hills, herds, gardens, rivers, palaces, and houses: which he commanded to be altered, naming them hills, gardens and rivers, not of the Emperor, but of the common wealth, for he affirmed, that on that day, in which any whatsoever, was made Emperor, he might have nothing proper unto himself: and said further, that if this name Prince be well understood, it giveth no other dignity to the person that useth the same, but to make him defender of the territories of the country, and procurer of the common wealth. In the days of his predecessors, they had attempted new impositions, that is to say, in ports of the sea, at the ports of cities, for passage of high ways, of barks upon rivers, and for baking in ovens: all which were to the great detriment of the common wealth, and the ancient liberty of Rome: the collection whereof Pertinax from thence forth, commanded to cease. Being demanded of the Consul Tortelius, why he made frustrate laws so profitable, answered: because without comparison much more are the displeasures which they give me, than the money which they bring me: and as me seemeth, we may not say, that that money is very cleanly that comes embrewed with displeasures. He commanded that in criminal causes, offenders should be very well heard: and if in case any should die, forty days to be expired before he should suffer. It was a matter very monstrous and scandalous, that was consumed in expenses, in the days of Commodus: wherein Pertinax in such wise provided, that they murmured no less against him for his frugality, then against Commodus for his prodigality. They much blame Pertinax, who set before his guests which did eat at his table, half pigs, and half geese: and many times sent two sops betwixt two plates for a present, and sometime the leg of a Pheasant, & at other times the wing of a capon, and reserved also in the morning somewhat to be eaten at night. Prince's aught very much to consider, and also to avoid, not to be noted miserable at their table: for it is very small that in such trifles may be saved, and very much that they give unto the multitude to murmur. He many times came forth unto the field of Mars, and there he caused the whole army to exercise feats of war, rewarding such as were industrious, and reprehending such as were dull and hartelesse. There were many romans, and others in the confines of Italy, which did own great sums of money, not only unto the fiscal, but also unto the treasury, among whom, some in times past had been his friends, and others that were in great necessity, he commanded both the one & the other to be delivered of the fiscal, since it was due unto himself, and made payment of their whole debt that was due unto the treasury. Amongst other virtues, the Emperor Pertinax of twain was much noted and praised: which is to weet, of clemency and gratefulness: for that he was pitiful unto the afflicted, and thankful unto his friends. Pertinax had a son, whom, after he was Emperor, he would not permit to come to the court, either as much as unto Rome: but that he held him in his country, following his own affairs, and the profit of his own house: whereupon the Consul Fuluius Turbone said unto Pertinax, that he seemed rather the son of a labourer, then of an Emperor: he lift up his eyes to heaven and with a great sigh, said: My mother Rome hath cause to be contented, that I offer and put my life in peril for her cause, without venturing my son and house in like danger. Most surely the saying was lamentable, and the more it is considered, the more profound it is: whereby it appeareth, that he held himself for most unfortunate, to be established in the Empire: and that he left his son in greatest felicity, to be deprived of the Empire.  
Although Pertinax were old and grave, and was placed in the height of the Empire, he always used great urbanity towards all men, in such wise that no man did him reverence, unto whom he did not utter some courtesy: according to the quality of the person. Fifty servants in Rome in one night and in one hour, slew their masters, for whom the Emperor caused so diligent search, that only five escaped: and the pain that he commanded they should suffer, was, to carry the dead bodies bound fast back to back, in such wise, that the stench of the dead, did finish the wretched life of the living.  
In the school where Pertinax studied, a certain Roman named Valerius was there also a student, and being always in company, and of age not much unlike, and continuing in great friendship, did many times eat with Pertinax, which during their repast were never heard to talk, but of science, knighthood, repairing of Rome, or else the reformation of the common wealth.  
It did well appear in Pertinax, that he took the Empire against his will: for truly, neither in his diet, either in his apparel, either in his gesture or speech, either in any other thing, did he behave himself as an Emperor, in such wise, that he presumed not to represent what he was, but what he had been, He said many times, that in this world he never made the like fault, as when he accepted the Empire: and many times made motion to leave the same, and to return unto his house: but that he did recomfort himself with this saying: that for as much as he was of so great age, he might not live long, but be delivered of his tedious life.   

CHAP. VIII. ¶ Of certain vices wherewith he was infected, and of the prodigies of his death.  
AS the Emperor Pertinax was old, so was he charged with the infirmities of old age: that is to say, with avarice, because in gathering and keeping of money he was very diligent: and in giving or spending very dull and unwilling.  
Also he was noted to be a man very flexible in his affairs: that is to say, he was not stiff, either greatly did use therein any contradiction, but that which one did counsel him, another might easily persuade the contrary: the cause whereof was his good natural inclination, which could not without grief, behold any man that was in sorrow.  
Also Pertinax was noted, that he never denied any thing that was demanded, although many his promises were never performed: for, at most times he promised to give that which was impossible to be accomplished. And because the majesty and greatness of Princes doth consist to have and possess, whereof to give: they aught much to be advertised in consideration, what is craved of them, and what they promise': for having to do (as they have) with so many, and to furnish so infinite necessities: they aught, if their subjects be unshamefast in craving, to be grave in promising. jointly with this, Princes aught to be advertised, that where they have once gauged their royal word, all things set apart, they aught to perform the same. Pertinax was twice married, his second marriage was with the daughter of Vulpitianus, whom he made prefect when he was made Emperor. As concerning the unchastity of his wife, also Pertinax was noted: which is to weet, of negligence in governing, and remiss in reprehending her, for that truly she was both young and fair, absolute and dissolute: and reported in Rome, to be more enamoured with a young Musician then with Pertinax her old husband. Also Pertinax was much noted to have used unlawful love with Cornificia his near kinswoman, whom he had nourished from her childhood: for she was committed by her father unto his protection: this matter was no less scandalous than foul and no less foul, then scandalous: for that such like, and so great evil, was not convenient to a man of so great age, either permissible in a Prince of so great gravity. Some prodigious and strange signs appeared before his death, especially on a time, offering certain sacrifices unto the Gods Penates, that when the coals were most kindled and on fire, suddenly they were seen all dead and quenched: which did signify, that in the greatest certainty of his life, suddenly death should assail him.  
Not six days before he was slain, as in the temple of jupiter he was offering great sacrifices, with his own hands he offered a Peacock, wherein he found no heart when it was opened, and soudeinely the head vanished, when the throat was cut. Eight days before he was slain, a Star joined with the Sun, and did shine at noon days, as if it had been midnight. Three days before he was slain, Pertinax dreamt that he fell into a fishepond: and that there was a man with an huge knife to kill him, and would have fled and could not. julianus which after succeeded Pertinax in the Empire, having a Nephew new married unto his niece, and having repaired unto Pertinax to visit him, Pertinax said unto the young married man: be good, and I shall hold and esteem thee as my son: serve thy uncle julianus as a father, because he is my fellow in office and successor. They had been jointly Consuls, and afterwards julianus in the proconsulship was successor unto Pertinax: and although he spoke it of the succession of the proconsulship, yet they conceived his speech to be a prognostication of his succession in the Empire. It was discovered unto Pertinax, that the Consul Falconius desired and also procured to succeed him in the Empire, and to that end had taken a devise to dispatch him of his life, of which case Pertinax grievously complained unto the Senate: the truth whereof being afterwards tried and known, he as instantly entreated that Falconius might be pardoned: saying, he had rather extol himself by his clemency, than boast himself of his vengeance: whereupon Falconius was pardoned, leading his life ever after in his house: and for that he had been in great honour, and amongst the romans much esteemed, but by that treason had lost his credit, within few days, mere sorrow gave an end unto his life.   

CHAP. IX. Of the occasion that the Pretorians took to murder him.  
THE officers that Commodus used for his service in court, as Chamberlains, Secretaries, masters of household, clerks of the kitchen, porters, cooks, and such other, Pertinax had not changed, staying that change until the day of celebration of the building of Rome: for he held opinion, that before the evil should be removed, it were great reason, at leisure to make election of others that were good. That which Pertinax had thought to have done in his house, he determined also to execute amongst the captains of wars, and other officers of the common wealth, because they were so absolute in commanding, and so covetous in robbing, that if the pain were recompensed with the fault, it had been a small matter, from every one of them to have taken away life.  
When affairs of importance are deferred, the secret thereof incurreth great danger: and for this cause, as Pertinax deferred this matter from day to day, all officers suspected what he would do with them, and therefore determined to dispatch him of his life. Extremely was Pertinax hated of the men of war, and of the particular officers of the common wealth: which hatred proceeded not of any just offence, done by this good Prince, but for that he consented not that they should rob & commit vile deeds. Many times the wicked bear envy unto the good, not because the virtuous suffer them to do well, but for that they consent not unto them to do evil: for so perverse is the malice of some perverse persons, that they take more delight to do evil unto others, then to receive benefit unto themselves.  
Unto all the officers of the common wealth, Pertinax commanded that they should enjoy entirely all fees and profits appertaining unto their offices: and unto all the Praetors, and soldiers of the wars, he provided their wages very well paid them: and besides all this he dealt not with them as with vassals, but the chiefteines he did honour as brethren, and to meaner persons he spoke as unto his sons: but all this notwithstanding, they lived in great passion, and no less discontented: for that in times past, their extraordinary robberies were much more than their wages. But thus was the case.  
On a day, certain Praetors of the armies did assemble at a dinner, with other officers of the city, as also divers servitors of the court: and after they had largely eaten, and abundantly drunken, they began to talk of the days of Commodus: that is to say, how then they were at liberty, rich, and honoured: and now since Pertinax reigned, they were poor, captives, and defaced: and that the fault thereof consisted more in their own cowardice, then in any other person. And further proceeding in this matter, they concluded to spoil Pertinax of his life, and to choose another Emperor of Rome at their liking, which should renew the memory of their Lord Commodus, and violate all acts that Pertinax had confirmed: and that it was a more safer way to be governed by a wise young man like Commodus, then by an old doting fool, as Pertinax.  
Partly, for that they had their heads troubled with drink, and their stomachs hot with eating, but above all the rest, furiously inflamed with talk, suddenly they rose all from the board, and every man goeth home to be armed, with a determination to die in that enterprise: or, that same day to dispatch Pertinax of his life.  
All the people being at quiet, and Pertinax reckless and without regard, the pretorians of the armies, with a great number of armed men, some trailing their lances, and others with sword drawn, march unto the imperial palace, where Pertinax was reposing: for that it was but little more than past noon. And as they approached the house, they began to exclaim: the memory of Commodus live for ever, and the false old Pertinax is but dead. All such as were present with Pertinax in the palace, neither knew what to do, and much less what to counsel: some said unto Pertinax that he should send for secure unto the people: others, that he should hide himself in some secret place: others, that he should fight until his friends should send relief: finally, the case contained so great confusion, that he which feared lest, did fear to loose his life: because all those dainty courtiers had excess of garments to walk in the streets, but wanted armour to come forth to fight. It seemed unto Pertinax that to demand succour, there was no time: and to attempt to fight, they were too few: to put themselves to flight, there was no place: to travail to be hidden, were a great blemish: the good prince determined to come forth & to talk with the Pretorians, to see if with words he might appease them. And as afterwards they reported which were present with him 〈◊〉 that great conflict, Pertinax did well discover the greatness of his mind, and how little he esteemed the Empire, and also, how much he loathed the vanities of this world, because he neither showed any appearance of fear, for that he heard, either change of countenance, either was troubled in any thing that he had to say. Pertinax caused the gates of his court to be set wide open, and came forth of his chamber, having no manner of armour or weapon, and began to reason with them that did environ him after this manner.   

CHAP. X. Of a notable speech that the Emperor Pertinax used, when his soldiers came to kill him.  
IF this so great commotion, which this day ye have raised (O my friends and commilitants) be for that I seem not worthy of the Empire of Rome: ye have to remember, that I neither obtained the same by suit or request, either bought it for money, but that forcibly ye made me to take it, I of my part employing my forces to resist it. And if it be, for that I have had no regard unto the common wealth, ye know how oft I have requested to cease from government, and to depart unto my house: and since this is most true, I know not to what end ye should remove me perforce from that which I would have left and remitted with great good william. And if for that I have been ingrate unto my mother Rome, or have used evil government in the common wealth, ye will take away my life, than I cannot but confess it to be a work most just, albeit thereby I should be pursued, not only with pain and grief, but also with infamy: because such a death yieldeth more pain and shame to deserve it, then to suffer it. And if ye think yourselves disgraced, to have a Prince that is not descended of the Fabians, of the Metells, of the Fabritians, or of some other notable Romans: in this case impute the fault unto the Gods, which so have created me, and unto yourselves who with such conditions would elect me Emperor: because in natural matters neither deserve we praise, for that we have, either reprehension, for that which we lack. It were more just (O my friends and commilitants) in this case to have respect, not to the shadow and vanity of lineage, but unto the virtue & gravity of the person: for it stretcheth unto small purpose in good government, to be descended of generous blood, and to be of filthy life. And if ye have been altered, for want of pay of wages, for the whole or in part, presently give me to understand, and I swear and promise, that presently every man shall entirely be paid: which if it be so, I am utterly without fault: since until this present I never heard thereof. And seeing ye be gentlemen of great power, and Romans of noble blood, ye have to consider in this case, that according unto our laws, innocency and ignorance of the fault mitigateth & diminisheth the extremity of punishment. And if in case ye be escandalized for that ye see me rigorous, hard, & extreme, & that I am so reputed amongst the people: as small reason have ye in this case, as in the rest, because universally they crave that justice be done, and yet they abhor the execution thereof. And if ye would blame me for the death of Commodus my predecessor, and your Lord: ye have seen by experience how much I am blameless, and that unto me, more than to any man, his death was grienous: and that this is true, call to your remembrance the day on which Commodus was slain: where in I saw you sing for joy: and of great grief ye saw me to weep. You romans, you may not deny me, but that the death of Commodus was of you all desired, and my election of you all allowed: and since it was so, I marvel that men of so great authority and gravity, should invent so strange a novelty as this that is to say, in so short space, to hate that which ye procured: and to have an appetite to that which ye loathed. I swear by the immortal Gods, I know not of any vile deed which I have done against the common wealth, wherefore ye should abhor me: neither know I any thing that Commodus hath done since he died, wherefore ye should love and desire him: for if we sigh for the dead, it is not for their deeds done, after that they died: but for the good works which they performed when they were living. If for no other cause then to take away my life, ye have joined and armed all these men of war: certainly it is a thing superfluous and vain, in as much as I am both sick & old, and with the burden of the Empire so much discontented, and with my life so much displeased, I esteem little to live, and much less to die.  
It grieveth me not so much to loose my life, as it doth of the slander and infamy which ye lay upon our mother Rome: which is to say, that the Romans which have been renowned for their loyalty towards their princes, should have report throughout the world, to have slain their Emperor.  
You know that ye being (as ye are) men of war, and to no other end so well paid and relieved of the tribute, but to chastise such as rebel in the common wealth, and to defend the house and the imperial person of your prince: and since it is thus, what may be more unseemly, impertinent, and scandalous, than such as be admitted for my guard and safety, that they and no other should come to take away my life. And for as much as ye be men of war, ye are bound to observe the laws there of: that is to say, even in the wars of enemies, ye may not, or aught not to kill children or old men: and since I am an old man, and a citizen of Rome, wherefore will ye do with me, that which ye will not do with an enemy? In these words which ye have said, in the disorder which ye have used, and in the hour wherein ye have undertaken this matter, it clearly appeareth that to enterprise so great a matter, ye have not used great providence: for if ye had considered and examined the matter, ye should most certainly have found, that in your determination to kill me, there is no other fruit gathered, but to raise in your mother Rome a great scandal, and to thrust yourselves in great danger. And since one shall inherit the Empire, and not all: with what folly are you taken (ye Romans') for ye all to hazard and loose yourselves for one man's gain, and yet know not, if afterwards that one man shall be grateful or unthankful. I may not flee that which the destinies have ordained, either what ye have determined: but in case this be my last day, and my fatal hour be come: I pray the immortal Gods, that the innocent blood which shall be shed of me, that the vengeance thereof fall not upon my mother Rome: but that every one of you do feel it in his person and his house.  
When Pertinax came to the point, to speak these words, for the most part all that were present let fall tears from their eyes, and began to depart, turning their backs, and holding down their weapons: because they had great shame, to offend and to want reverence unto so honourable hoary hairs, and to words so well spoken. He that most vilely had spoken against Pertinax, & he that most had moved the men of war, was one named Tuncius of the country of Theutonio: this wretched caitiff when he saw that all men returned, and had renounced to kill Pertinax, he thrust a lance, through the midst of his body: with which wound, Pertinax fell to the earth, and thereupon gave him other wounds whereof he presently died. Great sorrow was it unto the people of Rome, when they understood that Pertinax was dead, and having reigned but fourteen months & xx. days, he profited more the commonwealth, than others in fourteen years. The traitor Tuncius was not contented to have slain Pertinax, but he also and his companions forgot not to cure off his head, to fix it on a lance, and to bear it through the streets of Rome. Pertinax died the fift day of April Falconius & Clarus being Consuls, his head was thrown of his enemies into Tiber, his body burieed by his friends and kinsfolks in the sepulchre of his father in law, at that present without any funeral pomp, because they slew all persons that uttered sorrow or grief for his death.    

The life of the Emperor julianus, that bought the Empire, compiled by sir Anthony of Guevara, Bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler, & counsellor unto the Emperor Charles the fift.  

CHAP. I Of the life, lineage, and country of the Emperor julianus.  
THe Emperor Didius julianus, had to his great grandfather a Roman named Salianus, who was a learned lawyer, twice Consul, praetor of the city, and died in the second year of the reign and Empire of Nero: and they say, he died of pure sorrow, to see the common wealth in the hands of so furious a tyrant, as Nero.  
His grandfather was named Salbius julianus, who gave himself more to arms, then to letters: and went unto the wars of Datia with trajan, and was captain of the second Legion, and long time divider of the victuals, and in the end died in his office, that is to say, in the wars against king Dacus. His father was named Didius Petronius, who neither gave himself to science, either followed the wars as his predecessors, but was resident and lived always in Rome, following his affairs, and holding offices in the common wealth: he was an assured friend unto Antoninus Pius, and died in the Empire of the good Marcus Aurelius. His mother was named Clara Emilia, a generous and noble Roman, a great friend and kinswoman of Domitia Lucilla, that was mother unto Marcus Aurelius: so did she entreat and favour him as a son, and he did obey her as a mother. The first office that Didius julianus did bear in the common wealth, was Decemviriato, which is to weet, to be one of the x. visitors of the people: and though he wanted age to use it, yet he wanted not favour to obtain it, because Domitia, mother unto Marcus Aurelius, did crave this office for him in the Senate. He was also Questor two years together, which office he held against the Roman laws, for that he was under the age of thirty. years: but as he obtained the office of Decemviriato by the suit of the mother, so did they grant the other, by the favour of the son, which is to weet Marcus Aurelius. And after that Didius julianus was past the age of thirty years, he never wanted offices in the common wealth: for until that age, the Romans had rather that youngmen should occupy themselves in learning, then in commanding and government.  
julianus was Edil, Praetor, and Censor diverse times, divers years, and at times much distant: but the office wherein he continued longest time, was Roman Praetor: because he had learning to govern, and justice to execute. He was naturally given to the wars, and with this motion he went one time into Germany, where he neither obtained fame, either augmented his goods: for that certainly he was more handsome in government, then hardy in fight.  
He governed by the space of three years, the province of Belgica, which now is named Swetia, in which government, he behaved himself so venturouslie, that he obtained what he had lost in the war, which is to say, much reputation in the common wealth, and great goods for his house.  
In the second year of the Empire of Marcus Aurelius, the inhabitants near unto the river Albo (which is in the kingdom of Bohemia) rebelled, unto which commotion Didius julianus repaired: and as he was humble of speech, skilful and advised in his affairs, so in short space he reduced them unto the service of the Roman Empire. When the Senate had intelligence what julianus had done in Bohemia, the Emperor thought himself therein very well served, and the Senate no less contented: chiefly, for that so exactly he had performed the same, without request or commandment: and in recompense of this so singular a service, they sent him the consulship, without his request, or any other to solicit the same. When the news of Consulshipe came unto julianus, they say that he said: I swear by the immortal Gods, that I neither solicited the Consulship, either thought to have obtained the same: but here in it clearly appeareth, that the good doth more solicit with his good works, than the evil with his many guiles.  
After he had accomplished the year of Consulshipe, he was sent unto the lower Germany as Praetor, which country is now called Flanders, where he remained two years: & from thence returned to Rome, where he had charge of victuals which office amongst the romans was more profitable, then honourable. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius being dead, his son Commodus reigning in the Empire, julianus was accused for a traitor, for that he, and Silvius his cousin, had conspired to have slain Commodus: his accuser was a noble gentleman of Rome named Severus: but for that he might not prove his accusation, they cut off his head, and set julianus at liberty. At one time julianus was in favour with Commodus, & an other time in disgrace: but after that he was accused of conspiracy, he did always bear him mortal hatred: and when he understood this in Commodus, both in word and deed, most times he kept his house and excused himself from the offices of the common wealth. julianus was a lawyer, and in letters most learned: of whom it is said, that few did surpass him in science, and none was equal unto him in eloquence: for he did never plead any cause in the Senate, but he obtained the victory. He was prompt in speech, sharp in propounding, and grave in determination, of stature somewhat low, of sanguine complexion, and in his youth began to be horeheaded: of whom in this case it may be said, that he was a monster in nature: for that he had never a white hair in his beard, either any black hair in his head. His wife was named Malia Escantilia, and had but one daughter named Didia Clara. In this also as in the other, nature would be extreme: because the mother was the most foul woman that had been seen in Rome, and the daughter was the fairest dame, that ever was seen in Italy.  
As julianus had governed many countries, had the charge of victuales, & was chiefest advocate in law in all Rome, so he obtained the possession of many jewels, and the hoarding up of great sums of money: for which cause, all the principal romans sought to be his sons in law: partly to marry with the daughter that was so fair, as also to inherit the goods that were so great. julianus was slender, dry, and towards his later days he was grown to be cholerik adust, he never drank wine, and therefore did eat much: and yet notwithstanding, he was so curious and so costly in his manner to drink water, that with less cost he might have drunk wine. Being now grown old, and rich, and having but one daughter which also was married. julianus gave himself to live in joy and pleasure, that is to say, used not but to solace alongst the rivers, to haunt places frequented with people, to recreate with friends, to talk of times passed, to seek exquisite and delicate meats, and always to have new guests: in such wise, that he did fly each thing, that was displeasant: and did and procured what so ever might yield pleasure. julianus long time persevered in Rome in this manner of life, according to which life, he had neither faithful friends, or feared and cruel enemies, because if any did love him, it was for that he gave them some of his money: and if others did hate him, it was because they received no part of his riches.   

CHAP. II how the Empire of Rome was set to sale, and also sold by proclamation.  
AT the instant that the Praetorian bands had slain the Emperor Pertinax, they advised to join in one, to seize the walls, to take the gates of Rome, and that with an armed power: partly for that the people should not rise against them, as also to choose an Emperor at their own liking. Although the common people beheld the imperial palace beset, yet they did not think that they would have slain the Emperor: because the fame went amongst them, that Pertinax was come forth, and that with mild words he had entreated them: but as it after chanced, though the great troops were retired, Pertinax was slain by the fewer number. When the death of Pertinax was notified unto the common people, all Rome was ready in armour. Very great was the confusion which was that day in Rome, both of the one part, to see Pertinax slain, and also for that the army was bend against the people, and every hour ready to join & kill each other, but that they knew not against whom to fight: because the people would have taken vengeance of the traitors that had slain the Emperor, but the army would not deliver them: in such wise, that they were all faulty in that fact, the one in the act, the other for consent.  
The most principal of the Senate, many matrons of Rome, most wealth persons, and such as loved peace and quietness, after that they saw the walls beset, the towers taken, the gates locked, and the streets stopped through out all Rome, they departed unto their inheritances, until they might see the conclusion of that so perilous & scandalous a tumult: for they had had experience, that no man might be safe in his house, until there were a new Emperor: and that the election of him, should be consecrated with the hands of many persons. The Praetorian bands beholding the most part of the people to be fled, and none left that durst revenge the death of Pertinax, or resist their attempts: they lost all fear, and recovered a new courage, not to amend the fault which they had committed, but to give and cell the Roman Empire. The case was thus, that a man at arms mounted upon the wall at the gate Salaria, who in the name of the whole army made proclamation, and said with a loud voice: Is there any man that will give more for the Empire of Rome? is there any man that will set a price? for unto him that will give most money, we will give it for his own. Of all the injuries, disgraces, and calamities, that the Frenchmen, the Assyrians, the Huns, the Goths & the Lombard's did unto Rome, none was equal unto this, which is to say, to set the greatness and majesty of Rome in open sale. It was great grief to see it, and also presently to writ it, to see and hear proclamation, who will give money for the Empire of Rome: unto whom a fore time the whole world had given tribute. By this so notable example, princes and mighty Potentates are to be admonished, what great mutability is contained in things of this world, since the same persons, that had seen Rome the lady of so many and great kingdoms, did also see her sold, proclaimed, and bought for money.  
All the gentlemen, ancient Romans, and Senators, could not fill or satisfy themselves with weeping, when they beheld and heard the proclamations made out at windows: and that which did more grieve them, was the great infamy which always should follow Rome, in that she was set to sale: and of the danger also of the common wealth, which was to be bought of some tyrant. Those that would have bought the Empire, had no money, for that Commodus had overviewed and ransacked their store: and those that could have bought, of great grief and no less shame, would not deal therein: for in respect of the injury that they should have committed unto their mother Rome, it might not be said, that they bought it for money, but sold it unto some enemy. In conclusion the signory of Rome, and the greatness and majesty of the Empire, passed in public proclamations, by the space of three days, in which no man would buy it, or set it in price: in so much as the Pretorians were despited that no man would give money, and the common people in great sadness that they would cell it. The fourth day after Pertinax was slain, as Didius julianus was at supper with great pleasure, and talking how the Empire continued in proclamations, his wife, daughter, and son in law persuading him to adventure to buy it since the Pretorians were grown to so great want of shame as to cell it. julianus considering of the one part what was said by proclamation, and on the other part, what his friends did persuade him, left his eating, cast down his head, and gave himself profoundly to consider of the matter, which is to weet, whether it were simplicity to leave, or villainy with money to buy the common wealth.  
julianus being very pensative with himself, and indetermined, his wife, daughter, and kinsfolk, yet again replied, saying, that it was not now time to blind himself with study, but to profit himself by his money: and that also he had to consider, that it were less evil to buy the Empire with his own proper money, then as other, to obtain the same by loss of men's lives: and that he should not care to defer the event by delays, since the Pretorians grew displeased, and proclamations to be cut off. As julianus naturally was proud, found himself rich, and also importunated by his friends, he determined to buy the Empire: and for the purpose presently goeth to the foot of the wall, and crieth out unto the watch that was thereon, saying: for blood, ye know me to be descended of noble Romans, and in riches most wealth: and that he would give them so much money for the Empire, that they should be abashed to see it, and tired to tell it. The Consul Sulpitius, father in law unto the Emperor Pertinax, in secret did solicit the Pretorians to give him the Empire, not to the end he would buy it, but that they should elect him: but the Pretorians although they saw that he was a noble Roman, and not unworthy, but very convenient for the Empire, they durst not put themselves into his hands, doubting that he afterwards remembering the death of his son Pertinax, would execute on them some rigorous revengement. Sulpitius was a man wise and sapient, reposed, and ancient: with the good will of the Senate, and request of the people, to him and no other would they have given the Empire: and doubtless had it not been for the alliance which he had with Pertinax, who was his son in law, they would rather have given it him frankly for nothing, then have sold it unto the other for money. The Pretorians being much despited, that they might not receive money for the Empire, since four days they had proclaimed the sale thereof, and now finding julianus at the foot of the wall, who had offered money for the Empire, they put down a ladder, and took him up unto them. Now, when julianus saw himself in grace with the Pretorians, and the Pretorians having him in their hands, they demanded more than he possessed, and he did offer more than he had. The case was thus: that they with him, and he with them, did capitulate iiii. things, whereof none was to the honour of Rome, & much less to the profit of the common wealth. Their first capitulation was, that he should give them presently 300000. sextercies: the second was, that he should neither revenge the death, or sustain the fame of the Emperor Pertinax: the third was, that he should erect the picture, & renew the memory of Commodus: the fourth was, that freely they might do, under his Empire, as they had done in the days of Commodus: in such wise, that julianus did not only buy the Empire for money, but also gave them licence to live wickedly. This done and concluded, the event of the Empire was stopped in julianus, the Pretorians receiving him in the mids, and attending him throughout all the city, publishing with loud voices, Long life be ever unto the Emperor julianus, Commodus always Augustus. julianus would take that overname of Commodus, to do them pleasure that had sold him the Empire: who in their nurture were bred up with Commodus, & in their manners and vices as his own natural children.   

CHAP. III Of the great and mortal hatred which the romans did bear unto julianus, for buying the Empire.  
julianus being created Emperor, his first act was, to offer unto the gods sumptuous sacrifices: being (as it was) the custom of all new Roman Emperors, presently he sent unto his treasury for money, to pay them of whom he had bought the Empire. It was a monstrous matter to see the jewels that he brought forth, & the diversity of money which he had: the cause thereof was, that he had been a governor in diverse kingdoms, and from them all, brought no small sums of their coin. Incontinent after julianus obtained the Empire, he brought his wife and daughter unto the court, who took upon them the names of Augusta's, & began to be served, not as Empresses, but as Goddesses: because in their stateliness & presumption, they sought rather to be adored then served. The Consul Sulpitius at the hour in which he understood that julianus had bought the Empire, departed unto a certain house that he had in the country, giving his office unto Cornelius Repentinus his son in law, who (as they say) did much resemble Commodus, namely, in disposition of person, and corruption of manners. julianus gave unto the army most great thanks, not only for that they had given him the Empire, but also because they had entitled his wife & daughter Augusta's and without his request also, had given him the name of Pater Patriae, father of the country: which title was the most famous that the Romans gave unto their Emperors. On the other day after he was entitled Pater patriae, early in the morning they found these Latin letters written upon his gates: P.U.E.P. sounding in this sense, Proditor, Venditor, Emptor, Patriae: and thus meant in english: thou art the traitor, the seller, & buyer of thy country. Unquenchable was the fury & hatred that the whole people conceived against julianus, only for that he had bought the Empire, which rancour and hatred they could not so cover within their breasts, but that they published it with their tongues, and showed it with their hands: for on the first day that he came forth into Rome, they not only blasphemed him in the streets, but also from their windows threw stones at him: neither did they dine, sup, or walk in Rome, or in all Italy, but always their talk was of the treason which the Pretorians had committed in selling the Empire, & the great mischief that julianus had done in buying the same.  
The Senate going to the high Capitol, to visit the new Emperor, resistance was made against them: which was not done with armed people, but by boys in the streets hurling stones at them, and the women from their windows did curse them: which being constoered by the Senate, they advised for that time, to return to their houses, no less offended, then séared. All men bewailed the case with many tears, and offered unto their Gods many sacrifices, humbly praying that it might please them, shortly to take away the life of julianus, & to execute cruel vengeance on that murderers of Pertinax. On a certain time the Circen plays being prepared, and the seat imperial placed aloft upon the Theatre, when the Emperor julianus should have set, certain of the people rashly not only did remove it, but also did break it in pieces: and he as he was wise and advised did feel it as a man, and did dissemble it as one that was discrete. Besides that which they said in his absence, they despised him in his presence: and he happened many times to hear with his own ears, words not a little overthwart and injurious: but he was so subtle in that which he said, and no less dissembling in that which he heard, that all the injuries which they said or did, either he took them in lest, or did counterfeit, not to hear them. Naturally julianus was a prince of great urbanity, that is to say, courteous, affable, gracious, and pleasant, and did honour & reverence every man according to the merit of his person & the estate which he held: yet notwithstanding, he could neither get friends, either appease enemies. Neither Catiline with his tyrannies, either Silla with his seditions, either Nero with his cruelties, either Commodus with his vices, were not universally so much hated in the Roman Empire, as Didius julianus: and their hatred was so extreme, that they shut their eyes, because they would not behold him: and did abstain to murmur at him, because they would not name him. When they saw his horse pass the streets where on he did use to ride, generally they would pray unto the Gods that he might trail him: or if they had seen his meats carried, they did wish it might choke him: finally, they did all abhor his life, & wished his death. julianus his enemies bruited among the people, that on the day, when the Pretorians had slain Pertinax, he had made a generous and curious banquet, wherein he gave to eat oysters of the Adriatic Seas, Capons of Capua, wine of Crete, and water of Cantabria: but above all, had Music and dancing after dinner. Others said, it was most false, but on that day he kept his house, and of pure sorrow to see Pertinax slain, did not eat, until they had given a sepulture unto the dead body. Moreover they say, that although julianus was gladsome, pleasant, and also vicious, yet he did not exceed in extraordinary expenses, and that it was unlikely and also impossible, for him to have made so sumptuous a banquet: for it was many times notorious unto all men, that he did eat in his house no other flesh by the space of three days, but on Hare, which was sent him. He was such a miser to spend, & so desirous to hoard and lay up money, that had it not been for some days of sacrifices, or his bidden guests, not a morsel of flesh was eaten in his house: but only fed of his provision from his garden. Many evil customs that Pertinax had removed from the common wealth, brought in by Commodus, he consented that the Pretorians & other vicious persons should use them: not that he delighted therein, but to recover them to be his friends. At all times when talk was moved of his predecessor Pertinax, he would say neither good nor evil, but that either he changed into some other matter, or else by dissimulation would seem not to hear. And being demanded, why he did neither allow or condemn that which was said of Pertinax in his presence: he answered, of the one part Pertinax was so holy, that there was not in him to be reprehended: and of the other part, he was so hated of the pretorians, that he durst not in their presence give him his due commendation.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ Of two Roman Captains named Severus and Pessenius that rebelled against the Emperor julianus.  
AT the time that julianus bought the empire of Rome, there was a Praetor of the armies in Assyria, named Pessenins Niger: who although he was inferior unto julianus in wealth, yet in virtue he exceeded julianus: this Pessenius was a man, gross, rough, and of great courage, and naturally was more happy in martial affairs, then fortunate in the government of the common wealth: all which proceeded, for that in periles he was not daunted with fear, and in travels had no patience. At the first letters that Pessenius received from julianus, they say, he answered: the Roman Empire, doth not use to suffer itself to be governed by so evil a man, as is julianus: wherefore, if this commandment be only from the Emperor, I obey it: but if it be julianus commandment, I appeal from it: whereupon it followed, that from thenceforth, when any commandment was sent unto Pessenius from Rome, julianus name was not in the firm thereof, but only superscribed with the Emperor of Rome. After this matter was discovered, in Rome, they laid great wagers, which was most to be praised, the mind of Pessenius for his haughty attempt, or the patience of julianus that could dissemble the same. Also at that time the armies were governed in Illyria, by a captain named Septimius Severus, borne in Africa, and bred in Rome, which in justice was very right, in condition sharp, and in martial affairs most fortunate. This Septimius Severus from the hour he had intelligence of the death of the Emperor Pertinax, and that in his place succeeded julianus, would neither receive letter, either obey commandment, that came from julianus, either else from the Senate: saying, that they for consenting, and he for buying the Empire, were inabilitate of all power to command or to govern: and further, an evil friend was julianus unto Pertinax, that sold his blood unto enemies, and bought his Empire for money. But the case was thus, that Pessenius in Assyria, and Severus in Illyria, revolted with all their armies against julianus: whereof being advertised, they say that he said: the gods be pleased to retain in my service, all such as be in peace: small is my care, if the rest had taken their leave. Although julianus said thus much openly, secretly he conceived the contrary, which was afterwards better known by his works which he did, then by the words which he said. If Severus had deadly hatred unto julianus, most surely julianus was not in love with Severus: for presently, when he understood that he had rebelled against him, he framed and brought to pass in the Senate, that Severus was proclaimed a public enemy of the people of Rome, and all his army dispatched and condemned. The Senate provided at the request of julianus, that Vespertinus Candidus, a man both old & a Consul should depart to Assyria & Illyria: which was not only disobeyed in the armies, but also not so much as heard: the cause thereof was, the infamous embassage which he brought: & because afore time, he was much hated being a Praetor in the wars. After Vespertinus was returned unto Rome, they sent again unto Illyria, Valerius Catulus, but to small purpose: for if they disobeyed the provisions of Candidus, at Valerius they ran with lances. Candidus & Valerius being returned to Rome, julianus and the Senate sent again Aquilius Centurius, who had commandment to kill Severus, & that by any manner that he might: that is to say, either fight with him in the field, or secretly to give him poison. Severus being advised, how the Emperor julianus and the Senate had sent the third time Aquilius against him, determined to bring forth his armies from Illyria, and to come to Rome to seek julianus: and marched with so great speed upon the way, that when Aquilus came forth of Rome, Severus was then in the confines of Italy. Incredible was the fear that fell on that Romans, after they understood that Severus was come against them with all his armies: and their terror was increased, to consider that he was a captain of Rome, which until that time, had been a defender of the common wealth, and also for that he had made so great speed upon the way, and lead his armies with so great reformation, that in one and the self same day, they heard of his arrival, and also beheld him in the face. The Capuans sent a solemn embassage unto Severus, to be advertised of the purpose of his journey, and to offer him their help and assistance: whom Severus received with great benignity, and said these words in great secrecy. I come not to destroy Italy, either have I taken armour to go against my mother Rome: the end of my coming is for three things: which is to weet, to rescue the Empire from the tyrant julianus, to revenge the death of the Emperor Pertinax, that was old & honourable, & to reform the Senate, of such as dare amongst them to adventure to give evil counsel: for that I conceive to serve my common wealth no less, in cleansing vices, then defending enemies. That which Severus said unto the Ambassadors of Capua in secret, presently they discovered openly: which being understood in Rome, the Senators received thereof great sorrow, and the people great pleasure: because the one did hope to attain liberty, and the other did fear chastisement.  
julianus gathered all his men of war, to the uttermost of his power, and sent them against Severus, under the conduction of Tullius Crispinus: the which, after he was advertised that Severus had taken Ravenna, and all the country adjoining, returned unto Rome: which feminine act gave dismay unto julianus, and courage unto Severus.  
julianus also commanded a muster to be made in the field of Mars, of all the Praetorian armies, and he himself came to take a view, and an account of them, conferring such as came unto the muster, with the names that were written and received money at the pay: of three parts, there appeared not one: whereof julianus collected, that Severus came not only with confidence of such as he lead with him, but also of them which remained in Rome.  
Great pleasure was it unto the popular sort, to behold how julianus was forsaken of his captains, and not attended on of his Pretorians: because every day their hatred did increase against him, and their love with Severus. Notwithstanding julianus procured munition & victuals, repaired the walls, made trenches, advanced engines, and sent scouts into the fields: all which devices smally profited the sorrowful Emperor julianus: for if he held the walls of Rome, his enemies possessed the hearts of the romans. julianus suspecting that Letus and Martianus being two Consuls, and men of great reputation, should practise with Severus, commanded them to be slain, without accusation or judgement.   

CHAP. V ¶ How by the commandment of the Senate, the Emperor julianus was slain.  
Until julianus had slain the afore named noble Consuls, the romans reputed him only covetous and ambitious, but from thenceforth they published him to be covetous, ambitious, suspicious, and cruel: for it was a law amongst them much used, to take away the life of no citizen of Rome, before he were heard to say for himself. After that julianus perceived the Senate to grow sorrowful, and the people escandalized, for the death of Letus and Martianus, he came to great repentance, although to small purpose: for it was past his hands to give life unto the dead, either to reconcile himself into the grace and favour of the living. Princes and ministers of justice aught to be very much considered, and no less advised, in crediting their suspicions, and to avoid either choler or rashness in their executions: to the end, that after it happen not, that for the deeds of one day, they have to remedy and also to bewail all the days of their life.  
With great instance julianus requested the Senate, that they with the Priests and vestal virgins would meet Severus and his army with procession, to see if they might pacify with prayers whom they might not resist with arms. This suit the Consul Faustius resisted, saying, that it were not convenient, that the sacred Senate, either the Priests of the temples, or the holy vestal virgins, should intent matters of war: for the office of such was to solicit the Gods to give us peace: and further, the Consul Faustius said: he that possesseth an Empire, and knoweth not to defend an Empire, containeth the indignity of an Empire. This answer was no less displeasant unto julianus, then pleasant unto the Senators, whereby he obtained not, that which he desired, and they grew unbridled to speak at large. julianus not contented with that which was done, but called in secret certain his captains and friends, whom he commanded suddenly to enter armed into the Senate, and to say unto the Senators, that of two things they had to make choice, that is to say: to loose their lives, or else to obey his commandments. Amongst the other captains there was one named Crispinus, which said unto julianus, he is to be thought no small enemy of thine, that gave this counsel: because, if thou be well advised, for thy love the Senate have declared themselves to be an enemy to Severus: and now, if thou attempt to kill them, they will answer, that they will obey thee: and on the other part, they will declare Severus to be a friend unto the people, and thou an enemy unto Severus: and further, the Gods never permit, that thou shouldest give forth any such commandment, or that I should perform it: for, if he be evil that giveth evil counsel, more vile is he that executeth the same. julianus changing his conceit, practised with the Senate, that he would yield up the Empire unto whom it might please them: which they liked very well, but durst not at that present to debate therein: for Severus at that time was so near unto Rome, that it was rather in his hands to take the Empire, then to receive it at the hands of the Senate. julianus forgot not to send his captain Crispinus against Severus: against whom, Severus sent another captain named julius Lucius, who overcame in the battle, and slew Crispinus.  
When julianus considered how his enemies prevailed, and his friends did forsake him, he purposed to take the advise of Witches, enchanters, and soothsayers, to understand his destinies, and the Fortune of Severus: and the case was thus: that after he assembled many Sorcerers and Magicians in his own house, he made them practise many sorceries and enchantments, and to sing and pray many filthy, terrible, and fowl things. And (as they after reported which were present) he himself changed countenance, and with staring hairs, discovered himself to be in great terror. julianus came unto the Senators, craving their advise, how he should provide and behave himself: for that Severus approached, and favoured of Fortune, who had him in contempt.  
None of the Senators answered one word, but the Consul Geminus, which said: neither art thou worthy of counsel, or deservest remedy, since thou hast forsaken the Senators, which should have given thee counsel, and wentest unto Sorcerers, who could not but deceive: for that in such a case, being environed with sinister fortune it had been more sound and sure counsel, to have gone unto the priests, to have pacified the Gods with their sacrifices, then unto sorcerers which by witchcrafts should lead thee into their indignation. julianus sent unto Capua, all his guard, & the sword players of Rome, whose captains were Lelius Titianus, and Claudianus Pompeyanus, which he did to the end Severus should think, that since he had courage to send to offend him, he should have no less to abide him. The father in law of julianus was named Aratmensis, whom julianus persuaded and requested to take half the Empire, in such wise, that both should have been entitled Emperors of Rome: and jointly therewith swore and affirmed, that he did it not to remedy the necessity wherein he stood: but for great good will which he did bear him: who answered, this which thou sayest, julianus, be thou assured, that I will neither do it, either do I love, but irketh me to hear it: because to govern the Empire I am blind, to travail I am weak, and to enjoy it am become old: and much more respecting the age which I possess, and the travels which I have passed: I am more apt to make peace with the Gods, then to take wars in hand against men.  
All the men of war that were in Etruria, did pass unto the service of Severus, whom he would not by any means receive, until they had sworn to be innocent of the death of Pertinax. Severus at the break of the day, discovered himself with all his armies, two leagues from Rome: which being known unto the Senate, jointly they agreed to determine two things: which is to weet, to remove julianus from the Empire, and to deprive him of his life, and in his place to elect Severus Emperor.  
Then one of the Senators came forth from the Senate, and published with open voice unto the people, that they should hold it for certain, that by the authority of the sacred Senate, julianus was deprived of the Empire, and in his steed Severus elected Emperor. Great was the joy that the people received, when they heard julianus to be deprived of the Empire: and presently at the instant who best might, made most haste to receive the new Emperor: and none passed by julianus house, that threw not stones at the windows, and spat not upon the walls. At the hour that the Senate went forth to receive Severus, they sent a Gentleman to kill julianus, who expressing the sorrowful embassage which he brought, with many tears julianus requested that he might not be slain, before he had seen Severus: but the gentleman durst do no less, then to cut off his head, because the Senate stayed at the port Salaria, and had sworn not to proceed to receive Severus, until they were certainly advertised, that julianus was slain. The unfortunate Emperor julianus being dead, his wife Malia and his daughter Escutilia took the body, & buried him in a Sepulchre of his great grandfather, on the right hand of the way of Lavinia. julianus was noted to be a glutton, a gamester, covetous, and ambitious: and on the other part, he was pitiful, amorous, eloquent, grave, and subtle. He lived 56. years and 4. months: be reigned 11. months and 5. days. After his death they did neither give his body honourable funerals, or contemned his Sepulchre. This was the end of julianus, who being old, honourable, & rich, would for the exchange of the Empire, give his goods, adventure his fame, and lose his life.  
R.u.    

The life of the Emperor Severus, compiled by sir Anthony of Guevara, bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler, and counsellor, unto the Emperor Charles the fift.  

CHAP. I ¶ Of the lineage and country of the Emperor Severus.  
THE ancient lineage of the Emperor Severus was of Africa, his grandfather was named Fuluius Pius, and his grandmother Agrippa, which came and died in Lepe, an ancient city in Mauritania, & was destroyed in the wars of jugurtha, & Massimila: his father was named Geta, and his mother Fulvia Pia, a people neither renowned in arms, or glorious in blood, either endued with riches. Severus was borne in Etrutio, Clarus and Severus being Consuls, the 4. day of April: and as his mother reported, she had with him a difficult childbirth, & very tedious to nurse. In his first infancy, he chief delighted to play with other children his fellows, the play of judges: and when his lot fell to be judge, as sharply did he chastise their trifling faults, as he did afterwards chastise their errors in earnest. He learned the Greek and latin tongues with such singular perfection, and was so prompt to speak, writ, read, & dispute in the said tongues, as if he had been borne in those countries, and learned no other languages. At the age of xviij. years he was a public advocate, and defended causes in law: in such wise, that if he had followed Science, as he did Wars, he had been no less renowned in science and letters, than he was famous in arms. He was not full xx. years of age, when he first entered Rome: in which days, there reigned the right happy Marcus Aurelius, and by intercession of his kinsman Septimius Severus, he had the office to register daily such as either died or were borne in Rome: which office, although it were not profitable, yet was it an occasion of great acquaintance, & to be thoroughly known: because nightly he went to Court to report who was borne, or had died that day. The first night that he entered Rome, by chance his host where he lodged was reading the life of the Emperor Adrian, wherein was relation of the great perils which he passed, before he might attain the Empire: Severus said unto his host in jest. In travels & perils I imitate Adrian: I hope also that I shall succeed him in the Empire. By chance, as the Emperor M. Aurelius made a general & sumptuous supper unto many noble Romans, Severus was amongst them, & at the time that he should have taken his seat at the table, without regard he placed him in the emperors chair: and when others derided him for his negligence & folly which he had committed, Severus answered: Peace & gibe not, it is possible (my destinies may be such) that as I now sit in the imperial chair in jest, so one day I may sit therein in earnest. Severus dreamt on a night, that he sucked the teats of the wolf that nursed Remus and Romulus, which dream he always held for a great good sign of his future Empire. In the time of his youth, he was both absolute and dissolute, especially in women's matters, & other vanities: for which causes he was many times taken, banished, & shamed. In the offices of war, he was placed in them all, especially the office of Questor, which he held long time: and it is said of him, that having by that office charge of money, he was diligent in recovering, & faithful in dividing & parting thereof. In the month of january, in the 5. year of the Empire of M. Aurelius, it chanced him to be Proconsul of Betica, which now in Spain is named the kingdom of Andoloizia, where he remained the space of a year & a half: in which government he was no less loved then feared, and feared then loved.  
Severus being Proconsul in Betica, received news of his father's death in Africa: whereupon he presently passed into Africa, partly to execute the obsequies, and to give his father an honourable Sepulchre, and partly to take order for a sister that was left unto him, and goods which he did inherit. The Consul that then was resident in Africa, sent Severus for his Ambassador to the Sardinians, which were revolted from the Romans: and entering into Sardinia with certain burning torches, according to the manner of an Ambassador of Rome, there came unto him a townsman after the fashion of a jester, and did embrace him, whom Severus commanded to be whipped, saying: In the act of so great gravity, trifling gibes be inconvenient. For that which this jester did, and for the disgrace which Severus received, they ordained in Rome, that from thence forth, Ambassadors always should enter all cities on horseback, as in times past they had used on foot. Continuing Proconsul in Africa, he would needs understand of a Mathematician or Astronomer, how far his fortune extended or did reach: and having received the day and hour, and also the ascendent of his nativity, the Astrologian being amazed and terrified of the Fortune which his nativity did promise' him, said unto him: It is not possible that this be thy nativity, & therefore were it meet thou shouldest give me thine own, and not the nativity of another: for were it true, that thou wast borne under such a constellation, thou shouldest be Emperor of Rome. At the age of 32. years, he was in Rome elected Tribune of the people: more for the pleasure of Marcus Aurelius whom he served, then for the service that Severus had done in the common wealth: but afterwards he proved so toward, and was so upright in causes of justice, that it neither repented the common wealth to have chosen him, either Marcus Aurelius to have procured the same. His Tribunal office being ended, he was named Praetor of the people: and on the day of his election, the more to advance his honour, the Emperor passing through the streets of Rome, placed him with himself in the Licter: which deed was not a little reproached, of some through envy, and of othersome through disdain.   

CHAP. II ¶ Of the offices which Severus held in the Empire, before he was Emperor.  
THe affairs of Spain being dispatched, Severus failed into Asia: and assoon as he had set his fool a land, he departed unto Athens: partly to behold the government of the greeks, and partly also to hear the doctrine of Philosophers: because in those days, they talked not of any matter more in all this world, then of the great Fortune of the Romans, and the profound eloquence of the greeks. Not a few days he remained in Athens hearing the Philosophers, conferring with the Senators, visiting temples, and viewing buildings: because naturally he was a friend of new inventions, & desired no less the knowledge of antiquities. Although Severus of person was valiant, and captain of Rome, and also of indifferent eloquence, yet they gave him no good entertainment in all Grecia: for which cause when he came afterwards unto the Empire, he straightly revenged the old unkindness which he bore unto the greeks, every day diminishing their privileges. Being returned from Asia unto Rome, he was sent Ambassador unto the province of Lugdune, which now in France, is named Lion of Sonorona: and being at that time a widower, they practised with him a marriage with a certain Lady of noble blood, in countenance most fair, and gracious in gesture. That Lady was named julia, & of royal blood: unto whom purposing to present jewels of great price, and finding no goldsmith sufficient to perform the same: being also advertised of a goldsmith in Syria that excelled all men in that faculty, and doubting all messengers to be insufficient, traveled in his own person, to fetch the same: & as he after made report unto his spouse, that with the rewards which he gave unto the goldsmith, and the charge of that voyage, he might twice have been married. The Senators sent to reprove Severus, not because he had married, but for the great journey and large expenses which he had passed for a woman: advising him, that it was not convenient for a citizen of Rome, to employ his person, but to advance his honour: either consume his goods, but for defence of the common wealth: whereunto Senerus answered, that for none of those matters whereof he was blamed, he either deserved blame or punishment: because without all comparison, much more was the merit of that Lady with whom he was married, than the expenses or travels which for her service he had suffered. And further he said: it seemeth unto me (father's conscript) that for this act I deserve honour, & no blame, since thereby ariseth unto Rome, both honour and profit: because strange kingdoms have seen, that Captains of Rome, to obtain riches, have strength & skill, and to spend them have noble minds. Severus stayed jointly 3. years in France, both loved and feared, & no less reverenced of the Frenchmen: not only for that he was just in judgement, and liberal in expenses, but above the rest, in that he was of a sincere life. The Calends of januarie being come, (at what time in Rome they divide their offices) the Proconsulship of Sicylia was allotted unto Severus, whereof he received no small grief, partly for that he found himself very well placed in France, & feared the condition of the Sicilians. Being resident in the Isle of Sicyl, he was accused by his enemies of Rome, that he did not exercise the government of the common wealth, so much as the search of soothsayers, who should be Emperor of Rome: because in those days Commodus was Emperor of Rome, and all men held it for certain, that for his wickedness he should be slain, or himself, for his great viciousness, should die. Commodus received great displeasure when he understood, that being (as he was) alive, and but a young man, Severus should seek for the succession of his Empire: for which cause Severus was forced presently to departed from Sicyl, & come to Rome, there to discover and make proof of his innocency: because the danger was no greater, than loss of honour and life. Presently upon his arrival at Rome, he did yield himself unto the gail Mamortina, and would not departed from thence, until by public sentence his innocency was uttered, and his accusers deprived of their lives. Two months after these matters passed, the Calends of januarie were come, in which Severus was elected Consul, jointly with Apuleius Rufinus: the day that this was published, they say that Severus said. This day it is manifested in me, that men neither know what prosperities be convenient for them, either what adversities do impeach them: and I say it for this cause, for that criminally I was accused in Rome, and my person prisoner in the place of malefactors: whereof there proceeded, that I departed from Sicyl, came to Rome, give safety unto my life, augment my goods, recover fame, take vengeance of mine enemies, and obtain the Consulship of the common wealth.  
The time passed of his Consulship, he stood an whole year without any office: and as he afterwards said many times, the best and merriest days of all his life, were contained in that year, wherein he had no office in the common wealth. In those days, Letus the Captain of the guard was greatly in favour with the Emperor Commodus: by whose intercession they commended the garrisons of Germany unto Severus, who so skilfully behaved himself in that journey, that he returned 2. years after unto Rome with great honour, & no small riches. At his return unto Rome, Severus bought a certain compass of land wherein to till for corn, and to feed and breed cattle, and alongst the river Tiber he bought certain stately and fertile gardens, where he built houses of great pride, which long time after were called Severians.  
At a certain time supping in those gardens upon the grass, where the freshness of the green was very great, and vigualls very small, the case was thus. His own son, of the age of five years, did give and divide unto all persons, of all things that were there, unto whom the father said: temper thy hand (son) in reparting, because thou hast no real riches to give. The child made answer: if I have them not now when I am a child, I shall have them when I am a man. All men present wondered, considering the age of the child, that so grave an answer should proceed from so tender youth.   

CHAP. III ¶ How the Pretorians did elect him Emperor.  
IN the 10. year of the Empire of Commodus, Severus was sent in message unto the province of Germany: in which embassage, he obtained much honour, and no small wealth: for naturally he was of great dispatch in affairs, and skilful to gather money. He was resident in Germany the space of three years, that is to say, until in Rome they had slain the Emperor Commodus: of whole death he had great pleasure, and of the election of Pertinax no less joy: because the living was his most special friend, and the dead his mortal enemy. Not many months after he received news how the Emperor Pertinax was slain by the Pretorians, and that he (for very money) had bought the Empire, he was much grieved with the death of the one and the election of the other. Severus was advertised how julianus was in great hatred of the people, for merchandizing of the Empire: presently at the instant the men of war that he had with him, declared him Emperor: which was done in a city named Carunto, on the xii. day of the month of August. That day whereon the armies did advance him as Emperor, he gave and divided amongst them so great sums of money, as never any Emperor had done afore time: for he gave, not only all his own, but also the treasure of his friends. With great speed Severus sent unto the armies of Illyria in Pannonia, in Spain, France, and Britain, and gave them to understand how Pertinax was dead, that julianus had bought the Empire, and that the armies of Germany had elected him Emperor: but that he would not accept the same, unless they (as true defenders of the Empire) would consent unto their election: wherein all, with one conformity, did allow that election which the Germans had made of Severus, and utterly did annihilate all consents and elections that had or might be to the advancement of the Empire of julianus: and upon condition that Severus should first be sworn, to revenge the death of the good Emperor Pertinax: and to give his favour unto the men of war. Presently when the Severus saw his Empire confirmed by the men of war, speedily he took his way towards Rome: upon which way not only he had no resistance, but in all places was received with great joy. Two Consuls, 100 Senators, 30. Questors, 22. judges, 14. Tribunes, 10. Pretours. 400. priests, and 50. vestal virgins, came forth to receive Severus: unto whom he sent to give understanding, that if they would behold his face mild, that all persons of all armour, either open or secret, should disarm themselves: for that it was sufficient that he was of the wars, and they to receive him in peace. They being persons of so great honour, riches, and ancient, that came forth to receive him, were not a little despited, that Severus should command them to be disarmed, but in the end they accomplished that which was commanded them, and from thence forth conceived against Severus mortal hatred: because if they disarmed their persons of armour, they did arm their hearts with malice. And as Severus was proud with his Empire, and the Consuls and Senators wise and advised, neither did he perceive them to be offended, either did they discover themselves to be grieved or despited: for that, if they had patience to suffer the injury, they wanted not wisdom to dissemble the same. As Severus was subtle and skilful, he did two things before he entered Rome, wherewith he greatly wanthe favour of the common people: whereof the first was, that he publicly changed his over name, which is to wit, that as he afore time was named Septimius Severus, after he was named Severus Pertinax: & this he did, to the end all men should perceive, the taking the name of the good Emperor Pertinax, he would likewise follow the steps of his good life, and profit himself by his good doctrine: for Pertinax was not only loved as a man, but also adored as a God. And the second thing which he did, was, to command all the bands of Pretorians, which were the men at arms which guarded Rome, that leaving all armour, they should come & do him reverence: which were the men that had slain th'emperor Pertinax, not for his own deserving, but for that he consented not to their wickedness. Severus secretly had agreed with his army, that they should have regard to compass them round, in such wise, that finding them unarmed, they should stop all means to recover the same for their defence: either place of safety to fly unto. And now, when they stood all unarmed, & compassed, Severus commanded a general silence throughout his armieꝭ and directed his words unto those homicides or mansiears, speaking after this manner.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ How he revenged the death of the good Emperor Pertinax.  
ALthough all humane things be subject unto vanity & mutability: yet this pre-eminence have the gods above men, that all things being subject to changing and variableness, they remain immutable: & all things perishing & finishing, they for ever do continued: because there is nothing perpetual, but such things, unto which the gods do give perpetuity. The great Roman Empire much resembleth the immortal gods of heaven: because all the kingdoms of the earth be finishing & have their ends, but she is perpetual: all are weak, and she strong: all be subject, she at liberty: all vanquished, and she invincible: finally, she is she, that never suffered her better, or endured another that was her equal. And as it is most true, that the gods never give reward without a preceding merit: so do they not give punishment without some fault in him, whom they chastise: where of it followeth, that since the gods have given unto the Romans so many and so great triumphs, there aught to be in them many & very notable deservings. There be two things which cause the Romans to hold friendship with the gods, & to be lords of men, which is to wit, great worshippers of temples, and conservers of people in justice: for that country where temples be not honoured, and the wicked chastised, may be better termed a den of thieves, than a kingdom of good men. You all understand that be here present, how ye have slain the Emperor Pertinax, a man most surely both holy and most holy, because the greatness of the Empire, being conferred with the sincerity of his deserving, it had not been much for him, but rather a small reward, to have been Lord of the whole world. In this deed ye have offended the gods, escandalized men, committed treason unto your Lord, defamed your country, troubled your common wealth, and brought all Rome unto confusion, in such wise, that your fault being so exceeding, it may not deserve any partiality in punishment.  
Now that ye have slain him, is it as if ye had slain Caligula, Nero, Sergius, Vitellius, Domitian, or Commodus? no, but Pertinax, which was one of the princes most without reprehension, that ever reigned in the Roman Empire. As princes be few & wilful, so it is a venture, to chance on such as be good: & so much the more deserve ye the greater pain, as the good Pertinax was profitable unto the common wealth. Unto whom shall Rome adventure to commit her trust, since they which were appointed for her guard, have set her a sale? O treason never thought of! O wickedness never heard of! to kill the Emperor, and to cell the Empire. After the vassals have slain their Lord, and the natives of the country have sold their common wealth, I know not why the gods command not the ground to swallow you up, and presently put not fire into Rome to consume it: for, after so great an infamy, Rome aught never more to be named in this world. Who should have said to Quintus Cincinatus, Numa Pompilius, Camillus, Marcus Fabritius, Mutius Scaevola, Silla, Marius, Scipio, julius Caesar, Augustus, Germanicus (who with great and many triumphs did both beautify and magnify Rome) that ye should have set Rome in open sale? I firmly believe, and am out of doubt, that they would have died of pure sorrow: or else would have slain your progenitors from whom ye are descended. Fron the time I departed out of Germany, I came musing upon the way, what punishment I should give you: for of the one part, if I suffer every one of you with his life, it redoundeth to the scandal of the common wealth: and if I would take the same from you, the pain is very small, in respect of your extreme fault: for unto one that is evil, they do him no small benefit, to rid him out of this world. I command your noses to be slit, your tongues to be bored, your garments beneath the waist to be cut off, and your beards half shaven: ye shall live without honour, credit, or liberty as slaves & bondmen in the common wealth: in such wise, that ye shall not die as the good do use to die, to the end to live: but ye shall live as the wicked do live, to the end to die. Neither do I suffer you to live, because ye deserve life: but for that I will not stain my fame with your filthy blood. If in giving you all death, I might give the good Pertinax his life: not only yours, but also right willingly would I offer mine own: because there is no vent more just, than that one good life (by the exchange of many wicked lives) might be bought & redeemed. If the gods would permit, that at the hour I should command ye to be slain, ye should revive and recover life, a thousand times would I take away your lives, because the horror of your offence deserveth a thousand deaths: but since loss of life, in a moment, doth deliver the malefactor of his scourge and torment, and afterwards no other mean remaining to take vengeance: it is more just that ye should live every day desiring death, then that ye should die abhorring life. There is nothing more just, then to kill him that killeth: but I command not that ye be slain, although ye durst kill the good Pertinax: and this I do not, to the end to do no justice, either to do you good or pleasure: but for that many years ye shall have time to bewail your wretched life, and his innocent death.   

CHAP. V ¶ Of things that he did in Rome, presently after he was Emperor.  
AFter that Severus had said and finished his speech, and condemned and banished the murderers of the Emperor Pertinax, he determined to enter Rome, and his receiving was mixed with joy and sorrow: because of the one part seeing him so great a friend of justice, they rejoiced: and on the other part to see him compassed with so great armies, they feared him. Presently upon his entry into Rome, he visited the temples (according to the custom of the Roman Emperors) and there he offered no small, but generous & sumptuous sacrifices. Although in his receiving, a great part of the day was spent, and in visiting temples the rest was consumed, and now when it was night, he was requested of all men to take his ease, and to withdraw unto his palace: yet he would in no wise consent, until he had visited the Sepulchre of the good Marcus Aurelius: where he remained a great space upon his knees, and poured forth many lamentable tears. The next day he went unto the high Capitol, where all the Senate was assembled, and there he spoke unto all the Senators, Consuls, and all other Roman officers: to whom he said many good words, and gave them great hope of many rewards. All the people of Rome were astonished, & terrified, to behold the great audacity and fortune of Severus: which proceeded of consideration how without danger, and less travel, he obtained the Empire: for that he got it not by shedding others blood, neither by the exchange of his own proper goods. The first day that Severus spoke in the Senate, he made a solemn vow before them all: Never to kill any Roman, if he were not judged by justice: or to take the goods of any person, if by the fiscal he were not condemned. If it had been found in Severus works, which he swore that day in words, namely, that they might not accuse him of cruelty, either note him of covetousness, it had been a great weal for the Roman Empire: for there is nothing wherewith princes do more destroy their common wealths, and also stain their persons, then to be given to revenge their own proper injuries, and covetous of other men's goods. Forthwith at his beginning, Severus did show himself mild, benign, pitiful, liberal, valiant hearted, affable, gracious, and humane, embracing his familiars, joying and laughing with strangers: in such wise, that the Romans went after him, hearing what he said, and praising what he did. If in humane affairs he were provident, in divine matters surely he was not negligent: for that every day he visited temples, honoured priests, offered sacrifices, repaired edifices, heard orphans and afflicted: in such wise, that in victories they compared him unto julius Caesar, in humane policies to Augustus, and in divine things to Pompilius. The old Senators and ancient Romans, that had been bred with Severus from their youth, were amazed to see how his evil condition was changed: and on the other part they thought with themselves, that all which he did was but feigned: for of his own natural condition, he was subtle, wary, mild, and double: and did know how to deny his own will for a time, in that which he wished, to do afterwards with all men all that he desired. It is a point of wise and skilful men, to overcome their own wills in small matters: afterwards to draw others after them for causes of greater importance.  
Although there be more credit to be given to that which we see, then unto that which we suspect: yet in this case they were more deceived, that praised Severus in his good works, than those which did suspect him for his old subtleties: for that in short space they understood in him great cruelties, and no less disordinate covetousness. Those that from their youth be not bred in virtuous works, or that naturally of themselves be not of good condition, they may for a time deceive some persons with their guiles: but in the end their malice cometh to the notice of all men: all which was experimented in Severus, who used violence with his own proper nature, until he saw himself in possession of the common wealth. The first office that he gave in Rome, was unto Flavius Juvenal, whom he made Praetor of the people: of which provision of the one part he pleased all men, because Flavius was a virtuous person: and on the other part it did grieve them, because he was servant unto julianus. The whole army that Severus led with him, he also brought into the city of Rome: and being in quantity great, and of condition proud, they might not be contained within the city: for which cause they lodged not only in houses privileged, and in sacred temples, but forcibly broke up doors and entered houses. The Romans received the same for a very great injury, because they only felt not the despite done unto their persons, but also did bewail the breach & loss of their liberties. Three days after Severus entered Rome, the captains of his armies sent to demand of the Senate, to have given them an hundred thousand peasants of gold, which were due unto them: for that in times past, so much was given unto them that first entered with the Emperor Augustus. At the hour when the captains sent these words unto the Senate, presently and jointly they armed themselves, and marched unto the field, swearing and forswearing, by the life of Severus, & by the world of Marcus, that if it were not given that day, at night they would sack Rome. After that Severus heard, that his army was in readiness in the field of Mars, and without his commandment, he was not a little scandalized, thinking there had been some treason against him amongst the people: but the truth being known, he requested them to be pacified, and to disarm themselves, saying: that it proceeded not of wise Captains, but of seditious persons, to demand with threatenings, that which would be given by request. Severus saw himself in great travel, to finish agreement betwixt the one & the other: but in the end giving them some money out of his own coffers, and some from the common wealth, he brought them all to a unity: which was, that unto the Captains was given less than they demanded, and the Romans paid somewhat more than they offered. Before all things, Severus did celebrated the obsequies of Pertinax: whereat all the Romans were present, and offered that day unto the God's great sacrifices, accounting Pertinax amongst the Gods, and placing Priests to do sacrifices upon the sepulchre, that for evermore should sustain his memory. When Severus entered the Empire, he found many rents of the treasury mortgaged, which is to weet, the royal patrimony, wherein he gave order for the redeeming thereof, to be reduced unto the royal crown. Severus had two daughters of ripe age, the one of xxv. the other of thirty. years, whom he married within twenty days after he came to Rome, the one with Prolus, and the other with Laertius, men of great wealth and riches, and generous in blood. Severus offered his son Prolus the office of Censor, which he refused, saying, that he fought not to be son in law unto the Emperor, to be a scourge of evil men: but to be served of good men. Severus made both his sons in law Consuls, and about Rome he bought them great rents, and also gave them large sums of money to spend, and to his daughters he gave jewels, wherewith to honour them.   

CHAP. VI ¶ How the Emperor Severus passed into Asia against captain Pessenius that rebelled against him.  
ONe of the famous captains that rebelled against the Emperor julianus, as hath been recounted in his life, was Pessenius Niger, who with the armies that were in Assyria, did govern and rule all Asia. Severus rose in Germany, and Pessenins in Asia: and notwithstanding they were both traitors unto their Lord, the difference betwixt them was, that Severus for his coming unto Rome, they advanced unto the Empire: and Pessenius for remaining at his ease in Asia, was condemned for a traitor. At the hour that julianus his death was published, presently Pessenius invested himself with the title of Emperor and Augustus: in such wise, that Severus in Europa, and Pessenius in Asia, had divided betwixt themselves all countries and provinces: and much more the one from the other had divided their wills & minds. Pessenius was very well advertised in Asia, how Severus had entered Rome with a great power: and was in state of government as natural Emperor of the common wealth: but neither for letters that were written unto him, or for any thing that might be said unto him, would he obey Severus, or much less show any fear of him, Pessenius was gross of person, valiant, warlike, and of all men, with whom he dealt, very well liked: and surely, if he lost the Empire, it was not for want of friends in Rome, but that he abounded with vices in Asia. After that Severus saw, that neither for threatenings, either for promises that he made, or for letters that he wrote, he might not draw Pessenius Niger unto his service, he determined to conquer him as an enemy: although (as he afterwards said) he wished not with him to come in contention: because Pessenius was a friend in earnest, and no enemy in jest.  
Severus commanded a muster to be taken of all the men he had, and took the names of all persons that he might have with him out of Italy, commanding them to prepare, and to pay his officers, & that all things should be done with most speedy diligence: for his intent was to enter with so great haste into Asia, that his arrival, and the news thereof, at one instant, might appear unto Pessenius.  
All the armies of Illyria which he had left in Thracia, he commanded to pass into Asia: and all the Senators, all the warlike officers of Rome, all the rich men, and all the sons of mighty and great Lords that were in Italy, he led with him in that war. He armed in the Sea Mediterrane an hundred galleys, and also rigged forth two hundredth ships, fifty barks, and innumerable foists: all which went laden with men, armour, and victuals: in such wise, that in respect of his greatness and potency, there was none that would encounter with him by land, either abide at the Sea.  
Only thirty. days Severus was in Rome, dispatching with the Senate, he departed unto the port of Hostia, to behold his navy, and from thence he departed to Nola in Campania, where his army was assembled, where he added many things that wanted, and also removed many things that were superfluous: because in things of great importance, he was not satisfied to give them in charge to men of experience: but that he would see and behold them with his own proper eyes. When Pessenius Niger heard the news, how Severus came against him by sea and land: they say that he said, these words: If the destinies be bent against me, small may it avail me, that men favour me: and if Gods be pleased to help me men may little hinder me. And further he said: Severus is not satisfied to have slain his Lord julianus, and to usurp the Empire, but hath made me an enemy unto the people of Rome: but I beseech the immortal Gods, that if it shall not please them to give me victory in this war, that Severus may be conquered, when he most desireth to overcome. Although Pessenius commended his fortune into the hands of God, not withstanding he left not to seek the aid of men: & to this end he did writ and sand Ambassadors, unto the king of the Parthians, to the king of the Arthabanes, and to the king of the Armenians to secure him with men & money, because Severus came with a determinate mind to destroy them all.  
The king of the Armenians answered the Ambassadors of Pessenius Niger, that he would neither help the one, or offend the other, but defend and conserve his own kingdom: moved thereunto, for that Pessenius was his friend, and Severus not his enemy.  
The king of Parthians, presently sent his letters throughout his kingdom, commanding them to repair unto Pessenius, and refuse Severus: which he did not for the narrow friendship that he held with Pessenius, but for the ancient enmity that he did bear unto the Roman Empire. The king of Arthabanes sent unto Pessenius, ten thousand archers with crossbows, all natives of the provinces of Bersezana, which throughout the world were much renowned, and in the wars no less feared, because they were of valiant minds in fight, and exceeding ready in shooting. Further, Pessenius Niger commanded his army to be renewed with twenty thousand footmen, and six thousand horsemen, whereof the most part being taken out of Antioch (where the people be most feeble) their names being registered, and receiving pay, never afterwards came to the wars. Unto all them that used this guile, Severus afterwards gave great punishment: not for that they had been traitors unto Pessenius, but for example to terrify others. Upon the mount Taurus part of Cappadocia and Sicyl, Pessenius, as a man of experience in martial affairs, provided that the woods were field upon the tops of mountains, and in straits, and most perilous places made strong watch and ward, in such wise, that no enemy might approach, that was not seen: or pass, that were not slain. In those days, there was not in all Thracia a city more opulent than was Byzantio, now named Constantinople, which in buildings did exceed all cities of Asia, and in fertility was equal with the best in Europa. Amongst other things contained therein that was fair to behold, and much to be praised, were the walls, the stones whereof were brought from Mylesius, curiously squared, as if it had been timber sawen with a saw: which was the cause that the wall being made of many stones, the whole wall seemed but one stone. Although with the calamities of time, the walls be now ruinated: yet notwithstanding, of the same there remaineth some steps and signs: in the view whereof there is none but will praise the wit of them that made it: & curse the hands of them that did subvert it. When Pessenius saw himself a Lord so absolute of all Asia, and accompanied with so many & so noble men of war, he thought himself sure of the victory: but as in such cases, that which Fortune guideth, is far different from that which the person desireth: so, very contrary to his former purpose it afterwards succeeded.   

CHAP. VII. ¶ Of the wars that passed betwixt Pessenius and Severus in Asia.  
IT was great grief unto Severus, when he understood how Pessenius was in so great readiness, that thought not only to defend, but publicly to offend. Severus being certified that Pessenius was in possession of the great city Byzantio, marched with more speed, with intent to batter the same, before Pessenius might come to the succour thereof: for that by secret practices, Severus had within the city new friends: and Pessenius in government had recovered some enemies. Neither the intelligences which Severus practised secretly, either the diligences which he used publicly, might profit him to obtain Byzantio: which when he understood, he travailed to recover another city not far from thence, named Cyzica: which was both rocky and compassed with marrishes, that is to say, it stood upon a rock, & environed with a river. Pessenius had for his captain general of all his hosts, a certain knight named Emilianus, in whom he reposed confidence, not only for matters of war, but also for expedition of causes of peace, for that he had both wisdom for the one, and fortitude for the other. The captain Emilianus put himself into the city of Cyzica, when presently after, the soldiers of Severus came to besiege it. There was betwixt both the armies at divers times, divers encounters, & repulses, wherein Fortune indifferently discovered herself unto either party: for at all times, when they fought at the wall, Severus side had the worse: but when they fought in the field, Pessenius bands had that repulse. Two months after the city of Cizica was besieged, they made a salle, and as they would have retired, Severus captains pursued and entered pelle melle with the captains of Pessenius: and notwithstanding there was betwixt them great slaughter for the recovering of a gate, and to fortify a certain place: in the end Pessenius lost the city, and Severus obtained the victory. Pessenius greatly complained, and so was it bruited amongst the people, which is to weet, that the captain Emilianus had secret practice with Severus: for, considering the stately walls wherewith the city Cizica was compassed, and the valiant people wherewith it was defended: all men judged it impossible to take it, and folly to besiege it. The cause that moved the captain Emilianus to do this unworthy deed, was: that his sons, who were left at Rome, Severus brought with him into that war, under great guard: and it is to be thought, that to give liberty unto his sons which he had engendered, he made a breach of his fidelity and oath which he had sworn. The Emperor Commodus, as he was suspicious of them, with whom he had to deal: and so evil wished of all such as did serve him: so it was his fashion, for the most part, when he sent any noble Roman to govern any province, presently to place their sons in a fort: and this he did, to the end their fathers should not be traitors, respecting their children that were kept under ward. From the time that Commodus reigned in Rome, Emilianus governed the provinces in Asia: by which cause Severus recovered the children, & Pessenius lost the father. The fame being divulgate throughout all Asia, that the city Cizica was sacked, & that Severus kept the field with victory: all Pessenius knights that scaped from thence, & all other their companions that heard thereof, gave themselves to flight: to seek places of fortification wherein to hide their persons. Severus not only recovered honour & profit of this victory, but also planted both fear & discord almost throughout all Grecia: for some rebelled against Pessenius, and others did obey Severus. Although the people of Grecia have ableness to learn science, they are no less mutable in martial affairs: for in wars which they prosecute, they follow not the Prince that hath most justice, but him that most is favoured of Fortune. The citizens of Bythinia sent Ambassadors unto Severus, saying, that they & their children were at his commandment: and on the other side, the people of Nicena gave Pessenius to understand, that if he sent his army thither, they would not only receive them, but also maintain them: which offers they presented not unto these two Roman princes, for love or friendship that they did bear them: but for the ancient enmity which they had betwixt themselves. Severus with his army entering Bythinia, and Pessenius into Nicena, from thence, as from two fortes, they did issue to fight: & in the end betwixt the two armies upon a certain day, they traversed so fierce a skirmish, that in blood & slaughter it was no less than a battle: where the field remained unto Severus, & Pessenius bands were put to flight. Pessenius neither for the loss of the city Cizica, neither for that he was beaten out of the field at Bythinia, did show either fear or weakness: but dividing his army that remained in two parts, he sent the one to mount Taurus to defend that passage from Severus, & the other part he led with himself unto Antioch, partly to take money out of his treasury, & partly to renew, as also relieve his army. Severus marched with his army from Bythinia unto Galatia, & from Galatia unto Cappadocia, which stood in defence on the behalf of Pessenius, where Severus soldiers with great fury did assault the same: in which journey the Severians received no small loss, because the city was situate upon the side of an hill, from whence to execute slaughter amongst their enemies, they needed no other defence, but to whirl stones.  
The affairs standing in this estate, there chanced two cities of Phoenicia to revolt from Pessenius, and to yield themselves unto Severus, that is to say, Laodycia and Tyrus: of which news Pessenius took great grief, and no small hatred, which passions conceived against those cities, he not only uttered in the foul words which he sent to be said unto them: but also in the cruel acts which he commanded to be done unto them. Pessenius had in his army fifteen thousand archers, which were called Mauri, people that naturally of their own inclination were given to blood, and without all fear of death: these, Pessenius commanded to go unto Laodycia and Tyrus, utterly to burn and consume both city and people: with a warning confirmed by an oath, that if they took any prisoners to give any man life, the person that used that pity should be slain. These fifteen thousand archers named Mauri departed unto Laodycia and Tyrus, and many other that joined with them: & as they took them at the sudden being unprovided, and having no time to demand succour of Severus: so cruel and inhuman was that barbarous people, to those so generous and noble cities, that they left not upon the walls one stone upon an other, either house that they subverted not, either the head of man woman or child that they did not cut off. When these matters passed in Assyria, the knights of Severus were in Cappadocia, traveling greatly to possess the mount Taurus: but as it was naturally of great height, and rocky, & Pessenius possessing all the passages, so they might not by any mean assail them, or conceive hope of any profitable or honourable attempt. Upon the top of this mount Taurus, Pessenius his people had brought an huge number of great stones and rocks, to throw down upon Severus soldiers, if they should attempt to climb the hill: but as on the side of the mountain, there grew many trees, both high and great, which Severus soldiers cut down in great heaps & multitudes to stay the stones before they tumbled upon men, that might be thrown In having ready captains to fight, and skilful to defend none of the armies had cause to complain, either of their enemies to have envy, except that Pessenius was more virtuous, and Severus more venturous,   

CHAP. VIII. Of a cruel and furious battle, betwixt Pessenius and Severus, wherein Pessenius was slain.  
IN certain broken, worn, and hollow places, as in such grounds the waters do use to make, Pessenius soldiers had fortified with stones & boughs, which served them to blind and stop the way for passage, as also from thence both to defend and offend their enemies. Neither for travel to climb the hill, either for fear of death, did Severus his captains cease any hour to attempt the recovering of the mount: but the waye● and passages were so narrow, and the mountains so rocky & maccessible, that ten defended an hundred, an hundred a thousand: & a thousand ten thousand. The case was thus, that the Severian armies more daunted with despair, than advanced with hope, suddenly on a night there fell upon Pessenius soldiers retired from their rampires, and fortified rocks: and that which was worse, many persons and beasts were there dangered & also lost, and their victuals all cast and carried away. By time that should do the deed, and the sorrowful destinies of Pessenius that should conduct the same: it chanced upon the third day after the snow had fallen, the sun did shine with as hot a glome as in the heat of summer, wherewith all the snow being thoroughly thawed, the violence of most furious waters that descended the hill, overthrew and carried away all bulwark and rampires that Pessenius had made in that mountain: in such wise, that nature framed in one hour that Art might not bring to pass in many days: that is to say, the snow drove away the people, and soon opened the way. When the Severian armies found, that Pessenius soldiers had forsaken the mount Taurus, and the thawed snow had opened their way: they not only recovered great courage, but also presumed to have obtained divine favour: saying, that Severus did govern them, but that the Gods did guide them. Upon the fift day after the snow, Severus soldiers mounted upon the top of Taurus, & all the snow being thawed and gone, and tracks and ways being dried up, in every place they found dead men, drowned beasts, broken armour, and victuals scattered: in the view whereof they took no small pleasure, because they had now set their feet, where before they employed but their eyes. Pessenius being advertised, how his soldiers had forsaken the mount Taurus, departed with all his host from Antioch, & took the way unto Sicyl: the multitude of people that he led with him was marvelous and terrible to behold: and yet truly notwithstanding, more fearful in view, then in fight: for admitting they were many, & young men well armed, yet they were more accustomed to have peace with vices, than war with enemies. Severus with his armies, & Pessenius with his hosts encountered in Sicyl, not a league one from an other, having betwixt them a great plain which was named by the men of the country, the field of Ysico, where was given the last and most famous battle betwixt Alexander and Darius, in which the great king Darius was overcome, and the great Alexander remained monarch of the world. In memory of which notable battle, there is situated at these days, the renowned city of Alexandria, wherein there is is a picture of brass, so natural a counterfeit of Alexander, that to behold doth partly terrify, and also giveth motion of great reverence. Two days after these princes came to this place, with conformity they determined to give the battle, since either of them had joined their whole powers, with the presence of their proper persons: until which time, betwixt them there was but small difference, for that either of them had great hope to have the victory. The night before they fought, Severus & Pessenius were both sad, and their armies in great watch: for as the fatal hour of fight drew near (although their generous hearts gave them hope to overcome) their mortal bodies did fear to die. At the break of the day all the captains made ready to the battle: continually two hours before the charge, both of the one part and the other, they played upon instruments of music, which with their melody did yield such dolefulness, that exactly it discovered the sorrowful success that should follow in that cruel battle. The hosts being joined the one with the other, there was traversed betwixt than so cruel a fight, & of every part so traveled to obtain the victory, that the day ended, & the battle not finished. That battle was so bloody, wounded, & of both parts so much contended, that within the compass of two leagues, there was not three foot of ground, that was not covered with man's blood. If the two armies were valiant in fight, surely the two princes, their lords, were no cowards: but in the end, when night was come, the Pessenians turned their backs: & the whole conclusion was, that Pessenius fled wounded, and Severus remained lord of that field. Upon an horse of great swiftness, & accompanied with few persons, Pessenius took the way unto Antioch: as the enemies did pursue him, at the door of a poor cottage where he neither had time to rest, either place to hide himself, but groveling upon his breasts, drinking with a pitcher, at a blow his enemies cut off his head. This was the sorrowful end of Pessenius Niger, upon whose sepulture they placed this Epitaph: Here lieth Pessenius Niger, an ancient Roman, which in merit was equal with the virtuous: but in misfortunes exceeded the most unfortunate.  
When Severus saw himself advanced to so great victory, and that in all Asia, there was not one lance in the Rest against him, he procured to seize upon all principal persons, that had escaped from the camp of Pessenius: and commanded not only to kill them all, but also to execute them with great torments. Many were found in the camp of Pessenius, which did follow him against their wills, whom also Severus commanded to be slain as the rest: which in deed was rather the act of a cruel tyrant, than a virtuous prince. Severus had with him the mother and the sons of Pessenius, whom he sent (both mother and sons) banished unto an Island.  
All things set in order, that were convenient for the provision of the good government of Asia, Severus moved talk amongst his most familiar friends, for the conquest of the king of Parthia, and the king of Thebes: not because they held him as an enemy, but for that they were friends unto his enemy Pessenius. Severus friends did counsel him, that by no means he should publish any intent of war against the king of Parthians, or the king of Thebans: for the notwithstanding Pessenius was dead in the East, Albinius was alive in the kingdoms of the West: and that he was not so sure of the Empire, but that it were better counsel for him to seek new friends, then to awake old enemies. Severus dealt cruelly with the inhabitants of Antioch, because they had received and obeyed his enemy Pessenius, and with them did not only use injurious words, but also did discharge them of all their ancient liberties. He slew all the Senators of Rome, that is to say, such as followed Pessenius and took the name of captains and Tribunes: & of other persons he slew but one, and would never say, wherefore but he alone, and none other was put to death.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Consul Albinius, and how he rebelled against Severus being in England.  
Amongst the most extreme young gentlemen, that were bred in the house of the good Marcus Aurelius, were three, which in those days were placed for captains in the most famous and dangerous places of the empire, that is to say, Severus in Illyria, Pessenius in Asia, & Albinius in great Britain. Their Lord Marcus Aurelius had brought them up so expert in science, so accustomed to virtues, so ready in arms, so skilful in perils, and so made unto travels, that if they themselves, had not warred & destroyed themselves, all the world had not been sufficient to have defeated them. Above, it is said, how Severus came to Rome to take the Empire, and how Pessenius was overcome in Asia: there resteth now to speak of Albinius, who was in Britain: a man in his life right venturous, and in his death no less unfortunate. Albinius was native of Rome, and as soon as he was of age sufficient, he was made a Senator, being of most ancient lineage, and did inherit of his predecessors, great wealth, which he wanted no skill to conserve, as also to increase, and excellently to enjoy: for, notwithstanding his degree was but a Senator: yet in service of his house, and behaviour of his person, he was after the manner of an Emperor. In the days of the empire of Pertinax, Albinius was sent as captain and governor unto great Britain: in which government he was very well loved, and no less feared: for by his great justice he was feared and with his great liberality he was beloved. When Severus departed unto Asia, to war with Pessenius, understanding how renowned the name of Albinius was throughout all the world, and how well liked of the Roman Empire: he greatly doubted to advance himself with the Roman Empire: and the rather, for that he perceived the principal Romans, to fix their eyes upon Albinius. Severus advised himself to use a certain cautel with Albinius, which was: before he departed from Rome, to writ unto him into Britain, advertising him, that he would have his fellowship in the Empire, from thence forth intituling him Augustus: & since his departing to the wars of Asia, requesting him to take the charge of the government of the common wealth. With these and such like words which he sent him, and with a letter written unto him, and certain jewels which he gave him, Albinius did endure to be deceived, though void of all misstrust to be deceived.  
Albinius had with him an ancient knight named Cypro Albo, who (as it is reported) said unto Albinius: thou art not so near a kinsman, either so dear a friend unto Severus, that without thy request, he will with thee divide the Empire: for that truly, even betwixt the father and the son, it were very much: but that I think he will now be assured of thee, to the end when he returneth from the wars to destroy thee: because from a man so noble as Severus is, so amorous letters, and jewels so precious, may not proceed, but wrapped in malice. Albinius would give no credit unto Cypro Albo, but openly did read his letters, and showed his jewels: which when Severus understood, he received great pleasure thereof: and the better to finish his guile, he made money in both their names, placing Albinius his picture in the Senate. The mind of Albinius being won and obtained, to the end to hold safe and sure the kingdoms of Europa, he departed into Asia: and sundry times did writ unto Albinius, and not unto the Senate: giving account of that which he had done, and demanding counsel in that which he ment to do.  
Fifteen months Severus stayed in the wars with Pessenius: whom, after he had overcome and slain, he determined to destroy Albinius: and because he had no occasion, either great or small to make him public war, he advised to kill him by guile. Many Senators and noble Romans did writ him letters, and also persuaded Albinius in words, that he should advance himself with the Empire: and to the same end, they did swear and affirm unto him, that although Severus were far from his country, yet without comparison, he was much more distant from their wills. The case was thus, the wars of Asia being finished, Severus in great secrecy conferred with certain pursuivants by whom he was accustomed to writ letters: whom he commanded to depart unto great Britain, and to present their letters openly unto Albinius: and further, to give him to understand, how they had secretly to say unto him: and that: if with them he should separate himself, presently to kill him: promising them, that if they performed that enterprise, he should make them the greatest men of Rome. He gave them also a box of fine poison, & therewith this instruction, that if they might not by chance dispatch & kill Albinius, by such mean: they should travel in some meat to give him of that poison.  
Albinius was gro〈…〉 ●●mewhat suspicious of Severus, partly for that so rarely he did writ unto him, and also because he was advertised, that in secret he used evil speech of him: wherefore he lived more warily, not only with such as he had talk, but also of his meat which he should eat. These Pursevaunts being arrived in great Britain, delivered their letters openly unto Albinius, saying, that they had to tell him in secret, and being now in doubt and suspicion of Severus his matters, he commanded these pursuivants to be taken, and grievously tormented: which presently confessed, that Severus sent them, for none other purpose, but either with iron or with poison to take away the life of Albinius.  
Presently Severus was advertised, that Albinius had taken, tormented, and put to death his pursuivants: where upon followed, that the one did publish the other open enemies: and for such they exclaimed themselves in words, defied in letters, and also uttered in works.  
Severus had great sorrow, for that Albinius had manifested himself his enemy: and the greater was his grief, for that his enemies made common report, that he would have slain Albinius as a coward, and not deal with him openly as a man of a valiant mind. Severus also had great grief, of the general report of Albinius' boast, before all men that would hear the same: of the great numbers of people and armies of men that did obey him in great Britain: and much more, that did love and wish him in Rome. Severus not able to endure with patience, the reports that ran of Albinius, advised to assemble his armies, unto whom he did speak after this manner.   

CHAP. X. Of a famous speech that Severus uttered unto his armies, to bring them in hatred with his 〈◊〉 Albinius.  
IT were not just, that any prince should be noted unstable, if by chance they be seen to abhor at one time, that which they did love at an other time: for that subjects changing their customs, it is not much that Lords altar their opinions. As much as a friend shallbe virtuous, so much and no more, he shall be loved of his friends: for if it be a thing commendable to love the good, it is no less vituperable to love the evil. Admitting that princes deal hardly with some, and favour others, neither for the one are they to be praised, either blamed for the other: because reward, or punishment, is neither given or aught to be given conformable unto princes' wills: but agreeable unto the subjects merit. You all understand, how Albinius and I, being young men, were bred in the house of the good Emperor Marcus Aurelius: and truly, unto this day, I have entreated him, not as a companion, but as a brother: which seemeth no less true, for that I parted with him the Empire, which seldom is divided betwixt the father and the son. I did not only deal with him as with a brother, and with him did part the Empire: but also at my journey unto the wars of Asia, unto him only I recommended the government of the common wealth: respecting the possession which I had of him, and the confidence which I committed unto him, when I did trust him with the common wealth: I would have parted my soul with him, if it had benepartible. Being (as I was) wounded in the wars of Asia, and he placed in the government of great Britain: notwithstanding the distance that was betwixt them, there passed few months wherein I did not writ unto him, giving large account of that which was done, and hiding nothing of all that I determined to do: In such wise, that in him was registered all my triumphs, and he was the hoard of all my profound secrets. Betwixt me & Albinius, there was never any thing that was not common, in my house there was never door shut against him, the letters which he wrote I did with great joy read, that which he requested me I always performed, whereof he warned me I ever corrected: finally, he never desired any thing of me, that he obtained not: and never had travel, but I was present, and priest to secure him. After all these things, his sorrowful destinies would, and no less hath my fortune without all felicity performed, that our friendship is turned to enmity, our felicity unto treason, our benefits to ingratitude, our love unto hatred, our communion to divorce, our confidence to suspicion, in such wise, that at this day there is nothing spoken more commonly throughout the Roman Empire, but of the great friendship which we have had, and the cruel enmity which now we have. That Albinius desireth to be Lord, and procureth to be Emperor, I neither wonder, either is it to be marveled: but that which maketh me amazed, is, that I placing him with confidence in government of the common wealth, he should procure to rise or rebel with Rome: that speaking according to the law of a good man, that if Albinius had thought to attempt so foul a deed, if I had requested him to take the charge, he aught not to have consented: for there is not the like traitor in this world, as he to whom I committed my house, to rob me of mine honour, and spoil me of my goods. A greater fault in less magistrates hath Albinius committed than Pessenius Niger: for that Pessenius from the time that I was elected Emperor, presently manifested himself mine enemy: & more, that I never held him as my friend, either did he accept me as his Lord: and to say that which I had thought never to have said, Pessenius Niger did writ unto us, that if we would perpetuate the principality of Asia unto him, he would utterly yield unto us all obedience: and for that we would not grant it him, speaking without passion, although he had no reason to rebel, he had occasion to be offended. The matter hath not so passed betwixt Albinius and me, but that without his own suit, or any other mannes for him, besides the government of Britain, I gave him the principality of all Europe, sent him the ensign of the Empire, commanded him by proclamation to be entitled Augustus. & that which is not smally to be esteemed, I caused with his image & mine, money to be graven, and with mine own proper hands I placed his statuie or picture in the Senate. In repayment of these so notable benefits, he hath committed an hundredth thousand insolences, namely, he hath mutined the armies, altered and offended the people, rob our treasures, taken our castles, escandalized me with the Romans, and now of late hath slain my Pursevaunts: and that which grieveth me most, is, that he made them say in their torments, that which never was in my thought. I having slain the prince Pessenius, and being (as I was) triumphant of the field, no man hath to believe that I have so small estimation of my honour, that he being my detected enemy, should be slain in secret at my commandment.  
In what heart may it be conceived, that I having (as I have) armies of so great power and dexterity, here in my presence, should procure to kill him with poison. For to have slain Albinius by treason, it had been blame to me, and shame unto you, but to him glory: for as his name is renowned, and his fame spread throughout the Empire, his person to have been so invincible, that we durst not give him battle as an enemy, but murder him as traitors.  
The Gods never consent, neither my venturous destinies permit, that the slanderous renown of a traitor, which he hath recovered with his evil life, should cleave unto me by his secret death: for that (to conclude) I had rather hold him as an enemy all the days of my life, then to fix any scruple in my fame. Albinius did swear by the simulachre of Diana, not once, but thrice: not with one hand, but with both hands: not in one temple, but in many: for ever more to hold the gods in great veneration, the people in justice, the temples in reverence, and to me obedience: all which the perjured Albinius hath broken, and neither hath fear or shame for that which he hath done: but I hope in the Gods, it shall not come to pass as he thinketh, that is, to die with poison: but the time shall come, that he shall pay in the field, that which he hath sworn in the temple. If this infamous deed had been done against any particular person, they should both hear and see throughout the world, the amendss that I would take thereof: but in as much as it toucheth none but myself, who at this present am had in suspicion, Albinius being held as innocent, it sufficeth that it is not in me, but to advertise you thereof: and to you it appertaineth to revenge the same. In the wars against Pessenius Niger, ye followed me: in this against Albinius, I will follow you: and I hope in the immortal Gods, that they will give you the victory: and in my behalf on Albinius will take vengeance.   

CHAP. XI. How Severus departed from Asia to France, and fought with Albinius and slew him.  
AT the instant that Severus had finished his speech, all the army exclaiming with loud voices, again confirming Severus in the Empire, manifested Albinius an enemy unto the Roman Empire. And for as much as none that was present, understood the treason that Severus had attempted against Albinius, they gave him credit in all that he said: & so in general they conceived as great hatred against the one, as love unto the other: proceeding no less by the presence of Severus, then by the absence of Albinius: for (according to the old proverb) the absent is never without blame, nor the present without excuse. When Severus saw that he had won the hearts of his armies, he recovered new hope to be revenged of Albinius: and to the purpose he made a general muster of his men of war, and found ten thousand horsemen, and xl. thousand foot men: all which he presently paid, not only that which he did own them: but also gave them many and great rewards, adding thereunto many fair promises. The first journey that Severus made, was to besiege Bizantio (for thither the captains repaired that had escaped the mortal battle of Pessenius Niger) and in the end took it, not by force, but by hunger: and having the city under his power, he displaced the bulwark, made plain the towers, overthrew the theatres, subverted their baths, burnt their houses, strangled the strangers, & the natives he did captivate: finally, he behaved himself not as a Roman prince, but as a most cruel tyrant.  
With the riches that he recovered in Bizantio, and the abundance which he rob in other parts, he commanded the cities to be repaired, that Pessenius soldiers had sacked: and charged the forts to be erected that they had thrown down: and leaving officers necessary for government, and men of war to defend those countries, he departed with great celerity unto great Britain, with a determined intent to make furious wars against Albinius.  
His desire was so disordinate to encounter with Albinius, that he traveled night and day, thick and thin, foul and fair: and that wherefore they most blamed him, was, that he neither observed the solemn festival days, or had compassion of the tired. traveling on those ways when it snowed, many times he was bore headed: and in the mire, he would travel one foot: when it reigned, he would march in his doublet and hose: and wanting victuals, he would eat barely bread: and (as he after reported) to be revenged of his enemy, he thought it all well employed. He sent before him valiant captains, and men very light & of great swiftness, to clear the ways upon the height of the mountains, and to defend the most perilous places: chief when he passed the Alps of Italy, doubting that Albinius might have in that place some hidden ambush. Now, when Severus saw himself and all his armies in Gallia Transalpina, and that in so long a journey he had encountered with no stumbling block: if until that time he went with hope, from thence forth he marched in certainty to obtain victory: for the fear which he had, was, that his army traveling both weary and spent, Albinius at the souden might discover to give him battle. In all this time Albinius remained in the Isle of Britain, which now is England: but presently after he understood that Severus had passed the Alps, he brought forth all his army out of the Isle, & sent them into France, rather to defend the frontiers, then without any commandment to make war: because Severus was so sudden in his arrival, the he was then in France, when they believed him not to be departed from Italy. With great speed Albinius did writ unto the cities adjoining, requesting their help for money, and commanding them to be strong and valiant in his service, of whom many disobeyed, and other rebelled against him: notwithstanding, they all confessed, that they rather did it for fear of the potency of Severus, then for the hatred which they did bear unto Albinius. But in the end, the two armies being joined, and all the cities divided into partialities, every day betwixt them there was encounters, and daily meetings to skirmish: and for the most part, the soldiers of Severus departed with broken heads, and Albinius his bands returned victorious.  
They traversed on a certain day so furious a skirmish, that it was necessary Severus should come forth armed unto the same: and as he was not able to make his soldiers to retire, neither constrain his enemies to fly, thinking to enter to have parted the fray, he was urged to fight in his own person: in which fight he received so great a blow with a plummette of lead, that he was field down to the ground, and lay for dead so long space, that many did kiss the hands of his son Geta, as Emperor. After Severus had escaped that danger, and was cured of his wound, in great secrecy he called into his presence certain Sorcerers and Enchanters that he brought with him, both requesting, threatening, and promising them many things, if they would tell him the end of those wars: for if he should be conqueror, he would prosecute the same: and if he should be overcome, he would return into Italy. The Sorcerers and Enchanters answered, that his army should receive great hurt, but in the end his enemy Albinius should be overcome: and that he should not obtain in this case, that which he desired, that is to say, to kill Albinius with his own hands: but that he should see him dead before his eyes. The tenth of March, Severus received this answer of his Enchanters, and presently on the next day, he took muster of all his men, commanding them to shoe their horse, and amend their armour: and the third day he gave battle unto Albinius, near to a city named Lugduno, which now in France is called Lions Sonarona, which on both sides was so extremely contended, that a great part of the day it might not be known, unto whom the victory would incline.  
When all the day was passed, and dark within night, the one army fight with the other, in the end Albinius was overcome. This battle was so bloody, that of so great a number of people, as both the hosts did contain, there escaped not a man, that was not slain in the field, or returned unto his tent unwounded. Albinius remained to keep the city, and sent his captains to give battle, who being beaten out of the field, the Severians entered into the city, spoiling goods, burning houses, and slaying people. Severus had a captain named Letus, which was the cause of the conquest of that battle: for that Severus his soldiers being in a manner overcome, and Severus ready and priest to fly, he relieved the battle with a fresh band of soldiers: Letus of skill and industry would not fight that day, until he saw Severus fled, and also fall from his horse: thinking, that if Severus should die or be slain, and he overcoming and conquering the battle, to advance himself with the Roman Empire. Severus was not ignorant of the good service which his captain had done him at that instant, either did he hide the intent wherewith he performed the same: for which cause the wars being finished, he commanded his head to be cut off: not for that which he did, but for that which he would have done.  
When the Severians destroyed the city of Lugduno, amongst the rest they slew the sorrowful Albinius, who so slain they brought unto Severus, commanding to cut off his head, and to dismember and mangle his body all to pieces: which being done, he riding upon a rough horse, all to trampled the body of Albinius, which was hacked and hewed to mammocks. All men that beheld Severus use so great inhumanity with the body of Albinius, wept: and all men that heard the report thereof, were scandalized, and not without great reason, for The office of a prince of most perfect piety, is, to pardon the living, and to bury the dead.  
Severus treading and trampling the body of Albinius (after the manner of a fierce Lion) his horse grew fearful, and gave him so shrewd a fall against the ground, that he remained a great space astonied and in dismay, in such wise, that he miss very narrowly, presently to have paid with life, so enorm an injury. These matters being finished, Severus dispatched his Pursevaunts into all parts, with the news of this victory: and the head of Albinius unto Rome, and his body, as it was all to pieces trodden, trampled and drawn, he commanded to be thrown into the river Rhodanus, to the end that as he had taken away his life, so by no means any memory should remain of Albinius'   

CHAP. XII. ¶ how after the death of Albinius, Severus returned to Rome, and there slew many.  
Severus not satisfied with slaying his enemy Albinius, treading his body under his horse feet, casting the pieces thereof into the river Rhodanus, and sending his head unto Rome to be set in the pillory: but commanded search to be made for the bodies of all the noble Romans, which had been slain in the service of Albinius: and for that he might not chastise them in time of their life, he advised to vituperate and defile them after their death, causing their bodies to be drawn, cut in pieces, and burnt: some thrown into rivers, to the end they should never more appear: and othersome unto beasts to be devoured. In all cities that received, obeyed, or succoured Albinius or his soldiers, Severus did great hurt, robbing their goods, and punishing their persons. Many cities and people made their excuse, saying, they had not served or followed Albinius, for that they had a desire so to do: but because they were not succoured of Severus, and yet ceased not to chastise and rob them. Albinius had three sons, a daughter, and a wife, generous in blood and beautiful of face, whose throat with his children he commanded to be cut, and their bodies also to be cast into the river Rhodanus. And as Albinius was of great power in all the Empire of Europe, and of himself very gracious, liberal, valiant, and noble minded: so in a manner all the nobles of Spain and France, had followed his part alike: the throats of all which, Severus (after the battle) commanded to be cut: and though he slew the fathers, yet he did not therefore pardon the wife and children. Albinius' his wife and his children being slain, and execution done upon all persons that followed his opinion: Severus applied all their goods and riches, for his own chamber, which were so great, and of such value, that it was doubted whether any Emperor had ever attained unto the like. The provinces of Spain and France being ordered, and two governors placed in great Britain, Severus departed unto Rome, and led with him all his army: not for that, in all Italy he had any enemy bend against him, but to terrify the common wealth of Rome. Severus of his own natural inclination was so quarelous, proud, unquiet, bloody, and doubtful, that although he had peace, yet he would go always after the fashion of a warrior. Severus was received with great joy of the Romans, although most certainly many of them stood in great fear, for that they had wished that Albinius might have prevailed, whereof Severus had certain intelligence: whose condition was so hard, that to give a cruel chastisement, a small occasion was sufficient. After that he had visited the great temple of jupiter, he divided amongst the captains that followed in the wars, many jewels and great riches: and further, gave them certain liberties, which is to weet, that they might wear rings of gold upon their fingers, and entertain Courtesans within their houses. It was no small grief unto the Romans, that Severus had given such liberties unto his men of war: saying, that from thenceforth for ever to wear rings of gold, they would spend their own, & rob others: and to use concubines in their houses, would 'cause dissension amongst the people, and also debilitate their persons. In Rome there was a Consul named Claudius, which had his picture placed in the Senate, & was praised before all the people with a public Oration for his worthy acts done in Asia: whereof Severus took great despite, because this Claudius was kinsman unto Albinius. Severus did not know how to be revenged of the Senate, but publicly by proclamation, commanded (upon pain of death) that all men should call Commodus a God: for confirmation whereof, he did not only place his picture in the Senate, to the end they should reverence him, but also in the temples to be adored. To command the Romans to adore & reverence Commodus, as one of the Gods, being (as he was) the worst of all men, it was unto them so grievous to hear, & so hard to perform, that they determined, not to go to the church, either to offer sacrifice unto their Gods: because no part thereof should be allotted unto the God Commodus. Severus upon a day went unto the Senate, & made there a long and truculent Oration, wherein, after he had spoken many threatening & malicious words, he commanded certain letters to be read, which he found amongst Albinius' writings, made by many Consuls, Senators, & other gentlemen amongst the people, unto Albinius, offering him their persons, sending their goods, & that he should not be dismayed in those wars: for that in the common wealth he was much desired. The reading of these letters being ended, he commanded them presently to be torn: & for the time did dissemble the matter, or to say better, did defer the chastisement: for that after wards, as well of such as were absent, as of them that were present, he took so great revengement, that as the streets were bathed in blood, the fields filled with carcases, the ways scattered with quarters, & the pillories beset with heads: they said in Rome, the Silla was revived, & Nero was not dead. Severus made a memorial of all the rich men, valiant, & of power, that were in all the Empire: the greater part whereof he charged to have been the servants, friends or favourers of julianus, of Niger, or else of Albinius, his mortal enemies: for which cause, of free men, he made them slaves: of lords, servants: of rich, poor: and also of living, dead men: in such wise, that he slew many, not for offences which they had committed, but to rob them of their goods, which they had gathered together. Severus slew some, with some reason, & others upon small occasion: but all these which follow, he killed without all reason or occasion: that is to say, Munius, Sellius, Claudius, Bitalius, Papianius, Elius, julius, Lolius, Aurelius, Antoninus, Posthumius, Sergius, Fabius, Nenius, Amussius, Casperius, Seyonius, Sulpitianus, Coceyus, Eructus, Assilonius, Claudius, Honoratus, Petronius, Pessenius, Cestus, Aurelianus, Materius, julianus, Albinius, Cerelius, Faustinianus, Herenius, Valerius, Nobius, Arabianus, Marcus, Fabatus. These men were glorious, both of blood & also for noble deeds & riches: for they were either Consuls, Censors, Praetors, Senators, Aediles, Tribunes, or captains: whose goods he employed not unto the public treasury, but did incorporate unto his patrimony, for himself to enjoy the days of his own life, & to leave unto his children after his death. Severus defamed Cincius an ancient Consul, affirming, that he had procured poison to kill him, wherefore he commanded him to be slain: but the truth being known as Severus afterward reported, but the Cincius did much delight to go on hunting, & had a fine yeark to kill the Boar & other venery in the mountains. He commanded also Narcissus to be cast unto the lions, who at the request of Martia choked Commodus: it was nothing to command them to be slain, but that with his own eyes he would behold them executed, which was wont to be so strange unto Roman princes, that they never used to see any person put to death, neither so much as in the city to be resident: but they used, if any suffered, to ride or go forth on hunting.   

CHAP. XIII. ¶ How Severus returned into Asia, and conquered many provinces.  
AFter that Severus had conquered and slain three Emperors, that is to say, julianus in Rome, Niger in Asia, and Albinius in France: it seemed unto him, that since he had chastised and triumphed over the Romans, he aught also to make his name glorious amongst the Barbarians: because all the wars that he held unto that day, were more to make himself Lord of the common wealth, then to magnify his name. Severus advised himself to go in his own person to make wars with the Parthians, the occasion of which enterprise was: for that the king of Atrenoes' had favoured the partiality of Niger, but had deferred the revengement thereof, to make conquest of Albinius being in great Britain. If Severus in this case had taken the opinion of the people, either the counsel of the Senate, he would neither have taken those wars in hand, or made account of the injury: because at that time, those kingdoms were neither friends or foes with Rome. And as the Romans were fatigated & tired with wars, so they were contented (for the time) to cease the recovering of them for their vassals, to obtain them for quiet enemies. Severus departed unto Asia, and in the way would first take the kingdom of the higher Armenia, whereof the king of Armenia being advertised, and that he came with an army of so great power, and so determined to take his kingdom, met him upon the way, not armed as a man of war, but clad with the garments of peace: his truce being set down with Severus, presently he gave him much money, and offered to send him secure: for the accomplishment whereof, he delivered unto Severus his two sons in pledge: Severus did not only confirm him in his kingdom, but also took him under his protection. The affairs of Armenia being dispatched, Severus departed towards the kingdom of Hosdroenos, whose king was named Anguaro, both crooked and same, but yet no fool: for he had such skill to recover the good will of Severus, that he neither admitted him as a vassal, took no money, demanded no hostages, or did his country hurt, but received him to his familiar friendship, and made him a confederate with the people of Rome. Having passed the kingdom of Hosdroenos, Severus entered the lands and countries of Albanos, and being then the month of April, and spring time, he found the fields full of flowers and grass, and commanded his horses for the space of fifteen days to be fed, and his army to be recreated and refreshed: because his horses were grown lean, and his men tired. Severus being departed from the fields of Albanos, entered the country of Arabia Felix, where they found that, which they found not in all the kingdoms of the world: namely, the trees that hare the precious aromatic spices, and the boughs whereof they gathered the most fine and excellent balm. Severus sacked all the towns of Arabia Felix, cut down their fields, spoiled and oppressed all people, and as he afterwards said, he would not have entered therein: for that being (as it was) so rich, so joyful, pleasant, and delectable: but because he found himself in great cumber, to withdraw his soldiers from thence: for that they felt themselves more delighted with the vices of Arabia, then with the hazards and dangers of the wars. Having passed the delectable country of Arabia Felix, Severus entered the country and kingdom of Athrabanos, against whose king principally he made that journey. Athras was a great city, situated upon the top of a most high hill, and chiefest city of all the kingdom: and for that cause was named the kingdom of Athrabanos. Severus went presently to the siege thereof: but as the king had enclosed himself therein, with great readiness and provision, the wall being strong, the city rocky, the people warlike, and furnished with munition and victuals: small was the hurt that Severus did unto them within, but which the Romans received was very great. And as Severus gave forth no other bruit, when he came from Rome, but to be revenged of the Athrabanos, he performed that war so exactly, that there was no day but he battered the city of Athras, and occupied his warlike engines, devised and practised all manner fights and offences, that might be against the enemy, and the most notified Romans, that there did not notify themselves: but in the end, might neither take the same, either as much as a captain, or overthrow one window. Those that were besieged within that city, to jest with their enemies, tied very subtilely, little earthen pots, unto a kind of birds like unto Crows, which flying over the armies of Severus, let fall their pots upon their pates: by which jest many had their heads broken: but much more were the Romans despited, to consider how little they did esteem them, not fight with them in armour, but with pots, and tankardes. The air of that mountain was very subtle, the waters very thin, fruits in great abundance, and the Sun very hot, and the ground somewhat moist: by which occasion Severus his whole camp fell into the disease of the flux, and there died amongst the rest seven notable captains, two of Severus cousins, and a little bastard son, which all men likewise thought to be his cousin: but by his great sorrow & tears, he discovered the child to be of his own proper flesh.  
Severus considering the city of Athras to be inexpugnable, the people therein invincible, and his camp also weakened through great sickness, advised to raise his siege, before his army were utterly lost, which he did, not without great grief, and no less despite, being as he was, given unto so many triumphs, and victories, he thought himself vanquished, since he might not overcome: but fortune that naturally discovereth herself to be variable, the victory which she denied Severus in fight, she in his flight gave afterwards more largely. The case was thus: that sailing on the Sea with all his army, it was his chance to encounter with a tempest, and being forced to follow the disposition of the weather, and not as his heart desired, they brought him to rivers of the kingdom of Parthia, not three leagues distant from the great city of Tesiphont, where the king was further entered into feasting, then compassed with armour. Severus entered into the field of Tesiphont, committing so great spoils and robberies, that he put the people into great fear, which as Severus did take at the sudden and unwares, and being amazed, neither able to say or answer, if they were demanded: for that to fly they had no time, and to resist they had no force: & that which was worst of all, to make agreement, it was not in their hands: neither might they endure to submit themselves unto the Romans. Severus arriving at Tesiphont did subvert it unto the ground, slew all that made resistance, and did captivate man, woman, and child: he took all the treasure and riches, both of the city and royal palace: finally all the country, treasure, goods and persons came to the hands of Severus, except the king Arthabanus, who escaped on horseback. Severus led with him certain skilful painters, which as he went traveling, they went drawing and painting, all cities, castles, rivers, mountains, nations, kingdoms, and provinces, by & through which he passed: and all the battles and victories which he had made and obtained. Severus sent a great embassage unto the Senate and people of Rome, with whom he sent many captives, much riches, and the tables wherein his victories were set out at large: the Romans gave great thanks unto the Gods, and also great praises unto Severus: although most true, that all men were pleased with the victories, but would not, that they should have been obtained by Severus. Departing from the kingdom of Parthia, he divided amongst his armies all that he had taken from the Parthians: and for himself reserved nothing but that which he sent unto the Senate, and a ring of Unicorn, a white parrot or popinjay, and a green horse: the which things he took not for their value, but forth strangeness of their colours. Severus came through the kingdom of Palestina, and gave them many laws conformable unto the laws of the Romans: commanding upon pain of death, that none should name himself a jew, either call himself a Christian, or observe the law of Christians. From Palestina he came through Assyria, unto the city of Alexandria, where also he placed new customs, and also made new laws, which he caused them to writ and observe: howbeit, they endured but the life of Severus: for after his death, they did not only break them, but also burned the tables wherein they were written.   

CHAP. XIIII. ¶ Of Severus his sons, and of their evil inclination.  
THe kings that were enemies being overcome, new confederation made with old friends, and all the provinces of Asia reformed, he came unto Rome, and as the Romans had prepared the Parthicke triumph, he might not enter triumphing: for that he came so weak of a quartan, and so lame of the gout, that he might neither endure the chariott, or suffer the entertainment of the people. It had chanced to none of the Roman Empire, as it fortuned unto Severus, that is to say, that had slain so many princes, & obtained so many victories, and yet never entered triumphing into Rome: which was not for his demerits, or repugnancy of the Romans: but for his three first victories he might not triumph, because they were Roman princes, and to his other victories of Asia his disease gave impediment.  
Severus had two legitimate sons, the elder was named Bassianus, the other Geta, who notwithstanding they were brothers in blood, yet were they much different in conditions, which infirmity was not only manifested in their infancy: for that in their childish plays they could never agree, either in weighty affairs yield one consent. It was much noted amongst the Romans, that the two brethren being but children, might never agree in their childish plays and devices, that is to say, in making houses of clay, running at base, driving tops, meating straws, trilling the bowl, striking the drum, and other such like childish trifles. That the one delighted, the other loathed: that which the elder affirmed, the younger denied: and if it happened their tutors to command them to play together, if the one did win, and the other lose, they tare their hair, scratched their faces, whirled stones, struck with their fists, in such wise, that as from their teeth and face they drew blood, and rend off their locks, so they seemed rather to kill each other as enemies, then to jest as brethren.  
It was no small grief unto Severus, when he understood of the evil condition of his sons, and that always they were divided amongst themselves, who traveled (by all means possible) to bring them to conformity, which he might never (by any means) bring to pass, although he requested: either would they obey, although he commanded: for his sons were so wilful, that they ceased not to execute their own wills, notwithstanding their father's gentle suit, or his extreme commandment. Severus also had a brother named Geta, a person of great bolonesse, and warlike, who in all wars followed Severus, and if Severus had haughty thoughts, truly Geta his thoughts were not humble: for he held it for most certain, that unto him Severus should leave the Empire. Besides that Geta was valiant and warlike, so was he also guileful and diligent, that is to say, in serving Severus, contenting the Senate, and pleasing the people.  
The hatred and brabbling that passed betwixt Bassianus and Geta his cousins, usually he reported it unto all men, in such wise, that Geta supposed to obtain by guile the Empire, that Severus had gotten with arms. Severus well understood, how Geta went thus angling for the Empire, and therein to take away all occasions, in the fourth year of his Empire, going against Albinius, at that time in the city of Milan, before he passed the Alps, he created his elder son Caesar, and his younger Consul: whereupon a certain captain said unto Severus: it well seemeth Severus, thou remember'st not the displeasures that Bassianus and Geta thy sons have done thee, either the service which thy brother Geta hath performed on thy behalf.  
To this Severus answered, it well appeareth that thou speakest by hearesaye, rather than by any experience which thou hast in this case: for, as thou haste no brothers, either hast been married to have any children, no more knowest thou, what difference of love is beetwixte the one and the other: For I give to understand, that without all comparison, we fathers do more love the thwarts of our children, than the service of our brethren.  
The elder brother which was named Bassianus, changed his name, and commanded all men to call him Antoninus Aurelius, in the memory of Antoninus Pius, and of Marcus Aurelius: because these Princes were very glorious in their lives, and in their Common wealths no less beloved.  
When Severus returned from the wars of Parthia, his sons Bassianus and Geta were then men: and for that he understood that the Romans were thereof then very doubtful, he requested his sons, that notwithstanding the variance betwixt themselves, they would be in peace with the people: but herewith might he not tame the condition of the young men, either persuade them to be in friendship with the Romans: for as much as he soldered with his good words, so much did they escandalize with their lewd works. Severus finding himself infected with infirmities, compassed with enemies, and his sons so evil inclined, was always sad, pensive, melancholy, and (in a manner) in despair: not only doubting, they would diminish the estate wherein he left them, but also loose the honour which they did inherit. Severus considering the daily complaints made of his sons in the Senate, and the continual displeasures which they gave him, advised to banish them the vices and pleasures of Rome: the one he sent into Germany, the other into Panonia: but if they were evil in his presence, they were much worse in his absence: for that aforetime, by their subjection, they absceined from some vices, but afterwards with liberty they committed all mischief. The parents that with their own hands, and in their own houses, may not frame virtue in their children, will hardly attain it at the hands of others: for that virtue is not obtained in seeking strange countries, but in the amendment of old errors.   

CHAP. XU. ¶ Of a favoured servant of Severus named Plautianus.  
IN the days of the Empire of the good Marcus Aurelius, there came from Africa unto Rome, a gentleman named Plautianus, poor, blind in sight, crafty and subtle in condition: and being (as he was) mutinous and quarreling, and wheresoever he went, moving some debate, Marcus Aurelius commanded him to be banished Rome: for he was a prince of such patience, that he suffered not in his common wealth a man that was vicious, or any young man that was quarrelous. Plautianus being banished Rome, departed unto the garrisons of Illyria: and from thence also being cast as a seditious person, repaired at last, into the company of Severus, of whom he was very well handled, and also honoured, and in all things placed above all men: some said that it was done of Severus, for that he was of his country: some for kindred, and some durst say that he served not only for martial affairs, but also to do him service in the chamber. After that Severus came to be Emperor, he gave so great credit unto Plautianus, and so strictly did follow his counsel, that he neither read letter, but he did see it, or signed commission that he liked not, either gave any reward that he craved not. In the Senate, he was placed in the most honourable seat: when he came forth into Rome, all the Gentlemen did accompany him: when he came out of his house, all Ambassadors did attend on him: in time of war, all captains sued unto him: if there were plays and pastimes, they were always represented before his palace: if they had to give or receive any money, all did pass through his hands: in such wise, that it was never seen in Rome, that any man without the title of an Emperor, enjoyed so great portion of the Empire. Plautianus naturally was proud, ambitious, covetous, and cruel: and the more to show his fierceness, cruelty, & magnificence, he always had a drawn sword borne before him: and when he passed through the streets, he would that none should dare to behold him in the face, but cast down their eyes to the ground: and when he traveled upon the way, he had always one that went before, to give warning to all persons to give way, where he should pass: in such wise, that he neither would behold strangers, either be seen of the country natives.  
Severus gave in reward unto Plautianus, the goods of all persons that were condemned and confiscate in the Empire: and as he was of a greedy and covetous nature, so they were infinite that he caused to be slain in the Empire: not because they had so deserved, but for their goods which they possessed.  
The elder son of Severus named Bassianus, being come to ripe understanding, and perceiving how all things went, was greatly grieved, to see Plautianus have so great power in the government of the common wealth: and Plautianus presently finding the hatred of Bassianus, practised with Severus that Bassianus should marry with his only daughter: and incontinently, the elder son of Severus was married unto the daughter of Plautianus. Plautianus beholding himself not only the alone favoured, but also father in law with Severus, it seemed unto him but a trifle to be Lord of the whole world: and most truly, Plautianus in heaping honour upon honour, and estate upon estate, bred his own destruction: for that men never surfeit to eat that which is necessary, but in eating and drinking more than the stomach will bear. Though Plautianus daughter was very fair, of good condition, and brought with her a most rich dowry, yet did her husband Bassianus, most cruelly hate her: which he discovered both in word and deed, affirming her to be the daughter of a base and vile person, and that he would one day kill both her and her father: and yet not therewithal satisfied, they did neither sleep in one chamber, or dine at one table. Bassianus answered certain Romans that requested him to be friend with his wife, and to honour his father in law: I give you Romans to understand, that I did not marry, but my father did marry me, which I would not have done if he had commanded me, but to deflower the daughter, and enjoy the treasure of her father: and since it is done, let her seek an husband, for I will seek a wife. Plautianus understanding what his son Bassianus had said, and that his daughter was not married, but dishonoured, that Severus was old & sick, and that Bassianus held him not as a father in law, but as an enemy, determined to revenge that injury: either else to lose both life and honour in the enterprise.  
Bassianus informed his father Severus, of many tyrannies which Plautianus committed in the common wealth, and Plautianus also complained how evil he used his daughter: and thus they went on confirming their enmity, and giving every day new passions & tedious complaints unto Severus: but in the end, he gave ear unto the complaints of Plautianus, as unto a servant: but unto Bassiaaus, as unto a son. Severus considering the continual displeasure given him by Plautianus, the tyrannies he executed in the Empire, the enmity betwixt him and Bassianus, and that also with his great favour he estaéemed him little, conceived that some day he might rise with the Empire: wherefore, from thenceforth he neither showed him good countenance, either gave him so great authority in the common wealth.  
Plautianus did well perceive, that he had not only Bassianus unto his enemy, but also stood in disgrace of Severus: and thought with himself, that to escape best cheap, either they would take away his life, or cast him out of favour: and to deliver himself of so great an infamy, he determined to kill them, to quite himself.   

CHAP. XVI. ¶ Of a certain treason that Plautianus had ordained against Severus, and how it was discovered.  
THe order that Plautianus used, or to say better, the disorder that he practised to kill Severus and Bassianus, proceeded as from a passioned tyrant, and not as a man advised: and so it afterwards redounded to his loss and destruction. The case was thus, there was in Rome a Tribune named Saturninus, native of Assyria, who was the greatest friend that Plautianus had, with whom he did most communicate, to whom he did most commend his secrets, and also for whom he did most pleasure. Plautianus sending for this Saturninus an hour within night, and enclosing themselves within a chamber, said in great secrecy these words following.  

Plautianus his Oration to Saturninus.  
Saturninus, thou knowest how great love I have borne thee, and how many good deeds I have done to thee, & thy house: whereof there needeth no other token, but the beholding of thee so highly advanced in the Court, & so accepted in my service, many with me be offended, & at thee all men have envy. Friends, parents, acquaintance, recommended, and servants, I had for whom to have done: unto some of whom I was much beholding, & of others I was to have considered for service: all these notwithstanding, on thee only I fixed mine eyes, to magnify thee: and in thee I employed my heart to love thee. I sent now for thee, to recount unto thee my travels and sorrows, to the end thou shouldest help to deliver me from them: and herein thou shalt perceive, the affectionate love which I bear thee, in that I repose my confidence in thee, wherein I would not trust mine own proper son: for sons think not, but how to inherit their father's goods, but very friends have care to deliver their friends from grief and sorrow. Thou well knowest, Saturninus, what great service I have done to Severus, and since my youth have followed him in the wars. I say, I served him so young, that I alone am his most ancient servant: although I be now the most forgotten and abhorred. Setting a part all services which I have done for him, and all great dangers that I have passed to deliver him from peril, I have borne so tender affection unto my Lord Severus, that I left to like him as a man, and did adore him as a God and that this is true, it appeareth most clear, in that I gave my daughter unto his son Bassianus, and myself to be his perpetual slave. After I spent my youth in his service, & followed the father throughout the world, his son Bassianus nourished in my arms from his infancy, I did yield him my goods, I gave him my only daughter, I governed his common wealth in peace, of his evil life I framed in all men an opinion of great virtue, his cruelties and tyranny I made all men believe to be zeal of justice: in such wise, that they never committed vile deed, that I soldered not: either at any time commanded any difficult matter, that I accomplished not. The matter is thus come to pass, the Gods permitting, or my sorrowful destinies procuring, I am fallen into so great hatred of Severus, and in so cruel contempt and enmity with Bassianus, that in recompense of all my service which I have done them all the days of my life, they are now determined to take away my life. Thou seest now, Saturninus, whether it be reason that I endure the same, whereunto if I should give place, I should perish, my house should be lost, the gods unserved, the whole Empire scandalized: and therefore it is convenient, that I execute on them that which they would execute upon me: for that it is more consonant unto reason, that the evil be corrected of the good, then that the virtuous should come under the power of the wicked. Behold Saturninus, what affection I bear thee, that have laid up in thy breast so great a secret, this terrible deed I will put into thy hands: therefore presently thou must departed unto the Court, and go into his chamber, where Severus sleepeth, and cut off his head: & from Bassianus his son also thou shalt take away his life. Thou shalt say unto the guard, at Court, that even now there came unto me a post out of Asia, and art sent by me, to give Severus intelligence thereof, and goest at such an hour, for that danger dependeth thereon. And since thou hast not been abashed to hear it, be not terrified to perform it: for that I swear unto thee by the immortal gods, that after Severus is dead, and I in the possession of the Empire, conformable unto the great peril wherein now thou dost adventure thyself, shall be thy rewards that then thou shalt receive.   
These and such other things Plautianus said unto Saturninus: who answered, that he was ready to do his commandment, upon condition, that he would give him in writing, in what manner he would have him to kill Severus, and Bassianus his son: which he desired to this end, that if in time he should forget the recompense of so great a service, he might show him that writing, both to remember the service past, as also the reward unperformed. Plautianus doubted not to give Saturninus a writing signed with his own hand, wherein he commanded to kill Severus, and Bassianus his eldest son: the contents of the writing was thus.  I Plautianus do request as a friend, and command as a Censor, that thou Saturninus Tribune, do kill the Emperor Severus, and Bassianus his elder son: and for the same I promise' thee, and by the immortal Gods swear unto thee, that as thou art only in peril, so to make thee singular in the Empire. 
Saturninus, as a man skilful and subtle, for more assurance unto Plautianus, upon his knees kissed his hand, as though already he had been sure of the Empire: and then being in the deep of the night, he departeth unto the Court, the guard presently giving place, and the chamberlains in like manner: who placing himself directly before Severus as he lay in his bed, said these words. O Severus, how careless art thou of the embassage that thy greatly favoured Plautianus doth sand thee, whose messenger I am, not to give thee warning (as I do advise thee) but to kill thee and thy son Bassianus: for that as thou hast trusted him with thine honour, and given him of thy goods, it seemeth unto him also, that thou shouldest serve him with thy life. Great was the admiration of Severus, when he heard what Saturninus said: and yet most true, that presently he might not believe the same, or could think that so vile treason might be contained in Plautianus: but rather that his son Bassianus had been the inventor thereof, to lead him into disdain and hatred against Plautianus. Bassianus being lodged within his father, at his voice did awake and came forth, whom his father Severus reproved & blamed with words very sharp, for the invention of so great evil: and swore (by the immortal Gods) to receive him from thenceforth into his further grace and favour, in the way of revenge, for so great an impiety: for Plautianus was not a man to have any such thought in his heart. And as Bassianus had not heard the beginning of Saturninus speech, so was he abashed to see his father so grievously offended: whereupon Saturninus seeing the incredulity of the Emperor Severus, & how entirely he loved Plautianus, pulled forth his writing, wherein he was commanded to kill both him & his son: and further, did humbly crave, that Plautianus might be sent for, with advertisement, that Severus and his son were slain, and then it should be seen that he would come appareled not in silk, but in iron. One was sent as from Saturninus, unto Plautianus to come to Court, where, at his arrival finding all in silence, Saturninus met him at the chamber door, & receiving him as new Emperor, upon his knees did kiss his hands, and taking him by the hand in the dark, said he would direct him where Severus was strangled, and his son Bassianus slain. Plautianus thinking all safe & sure that Saturninus said, entered the chamber alone, where Severus & Bassianus with certain assistants were ready to receive them: whom, when he beheld living, that he had thought to be dead, he changed countenance, and lost his speech.  
A long time was Severus reprehending Plautianus, putting him in remembrance of all things which he had done for him, and in especial, so many & great displeasures which he had passed for his sake, and had advanced him above all persons in the Empire, and above all the rest, had revenged him of all his enemies. After Plautianus had a little recovered himself, he bowed his knees before his lord Severus, and with tears began to crave pardon for his offence, promising amendment in time to come, saying: that for his own cause, he aught to pardon him, although he wanted all deserving for any mercy, but to take away all occasion of report in the Empire, that ever he had favoured so wicked a person. Beholding Plautianus tears, the promises which he made, the hoary head & beard that he so tare, and the great love that he had borne him, Severus was in a manner determined to pardon him: but in the end, being found to be clad in a shirt of male, whereon Bassianus laying his hand, said. Tell me Plautianus, into prince's chambers at such an hour as this, do servants enter appareled in silk, or armed with iron: I swear unto thee by the immortal Gods, since thou bringest iron to kill us, thou shalt here die with iron. And hardly had ended these words, when he began to stab him with his dagger, who presently fell down dead, and was beheaded: whose head was fixed upon a lance over the port of Hostia, the body delivered unto boys to trail alongst the streets of Rome.  
This was the end and conclusion of the favoured and private Plautianus, whom Fortune s●●st advanced, and folly afterwards cast away.   

CHAP. XVII. ¶ Of the particular vices and virtues of Severus.  
THe news being spread throughout Rome, that Plautianus was dead, all the people took great pleasure: and no less would have joyed, if Plautianus had slain Severus and his son Bassianus: for that all three were so evil wished in the common wealth, that the lest evil which they would them in the common wealth, was but death. The offices that Plautianus held in the common wealth, Severus divided amongst the Tribunes, simple and plain men, and not given to trouble: but the love and favour which he had unto Plautianus, he never after committed unto any person: for as afterwards he said, he knew not whom to trust, since his private and favoured servant Plautianus would murder him. Plautianus being dead, there was none that might suffer or endure the cruelties of the prince Bassianus, or follerate his tyrannies: for Bassianus stood in awe of Plautianus, partly for that he was his father in law, as also for that he had bred him from his infancy. Severus considering his sons Bassianus & Geta to increase in age, & decrease in wit, caused wild beasts to be brought for them to kill, horses to run, inventing new plays to practise, & therein to occupy their persons, diverting their minds to those games, to reinove them from vices. Finding no profit to lead his sons to virtue by those warlike exercises, he would call them in secret, and tell them of many old examples how such and such princes were cast away by discord: and that the same mischance must happen unto them, if they did not behave themselves as friends, & favour each other as brothers: for that with concord small things increase, & by discord great things came to naught. Besides that, the two brethren were overthwart in manners, and perverse of conditions, (as before hath been said) their tutors did them much hurt: that is to say, in dissembling their vices, & inciting them to greater enmities: whereof Severus being advertised, some of them he banished, some he dispatched, & some he drowned in wells: affirming that they deserved more punishment that kindled enmities, than the persons that did execute them. Plautianus left a daughter, that was wife unto Bassianus, and her son nephew unto Severus, and son unto Bassianus: as well the mother that was young, as the son which was a child they banished into Sicyl, giving them of all that which they had, no more but to serve them wherewith to eat: which Severus did, not for envy that he bore to his nephew & daughter in law, but not to offend his son Bassianus, Severus did vaunt himself, that his predecessors had been of a city in Africa, named Tripol, which he did nobilitate, not only in buildings, but also in rents & privileges, and planted there and orchard of Olive trees, which did yield so great quantity of oil, that it was sufficient for a great part of Africa and Italy, Severus was a friend of wisemen, favoured, studious, & dealt very well with such as were learned: but jointly with this, he did most abhor them, if they were either overthwart, or troublesome: for he used to say, that fools set neighbours at variance, but men that were wise & malicious brought kingdoms together by the ears. He was also inclined to read books, and to understand antiquities: & if he might not by his important affairs read himself, he made others to read: and further, if he chanced to be so busied, that he might not read himself, either hear reading at such times they read unto him when he was eating or when he went to bed. He himself did writ his own life, & did writ it as truly as if he had been a chronicler that is to say praising his victories, & reprehending his vices: and also most truly, made report of all men that he killed, but not of the small reason that he had so to do. Severus was much blamed for his great covetise of goods, & for want of care & negligence of his honour: for that his wife julia was a common adulteress, whom he did neither chastise, or put away: neither is it written, that ever he did advise or blame her. It was sufficient for Severus to know his wife to be evil, to be named julia, which name was ever infamous amongst the women of Rome. Although he were an enemy of vices, and of vicious men, much more was he enemy of thieves, above all other kind of wicked people: and so is it said and found of him, that he did bear with many malefactors, but never pardoned any thief. In his apparel he was not curious or costly, but always was appareled as a man of great soberness: especially, much commended, that in his Empire he never beheld any person in Rome clad with silk or purple. Also in his feeding he was not disordinate, & yet truly of certain fruits of Africa given to feed somewhat overmuch, and used to say, that they had a better relish than others: for that being a child, he was bred with them. He delighted also more to eat fish then flesh, and sometimes passed an whole month without the taste of any flesh: the flesh that he best loved was mutton, & of fish, the Trout. In many cities of the Empire, they made by his commandment very notable works: especially in the city of Tripol in Africa, where he was borne, he made there a fort, & an house, & compassed it with a very strong wall. He was a prince very careful, that the city of Rome should always be well provided, which was manifested at his death, at what time they found seven. years provision in wheat and oil.   

CHAP. XVIII. ¶ How Severus passed into great Britain, where he died.  
Severus being settled in security, and intending certain buildings in Rome, received letters from the governor of great Britain, which now is named England, that a great part of the Island was revolted from the service of Rome: and to appease & force them to obedience, his presence was right necessary: because the Perfect himself was not only denied all obedience, but they sought means also to kill him. Severus was not displeased with this news, although he were both old and sickly: for that he always desired the offer of great things to magnify his fame, and perpetuate his memory. Severus also was pleased with those wars, to have occasion to withdraw his sons from the vices of Rome: and so it came to pass, that his elder son Bassianus he made captain of the army that he led by land: & to his younger son Geta, he gave the charge of his army & navy that passed by sea. Severus at the sudden and unprovided, assailed the Britain's, who at that instant they understood of his arrival in the Isle, sent their Ambassadors: partly to yield account, and partly to discharge themselves of their rebellion, as also to set down betwixt them a certain concord, which Severus would neither yield unto, or abide to hear off: for he vented rather to obtain the renown of Britain, then for any reason to make them war. His armies being disimbarked, & the Ambassadors dispatched, every man prepared, the one to offend, and the other to defend: Severus first provided bridges, whereupon his horsemen might pass, & his foot men avoid occasion to swim. The britain's of that part of Britain, in those days, had a custom in time of war, to encounter their enemies in lakes & waters, where they did place themselves up unto the arm pits, and from thence did fight and show their skill: & when their enemies did shoot or whirl their darts, they would stoop or dive under water: in such wise, that it chanced three sundry times, that never happened in any part of the world: which is to wit, that 100 naked men, overcame 1000 armed persons. When at any time they would fight in the field, they used certain targets after the manner of bucklers, & half swords girt upon their bore flesh. All matters appertaining unto the wars brought unto perfection, Severus confirmed his younger son Geta, governor of a certain place of the Island that had not rebelled, and kept his elder son Bassianus near unto his own person: executing cruel wars upon the Barbarians, who upon determination to do hurt, or offend their enemies, died with great hardiness: and upon other determination, would put themselves to flight: in which flight their enemies always had the worse.  
The wars being traversed after this manner, the gout did grievously increase upon Severus, in such manner, that he could neither go out of his camp, either sit in counsel with his captains: in so much, that he was constrained to commend the whole charge of the army unto his son Bassianus, who more did practise secreately to frame hatred amongst the armies unto his brother Geta, then to make conquest of the enemies. Bassianus so much rejoiced of his father's grief, and had so great care to inherit, that he saw no hour, wherein he wished not his father's death. Not meaning to leave any evil unperformed that touched an evil nature, adding evil unto evil, he suborned the Physicians that did cure him, and the servants that served him, in such wise, the one to serve him, and the other cure him, that if the gout did not finish him, poison should dispatch him. Although no man said unto Severus any one word, he did well perceive what his son Bassianus desired: and so it came to pass, that beholding the disobedience which his son did bear him, & how evil his servants served him, and how slenderly his Physician did visit him: although he were old and sickly, he died of pure sorrow, and melancholy. The last words which Severus said, before he died, they say were these. When I took the Empire, I found the common wealth throughout the world in trouble, and now I die, I leave it in peace: and although I die without power to testar ny firmar, yet I leave the Empire firm unto my two sons Antonines: if they shall prove good, they remain exactly made princes: and if they shall be evil, I leave them nothing. Before Severus died, he commanded two Fortunes of gold to be made, for either of his sons one: because it was the ensign of the Empire, to take away all occasion after his death, for any of them, by himself, or for himself, to be advanced with the Empire, but equally to remain in power and estate. This was the end of Severus, whom his enemies might not kill with arms: and yet with grief and sorrow was slain by his sons. Severus lived three score and fifteen years, and reigned two and twenty years: his bones were burnt, and the ashes carried to Rome.  
Of this Emperor Severus, the Senate determined that, which of no other prince was determined, namely, Illum aut nasci non debuisse, aut mori: which is to say: It had been good (in respect of his cruelties which he did) he had not been borne: and since that he was borne, (in consideration of the profit which he did in the common wealth) it had been good he had not died.    

The life of the Emperor Bassianus, son unto Severus, compiled by sir Anthony of Guevara, Bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler, and counsellor unto the Emperor Charles the fift.  

CHAP. I ¶ How Bassianus and his brother Geta did inherit the Empire of their father Severus.  
PResently after the death of the Emperor Severus in great Britain, his two sons, Bassianus and Geta, did succeed him in the Empire, betwixt whom there was extreme discord and cruel hatred: for, notwithstanding in blood they were brothers, yet in will & works they dealt as enemies. As Bassianus was elder brother, and also more cavillous & troublesome, so he began secretly to practise and suborn the captains of the army to him only to give the Empire, and to exclude Geta his younger brother from the inheritance: and to draw them unto his purpose, he spoke sweet words, blinded them with fair promises of great hope, and also gave them rich jewels. Nothing might Bassianus attain with the captains of his army, for that every one in particular, and all in general, made him answer, that since they were sons unto their lord Severus, and both brethren, and jointly had sworn unto them as their Lords and Princes, it were not just they should be traitors in their promise unto their father: or should make a breach of their oath, that in the temples they had sworn unto the Gods.  
After that Bassianus might not corrupt the army with words, deeds, or gifts, he took peace with the Britan's, to the end presently to depart towards Rome: and his brother Geta being advertised that Bassianus sought the Empire unto himself, which the father Severus had left unto them both, grew into great hatred & disdain with his brother: in such wise, that from thenceforth, the two brethren behaved themselves, not only as utter enemies, but also the court was divided into bands. Bassianus & Geta were brethren by the father, but not by the mother: for that Bassianus was his son by his first wife, and Geta by julia which was the second wife. Geta his mother, and the ancient and honourable Romans that were remaining after the death of Severus, did not a little travail to confederate and set them at agreement: but in the end, they were neither convinced with the infinite bears of the mother, either might be persuaded by the great requests and instant entreatance of their friends. The affairs of Britain being set in order, the two brethren much without order, departed towards Rome, carrying with them the relics of their father Severus, that is to say, his bones made ashes, which in all cities, as they passed, were received with as great reverence, as if Severus had been alive.  
From the time that Bassianus & Geta departed from Britain, until they entered Rome, they never lodged in one lodging, or fed at one table, or had conference upon the way, but had of each other great suspicion: yea in meat and drink to have received poison. To go in so great doubt and suspicion, was cause of small stay upon the way, although it were very long: and before their coming unto Rome, either of them had sent their secret messengers, not only to take up the best lodgings in Rome, but also to solicit and to win the wills of the common wealth, because they conceived, that they might not jointly be conserved in their signiory, but that one must remain with the Empire. That day on which Bassianus and Geta his brother should enter Rome, all Rome came forth to receive them, which was mixed with joy and sorrow: sorrow, for the death and burial of Severus: and joy, for that his children were come alive to reign in his stead. Entering into the city, the two brethren and new Emperors went before, apparelled in purple, on horseback: after them, came the Senators all on foot, who bore on their shoulders, a chest of Unicorn, wherein was placed the ashes of Severus: such persons as attended the dead went weeping: and those that accompanied Bassianus & Geta went singing. Being entered into the city, and the day far spent, they went unto the temple of the great Emperor Marcus Aurelius, where the two new Princes fell on their knees to adore his sepulchre, as a most holy man, and there bestowed the ashes of their father Severus. Before Severus departed unto the second wars of Britain, he had begun a most sumptuous sepulchre in the field of Mars: amongst other ornaments that it had, were seven pillars polished very high and stately, wherein was graven all his acts and victories: but his life first was finished, before his sepulture was ended.   

CHAP. II ¶ how in Rome they bury their Emperors, and of great ceremonies which there they used.  
After that Bassianus and Geta his brother had reposed the body of their father Severus in the temple of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, presently they began to consecrated his body, and to place his soul with the Gods, according to the custom of the Romans: which ceremony was not done, but unto dead Emperors: and the order thereof was thus. Presently upon the death of an Emperor, the Senate did assemble to determine, if he deserved to be buried with the Gods, either else after his burial to leave him to oblivion as other men: and if he had been evil, the Senate would be absent at his burial: and if he had been good, all clad in black, would attend to consecrated his body. And to do the same, their first attempt was to bury the body of the dead prince without any ceremony, and then made him an image of wood after the manner of a sick and colourlesse man, which they placed aloft upon a scaffold over the Court gate: and that image, although it were of a sick man, yet did they clad it with garments of silcke and gold, as though the counterfeit were alive. In the height of that scaffold, or throne, the Senate were set on the left hand, and on the right hand all the matrons of Rome: of whom none might he appareled richly, either decked with jewels of gold or stone: ●ut all persons were there clad in white, for that all white apparel in Rome was counted mourning. The Senators and matrons were placed and set at the rising of the sun, and did not rise until the sun was set: there might they neither speak, or gaze about, but all that time was consumed in sighing, weeping, and wailing  
From hour to hour, Physicians came and went to visit that Image, and so did raise, behold, and feel his pulses, as if the Emperor himself had been there alive, and always at their parting would report unto the Senators and ladies, that the sick person drew on to death. At which news, the matrons did grite and shriche, and the Senators did weep and wail. This order they used seven days together, but first upon the sixth day, the Physicians did forsake the sick person, and finally, on the seventh day manifestly would publish his death: presently after he was denounced for dead, placing the handles of the baire whereon the Image of the dead was laid upon their shoulders, the chiefest and most honourable Senators on horseback did bear the same: and after this manner went unto the place named Vaieia, and might not go by any other way but by the sacred way, which was a track where no man durst pass, but Emperors that were dead and priests that were alive. In that place named Vaieia, there was another building made of stone, after the manner of a Throne, having on both sides degrees and stairs to mount aloft, where they did place the Image of the dead Emperor: upon the one stairs, stood children, the sons of the gentlemen of Rome, and on the other part stood the damsels and virgins of Rome, and there did sing many sorrowful songs and hymns, published in the praise of the dead. From thence they removed the baire with the Image of the dead, unto the field of Mars, where also was made another scaffold, all of dry wood, under the vault whereof was laid stubble, stalks, and straw, and other kindling matter to burn: the outside was bravely painted, and hanged with rich tapestry, and aloft upon the highest part thereof, they placed the Image of the dead Emperor. On the day in which this ceremony was performed in Rome, they did concur to behold the same from all parts of Italy: and every Lord and lady that was present, did throw upon the degrees of that Throne, mire, incense, aloes, amber, roses, and other things of fragrant savours. When all men had offered their sweet perfumes, the Senators did skirmish on horsseback, and presently after them the two Consuls gave a boylt aloft on their chariots gorgeously adorned: and after them there followed on foot, all the ancient Romans and neighbourhood of Rome, and all such as had been captains of the wars: all which after they had gone a turn about the Throne, fell down groveling, exclaiming very loud against the ground. After the three processions were done, which is to weet, of the Senators, of the Consuls, and of the captains, came he that did inherit the Empire, who with a burning torch, gave fire to that Throne, which being all of dry stuff, presently was consumed. Before the beginning of this great ceremony, the Senate sought out against that day a brave Eagle, which was placed betwixt the handles of the baire, where the Image of the dead was laid: with great skill and subtlety, at the time that the Image burnt, the Eagle was loosed and flew away: and as her proper nature is to fly upward, all men said with loud voices, that it was the soul of the dead Emperor, that was gone to the Gods up to heaven. As often as ye shall find these words written of any Prince or notable parsonage, namely: Inter divos relatus est, that is, they have placed him with the Gods, all these ceremonies were done unto him: unto such a one, from thenceforth, they might sacrifice, adore, make temples, and place Priests, in such manner, they had to honour him as a God, and not to talk of him, as of a man.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ Of the mortal hatred betwixt Bassianus and Geta his brother.  
AFter the two brethren had accomplished the funeral office of their father Severus, they went both to lodge in the sacred palace: not jointly, but parting the lodging betwixt them, every one placing porters by themselves, and their guard to attend upon them. Although their lodging was one, yet their wills and dispositions were divers: and such as had to deal in matters of importance, conferred not with them, but with their mother: who took the opinion of the one, and so of the other, which afterwards was performed by advise and consent of the Senate: because otherwise the common wealth should have run at random and be lost. These two Princes never jointly came forth, but when they went to the Senate, or to visit the temple of the great Emperor Marcus Aurelius: for Severus had commanded, that weekly they should offer sacrifices in that temple, and monthly his heirs should visit that sepulchre. Bassianus and his brother Geta, had small care to visit temples, offer sacrifices, go to the Senate, reform the common wealth, either provide necessary matter for the wars: but all their bent and study was, the one to beguile the other, & to win the wills of the people: to the end that one being dead, the other might reign without contradiction. Both the brethren being thus divided, and both leading the Empire into hands: notwithstanding that both had enemies and friends, yet always the greater part of the common wealth were more affectionate to the younger son, which was Geta. Geta was white and red, high, sharp, mild, nimble, of groase lightuesse, and of very good condition: and yet in respect of reigning he was as proud as Bassianus. Bassianus his brother was a fallow black, choleric adust, little of body, broad forehead, much skin on his hands, hollow and hoarse of voice, preignant, subtle, diligent, and a iyar: for if he needed anything, he would flatter all men with fair words, and after enuen all things in lies. The divisions every day proceeding from evil to worse, it was beyond all men's powers, to bring them agreed, or make them friends: they both devised, without advertisement of any person to divide the Empire: the manner was, that all kingdoms should equally be divided in two parts, & that the name of Emperor should be indifferent unto them both.  
There was allotted unto Bassianus all Europe, & unto Geta his brother the kingdoms of Asia: and the end wherefore they divided the Empire, was, not to be friends from thenceforth, but to have liberty, men, and riches, to rise with Rome: and he that might do most, to dispatch the other of his life. When this agreement was made, they determined to call their mother julia, and all the ancient servants and friends of the house of Severus their father: unto whom Bassianus gave to understand, how his brother and he had agreed, and were become friends: and their agreement was, that they had divided the Empire, he remaining with the estate and seat of Rome, and Geta his brother having Antioch the head of his Empire, and the estate of all Asia. As Bassianus then said, so it was agreed, that the goods of the patrimony were divided in three parts, two parts for the two brethren, and the third for julia their mother: and further, that all Senators, captains, and other notable persons of the Empire, freely (if they so liked) might go with Geta into Asia, or remain with Bassianus in Rome. There was no man there that liked this agreement, much less allowed the same: for they all did see it was but feigned, and that ere long the Empire would be inflamed with wars, as in the days of julius Caesar and pompeius, of Caesar Augustus, and Marcus Antonius. Although all men were grieved with that which was said, yet all men did both dissemble and keep silence, with sad countenance casting their eyes to the ground: which their mother julia, possessing patience in sufficient, answered and said unto them as followeth.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ Of an excellent speech uttered by the mother unto her sons.  
I may well call ye sons (O children of my heart) since thou Geta proceededst from mine entrails, & thee Bassianus I have nourished with my breasts: & I swear by the immortal Gods, that much greater is the love that I bore thee, than the affinity which I have with thy brother. Thou well knowest Bassianus, that from the first hour that I came to the court, & was wife unto thy father Severus, I had the name of mother in law, & the works of a perfect mother: and that many times thou didst request me to cherish thy brother Geta, for that it seemed unto thee he was not favoured: in such wise, that if he be the only person that I have borne, thou only wast he that was cherished. I have great reason to call you my children, & to bewail you as children, to talk with you as children: for on the day that the one proceeded from my bowels, the other entered into my heart. Marvel ye not to see me power forth so many tears, & at every word to be dismayed & swoon? for, as ye see my sorrowful eyes, so may you behold my lamentable heart: ye should well perceive it gush out more with blood, than mine eyes do flow with tears. If my husband & your father should hear that which I hear, and should see that which I see, it would grieve him that ever ye were borne: and no less, that ever he begat you: because you will give no credit unto your friends, either obey me your sorrowful mother, or perform his will & commandment. Wherefore do ye seek the whole for one, since he left the same for both? what an heavy matter is this my children? the Gods have created ye brethren, and you have converted yourselves enemies: the glory which ye possess, to have had such a father: ye would quite him with so much grief, to have so froward children. To leave the Empire entire, your father slew julianus, Pessenius Niger, and Albinius, that held it divided in three parts: and now again ye will divide and rend it in pieces. Do ye not understand, how Princes that have their wills united, need not to divide their countries? Have ye not heard say, that to obtain honour, & to defend that which we possess, for these two only things, & for no other cause war is raised betwixt kings and princes? If this be true (as it is) and both you falling out for goods, know ye not, that your father only of himself, hath left ye more than all the Princes of the world have left unto them? And if it so be, that ye strive for the attainment of honour, I know not to what end ye would have more honour, then to be Emperors of Rome. O immortal Gods! I invocate, and most humbly pray you, that ye deal not according to the childishness of these young men, but agreeable unto the great service which their father hath done you, & the abundance of tears which their lamentable mother hath powered forth: for otherwise, the memory of my Lord Severus shall perish & be lost, & the majesty of the Empire put in great danger. If we did think (my children) that this division of the Empire, might be an occasion from henceforth to deal & live like brethren, we would hold it all for good, and think it all right well: but what doth it profit, that ye have divided the Empire only in two parts: and ye twain remain divided in an hundredth thousand differences? If ye will be favoured of the Gods, & obeyed of men, call to remembrance your father's commandment: condescend unto your mother's request, and yield yourselves unto the judgement of your friends: for that young Princes do never know to govern well, if they permit not to be governed of the virtuous. Consider children, that ye are but younglings, and in great affairs have small experience: and that your youth shall lead you unto many vices, & your small experience 'cause you to fall in great & many errors. Also (my children) ye have to consider, that ye possess your hearts too much passioned, and go environed with many liars: which two things be most cruel and enorm, in the persons & houses of princes: because with their passion, they commit much injustice, and by lies, they cloak many foul and pernicious deeds. The passioned and furious heart is sufficed with his own fury, to be lead into all errors: and the liar defendeth him from all knowledge and acquaintance of his own fault. If ye remember yourselves, that ye be men, and that I am a woman, with great reason ye might have small regard unto that which I do say: but if ye consider that ye be my children, and I your mother, great estimation should ye conceive of my counsels: for that credit which I loose to be a woman, I recover for that I am your mother. If ye did love your father, as your father loved you, your sorrowful mother should have no cause so much to persuade you to be friends: for that to remove all causes to bring his honour in disputation, ye would refuse & cast behind you all interest whatsoever of any goods. Since ye will not live in peace, in as much as it toucheth the service unto the Gods, and the great mischiefs that must follow your own persons, and the infamy wherewith ye shall infect your dead father, yet should ye do the same, for the love and behalf of your living mother: because the dissensions, traveles, and infidelities of the children, many they be that do behold them: but in the end, the mothers do only bewail them. Against the testament of your father, without the will of your mother, contrary unto the custom of the Senate, and without advise of any friend, ye have betwixt you divided the empire, leaving me unto myself to be divided: wherein, speaking conformably unto justice, it had been more reason ye should have divided your own proper mother, than the lands & countries of others. O immortal Gods, why have ye taken away my Lord Severus unto yourselves, and left me placed in so many dangers and travels? since ye have given me two children, why was not given me two hearts? and if I crave two hearts, it is but to love them: but two thousand hearts will not suffice to endure their unkindness. O my children, (although no children of my counsels) for that, though ye be mine by birth, yet are ye become strangers by disobedience. I know not my children, what to say more unto you: but since ye be twain, and my heart but one: that ye pull it forth, & open it in the midst, and divide it as ye have divided the Empire: and yet by the vestal mother, I swear unto you, that if ye opened my heart, and made search therein, ye should find in the same the greatness of my love, but much more, that I suffer and am tormented.   

CHAP. V ¶ How Bassianus, to obtain the Empire unto himself, slew his brother in his mother's arms.  
IT was lamentable to hear the Empress julia, but much more to behold her, who seeing her children so extremely divided, and so far from fraternity, at every word which she said, the Heavens did cleave with sighs, and the ground was watered with tears. At the instant she finished her talk, she rose from her chair, & going to her sons▪ with the right hand she taketh Bassianus, and Geta with the left, imbraceing them with herself, traveling to 'cause them to embrace, and to be reconciled and joining all their three faces together, with the abundant tears of the mother, the faces of her sons were all wet and bedewed. Many Romans that were present began to mourn, in hearing what julia said, and afterwards how with her children she did behave herself: no man replied or spoke more words, in as much as all men did allow that which the mother said: and improved the division of the Empire which the sons had made.  
The hearts of these two Princes were so much passioned, and jointly therewith of nature so indurate, that when the mother did talk unto them, it seemed not, but that they were thinking of some other matter: which had most perfect appearance, because at that time they were neither moved with compassion of her tears, either afterwards did take any profit of her counsel. The mother only profited not in her travail to reconcile them, but that from thenceforth th●y ceased not to discover greater hatred: that is to say, in that either of them sought to corrupt each other's blood, promising great wealth in Rome to be given unto him that would confect his lords meat with poison. When Bassianus perceived, that he might not (by any mean) dispatch his brother Geta with poison, and jointly therewith, that the Romans were somewhat inclined unto him by affection, determined on a day, when all persons were most inclined to sleep at after noon, to go unto the lodging of his mother julia, with whom Geta remained: and finding them at their rest, he gave Geta so many stabs with a dagger, that he was bereft of his life. When Bassianus set upon his brother Geta, the mother to save him, cast herself upon him: notwithstanding he ceased not to wound him, and kill him, The case was thus, that with one blow he both wounded his brother, and embrewed the garment of the mother: and finally, the brother remained dead, and the mother's garments defiled.  
This done Bassianus goeth forth through all the court, exclaiming with a loud voice, and with great fear and trembling: treason, treason, my brother Geta would have slain me by treason in my bed, and if I had not leapt out at a window, and the destinies been favourable unto me at that instant, I had not escaped with life: and not satisfied with that which was said, he commanded his guard to conduct him out of the court, and to guard and attend him unto mount Celius, where the Praetorian bands were lodged, infourminge that in the palace there was no safety: for that his brother had attempted to murder him.  
All men that heard the exclamation that Bassianus made, did believe that all things had passed as he had said: and the esquires of the body did accompany and attend him, until they had brought him amongst the Pretorians: and entering the tent where they had their armour and pendons, kneeling upon his knees, he gave great thanks unto the Gods, that had preserved him unto that place: and also unto his guard, that had succoured him in time of so great need. To behold Bassianus go at such an hour, with so great an heat, through the midst of Rome, and that with so great fury, all that beheld him were scandalized: and did imagine amongst them selves, that he had slain his brother, or done some vile deed unto his mother in law. Assoon as he saw himself amongst the Pretorians, he divided amongst them, two thousand & five hundredth drachmas of gold, according to the weight of Athens▪ & further, promised to give them yearly, wheat to furnish their families, besides their ordinary wages. The fame being divulgate throughout Rome, and the truth known of the great treason which Bassianus had committed, Geta his friends joined to seek him, with a determined purpose extremely to have revenged Geta: and as the matter was put to arms, and came to hand gripes, Geta his friends being the fewer in number, were soon overcome: which although they were subdued, yet truly deserve no dispraise: being but few in number, seeing their Lord dead, and Bassianus in possession of the army, they wanted no hardiness to fight, & no less courage to die: but what shall we say, but that if their quarrel were just, their fortune was very cross. Small advantageth it that the mind be generous, and the body warlike, if he that taketh arms be unfortunate: for that one hour of happy fortune, is more worth than all policies of war. Great was the compassion that all men conceived of the cruel death of Geta, and no less was the hate which they did bear unto Bassianus, not only to kill him upon so great assurance, but also to murder him in a place of so great privilege, that is to say, within the sacred palace, & embraced within the breasts of his mother. When Bassianus saw that his brother Geta was dead, all his allies and servants overcome, & that whatsoever he had attempted with temerity, succeeded with great prosperity: he went unto the temples, and took from thence all their treasure, in such wise, he took away in one day, that which many princes had given in many years. A great quantity of those treasures Bassianus divided amongst his Pretorians: who seeing themselves rich in money, and that their enemies were subdued, went into Rome, began to enter into the houses, and killed all persons with whom they had unkindness: but that which was more odious, upon wagers would kill a whole kindred, until they left no person, in whom any remembrance might remain.  
Many noble persons were determined to have slain Bassianus, in the beginning of his Empire: which they left not undone for his deserving, either for want of will, but for doubt that after his death, many should rise with the Empire: for presently they thought it less evil to suffer one, then to resist many.  
Now when Bassianus saw himself rich in treasure of the temples, and obeyed of the Pretorians, he determined to mount aloft upon the high Capitol, and there to speak unto the Senate: partly to give account of that which was done, and partly to give them to understand what he would do. Being placed in the midst of the Senate, and set in the imperial chair, and every man using silence, he said after this manner.   

CHAP. VI ¶ Of a certain speech used of Bassianus unto the Senate, excusing himself of the death of his brother Geta.  
ALthough in age I am but young, and in mine attempts reputed as rash, yet I cease not to confess that I am in great hatred with the people: and that my death should as much content them, as now my life is displeasant unto them. And as princes are in the view of all persons, so are all their works judged of all men: and from thence it proceedeth, that their just attempts are praised of many, but their errors condemned of all. They that presume to judge the works of princes, are not always so just, that they judge continually conformable unto justice: for as many times they praise the prince with lies: so it may happen, that they accuse them with malice. One of the extremest travels that princes have, is: that such as throng in themselves to talk of our lives, and to examine our deeds and acts, they talk not as we live, but as we use and deal with them: for if we honour & magnify them, they report we be no princes, but gods: but if we chastise and bring them down, they say we be no men but furies. Many times princes do chastise many, not because we delight to punish, but that it so agreeth with the imperial authority so to be done: for as with rewards and pardons we magnify our pierie & clemency, so it is convenient, that with rigorous chastisements, we make our justice to be esteemed. Many presume to judge the vices of princes, which if they were princes, would not only commit things worthy of judgement, but also justly to be deprived of the Empire: for the knowledge of good government, is not a thing that men obtain of themselves: but a gift which the Gods do give unto whom they please.  
There is no prince so absolute or dissolute, that at the lest, in his government desireth not to be just: but what shall we do, that have no more power but to wish to do well? and the gods only to give grace to govern well. But coming to the case now chanced, for which the whole multitude with me be escandalized: I swear by the immortal gods, that if the truth as it was were manifested, I should be found without blame: but I am of the one part so unfortunate, and of th' other part the multitude is so variable, that it many times happeneth, that of my manifest acts they say nothing: and of that which never passed my thought, they accuse me. O ye just gods, unto you all I appeal as witnesses: who first would have killed the other, either whether my brother Geta would have slain me, or I would have slain him: for ye well understand, that being reposed on my bed, he entered upon me with a naked sword: with which he would have drawn forth my soul, if by chance I had not found one at my bed's head. If he was the beginner of that quarrel, and that fortune would favour me at that instant, wherefore being utterly without any fault, should I be blamed of all persons in Rome? What greater testimony would ye of my innocency, but respecting that he being the person that offended, and I the man that defended myself, the gods have brought upon him, that which he meant to perform on me: neither in any good judgement may it be contained, that if by malice or envy I would have slain my brother, that I should execute the same by stealth, and within the sacred palace, for that in so enorm a case, I deserved not so much chastisement for the deed, as to commit the same in the place where that was done.  
I will not deny, that unto my brother I was not bound to honour him, love him, secure him, and to deal well with him: but I will not confess that I was bound, for all treasons and injuries to suffer him: for as it is honourable for great princes, to dissemble & pardon injuries, that are done to them by their inferiors: so necessary is it for them to revenge the discourtesies and displeasures, done unto them by their betters or equals. It is notorious unto all men, that in times past, many princes of the Roman Empire had brethren, with whom they might not endure, but that many of them were slain▪ or at the lest driven out of the Empire: for in fine, there is none of so great temperance, that in case of commandment, would have a companion: no not his brother.  
Consider the behaviour of Remus and Romulus, Tiberius and Germanicus, Titus and Domitian, Marcus and Lucius, & others infinite that were brethren: amongst whom, upon the point of commandment and government, there arose so great displeasures and unkindness: not as though they had been natural brethren, but as most cruel enemies. O fathers conscript and friends, give thanks unto the Gods, that have preserved your prince safe & sound. for that with out cause they would not have given him his death, and conserved my life: for the works of our gods are so profound, secret, and unknown, that although we see what they do: yet we see not the end why they do it. Amongst all the gods, only jupiter is he that hath dominion, and so amongst all men the god jupiter would not, but that only one should possess the Empire: for it were no less monstrous to govern the Empire by two persons, than one body to have two heads. If for all the Heavens, one God be sufficient, and for all Bees but one king, and all members be governed with one heart, & all birds have but one guide: I demand of you my friends, to govern the common wealth of Rome, if one man be not sufficient? As we have read in books of our forefathers, and as we have seen in our days, there is nothing more convenient unto the Roman Empire, as to be governed by one only person: for that we have seen more wars raised, upon which prince should command, then for any disobedience of subjects. How fierce wars were raised betwixt Silla & Marius, Caesar and Pompeie, Augustus and Marcus Antoninus, Galba and Otho's, Otho's and Bytellus, Bytellus and Vaspasianus: & now of late betwixt Severus my father, and julianus and Albinius. All these great calamities, which the miserable common wealth of Rome hath suffered, was not for that many would not be commanded: but for that many would command. Admitting that my father commanded in his testament, that Geta my brother and I should divide the Empire: yet many do know, & they are not few which presume, that he would never have done it, but his wife and my mother in law constrained him so to assign: and in a case so great, hard & grave, respect aught not to be given to that which he did, but unto that which he would have done: because the magnificence of the Empire, and the wisdom of the Senate, aught not to be bound, to the procurement of a vain woman: but unto that which is most convenient for the common wealth.   

CHAP. VII. ¶ Of the great cruelty of Bassianus, and of such as he commanded to be slain.  
ALl the time that Bassianus used this speech unto the Senate, no man cut off his talk, or when he had finished, no person durst answer one word: but that he in ending his tale, beheld all his friends: & such as he suspected, he would not once look upon: whereof they remained not only despited, but also terrified: because the thing that the heart loveth, is seen and known by the vents and windows of the eyes. Neither for that Bassianus had said in open place, either for any advisement of friends in secret, did he cease to continued his cruelties: but that presently he commanded to be slain, not only such as his brother Geta held for friends, but also the friends of his friends. He slew all the servants and officers of his brother, not only such as served him in the common wealth, but all such also, as served him in all manner of vile things of his house: that is to say, cooks, butler's, cators, swéepers, moil keepers, turn spits, and boys of the kitchen: at the death of whom, albeit both before and after he slew many: yet of none had they so great compassion in Rome as of those persons. Also he slew all his wagginers, all his horsekéepers, all his bakers, all his launderers, all his musicians, all his tailors, finally, he slew all that his brother loved: and all such as did serve him. He slew all the Senators and officers of Rome, that followed the partiality of his brother Geta, and killed all Questors, Praetors, and valiant captains, throughout the Empire. He slew Lucilla, an excellent matron of Rome, sister unto the Emperor Commodus, and daughter unto the great Marcus Aurelius, whom all emperors past did honour as an Empress, and served as a mother: and this was in such wise, that as any temple of Rome her house was privileged. The cause wherefore they say, he slew the Lady Lucilla, was: for that, when she heard of the death of Geta, she went unto the Court to comfort the mother, and bewailed her sorrow: whereof Bassianus being advertised, said. Since Lucilla mourneth for the death of my brother Geta, with my mother in law: it signifieth that she would joy of his life, and of my death: but I will live, and she shall die. Also he slew many of the vestal virgins, some that he accused for breaking their virginity: and others, for that they presumed to be virgins: saying it was a jest, to believe that any might live and die a virgin in this life.  
He slew an ancient knight named Letus, which was at the death of Commodus: and also was acquainted with the death of Geta his brother. He slew Rufus a knight of Africa, and his near kinsman, that is to say, his uncles son, who at the evening did invite him to supper, and in the morning commanded to be slain. He slew Pompeyanus the son of Lucilla, and nephew unto Marcus Aurelius, a man of great courage in wars, and venturous in arms, whom he commanded to be slain traveling upon the way, and cast forth report that thieves had slain him. He slew Papianus the learned Lawyer, who in those days was most famous in knowledge and counsel, that was in all the Roman Empire: and thus it passed, that Bassianus when he came out of the Senate, did take Papianus on his right hand, and all alongst the street laid his right arm upon his shoulder, until they came unto the entry of the house at the foot of the stair, where, with an axe, (such as they cleave wood,) he commanded his head to be cut off.  
He slew Petronius which had been Consul, Senator, Questour, Praetor, Edil, and Flamen forty years: in all which time, he never offended any man, either any person had complained of him: wherefore he was named the good Petronius. He slew Samonicus Serenus, which also was a Lawyer: and of this man it is said, that in eloquence he was very sweet, and in writing no less Satirical.  
Also he slew a son of the Emperor Pertinax, named Elius Pertinax, who for a wonder was said in Rome, that in either word or deed, it was never perceived in him, that ever in his whole life he did so much as vent for the Roman Empire: which was not a little to be praised, and also marveled: because sons naturally are not only inclined to inherit their father's goods: but also to succeed them in their honours. Furthermore, he commanded a notable Roman to be slain, named Chilus, because he had continually travailed to make him friend with his brother Geta: who presupposing that they came to kill him, stripte himself clean out of his apparel, and escaped out at a certain window of his house.  
He killed his first wife, the daughter of Plautianus, which was exiled into Sicyl, & caused search to be made in Rome throughout the Empire, for all that were sons, cousines, uncles, nephews, or near parents unto the blood royal, all which he commanded to be slain, both men and women: because neither root, branch, or memory, should remain of ancient or generous blood. As well in Rome, as else where throughout the Empire, Bassianus commanded many others to be slain: but that which was more cruel, the erecutioners had authority to take away their miserable lives, but not to bury their bodies, leaving them to the fowls of the air: as for the noblest, they were carried in cars on heaps, and consumed with fire even to ashes. He was not only evil and cruel, but also did boast himself to be a friend of such as were noted to be evil & cruel: for they never heard him say well of any prince past, but of Silla the cruel, Brutus the traitor, Catiline the tyrant, the Gracchies seditious, Domitian the defamed, and Commodus the dissolute. Exactly to accomplish his cruelties, it chanced on a certain day, representing the Circen plays in Rome (unto which feast an huge number of people were come to behold) that as the guide of the imperial chariot, might not pass, because the streets were stopped with multitudes of people, he began by force to make his way, and tear and tread the people: who made resistance for their safety, adding thereunto words over furious, as people passioned. And as the Emperor then being placed in the same chariot, although they said no word to his offence, he received the cochemans' injury as his own: presently commanding all his Pretorians which there did guard his person, to make slaughter at their liberty. And as all persons there present were more decked and trimmed for the feast, then armed, either in readiness for battle: so great compassion was it to behold the multitudes of people that died there, without any offence, and shedding of blood of so many innocentes: for if ten or twelve had offended, they were more than 15. thousand that were there executed. The Romans did neither eat, drink, sleep, or do any thing, but with great trembling, not doubting when they should be accused, but when Bassianus should command them to be slain: for never tyrant did execute that, which he ordinarily performed in Rome: which is to weet, without any accusement of fiscal, or complaint of enemy, or want of service, to command any man to be slain.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the provinces which Bassianus did travel, and the things which he did therein.  
AFter that Bassianus had slain his brother Geta, and his enemies, as also many of his friends, and infinite others that were neither friends nor foes: he departed from Rome, journeying towards Germany, which now is named high Almain: with determination to visit those Provinces, and to reform his armies, which by continuance of peace, were grown to great negligence in matters of war. A whole summer he lodged near unto the river of Danubie, where he exercised hunting, fishing, playing, running, torneying, and sometimes sat in judgement: and a matter wherein he made all men to wonder, was, that in hearing any cause at the instant, he gave sentence wherein he never erred, and also judgement according to justice. He had great delectation of that country, and the people of the same, making choice of the valiantest and gallantest personages of the youth of Germany, for the guard of his person. The provinces adjoining unto Danubie being set in order, he passed into Thracia, and from thence into the land of Macedonia: with determination to visit the native country of Alexander the great. All things wherein the acts of Alexander were graven or painted, he repaired, renewed, and made better: & many other things he did both add and invent, in such wise, that in all the kingdom of Macedon there was neither city or temple, where he did not erect some edifice, or place some picture or counterfeit.  
Bassianus performed many notable things in Macedonia right worthy praise, and some other things no less to be derided: because in many places he caused a body with two heads to be painted and also graven, whereof one he entitled unto himself, and the other unto Alexander. The Macedonians did not a little scorn this act, that Bassianus would compare with the great Alexander: for they esteemed their king in such possession and estate, that they say and affirm, neither any in this life to be equal unto him: either in the other world surmounted of none of the Gods. Bassianus grew so proud, when he saw himself so generally praised for his worthy acts done in Macedonia, that he commanded all his household, not to call him Bassianus, but Alexander: and commanded all the captains of his army, to intitule themselves with the names of Alexander's ancient captains: whereof the Romans received no small grief, and all the ancient servants of his father were not a little disgraced: for it seemed unto them, that since he did not trust them with the guard of his person, he would not love them, either deal with them according unto his accustomed manner. He would oft put off all his Roman apparel, and clad himself after the Flemish fashion: and further, the more aptly to resemble them, he would wear counterfeit read hair: and how much the more he used these things, so much the greater was the grief unto the romans. Also he observed a custom, both in eating and drinking, in his apparel and service, as in all other travels which all ways follow the wars, but as a common soldier. It happened many times, that if a trench were to be made, he first would dig, carry forth earth, march on foot, grind bread corn for his own diet, and bake it under the ashes.  
He delighted in base lodging, to resemble the common soldier, and would not drink in gold or silver, but in wooden tankards: finally, he did not only abhor all things that seemed superfluous: but also many times, that which was right necessary.  
He commanded also, that none should attend him, except he were commanded, or call him Emperor, but companion: all which he did to obtain their love, and to seem admirable in his travels. He commanded his army to be divided into three parts, and the one to be called Macedonike, the other Laconike, and the third Spartanike, in memory of three famous provinces of Grecia, which followed the great Alexander in all his wars, and the people which he esteemed most valiant and warlike.  
From Macedon he took his way unto Pergamus, a famous city in Asia, to view the temple of Esculapius: the father and founder of physic, in which temple he slept many nights: and as he afterwards said, received there many answers of the God Esculapius, & many counsels, as well for conservation of his health, as the government of his common wealth. From Pergamus, Bassianus departed to the city Ilium, that in times paste had been head of the kingdom of Troy, where great wars were long continued betwixt the greeks and the Trojans, which he found not only destroyed, but also ploughed and sown. Bassianus did there greatly desire to bury some person, after the fashion as in times past they had buried Patroclus: and for accomplishment of his desire, he commanded poison to be given unto Festus his private and favoured servant: whom, after he was dead, he buried there according to the fashion which the Trojans used with Patroclus: which fact of his some excuse, affirming that Festus died without Bassianus his commandment. Before that Bassianus entered high Almain, he would visit Gallia Transalpina, & after a few days of his entrance therein, commanded the Proconsul of Narbona to be slain: of which deed, as also of others which he executed he fell into the hatred of that common people, & deserved the name of a tyrant. In his navigation from Germany into Asia, he found himself in so great danger, that the ship itself wherein he sailed did rend & sink, & he escaped in a little bark. He was stricken with so great fear on sea, that after he had escaped that danger, he would oftentimes say: I know not what man having bread to eat, and garments to wear and cover himself on land, would (to become an Emperor) go to Sea.   

CHAP. IX. Of an horrible cruelty that Bassianus committed in Alexandria.  
AFter that Bassianus had seen the great Ilium, and the most part of Asia and Bythinia, he came unto the city of Antioch, where he was received with great ceremony: and all the time that he remained there, no less feasted. From Antioch he took his way into Alexandrie, with great desire to see that famous city, which the great Alexander had built: whereof the citizens being advertised, they made most solemn & costly preparation, wherewith to receive him, which never had been done to any prince, either Greek or Roman: chief moved there unto, because it was said, that he was a friend unto Alexander. Many leagues before Bassianus came unto the city, they repaired the bridges, amended the high ways, furnished all places with victuales, made many summer houses with boughs, and scattered all the ways with flowers: and further, all his train did take all things at their own pleasure, without payment of any money. But when he arrived in the city, generally the Alexandrines came forth to receive him, in most gorgeous apparel, accompanied with instruments and many kinds of music. Presently at his entry into Alexandrie, he went on foot unto the temples: where he offered very great sacrifices, and burned therein great quantities of incense, myrrh, aloes, and such other fumes.  
This being done, he went to visit the sepulchre of the great Alexander, where he used an imperial magnificence, that is to weet, he put off a most rich rob wherewith he was clad, he took from his cap a brooch of great price, a curious collar from his neck, from his breast a stone of value inestimable, and from his fingers all his rings: & kneeling upon the ground did offer the same upon the sepulchre of the great Alexander. Incredible was the joy that the Alexandrines conceived, to behold a living prince of Rome, to have a Greek prince which was dead in so great veneration: in respect whereof, they loved him with all their hearts, and served him with all their power.  
All which things Bassianus performed, not of intent to honour Alexander, or to pleasure the Alexandrines: but with more certintie to assure himself of them all, and afterwards jointly to kill them all. Many days had passed, since Bassianus had borne great hatred unto the Alexandrines and the occasion of his unkindness was, because it was said, that they scorned him with words, and also derided him in interludes: saying, it was a scoffing matter for him to make comparison with Alexander, to name himself Achilles, and to imitate Hercules. Also Bassianus understood how they had much despised him, for the death of his brother Geta, & laid their tongues upon his own mother, noting her unchastity: which injuries he wanted not skill to dissemble many days, & after to revenge the same at an instant.  
The case was thus: the feasts being finished, he commanded proclamation to be made, that all the lusty young men, either strangers, or natives of the country, should muster in a field, to the end he would see, view, and also arm them after the old manner: saying, that from thence forth his will was, that all his men of war should fight, not after the order of the Romans, but according to the fashion of the greeks.  
Great glory, and also vain glory possessed the Alexandrines, when they heard these proclamations: and he that might soonest, came first into the field: conceiving, that such as were the words of the crier, such should be the works of the Emperor. All the youth of Alexandria remaining in the field, Bassianus with all his army in armour issued forth to behold them, and he commanded to bring themselves into a square, to the end, that one by one, should pass before him, of whom he would take his choice and presently after give them armour. Now when the miserable Alexandrines stood all as sheep together unarmed, Bassianus gave a sign unto his soldiers, to give the charge as upon enemies: who in their slaughter made so great haste, that within an hour, those fields were all covered, not with flowers, but with dead bodies.  
Great was the hurt that Bassianus committed that day upon the Alexandrines: for that he left the widows without sons, grandfathers without nephews, uncles without cousines, brethren without brethren, and neighbours without friends: in such wise, that none remained that was not slain, or else tormented with the death of others. The place where Bassianus committed this great treason, and so inhuman cruelty, was in a broad plain field near unto the great river Nilus: and the number was so great of them which were slain, that the blood by streams ran through those fields, and stained and died that river Nilus: in such extreme manner, that that so stately a river seemed not to run with water, but with blood. The Alexandrines may not be excused of their fault, in speaking evil of Bassianus, defameing his mother, & representing his vile facts in interludes. Admitting that of evil we can speak but evil, yet princes enter not into this reckoning, whose works we have licence to judge only in our hearts, but not with the tongue to blaspheme and despise them.  
And albeit the offence of the Alexandrines was very great, yea, though it had been much greater, yet without comparison, much more vehement was the cruelty that Bassianus did execute on them: which if he had been, as he aught to have been, the contrary he would have performed: for In the houses of heroical and excellent princes, chastisement is given by ounces, and clemency without measure.   

CHAP. X. Of a letter which Bassianus did writ unto the king of Parthians to have his daughter in marriage.  
IT seemed unto Bassianus, that to rob temples, to sack towns, to subvert walls, and to kill the whole neighbourhood of Alexandrie, was but a small matter, in respect of his vile and cruel conditions wherewith he was inclined: and to this end he determined to attempt so rare and odious a treason, that all men which should hear or read thereof, might count his cruelty passed but a trifle. Even as amongst such as be virtuous, one virtue awaketh another virtue: so amongst the wicked, one evil or mischief draweth with it another mischief: in such wise, that there are some persons so vowed unto evil and mischief, that without delay fall into the profundity of all manner of vice and mischief. The case was thus, that Bassianus seeing himself in the east parts, had a desire to make a conquest of the Parthians: and for that he durst not make them war openly, he remembered to devise a treason for them in secret. So much more vile was the fact, as small was the occasion which moved him to commit the same: for at that present the Parthians with the Romans, & the Romans with the Parthians, were in great friendship, and confederacy.  
Without advice of parents, friends, or counsellors, Bassianus sent a great embassage unto Arthabanus king of Parthia, sending also many and rich jewels, and writing with his own hand a letter after this manner.  

Bassianus Antoninus, only Emperor of the Romans, to Arthabanus the great king of Parthians, health, and good fortune. ⸫  
The famous ancient Romans, and many of the principal of my predecessors, came from the West into Asia, only to make war upon this thy kingdom: but I come not to make thee war, but to seek peace, and to this peace, both thou & I have to search a mean, that it may be perpetual: for otherwise, a just war were more safe for princes, than a feigned peace. As we read in books, and hear of our forefathers, there is not a more brief and sound way, for great enemies to grow to be faithful friends, then by recovering new alliance by the way of marriage: for in true and faithful marriages, as the married be joined in bodies: so be they linked and confederate in hearts and minds. Although some Princes have married with the daughters of Consuls and Senators, and admitting they have so done, I will not so do: for that I was borne a prince, and am a prince, and will die a prince: wherefore, I will not marry but with the daughter of a Prince. When congruently or aptly it may be done, it agreeth not with the majesty of the Empire, that the Prince this day should hold him for his father in law, whom he held yesterday for his vassal. Although the wives of Princes use not to command and govern, yet we must grant, that when Princesses be the daughters of high Princes, and desscended of royal blood, the people and subjects are more honoured, satisfied, and pleased: and such bring forth children more noble and generous. The Empire of the Romans, and the Empire of the Parthians, are two the most renowned Princes throughout the whole world: for, notwithstanding the one at times hath subdued the other: yet never entirely had the one lordship of the other. I am prince of the Romans, and thou art Prince of the Parthians: if thou wilt marry thy daughter with me, with great good will I would match with her: and after this manner, of two divided Empires we shall make one in concord. These two Empires being joined, may there be any kingdom that will disobey them? or any king that shall dare to say against them? I demand not thy daughter for her beauty, for there are others much fairer in mine Empire: neither do I request her for thy richesse, for I have sufficient, neither do I crave her, to recover more vassals: for I have kingdoms enough subject unto me. But I do it, because of ancient enemies, we might frame ourselves immortal friends: in such wise, that as hitherto we have had you in contempt, as barbarians, from henceforth we shall behave ourselves as brethren.  
Think not that I writ thus unto thee, by thy favour to be revenged of mine enemies: or, for that my kingdoms have rebelled against me (as thou shalt understand by these mine Ambassadors) which my father left unto me so plain, and their Princes so dedicated to obedience, that they do not only accomplish what I command them, but also request me to enjoin them more.  
If in this which I writ to thee, thou thinkest there be deceit, thou oughtest also to conceive, that I shallbe most deceived: partly, for that being (as I am) a Roman Prince, and partly, because I am the person which sueth: for that in this marriage thou adventurest not more than thy daughter: but I commit unto Fortune, mine honour, goods, and person. Herein I will say no more, but I pray thee to receive these jewels which I send thee in good part: and to that which mine Ambassadors shall say, give credit.   
The king of the Parthians, after he had read this letter, and heard the Ambassadors what they had to say in the behalf of Bassianus, did answer him after this manner.   

CHAP. XI. ¶ Of another solemn letter, wherein the king of the Parthians answered Bassianus.  
Arthabanus, king of the ancient kingdom of the Parthians, to Antoninus Bassianus, the only Roman Emperor, health, & prosperity.  
Before all things, I give thanks unto the immortal Gods, because they have put into thy heart, that which thou hast written: and that which thou with thy Ambassadors hast sent to say unto us. By that which I have read in thy letters, and heard of thy Ambassadors, I know that thou believest in the Gods, and hast not taken counsel of men: for men always give counsel unto Princes to make war: but the Gods always persuade them to keep peace. Thou sayest that the Roman Princes, thy predecessors, always passed into Asia, with a mind determined to make war with the Parthians▪ but jointly herewith, I would thou shouldest consider, that as the war which ye took in hand against us was unjust, so fortune was unto them, alwayos unfortunate: for it is not the will of the Gods, that by an unjust war, an entire victory should be obtained. You Romans took the enterprise to be Lords of the whole world: and to prosecute the same, ye rigged forth many navies and fleets, ye joined great armies, conquered strange provinces, destroyed many kingdoms, killed much people, rob infinite treasures, and adventured yourselves into great and immeasurable dangers: and in the end, that which they had obtained, they lost, yea, the conquerors also lost themselves: because, whatsoever is gotten to the prejudice of another man, is lost to the great hurt & offence of him that obtained the same. That which thou promisest in thy letter, and in thy name thy Ambassadors offer me, I am not only bound to accept, but also deserved great displeasure, if I durst deny the same: because it is a thing most just, that the Gods make war upon that prince, which refuseth the request of men in peace. Thou sayest that the chiefest mean to confirm peace is, for princes to practise marriage betwixt themselves. I deny not, but that in some persons it is most true, but it is no general rule for all men: for we daily see betwixt most near kindred and allies, most great quarrels and scandals to arise. My great grandfather was father in law unto king Arsacidas, and afterwards the one slew the other in the field: and the very same we hear reported to have chanced amongst you: Pompey married with the daughter of julius, and afterwards julius overcame and destroyed Pompey his son in law: in such wise, that the marriages which they made to conserve peace, did awake and inflame them to more cruel war. The Prince that hath fear of the Gods, and is naturally given to peace, may not find a better mean to obtain the same, than to be quiet in his own realm: for, speaking the very truth, the prince that is satisfied with his own proper estate, needeth not to seek affinity in strange kingdoms. Unto my father were offered great, noble, and mighty marriages from strange kingdoms: whereunto he would never consent, either hardly endure to hear thereof: and would oft say unto me, that many kings and kingdoms he had seen lost by marriage in strange countries, and therefore would not marry me, but within his own kingdom: and said, at the hour of his death, that if I would live many years in peace, I should not abandon my children to strange marriages.  
I had three sons, which now be all dead, and there remaineth unto me but only one daughter, in whom remaineth all my hope: and if the Gods would, and my destinies permit, I would give her an husband within mine own natural country, whom I might esteem as my son, and he me as his father: for my intent, is, not to give her an husband that hath much goods, but in his person great worthiness.  
To that which thou sayest of the kingdoms of Parthians, & the Empire of Romans, would do very well to be joined in one: thou hast great reason in that which thou sayest, if it might be done with as great facility, as it is spoken: but how is it possible they may be made one, being (as they are) so strange in nation? so distant in situation? so distinct in language? so divers in laws? and above all the rest, so contrary in conditions? Since betwixt you and us, there are so many lands, countries, nations, hills, and seas: how is it possible, the bodies being so distant, that the hearts may be united? We are much better known unto the Gods, than we know ourselves: and since they have created us, and separated us, the one from the other: how is it possible for us to live, and enjoy together? for by great diligence that men may use, either power that princes may practise, it is impossible for them to scatter that, which the Gods do gather together: or to join that which they do separate.  
If thou wilt have men for thy wars, I will send them! If thou wilt have money to enrich thy treasure, I will furnish thee! If thou wilt enter peace with me, I will grant it! If thou wilt that we be brothers in arms, by oath I will confirm it! Finally, I except nothing betwixt thee and me, but that thou do not crave my daughter to wife: I am determined, & will not, for giving my daughter a good marriage, leave my country tributary unto strange people. The precious jewels and great riches which thou sentest me, I have received with great good will, and I send thee others, although not such, either so rich: nevertheless thou mayest always conceive by them, that the kings of the Parthians, have great treasures in their keeping, and no less nobleness of mind to spend them. Not more, but the Gods be thy defence, and that thou of me, and I of thee may see good fortune.   

CHAP. XII. How Bassianus committed a great treason against the Parthians.  
THis letter being received by Bassianus, he made semblance of great sorrow, that the king of Parthians would not give him his daughter to wife: howbeit, he ceased not therefore eftsoons to writ, & send more presents, to bring to pass by importunities, that which of will he might not frame. Arthabanus considering the importunities of Bassianus in writing, and his largesse in sending more rich jewels, not doubting that any guile might be concealed in that marriage, did yield himself unto the judgement of his friends: who counseled him, that he should not in any wise, but accept the Emperor of romans for his son in law: for it might be, that he should recover him for an enemy, that would not accept him for a son. The fame being spread throughout all Asia, that the kings daughter should marry with the Emperor of Rome, Bassianus advised to repair and prepare with all speed: so that in all cities of the Parthians where he passed, they did not only not resist him, but with great joy did receive and feast him: for they held it for great vain glory, to see their princess demanded for wife by the great Emperor of Rome. In all places where Bassianus passed, he offered rich sacrifices in their temples, and gave great rewards unto such as did attend and receive him: all which he dissembled, to escape suspicion of the exceeding malice, which he determined to execute. Bassianus being arrived at the great city Parthinia, where most times the great king of Parthians was resident: Arthabanus issued forth to receive his son Bassianus, who most truly ran forth, as conformable unto peace, as Bassianus ready and determined for the wars. There issued forth with king Arthabanus, not only the noble and valiant personages of his house and court, but also all the men of power and wealth of his kingdom, which against that day were called and did attend: in such wise, that by his train the king discovered his valour, as also the nobleness of his people. Now when the Parthians began to join with the romans, and of both parts great courtesies offered, Bassianus gave a sign unto his armed knights, to give a charge upon the Parthians, upon whom they executed as great a slaughter, as Hannibal at Canasse, and Scipio at Carthage. The king Arthabanus as he came in the troop of all his royalty, took his servants horse, and gave himself to flight: and then as it was night, & his horse very swift, he had leisure to escape with his life: although not able to defend his country.  
This being done, he sacked the royal palace, and all the city, and after commanded fire to be given to all parts thereof, which he performed in all cities where he passed, all the time that he remained in Parthia: and freely gave licence unto his army, to take what they might, & to kill whom they would. This was the manner that Bassianus used, to subdue the Parthians: which conquest with more reason may be termed the invention of a traitor, than the conquest of an Emperor: for the innocent Parthians were rather sold, then overcome. At the present when these things passed, Bassianus did writ unto the Senate: advertising them that he had subdued all provinces and kingdoms of the east unto the Roman Empire: some by force, and others by good will: and that although the Roman princes, his predecessors, did exceed him in years and riches: yet not to be comparable unto him in victories. The Senate being ignorant of the great treason of Bassianus practised against the Parthians (because they received his letters, before any other messenger had made report thereof) were very joyful, and made great feasts in Rome, placing his counterfeit upon all the gates of the city: but after they understood the truth of the treason committed, they were so much grieved with that so vile a deed, that if the Parthians did suffer, the Romans did bewail.   

CHAP. XIIII. How Bassianus was slain by the commandment of his private captain Macrinus.  
THe Emperor Bassianus being departed from the territories of Parthia, came unto the province of Mesopotamia, which was in the month of October: and being full of woods wherein were bred many wild beasts, he would remain in the thickest thereof: for that he was more given to chase in mountains, then to hawk in fields.  
The captains of Bassianus army were two Romans, named Audentius, and Macrinus. Audentius was a rustical person, as concerning matters of the common wealth: but very expert & valiant in warlike affairs. Macrinus contrariwise, in governing the common wealth, was wise and skilful: but in martial affairs, somewhat negligent, and not over fortunate. Bassianus did like very well of Audentius, and no less evil of Macrinus, and did not only wish, but also said of him much evil: murmuring that he was negligent, a coward, vicious, an epicure, a glutton that did eat much, and drink not a little: and that at his coming to Rome, he would remove him from all charge in matters of war. Macrinus was a man very well learned, and in his speech no less reformed: and in all things that they said unto him, touching that which Bassianus should speak of him, he answered: that whatsoever his good lord had said of him, was spoken of great affection, not to the end to defame him as an enemy, but to correct him as a son. Although Macrinus used this speech openly, yet he had other matter in his heart secretly, as afterwards in the success of affairs it manifestly appeared: for, at such time as Bassianus would have removed Macrinus from his honour and estate, Macrinus dispatched him of his life.  
The case was thus, that Bassianus being inclined of his own proper nature, to know secrets, not only of men, but also of Gods, and devils, always fearing himself, that by practice of some treason, they would take away his life, he was never voided of the conversation of Sorcerers, soothsayers, and enchanters, to advertise him how long he should live, and what death he should die. Not satisfied with such Magicians, soothsayers, sorcerers, and enchanters, as did attend on his person in the wars, he would sand unto the Perfect of Rome named Maternianus, to whom Bassianus committed the credit of his secrets: writing a letter unto him with his own proper hand, commanding him, with great diligence and secrecy, to assemble Magicians, Sorcerers, Soothsayers, Enchanters, and Astrologians, to know of them, not only how long he should live, and how he should die: but also to demand of them, if there were any person within the Empire, that desired or procured to be Emperor. Maternianus performed all that, which his Lord Bassianus had written unto him: whether it were any magician or soothsayer that said it, either any enemy of Macrinus finding opportunity for his purpose: Maternianus did writ and advertise Bassianus, that he had assembled all the sorcerers, enchanters, diviners, magicians, soothsayers, astrologians and auguries: and that the resolution of their counsel was, that if he would enjoy the Empire, it were convenient that Macrinus were slain. At the instant when the post returned with his letters from Rome, Bassianus was placed in his coach, to go forth on hunting: & not remembering what he had written, either presuming what might be written, said unto Macrinus, that he should open and read them all: and if that he found therein matter of great importance, to consult therein: and all other small matters, that he himself should provide answer, and dispatch. Macrinus reading these letters, as well such as were written unto Bassianus, as unto himself, came also to read the letter of Maternianus, wherein he advertised Bassianus of the answer which the magicians had given him, which is to say, that presently it were convenient that Macrinus should be put to death: whereof he was not a little abashed, holding it for great good hap, that this secret had chanced into his only hands, before any other person: for, at the instant that Bassianus might have read this letter, he would have commanded Macrinus his head to flee from his shoulders. Macrinus doubting, that Maternianus might return to writ of the former matter unto Bassianus, and that, were it but for concealing that letter, he would shorten him by the shoulders, advised to practise the death of Bassianus, before he should experiment the same on him. Amongst them that guarded the person of Bassianus, there was one Martianus, who accordingly had a brother also of his guard (him for a small displeasure Bassianus commanded to be slain) and with Martianus used words of great despite: in such manner, that Martianus with those words remained disgraced, & of his brother's death grieved and afflicted. After Macrinus understood this passion to reign in Martianus against Bassianus, he first entered with him in familiarity, and gave him silver and gold, received him into his friendship, and every day lead him into remembrance of the unjust death of his brother: to the end he should not grow cold, but hot in hatred against Bassianus. Now when Macrinus felt, that by his benefits he had recovered Martianus for his faithful friend, and brought him into great disdain and mortal hatred of Bassianus, he grew to composition to deprive him of his life, for which deed, his reward should be great: whereof Martianus did take great delight, and bound himself to perform the same: partly to revenge the death of his brother, as also to condescend unto the request of his friend Macrinus. Bassianus being resident in Careuca a city of Mesopotamia, came forth to visit a temple of the Goddess Luna, two miles distant from the city: and being constrained upon the way, to unburden his belly, he entered the thickest of the covert, accompanied but with one servant: and Martianus that attended but opportunity to accomplish his promise, entered upon Bassianus being withdrawn into the thickest of the shrubs, prosecuting his necessity all alone, Martianus struck him with a lance down flat upon the ground: which wound was so mortal, that without more words, or strength to move, where the lance went in, the life came out. After that Martianus had slain Bassianus, he took his horse and fled: but as the imperial guard was at hand, within a league he was overtaken, and slain with lances: in such wise, that after he had taken revengement of his enemy, he enjoyed his life but one hour. This was the end of the unhappy Emperor Bassianus, whose life did merit a slanderous death: for that it was not unreasonable, that he which had killed so many friends, by treason should be slain with enemies.   

CHAP. XIIII. ¶ How Macrinus excusing himself of the death of Bassianus, did advance himself with the Empire.  
ON the self same day that Antoninus Bassianus was borne, which was the eight of April, he was slain, xliiij. years of his age being accomplished, and uj, years of his Empire and reign expired. The first man that came unto him after he was slain, was Macrinus, who bewailed his death with so great dissimutation, as if he had not been the man that procured so vile a deed. Macrinus was right fortunate that Martianus was slain when he was taken: for all men thought and also said, that Martianus had slain his Lord Bassianus, not by inducement of any person, but to revenge his brother's death. Many others were of this conspiracy besides Macrinus, that ordained it, and Martianus that sought the same: that is to say Nemesianus & his brother Apolinarius, Renonuus & Agrippa, all which had sworn his death: some for injuries which they had received, & others for service unrecompensed. Presently upon Bassianus his death, Macrinus commanded his body to be burnt, and his ashes to be placed in a coffin of gold: & so with great guard, and no less accompanied, he sent the same unto julia his mother in law, being then at Antioch: who at the instant when she understood Bassianus to be dead, drank a little poison, wherewith she finished her life. The case standing in this estate, news arrived at the Roman camp, that Arthabanus king of Parthians pursued Antoninus Bassianus, to execute vengeance for the injury which he had received: and to the same end, the king & his knights, before they came to the field, made a vow unto their Gods, never more to return with life, before they had slain the Emperor Bassianus. The Romans beheld themselves in great confusion, on the one part, finding themselves in so strange a Country without hope of succour, and also for the death of their prince and their enemy so near at hand: to repair and remedy which mischief, with great diligence they elected a prince named Audentius, a man of honest life, and of great experience in the wars: which he refused, alleging for himself, age and sickness: and that of his election he might not gather but travel & offence unto the common wealth. Two days was the army without an Emperor, and in the end upon Audentius his refusal, they elected Macrinus for Emperor, which election did rather proceed of necessity, then of will: because their Parthian enemies were very near, & the worthy persons of the Empire very far. Above we made mention of julia, the mother in law unto Bassianus: this Lady being a widow, and resident in the Court, in the summer time Bassianus beheld her at a feast, as she was, half naked, and inflamed with her love said unto her these words. If it were possible to renounce this name mother, which I own thee: from henceforth I would call thee wife. julia answered: If thou wilt, thou mayest, because princes have authority to make laws, but are not bound to observe them. And as in Bassianus love did abound; so finding in julia a ready mind, presently he married with her: in such wise, that unto patricide he added incest: that is to say, that having slain his brother Geta, also he married his father's wife.  
Bassianus naturally was evil inclined: and if his father were cruel, he was most cruel: in eating disordinate, in drinking untemperate: for many times in his excess of drink, he would talk at large. From his infancy he was hated of all persons, no less of his own, then of strangers, the Praetorian knights only excepted: which was not for the benefits, that of him they had received: but for the liberty which he gave them to rob and steal. Some notable buildings he erected in Rome, especially certain stately baths, which he named after his own name, in cost and curiousness exceeding all works and buildings in Rome. He made also a gate in Rome, & called it Severiana, in the reverence of the name of his father Severus: wherein he caused to be graven all the victories and triumphs that his father had obtained, either after or before he was Emperor. He was the first that brought unto Rome the image of the Goddess Isis: unto whom he edified a sumptuous temple, and therein did constitute priests. He left no child either legitimate or not legitimate, but Heliogabalus, whom he had by a niece of his mother julia, of whom we will speak in the history following.    

The life of the Emperor Heliogabalus, compiled by sir Anthony of Guevara, Bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler, and counsellor unto the Emperor Charles the fift.  

CHAP. I ¶ Of the lineage and nurture of the Emperor Heliogabalus.  
THE second wife of Severus was named julia, which was mother unto Geta, and mother in law unto Bassianus: this julia, when she was married unto Severus, brought unto Court with her an elder sister, named Mesia, a woman of proportion sufficient fair and comely, but of condition very wily. This Mesia had with her two daughters, whereof the elder was named Semiamira, and the younger Manea: both borne in the Emperor Severus his Court, and bred and nourished a long time after in the house of the Emperor Bassianus. The writers of those times do not name, who was the husband of Mesia, and the father of Semiamira, & of Manea: and therefore doubted to be conceived in adultery, or that the father was of lineage obscure.  
Mesia remaining in the Court of Severus with her two daughters, being young & very fair, Bassianus the son of Severus had access unto Semiamira, and begat of her a son named Antoninus Caracalla: and for the love of julia his aunt, and also to the end the damosel should not be despised in the sight of Severus, the grandmother used so great skill in this business, that no person of the Court might perceive the daughter to be with child, or brought a bed: or whether the child was put forth to be nursed. The ancient lineage of this woman Mesia, was of Phoenicia, & borne she was in a city called Mesania, near unto which place (in times past) a battle had been fought, between the Rhodians and the Phoenicians. Antoninus Caracalla on the father's side, was son unto the Emperor Bassianus, and on the mother's side son of Semiamira: and conceived in adultery. When the child was five years of age, he was brought unto the Court, and there bred & nourished with the mother and grandmother: but all the days that Bassianus lived; they never durst say that it was his son: because julia his aunt and mother in law to Bassianus, had married with the self same Bassianus: and if she had known the child to be such, she would have slain it, banished her niece, & sent away her sister. This woman Mesia was so wise, & provident, that in the reign of Severus, at Court all men did serve her, & after in the days of Bassianus she commanded and governed all things at her own pleasure: and this was in such extreme wise, that with her he did take counsel for the affairs of the common wealth, and she did always accompany him, whither soever he went out of Rome, although it were unto the wars. This Mesia was frank of speech, & of no great reformation of life, howbeit very skilful in all things which she adventured to take in hand: for, notwithstanding all men had of her great suspicion, yet they were few that attained unto her secret drifts. Although on the one part, she was accused to be lewd & lose of life, yet on the other she was praised, because she was very wise in all things wherein she gave counsel: which most clearly appeared, for that in the 16. years in which she remained in the Court and manors of those princes (who by her judgement and opinion were governed) she was never seen to twit or reprove any person with her tongue: or give counsel in any thing that offended the common wealth. Being (as she was) sister unto julia the Empress, and so accepted with those princes, this Mesia was marvelous rich: and the cause thereof was, that all good things which were vacant in the Empire she craved, and whatsoever was given her she received. The second daughter of this Mesia, named Manea, married with a Consul named Verius, and brought him forth a son, than named Alexius, but afterwards Alexander the Emperor: in such wise, that this Mesia had one sister, an Empress: & saw her two nephews Emperors. Mesia doubting that some day it might come to the notice of julia her sister, that Antoninus Caracalla was the son of her husband Bassianus, advised to sand both her nephews unto her own proper country of Phoenicia, there to hold them more safe, and better taught. In the province of Phoenicia was a most sumptuous temple, dedicated unto the God Heliogabalus, the workmanship whereof was wrought all of sawen stone, as if it had been timber, in the joining whereof their appeared no seam, but all men judged (that knew not that secret) that the whole temple had been made of one stone. There was not in that temple, as was in other temples, which is to wit, any image or simulachre of any God: but that which it contained, was a black shining stone, great & large beneath, and upwards more narrow, wherein was graven the Sun and the Moon, right curiously & subtilely, which in view and beholding did dazill the eyes of men. The people of Phoenicia did report, that the temple was made by man's hand, but the stone was sent by the Gods from heaven: for which cause they offered upon the same, silver, gold, jewels, and other great riches: and it was visited, not only by the natives of Phoenicia, but also from many parts of Asia.  
In that temple, there were not only priests, but also Philosophers: to the end that some should sacrifice, and others teach and reform manners: because that temple was endued with so great riches, that there was sufficient both for the one & the other. Heliogabalus being of the age of xiiii. years, and his cousin Alexius of the age of twelve years, their grandmother Mesia placed them in that temple, to enure them to offer sacrifices, & to learn Philosophy. These two brethren went appareled after the manner of two Priests, which is to weet, in shirts of Linsey woolsey, their garments of gold and cotton, their sleeves buttoned with Coral, their robes trailing, their heads covered with silk calls, about their necks collars of gold, their feet bore upon the instep, leaden rings upon their little fingers, and rings of gold upon their thumbs: but above all the rest, they might not eat but in their houses: either sleep but in their temples. And because Antoninus was Priest, and brought up in the temple of the God Heliogabalus, that is to say, a Priest of the Sun, he was afterwards named Antoninus Heliogabalus: and also many days after that he was exalted unto the height of the Empire, he kept the garments, and received the stipend of his ancient priesthood. Heliogabalus was of mean stature, red haired, white faced, small mouthed, short legged, and largely, bearded: and as at that time he was young and fair, and his sacerdotal vestments did so adorn him: although the secret of his parentage was unknown, yet all men presupposed that he was of noble blood.   

CHAP. II ¶ How captain Macrinus did exalt himself with the Empire, after the death of Bassianus.  
AFter that Martianus had slain Bassianus his Lord, through the counsel of Macrinus, presently he exalted himself, or (to say better) did tyrannize the Empire: nevertheless, the armies elected him, and the Romans allowed him: not because they were pleased with Macrinus, but for joy to see themselves free and delivered of Bassianus.  
So general was the joy amongst the Roman people, to see Bassianus dead, that they cared not to consider of Macrinus that should succeed, whether he were good or bad: because, hearts that be tormented, and men that be despited, when they hap to oppress their enemies, consider not so much of their profit, as they respect their revengement. Ten days after Macrinus saw himself Emperor, Arthabanus king of the Parthians gave him battle, to revenge the injury which Bassianus had done unto him: this battle betwixt both parts was so contended and so bloody, that the victory on that day remained on neither side: yet lest was the loss unto the Romans. Arthabanus being advertised of the death of his enemy Bassianus, and his choler also somewhat alaide, made peace with the Romans, and with his armies retired into his country. After Macrinus beheld himself elected, and confirmed Emperor, and king Arthabanus returned unto his kingdom, and that in all Asia, not so much as a lance in the rest against him, he departed to the city of Antioch: not of any intent to reform his army, but of purpose totally to vow himself unto vice and filthiness.  
The case was thus, that being settled in Antioch, he gave heed unto no other matter, but to the use of the Bath, trimming his head, anointing his beard, going on hunting, prosecuting gluttony and excess, giving himself unto women: and that which was worst, he fled from affairs, and followed vices.  
When at any time Macrinus did issue forth, to view his men of war, he walked not with a lance, but with a Caane in his hand, which they held for no small injury: for that amongst them it was a law, that none might pass through their bands except he were armed, with some armour.  
It was a law much used and observed amongst the Romans, that their Princes did never enter armed into the Senate, either unarmed did view their Camps and armies: since in the one they did manage matters of peace, and in the other nothing but wars. Macrinus heard by report, that the good Marcus Aurelius spoke seldom, and with low voice: and so he used for resemblance to answer suitors, with few words, and very base: in such wise, that in his speech he did imitate Marcus Aurelius, and in his life did resemble Nero. With none of the Antiochians, either with any person of all Asia, did he consent to have conference, or to be served at his table, either enter into his chamber, or sleep in his house: but after the manner of a tyrant, with his own he stood upon his guard, and with strangers not a little suspicious.  
Ancient persons, his old horsemen, and the Captains of his armies, he would not command to stand up, although they had long continued upon their knees: either to put on their caps, when they stood bareheaded: wherein, the Roman Princes always used great measure and consideration: for that courtesy costeth little, and profiteth much.  
The money which Macrinus received of his rents, or were presented him from the cities, he consumed them all in vices: and on the other part, he would neither pay what he owed, or secure his men of war: in such wise, that the people stood in despair, and the armies (for want of pay) no less despited.  
The Romans were afflicted with no small grief, to behold the tyrant Macrinus in all his deeds and attempts, and to see how the Asians despised him: for they frankly said, that he did not inherit, but they did elect him Emperor: and their fact to be imputed with greater indignity, that had chosen a person of so great unworthiness. In his apparel, in his diet, and in all his manners and fashions, Macrinus would needs imitate, not the Romans, but the Asians: which the Romans received with great grief, and the Asians with no less ignominy: for that so evil a person would needs resemble them. For so much as there were no wars in Asia, or in all the East, either by Sea or land, the Roman armies would have returned to Rome, but Macrinus would not consent: doubting (as they were discontented) that they should join with the Senate, and determine to depose him from the Empire. Macrinus was much blamed, for that he stayed to go to Rome: and much more, for want of pay unto his men of war: for that many times, more hurt redoundeth to Princes by holding their armies discontented, then to encounter their armed enemies. In very short space Macrinus had recovered mortal hatred of his armies: of the one part, to be so absolute a tyrant, and on the other part, to be in vice so dissolute, and also so much puffed up with pride: for that he seemed to extol himself by commanding, and loathed and despited with suits of his subjects. Macrinus was a man of a low stature, quarrelous, ambitious, and also covetous: but jointly herewith, he was valiant in the field, and yet would seek great means to live in peace: & notwithstanding all these conditions, both good and evil, they would never have taken away his life and Empire, if he had not been numbed with the vices of Asia.   

CHAP. III ¶ How the great matron Mesia bought the Empire for her nephew Heliogabalus.  
IN the time that Macrinus was resident in Antioch, the Roman hosts, were in defence of the province of Phoenicia: because in that year, that country did abound in grain for bread, and the people also were not fatigate or spent with wars. We have said, how in that country, there was a temple dedicated unto the God Heliogabalus: which in buildings was very magnificent, and of priests much populated. Many Roman captains, went many times to visit that temple: some to see, some to pray, and some to offer sacrifices: for that, naturally, the Romans presumed to be great worshippers of their gods, and to hold their temples in singular reverence. There was in those days, in those temples, two young priests first cousins: one of which was named Heliogabalus, and the other Alexius: these young men, in their vestments which they did wear, and in their life which they did lead, were judged to be priests: one the other part, they well seemed by their gravity, to be the sons of princes. The matron Mesia was so discreet, secret, and advised, that the children being of the age of fifteen years, neither themselves, or any other for them, did either know, or suspect, who were their fathers, either who their grandmother: but that she said unto all men, that those children were orphans, and sons unto her ancient servants. When Macrinus did tyrannize the empire, amongst other errors which he committed, he banished the famous matron Mesia from the court: not for that he did so much as suspect her of any evil, but being thereunto urged by his vile inclination: for that all princes, his predecessors, esteemed her as a mother, and honoured her as a lady of great sovereignty. In the court of eight emperors, by the space of 53. years, the great matron Mesia had been resident, with all which she uttered of herself so great valour, and yielded such estimation of her person, and also of them recovered so great gain, that when Macrinus did reject her from the court, she had more riches in her exile, than Macrinus might find in the whole empire.  
The matron Mesia departed unto Phoenicia, where her two nephews remained, namely Heliogabalus, and Alexius: and as there remained many Roman gentlemen evil paid and worse pleased, so they joined with Mesia, and Mesia with them, to talk and murmur how Macrinus had slain, by treason, his lord the Emperor Bassianus, and made havoc of the Empire & common wealth: which matter was moved amongst persons that had desired to remove this mischief, and on the tyrant also to take vengeance. The matron Mesia received exceeding joy, to hear with her own ears, and see with her eyes, how all the army was bent against the tyrant Macrinus: and their greatest care was, to find a man sufficient, and of merit meet for the Empire: because the Romans stood with him in great and cruel hatred, for want of pay, and the matron Mesia no less grieved with her exile. The matron Mesia beholding herself in so good & apt assembly, to make her nephew Heliogabalus Roman Emperor, called in great secrecy, six Roman captains of the chiefest of the army: all which were of great authority, and no less gravity. Unto these six captains Mesia said in secret, how her nephew Heliogabalus was son unto the Emperor Bassianus, and Semiamira her daughter: and that she had held him hidden in Asia, for doubt of the Empress julia: who (had she known it) would have slain the child, and banished the mother. Mesia was not only satisfied to say & certify these vi. captains, that the Emperor Bassianus most truly was father unto that young man, and nephew unto herself: but jointly therewith, she brought them into her chamber, and discovered unto them an huge mass of gold & silver, which she promised, and swore upon the altars of the temple, to distribute totally upon the army, if they would give the Roman Empire unto her nephew.  
Unto these six captains (to whom the matron Mesia had committed this secret, and discovered this treasure) she both promised and swore, to bring to pass with her nephew Heliogabalus, that he should give them the most honourable offices in all the Empire, if in case they should use the mean to make him Emperor: in so much that, if other men were paid and recompensed, they should remain both remunerated and honoured. Great wisdom was used by the matron Mesia, in this matter of so great importance, especially in the choice of so honourable captains: whose credit was sufficient to frame the whole army to perform the same. Of this example, princes and great potentates may collect, that in any affairs, there is not greater danger, either more safety, then sound to consider, in to whose hands they commend their causes.  
The Praetorian bands being evil entreated, and worse paid, great was their joy, when they heard that Heliogabalus was the son of Bassianus, for whom the grandmother craved the Empire: whom they all accepted, and bound themselves to receive for their Emperor: not only to be revenged of the tyrant Macrinus, but also to possess the money. For so much as the temple where he was Priest, was without the city, agreement was made between the matron Mesia, and the army, that presently the same night (notwithstanding it were very late) both her nephew and also her own person, by strength and devise should be conveyed over the wall into the city, that at the break of day, they should seize the city, and advance Heliogabalus unto the Empire. Neither was the matron Mesia slack to acomplish their request, either was there any want in the promise made by the Pretorians: but that Mesia and her nephew approaching to the foot of the wall, with purposed engines mounted them over into the city: the young man being placed amids the Roman captains, believing him to be the son of Bassianus, by resemblance of his face, and by a mark in his hand, as Bassianus had.  
The Roman armies received great joy, to behold Mesia and her nephew Heliogabalus: chief, to see the young man so comely, fair, and toward: and in beholding they would all say, that since he had so good a face, necessarily it followed, that his deeds should be virtuous: but his inclination being discovered, there was no vice wherein he was not noted: either any virtue wherefore to be praised. The great matron Mesia (as a woman that dealt in affairs both dangerous and escandalous) would first assure the Empire unto her nephew, before she departed from her treasure: and the case was thus. She framed all the principals of the army, presently to swear unto Heliogabalus, as their only Emperor, & to kiss his hand as their natural Lord. A matter most truly very marvelous, and no less worthy to be commended unto memory, namely, the dispatch and diligence used by Mesia in one night: most manifestly apparent, that within six hours, she brought forth her nephew from the temple, passed him over the wall, did yield him credit to be the son of Bassianus, obtained their oaths as unto their Emperor, kissed his hand as loyal subjects, divided her treasure amongst the armies, fortified themselves in the forts of the city, and brought the whole host into armour. At the break of day, in every tower they did sound their trumpets, placed their Standards and Pendons, both on bulwark and corteines, and with loud voices exclaimed through all streets: Viva, viva el Emperador Heliogabalo, hiio del buen Bassiano: that is to say: happy and long life unto the emperor Heliogabalus, son to the good Bassianus. This being done & proclaimed, Heliogabalus came forth into the city, neither on foot or on horse back, but upon the shoulders of the most ancient and honourable of the army, wearing the imperial crown upon his head, and holding the royal sceptre in his hand, and having upon his shoulders, the ensign of Augusta, & before him the pendon of the Eagle: because these were the ensigns whereby the emperors of Rome were known. And now, after the standards were placed, and the strength of the city possessed, the army publicly proclaimed, and received the Emperor Heliogabalus for their lord and Emperor: presently, the renowned matron Mesia did yield unto them all her treasure, both silver and gold, without breach of any promise, or reserving of any one jewel. The Romans were so contented with the matron Mesia, that there they did both swear and vow, to esteem her as a mother, to hold Heliogabalus for their Lord, and to persecute the tyrant Macrinus, even to death.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ How Macrinus did writ a letter unto the renowned Mesia, after he understood his deprivation of the Empire.  
THE tyrant Macrinus was settled with great security, in the city of Antioch, when they removed him from the Empire in Phoenicia: for so it hath been, is, and shallbe, that when Princes most greedily do prosecute vices, than their enemies are weaving some web of most deadly danger. Heliogabalus was not the full age of seventeen years when he was advanced to the Empire: when Macrinus in Antioch heard the news of that which was done in Phoenicia, he fell into a great laughter, & made a jest of it: chiefly, being certified to be so very a child, & framed by his grandmother Mesia, whom he held both for a woman ambitious, and also contentious. Those persons that remained with Macrinus (after they heard of a new Emperor, & that the Roman hosts had done him homage and fealty) advised & also prayed him, that he would not esteem the matter over light, but with better and riper counsel, should think and consider for the remedy thereof: for it might come to pass, by conceiving it to be but a jest, that the other might remain Emperor in earnest.  
As Macrinus naturally was both ambitious, orgulous, and disdainful: so he demanding ink and paper, presently did writ a choleric letter with his own hands, unto the famous matron Mesia after this manner.  

Macrinus Ancius, only Emperor and universal Lord, to the matron Mesia her person, small health, and less grace with the Gods.  
Here I am advertised, that in the offence of the Gods, & unto my great want of reverence, thou hast attempted with mine armies, to establish a new Emperor: which deed exactly declareth thee to be (as in deed thou art) a woman both seditious, and also ambitious: since thou knowest that by means of thy tongue and mutiny in the common wealth, I did banish thee my house. Also they say, that the emperor which thou hast made, is a boy, a priest, a bastard, and thy nephew: whereunto there is no more to be answered, but that I shall chastise thee as a woman, and him as a child: that is to say, command him to be whipped, & thyself to spin. I swear unto thee Mesia (by the immortal Gods) that if thou drive me to take my lance in hand, I will force thee to put thy distaff under thy girdle: for unto women (such as thou) it were more honesty to be spinning, then to practise mutinies amongst soldiers. Also it is said unto me, that thou hast given infinite treasures unto mine armies, to move them to revolt from me, and to elect thy nephew Emperor: these with the rest, be the fruits of thy guile: for that only of thee, and never of any other, it is said, or shall be said, that thou hast rob the Empire, to buy the Empire.  
If all princes past had known thee as I do know thee, neither would they have given credit unto thy words, or faith unto thy feigned works: but as by thy guileful diligence in their service, and presuming attempts in their affairs, thou didst command their households, and gathered the fruits of their goods. I have heard thee many times boast thyself, that thou wast borne in the house of Marcus Aurelius, nourished with Antoninus Pius, and didst devil in house with Commodus, Pertinax, julianus, and Severus, Princes very glorious: which if thou hadst remembered, thou wouldst never have committed a deed so vile: for there may not be in the whole world a deed more unseeming, then for him that was bred in the palace of kings, to commit treason against a person of such majesty. If it shall hap the Gods to permit, and my sorrowful destinies so to direct, that in this enterprise I loose both honour and life, I can say unto thee Mesia, that which historiographers, who shall writ of thee and me, with truth may say, that the Empire came unto me by election, but to thine through treason. If thou hadst been a woman of honesty or honour, thou wouldst not so openly have defamed thy daughter Semiamira, whom thou chargest to have accompanied Bassianus, and of her body this boy Heliogabalus to have sprung, for whom now thou procurest the Empire: because in the houses of blushing faces, generous and noble hearts, they more esteem an ounce of honour, than all the wealth and estate of this life. O Mesia, how great an error hast thou made in this thine enterprise, only to revenge thy ravenous heart, and to make thy nephew an Emperor? namely, thou hast raised a slander upon Bassianus, defamed the royal palace of incest, dishonoured thine unchaste daughter Semiamira, blemished the Empress julia of unhonest consent, & not stained but imbrued thine own fame, with the filthy coverture of incestuous adultery. And since Bassianus, julia, Semiamira, and Severus have ended their days: wherefore wilt thou (o traitress Mesia) dishonour so many that be dead, to honour but one that is alive? Now I know (o Mesia) how tedious and perilous it is, for quiet men to deal with mutinous women, and passioned as thou art: who having no iron to hurt our flesh, yet committest deeds to defame us, and speakest words to torment us. Of this treason which thou hast committed against me, I doubt not to be revenged, and my heart thoroughly satisfied: for so great an offence is treason, that if it be in men to offend therein, the Gods have only charge to revenge the same. It is given me also to understand, that this thy nephew was a priest in the temple of the God Heliogabalus: in which matter I do not intermeddle and say little, since in this injury ye have not committed offence unto men, but unto the gods: but jointly therewith I dare say unto thee, that since thou hast drawn him forth of the temple, where he was consecrated unto the Gods, thou shalt never enjoy good days of him: for that of thy part, to have done service unto the Gods, of Princes thou shouldest have made priests, and not of priests Princes.  
The Gods demand nothing which we have, but if by chance we offer any thing unto them, they like it not, that we should return to take it away: for which cause I say unto thee, and from henceforth, do prophecy (O Mesia) that for so much as thou hast drawn forth thy nephew from the holy temple, he shall loose the Empire, and thou thy money. The confidence which thou committedst unto the men of war, by dividing amongst them so great quantity of gold and silver, I hope in the immortal Gods, shall all conclude in smoke: for it is an ancient custom among the Roman hosts, not to give the Empire to the person of most merit, but unto him that payeth best. The matter that most grieveth me (O Mesia) in this traitorous enterprise, is, to think, that I being a man, and a Roman prince, must deal, fight, and contend with a woman: because there may not be in this whole world an equal despite, then for a man to arm himself against a woman, whose weapons are but words. But the conclusion shallbe, since thou wast borne in the palace of the good Marcus Aurelius, and Heliogabalus being thy nephew, if thou wilt be removed from this folly, and reduce thyself into my subjection and obedience, I will relieve thee of this exile, and to thy nephew Heliogabalus will I give a Consulship: and if not, we are come unto the time, that men must do what they may, and the Gods as they please.    

CHAP. V Of a letter written by the great matron Mesia unto the tyrant Macrinus.  
When Mesia received the letter from the tyrant Macrinus, her nephew Heliogabalus, & all the principal captains of the armies being present (who of set purpose did behold her countenance all the time that she read the same, which matter was both marvelous and to be noted, in consideration of such a letter, so furnished with malice, and fraught with despite) she neither changed countenance, or said one word after the reading of the same. Above all men or women of her days, in two points this famous matron Mesia excelled, which is to weet, for great solicitude in affairs, and sovereign patience in travels: and so it came to pass, she oft used to say, that she never lost matter by negligence, or ever answered any man as one passioned. Heliogabalus and all that were present, did not a little request the renowned matron Mesia to read that letter unto them, or tell what it contained, which she utterly refused, saying unto them, that it were a fact very evil, presently to read it, and a deed much woorsse, if after in time and place she did not show it. This being done and Mesia withdrawn, she answered to Macrinus his letter after this manner.  

Mesia Phoenicia, unto Ancius Macrinus his person, health and consolation in the Gods.  
In this the front of my letter, I do not curse or ban thee as thou didst me, in the beginning of thine: for we that be persons bred and trained in princes courts, do not a little presume to be praised for our good nurture: and to escape to be noted malicious. Urbanity, benevolence, and good manners, aught not to be lost for any unkindness, or forgotten for any occasion: for that amongst persons noble & shamfaste, although they do them injuries, yet they endure not to speak vile words. Thou shouldest have remembered (Macrinus) that I was a woman, to whom thou didst writ, and thou a man that didst take the same in hand: and that, if thou hadst found thyself offended or dishonoured by me, thou shouldest have revenged thyself with thy lance, as a noble person, and not with thy pen as a coward. The armour and defence of women is the tongue, but men defend themselves with their sword or weapons: wherefore my Lord Severus did use to say, that it were a great want in a man, to revenge his cause with words: and too much lightness in a woman to defend her grief with weapons. But the case shallbe thus, that since thou takest my office, which is to speak, I will take thine which is to fight: for that the glory whereof thou presumest to have slain so many men, thou shalt be deprived in receiving thy death at the hands of a woman.  
Thou sayest in thy letter, that thou didst banish me thy house, and cast me out of Rome, as a woman of an evil tongue, and seditious in the common wealth: Macrinus, thou haste to understand, that I am not so much grieved with that which thou writest to me, as for the occasion which thou givest me to answer thee: because I may not directly answer unto thy vileness, without disgraceing of my gravity.  
If I had been a woman of an evil tongue, and revolting from the common wealth, (as thou Macrinus unjustly reportest) would they have suffered me in their courts? and would the good Marcus Aurelius, Antoninus Pius, and my lord Severus have retained me in their houses? In Prince's palaces, and in all citizens houses, all vices are covered, or at the lest, shadowed, except the person that is seditious, or foul and liberal tongued: which is, not only intolerable, but much less to be hidden. I appeal unto the immortal Gods for witnesses, if in fifty & three years, in which I have been trained and resident in Princes courts, I did ever hurt any person, either in word or deed, which thou knowest to be most true, because all men did love me, for that I travailed and did good for all persons. Thou Macrinus didst banish me thy court, to have more scope to follow thy vice: for thou well knowest, & also all persons in Rome, that thy lewdness and my gravity might not devil under one covert. Thou sayest in thy letter, that my nephew Heliogabalus shallbe whipped as a boy, and I, as a woman shallbe sent to spin: unto words so far distempered, and of so great despite as these are, I do not permit to be answered, but to be revenged. If, when thou didst writ unto me and my nephew, words so foul, and of so great enormity, thou hadst remembered what I was, and what thou art: which is to weet, that my father was a knight of Phoenicia, & thy father a smith of Capua: thou shouldest have considered, that in sending me to spin on a distaff, I would sand thee to blow at the bellows.  
To that which thou sayest, that it were more for my honesty amongst frames to be weaving, then bribing and seducing the armies, which as thou sayest so have I performed: for I give thee to understand, that I have warped such a web, as thou neither knowest to unframe, or mayst cut off when it is finished. Macrinus, thou hadst need of more understanding, and also of more power, either to whip my nephew Heliogabalus, or set me to spin: for, notwithstanding our thoughts be low, yet our fortune is high: but thou hast a base fortune, and a haughty heart. Also thou sayest in thy letter, that to make my nephew an Emperor, I have divided all my treasure amongst the men of war: and that of me only it may be said, that I rob the Empire, to buy the empire. To this I answer, that thou hast said right well: if, as thou art a tyrant thou wert an Emperor: but I buy not the Empire for my nephew, but redeem it from thee which art a tyrant, and no less assured, that the fathers of the sacred Senate will allow my election, and violate thy tyranny. In that thou sayest that I rob the Empire to buy the Empire, proceedeth of vile slander, and no less falsehood: since thou, Macrinus, dost know most certainly, that to obtain riches, I needed not rob the common wealth: because my patrimony is very great, my husband left me rich, my sister julia gave me all her treasure, my Lord Severus ceased not to give me money, the Consul Furius mine uncle, gave me a yearly stipend, & for all men for whom I sued, somewhat was presented me: in such wise, that I had always to give, and at no time found myself in necessity to crave. If this be true (as it is most true) being a Lady of so great wealth: why shouldest thou Macrinus defame me with theft? Believe me (thou Macrinus) if I justice, or hadst it by inheritance: but didst rob it by tyranny. Also thou sayest in thy letter, that if I & my nephew would yield obedience, thou wilt pardon my exile, and give him a Consulship. To this I answer, that now all things are so far concluded, that there remaineth no time to talk of shares: and if we should understand therein, thou shouldest take what were offered thee, without thy election of what should please thee: for that parts and shares in such like cases, are not accustomed to be given by traitors, but by Lords absolute in estate. Thou & I Macrinus are encountered in so narrow a condition, that the Gods, fortune, and also arms, have to declare thy malice, & my innocency: thy tyranny, and my justice: thy treason, and my fidelity: thy falsehood, and my truth: thy cruelty, and my zeal: thy pride and my patience: thy treason, and my simple intent: which being done, they shall give the Empire, not unto him that desireth, but unto him that shall deserve the same.    

CHAP. VI ¶ How the tyrant Macrinus was slain in battle.  
AFter that Mesia had written her letter, and dispatched Macrinus messengers, she conferred with the principal Captains of the army: unto whom she discovered what Macrinus had written, and how she had answered the same: who were not a little grieved with the discourtesies that it contained, and greatly commended the answer which Mesia had made. And as Macrinus had said in his letter, that the Roman hosts did use to give the Empire, not unto the person of most deserving, but unto him that best did pay them: so that Roman captains were not therewith a little despited, presently swearing, not once but many times, that Macrinus might not satisfy that injury with less cost, then with the loss of his head. Macrinus committed no small error, in banishing Mesia, but much more in writing that letter, but most of all in charging the armies with such an outrage: for that it was the total occasion, for Mesia to recover more favour, and Macrinus to loose his credit. Of this so notable example, princes and other great potentates have to take example, that when their people or vassals shall be altered, or mutined, very much to consider, not only what they do, but also what they say and writ: for that in rebellious times, more hurt is done with a word or a letter, then at another time with a notable injury. The Matron Mesia, with her exile not a little grieved, and with the letter no less displeased: neither would sleep by night, or rest by day: providing things necessary for the wars, and dispatching posts for Italy: for her intent was, to sustain her estate in Asia with arms, and in Rome with letters and promises. This city which Mesia possessed, was of 2000 households, where she made preparation of engines wherewith to whirl, and bulwark to defend: and further, gave commandment, that the most valiant persons, and most cheyst captains should remain within the same: not only to resist, but also to offend. When Macrinus read the letter that Mesia had written, and was advertised by his messengers, how patiently, and without alteration she read his letter, he was not a little grieved therewith: for he had opinion of the matron Mesia, that she had skill to dissemble injuries, and after in process to revenge the same.  
The Perfect of Macrinus army, was a valiant captain, named julianus, whom he sent with his greatest power unto the city which Mesia and her nephew Heliogabalus did possess: giving commandment, that he should travel to take them alive, to perform his promise which he had sworn: which is to wit to set Mesia to spin, and her nephew to be whipped. julianus was a captain bold and valiant, who besieging the city, which he thought to be in distress, more than it was, and giving a furious assault, having scarcely mounted on the top of the wall, the soldiers of the city by plain strength pulled him over, cut off his head, and hanged it out on a tower. The morrow after that these things had passed, Mesia commanded certain of Macrinus Captains, to be called into her presence, who upon assurance approaching unto the foot of the wall, said unto them these words: that which I have to say unto you (my friends) is, that ye behold and consider upon this turret, the head of your sorrowful captain julianus: and say unto your master Macrinus, that the distaff wherewith I spin is that lance, & that head is the call which I do weave and knit. When Macrinus heard the news of the misfortune that had happened unto his captain julianus, and what words the matron Mesia had said unto the soldiers of his army: he said (as it was reported) with a roaring voice: my destinies be finished, my hour is come, and my fortune is ended. Macrinus with fear had his courage so daunted, that secretly he began to practise with the matron Mesia, to divide the Empire with her nephew Heliogabalus: but being (as she was) in so great readiness, & no less passioned, she would in no wise accept, either as much as give ear thereunto: and that, if the Empire were to be divided, it should be with an Emperor, and not with a Tyrant.  
Macrinus perceiving his offers to be rejected, his words despised, and his presents nothing regarded, determined to make a proof of fortune, which with the whirl of her variable wheel, many times doth wound without threatening: and sometimes threateneth without wounding. Macrinus gathering and also paying his army which he had in the confines of Antioch, departed unto Phoenicia, where he camped very near unto the city, which Mesia and her nephew Heliogabalus defended: who presently sent to give Macrinus to understand, that he should not need to take the pain to assault the town, for that within very few days they would issue to give him battle in the field. Two Roman armies, and two Roman Emperors, were in Phoenicia one against another: Macrinus party every day diminishing, and the other not only increasing but also prevailing: for that daily the soldiers parted from Macrinus unto Heliogabalus, understanding that he was son unto Bassianus, and did acknowledge him for their Emperor, & kissed his hands as their natural Lord and sovereign.  
By the number that daily fled from him, in their double speech which they used with him, in the fickle service which they did him, by his bands which daily diminished, and by their weak courage in fight: Macrinus did clearly perceive, that he might not obtain victory, but saw himself to be in danger of a sale unto his enemies. Macrinus counterfected a show unto his soldiers of courage to fight, and yet was in great readiness to fly: for that at all times, when he issued to encounter or skirmish, he was mounted upon an horse of great swiftness, and likewise disguised.  
Mesia being advertised, that Macrinus had greater regard to the safety of his life, than his honour or goods, provided to issue at the sudden to give him battle: the which although on both sides was thoroughly imbrued in blood, and not a little dangerously contended, yet in the end, Macrinus was put to flight, and stayed in a village, but with the loss of his head. This was the end and conclusion of the tyrant Macrinus, which usurped the Roman dominion xiv. months, and ten days: who was so cruel (besides all other vices) that amongst his own soldiers he was termed, not Macrinus, but Macellinus, which is to say, butcher: for that in respect of the humane blood which he shed, he more seemed a butcher, than a Roman Prince.   

CHAP. VII. ¶ Of a notable letter written by the matron Mesia, unto the Senate of Rome, craving the confirmation of the Empire unto Heliogabalus her nephew.  
THe tyrant Macrinus being dead and beheaded, presently the two armies joined in one: and notwithstanding the one part had followed Heliogabalus, & the other Macrinus, yet the matron Mesia thought it not meet to move disputation, who had been traitors, or who had been loyal: affirming it to be more convenient time, to win minds, then to revenge injuries. Although the matron Mesia in all other matters past, had discovered her great wisdom, yet in this case above the rest she made a show of her great prudence: for that (to say the truth) in rebellious times, & amongst mutinous people, princes aught not to occupy themselves in chastisements, but in reconcilementes. All the captains of Macrinus that escaped the battle, conceiving how Mesia commanded by public proclamation, that no man should presume to call them traitors, either use them with foul words, jointly assembled of their own frank minds, to confess her to be their sovereign Lady: and to kiss the hands of Heliogabalus for their Emperor.  
The matron Mesia vowed herself to joy, for obtaining revenge of the tyrant Macrinus, and to behold the armies joined in one, yielding due obedience to her nephew Heliogabalus: that from the years of lxuj. she discovered a gesture and countenance but of xl. years of age. Although the matron Mesia held the Empire of her nephew Heliogabalus safe and established, partly to see the enemy slain, as also for the obedience received of both the armies: yet she provided that Heliogabalus should not entitle himself Universal Lord, or Only Emperor, until the Romans had received him, and the Senate confirmed him. Not six days after these things had passed in Phoenicia, the matron Mesia sent a solemn embassage unto Rome: and secretly gave unto the Ambassadors many jewels to divide amongst the Senators, and for time to come in her behalf to make them great offers: to the end with jewels to train them to her purpose, and with hope to entertain them. This being done, Mesia wrote unto the Senate a letter sufficiently well indicted, after this manner.  

Mesia Phoenicia, unto the sacred Roman Senate, health and grace.  
Unto men so glorious in acts, & so grave in precepts and doctrine, (as ye are right reverent father's conscript) it may seem a matter both new & strange, for a woman to writ unto the sacred Roman Senate: which renowned name the Gods to reverence, & men thereat do tremble and are terrified. The matters, which by my ambassadors I sand to give you to understand, neither for that I am a woman that may do little, your gravity hath not to consider of the same as a matter of small importance: because all men are not so wise, that none doth miss: either all women so unable but that some escape error. Those things which ye shall read in this my letter, or shall hear at the mouth of my Ambassadors, I swear unto you by the immortal gods, and by the sepulchres of mine elders, that they be most true & not feigned: for that in a Lady of mine estate, it were less infamy to be unchaste, then to be a liar. I have heard my Lord Mar. Aurelius say, when I was but a child, that in women always were conjoined, truth & chastity, and a woman of truth, was never but chaste: & a woman addicted to lying, did never continued in continency. Some of you that now are living may remember, when the Empress julia my sister, came to be wife of the Emperor Severus, and how in her company I came to the Court, wherein I was long & many years both served and also persecuted: for as in courts of princes, they that seek their singular advancement: the one ceaseth not to persecute the other. Although in prince's palaces where I lived, I have been persecuted, defamed, and also envied: yet I beseech the immortal gods, that the dealing & entreatance, which then I used, with such as wished me evil, that the same & no other, they will perform on me, which now wish me well. In 53. years that I have stayed in divers princes' courts, I never dashed any person out of countenance, I never took the tale out of their mouth, I never spoke any injurious word, I never reproved any person, I never did prejudice any man's name, & never injuriously took any vengeance: because in houses of great princes, no man may obtain advancement, if he lack skill to suffer. This which I here relate (fathers conscript) is, not to recover praise, but to the end ye should believe me: for if my person possess no credit, my embassage must needs have issue of no effect. Speaking more in particular, I say: ye know that many years since my sister and I departed Rome, attending on the emperor Bassianus, and after that the traitor Macrinus had slain him, julia his unfortunate wife, so sensibly did feel his death, that by extreme sorrow she finished her life. Fortune would not consent to deprive me of my vital spirits, when my sister julia was bereft of life: and this she did, not to the end to forget me, but the more to grieve me: because in great perils and misfortunes, if at that time fortune did dissemble, it was not so much as to honour them, as afterwards to be revenged of them. Of the death of Bassianus my lord and your emperor, as it was in my hands to bewail him, if it had been as well to defend him, either he had never died, or else had been raised to life: for that most truly, although Bassianus were young, vain, fickle, absolute, & dissolute, yet on the other part, he was patiented, silent, and pitiful: and it might have been, in the burden of greater age, he would have forgotten the vices of his youth. There is no confidence at all times in most wise men, either despair in fickle young men: for that we see all day long, that many times age doth bring forth fruit, where reason did not yield as much as leaves. He that in deed laid hands on Bassianus, was that caitiff Martianus: but he that commanded him to be slain, was the traitor Macrinus: a man most truly of base condition, infamous life, obscure lineage, an idiot in letters, intemperant in speech, vicious in manners, and a tyrant in his works. You perfectly perceive (fathers conscript) that a man so much defamed, were a slander to be received & accepted for a prince: for that in great estates & Segniories, it is not sufficient that their princes be valiant, but also honourable: which is to wit, not to want proportion in their persons, and to have nobleness in blood, of all which things Macrinus hath no possession: for, besides that he is of obscure lineage, infamous of life, cruel of condition and false of promise: so had he a swart visage, and a dwarf's body, he was splay footed, & also proare blind.  
Macrinus was not satisfied to have slain Bassianus, but also usurped the Empire: and to heap evil upon evil, did swear upon the altar of the temple, that he had not slain Bassianus, in such wise, that the perjured Macrinus, was not contented with homicide and manslaughter: but before the Gods was also perjured. But as the Gods are just in rewarding the virtuous, and not careless to chastise the wicked, & that the election of men, being not confirmed of the gods: my nephew Heliogabalus and I, have herein used so great skill, that at the time when the tyrant Macrinus was most abandoned unto the vices of Antioch, we cut off his head: in such wise, that Asia was set free from his tyranny, and the death of Bassianus well revenged. The armies that were scattered, discontented, divided, and evil paid, we have gathered together, paid, and united: and possess all Asia in obedience unto the Roman Empire. Also (fathers conscript) I wish ye to understand, that in the time of life, and also after the death of the tyrant Macrinus, the armies did elect my nephew Heliogabalus Emperor: which election I will not deny but that I desired, practised, procured, and also bought: for that it seemed unto me, that the Empire being in the hands of such a tyrant as Macrinus, it was not bought, but redeemed. If in this mart of the Empire I have offended, I will yield myself to all manner of punishment: but therewith I would have ye to understand, that I bought it with my money, openly of your army, from a tyrant, far from Rome, in a rebellious time, and for the son of Basssianus: and I say for the son of Bassianus, which with most just title should have inherited the Empire: if Macrinus had not usurped the same.  
Father's conscript, it seemeth not that I have deserved blame, much less any chastisement: because by my industry and proper goods, I have paid your armies, set Asia in peace, slain the tyrant, redeemed the Empire, and above all the rest, have revenged the death of Bassianus, & given as his inheritance appertained unto his son. As your armies do hear report, and there do writ, they were so poor and in such distress, that more justly it may be said, not that I suborned but succoured them with my money: because the more part had not to eat, nor garments to wear, adventuring to rob upon the ways, and in towns to silch & steal. And since my nephew is son unto Bassianus, nephew unto Severus, & a young man of himself in semblance of good inclination, it seemeth not that we have erred in his election, either shall ye serve in his confirmation: for that in life he resembleth the father, and in courage and nobleness of mind the grandfather. Neither is this election to be reproved, for his evil nourturing or doctrine: for as ye know, he was not trained in vices, but in temples: not with profane men, but with honest priests: not robbing on high ways, but offering sacrifices: not shedding blood, but tears: not wandering at large, but withdrawn: not persecuting men, but serving the gods. From a child of much infancy, I offered my nephew Heliogabalus to the gods in the temple: where he hath been instructed to be mild, chaste, silent, patiented, sober pitiful, and abstinent: and if by hap, he shall prove otherwise then now he is, it may be for the liberty that he shall obtain, and not for the doctrine which he hath learned,  
All princes past have been elected only of men, but my nephew both of Gods and men: for that I vowed him to do sacrifices, & the Gods have rendered him to govern kingdoms. You Romans do greatly commend yourselves, that ye removed Quintus Cincinatus from ear-ring at the plough to be dictator: but more is my nephew to be praised, that was praying in the temple: for of more excellency is that man that prayeth before the gods, than he that ploweth after oxen. In Rome always in times past, the priesthood was divided from the Empire: but ye see that which was never seen of your forefathers, namely, that the priest is an Emperor, and the Emperor a priest: in such wise, that with his sacrifices, he shall reconcile us with the gods, & with the empire defend us against our enemies. Father's conscript, great & infinite thanks have we to tender unto all the gods, for that they have given us an Emperor which knoweth to pray, & hath skill to fight: for as ye all know, few victories are obtained by fight of men, if the gods do not dispose the same. Although the election of my nephew hath been done by the army, and supposed also to be confirmed by the gods: yet neither will I that he rule the empire, or be established Emperor, until by the sacred Senate it be considered, & also confirmed: for I hold him not Emperor that is obeyed in Asia, but that is loved & elected at Rome. Since this young man Heliogabalus is the son of a prince, the nephew, the cousin, the brother of a prince, & a prince elected, we have all to presume that he shall prove a good prince: for that he is much bound to be good, that is descended of many good persons. As long as I enjoy life, I shall not cease to travel that his life be such, as the doctrine and nurture which I have given him: and if after my death he shall prove evil, the fault shall then be none of mine, for as ye (fathers conscript) do well understand, no blame is to be imputed to him that is already dead neither may any excuse serve the manifest fault of the living.    

CHAP. VIII. ¶ How the Roman Senate did allow the election of Heliogabalus, & of the present appearance of his wickedness.  
THe Ambassadors being arrived, & their Embassage also known at Rome, both the Senate and people were in exceeding admiration, when they understood of the great acts which Mesia had done in Asia, & heard of the letter that she wrote unto Rome: whereof many copies were made, and sent to divers towns & cities. In Rome they found themselves in great confusion, upon determination of an answer to the demand which the matron Mesia had made, because the Senate doubted her attempts in time to come: in respect whereof they so deferred their answer, that the Ambassadors complained unto the Tribune of the people. By letters of her Ambassadors, the matron Mesia was advertised of the dissension betwixt the Senate and people, as concerning the election & confirmation of her nephew Heliogabalus: whereupon presently she determined to departed from Asia, to Italy, vowing with an oath to constrain the Senate to perform by force, that which they refused to accomplish of their own accord. The Senate having intelligence, the matron. Mesia to be departed from Asia to Rome, not to sue or make request, but to fight, forgot not to allow the election of Heliogabalus: commanding by public proclamation, that from thenceforth they should hold & esteem him as their sovereign lord, & obey him as emperor. The matron Mesia journeying from Asia to Rome, & understanding that the Senate had confirmed the election of Heliogabalus, stayed in the borders of Greece: for that to return unto Phoenicia was very far, & to sail unto Italy, no less late. The winter being past, Mesia in the prime of the Spring sailed into Italy, directing her course straight unto Rome, where she was well received, and no less feasted: although it be most true, at that instant she was more feared, then beloved: that she was of so great skill, and of so much patience, that she most wisely could dissemble injuries, and accept and also gratify service. Mesia was so prudent and advised, that neither in countenance, gesture, words or works, she did either secretly or openly, discover any malice against any person: but dealt with all persons as with her sons, and honoured all men as her brothers. All the Romans were so pleased with the gravity of her speech, and the honesty of her life, that on a day the Senate & people being conjoined, requested with great instance, that it might please her to accept the government of the common wealth, since she had therein so great experience, and that her nephew was in Asia. To this demand Mesia answered. Father's conscript, I do greatly gratify your request, which unto me appertaineth not: for that it rather agreeth, with the condition of women, to breed and nourish Emperors, and unto men to govern Empires.  
When these matters passed in Rome, Heliogabalus stayed in Phoenicia, attending an answer from his grandmother Mesia: who being advertised that he was accepted in Rome for their absolute Lord, & sovereign Emperor, came immediately unto Antioch, with intent the year following to pass into Italy. Heliogabalus finding himself escaped, & freely delivered from the church, confirmed Emperor, dispatched of the hands of tutors, absent from his grandmother, and in possession of liberty, to live at his liking, his evil inclination presently appeared: because the virtue (if he had any) of his former life, was but feigned: for the evil inclination of young men, may for a time be dissembled: but being at liberty, they cannot cloak it. The first insolency that Heliogabalus committed in Asia, was, that he apparelled himself in a rob woven with gold, silk, cotton, flax, & will, large down unto the foot, sown all over with pearls & precious stones: and set a crown on his head after the manner of Thyara; bracelets on his arms, & earrings on his ears: in such manner, that unto the simple he gave occasion to gaze, vain persons to talk, and wise men to wonder. All that winter he gave himself to learning, not of science, but to play on drums, flutes, and such other pipes, to dance as a shepherd, & rustically to sing as a man of the country, and to jest as a juggler: in such wise, that for himself he sought out schools agreeable unto the life which he meant to lead. The spring of the year being come, Heliogabalus departed towards Rome, where at the port of Hostia, his grandmother Mesia received him: and when she saw her nephew, in such liberty of life, and so strange in apparel, she was touched with no small disgrace, in respect of such Romans as did accompany her: and no less offended of the private and favoured servants that did attend him. The matron Mesia was so wise in her counsels, and so advised in her acts, that she conferred with her nephew in secret, craving mosted instantly, that in no wise he should adventure to enter Rome with that manner of garment: for that it might fall out, in beholding him in the habit of so strange attire, they would both mutiny and be scandalized.  
Heliogabalus gave good ear unto the counsel of his grandmother, but her request he left utterly unperformed, which was unto her no small grief and displeasure: for that she heard it with her own ears, and the Romans also said it unto her face, how contrary the acts of her nephew were to the writing that she had sent touching him out of Asia.  
Heliogabalus being arrived at Rome, was received of the common people with great joy and solemnity: but the ancient and noble personages of Rome, beholding his presumption in commanding, his rash and hasty speech, his greediness in feeding, his strangeness in attire, and unsteddinesse and wantonness in gesture, could not satisfy themselves with sighing, & much less with murmuring. When a certain Senator demanded that matron Mesia, why she did permit her nepheu to be clad in a vesture, so unaccustomed, sighing she answered: It grieveth me not so much of his strange attire, as of his wicked manners: because we may steal his garment, but his lewd conditions we cannot altar. To celebrated certain feasts named Quirinales, Heliogabalus commanded many beasts to be slain: and the most ancient and honourable Senators to bear the spits, being fixed unto lances: in such wise, that he thought to do them no small honour, unto whom he gave a lance and a spit. The matron Mesia beholding her nephew Heliogabalus, every day increasing from better to worse, the people of him to grow into hatred, and that he would neither believe her, either as much as reverence her, she forgot not to leave Rome, and to return into Phoenicia, where she had left her house, and also her riches.   

CHAP. IX. Of many vices that were contained in the Emperor Heliogabalus.  
TO report at large all the vices of Heliogabalus, were to empty and draw dry drop by drop the river Nilus, or to wade the great river of Danubie: because they are so many, so vile, and so scandalous, that it should be shame to writ them, and lost time to read them. Of many we shall writ a few, and of the most vile the lest dishonest: to the end, that all men which shall see or read this writing, may conceive the deserved blame of the Romans, to hold and suffer such a beast for their Emperor: for that he was not only unmeet to govern a common wealth: but also his life in him was most evil employed.  
We will writ partly of his evil life, to discover unto men his evil end: for as the divine Plato said, though men can cloak and dissemble others faults: yet do not the Gods pardon their injuries. This unfortunate Prince was vicious, absolute, dissolute, and (whereof we have most to wonder) never wearied in his wickedness: for, if virtue be tedious, vice is irksome. Heliogabalus entering the Empire, presently his house was furnished with liars, jugglers, & jesters: unto whom he neither denied the entry of his chamber, or the secrets of his house. Heliogabalus greatly delighted to play and represent the fable and story of Paris the Trojan, and the Goddess Venus, who with his complices were clad in such garments, as in the chiefest of their play fell from them, and discovered their nakedness: that unto all grave persons, occasion was given of murmuring, and to all light persons, of laughing.  
This deed was not only of great indignity, but also escandalous to be represented of a Prince: for it sufficeth not, that Princes be honest in their own persons: but they must not permit either word or deed that is unhonest, to be said or done in their presence. They did yearly celebrated a certain feast named Salabona, which continued three days, in the first day they were washed and let blood, on the second they sighed and were silent, and on the third they feasted and rejoiced in their most costly attire, in the memory of Adonides the greatest lover that had been in the world: the end of this feast was, to represent the travels, sighs, sorrows, graces and disgraces, that lovers sustained before their sovereign delight was obtained. Heliogabalus had in his chamber a young man named Zotipus, of body, face, and gesture, very fair and gracious: but of manners and conditions no less corrupted: for that in his words he was a liar, in dealing double, false of promise, perjured of his oath, and malicious in all his thoughts.  
Heliogabalus was often advertised of the words, deeds, and lewd life of Zotipus: but as affection did more reign in him, than reason, so could he neither be separated from his conversation, or give credit to any reported that was said of him, accounting gibes and jests, gracious recreations: guile, liveliness of spirit: deceits, diligence: cross dealing, pastime: and malice, subtlety. Very worthy was Zotipus of chastisement, and Heliogabalus of much greater reprehension: because if princes have licence to dissemble the faults of their favoured servants, they aught not to allow and confirm them: for of great reason none aught to be so acceptable unto the prince, that openly dare adventure to commit evil. At the time of his repast, he did many times command Philosophers and orators to appear in his presence, not to dispute of natural courses, but of unchaste adulteries. At time of conference with Ambassadors, Senators, or other grave persons, he would either play with his hands, or twinkle and wink with his eyes, in such wise, that suitors departed with disgrace, and not answered. As concerning women he neither spared matrons, married women, virgins, or widows: but that all such as he favoured, he either obtained, or else defamed.  
In drinking he was also disordinate, for at some times he would drink water, sometimes wine, sometimes ale, sometimes cider, sometimes sod water, sometimes golden water, some times stilled water, and at other times he would not drink, but broths and collesses. In the manner of his feeding, he neither used authority, or observed gravity: for at some times, he would eat sitting in a chair, sometimes on a bench, and sometimes walking: for he used to say, that in such manner, he did both eat and digest. Naturally he was given to sleep very little, through the weakness of his brain: and slept in all places without respect, as well in the temple, as in the Senate, in the garden, in the bath, in the bed, and also in the market place: in such wise, that he wanted force to resist the least motions and affections of his inclination.  
Heliogabalus did invent at Rome, a certain manner of feasting named, Festum vindemiarum, that is to say, the feast of grape gathering: which feast was so dissolute & unshamefast unto the view of the common people, that afterwards in Rome they never consented to the celebration thereof. He was also greatly addicted to play at tennis, and when he was offended with any old Senator, either any ancient or honourable Roman, he would send for him to play and accompany him: with whom he would play so much, that in the end the sorrowful gentleman should depart unto his house, both tired, beswett, and drudged, and also many times despoiled of his money. He went very seldom unto the temples, was utterly void and barren of all friendship or affection unto wise men, was never seen to read in books, greatly abhorred suitors & affairs, was negligent, either to pay or reform the armies, made small account either of friends or enemies: finally he was addicted unto his own opinion, and a mortal enemy unto reason.   

CHAP. X. ¶ Of a letter written by the great matron Mesia unto her nephew the Emperor Heliogabalus.  
THE great matron Mesia being advertised in Asia, of her nephew Heliogabalus so far enraged with vice in Rome, did writ him a letter after his manner.  
My son Heliogabalus, when thou departedst from Asia unto Rome, I hoped to have heard such news of thee, as might be joyful to thy common wealth, and have given unto me great renounce & glory: but as I am advertised here, and also given to understand from thence, there thou dost minister matter for all men to murmur: and here unto me sufficient cause to weep. Sixty six years are past since I was borne into this world, in which I have buried and bewailed my father Torquatus, my mother Aristina, my sister Phillis, and her husband Tharsus. Also I buried and bewailed my husband Aristippus, my son Lucius Francus, my daughter Dolabella, and her husband Martianus. Also I bewailed and buried the good Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and the Empress Faustina my good and gracious Lady: in whose house I was borne, and in whose palace I was married. I also buried and bewailed the Emperor Commodus, the Emperor Pertinax, Annius Pastor mine uncle, Mirtha mine aunt, Camillus my nephew, and joanna my niece. Also I buried and bewailed the Emperor Severus, my only good Lord and famous Emperor. Also I bewailed and buried thine unfortunate father, my dear and most desired son: whose name I dare not, either any other, express in my presence: because the sound thereof constraineth me to break forth in tears. I thought it expedient (my son) to lead thee unto remembrance of all these thy predecessors, to the end thou mayst see, how small reason it were, that I should bewail the living, since I have wept all the days of my life, for so many persons that are dead. When thou wast borne by stealth, and I did both hide and cover thee: when I did remove thee from Rome, and brought thee unto Grecia: when I caused thee to be instructed in Greek letters, and bred and nourished thee in company of wise men: when I did offer thee unto the God Heliogabalus, and made thee a priest in his sacred temple: I thought (my son) that all these things should serve me for joy and peace in my reposed age: and not to bewail thy childish youthfulness.  
In this I acknowledge, how free the judgements of the Gods are from the thoughts of men: in that the gods determine one thing, and men suppose another: which hath chanced both unto thee and to me (O my son Heliogabalus:) because the childishness which thou dost use, and the vices thou possessest, I did not only think, thou wouldst not commit: but also, that in thy mind they should never have had passage. When I did place thee with the great priest Gorgias, caused thee to be appareled in the sacred vesture, prayedst daily unto the gods, and also every week didst offer sacrifice in the temple: I hoped thou shouldest have proved a Paragon in virtue, and not (as thou art) a monster in all vice.  
If thou wouldst consider, many things do persuade, and also bind thee to be good, but nothing provoketh thee to be evil: that is to weet▪ to be a man reasonable, to have been a priest, to be borne in Rome, to be now an Emperor, to have nourished thee in my house, and to be descended of blood so noble and generous: for it much provoketh men to perform that which they aught to do, & to remember from whence they be descended. Believe me, my son, that with less cost, and more ease, thou shalt be virtuous, then vicious: because vices content the flesh when they are committed, and torment the heart after they be performed: but virtues yield not so much grief in their working, as pleasure when we have given repulse unto vice. I may not comprehend the froward fortune that followeth thee, or the sorrowful destinies which have pursued me: since I nourished thee in truth, and thou provest, and art become a liar: I bred thee chaste, and thou art imbrued with impudicitie: I brought thee up in temperance, & thou hast stained thyself with excess and gluttony: I trained thee in shamefastness, and thou rendrest a life most dissolute: and that which is worst above the rest, thou dost neither fear to offend the Gods, or escandalize men. Admitting thou wouldst not be good, for any offence unto the Gods that have created thee, or any grief or scandal unto men with whom thou dost live: yet oughtest thou so to be, to remove all heaviness and displeasure from me thy old and sorrowful grandmother: since thou knowest, I bought for thee the Empire, by the weight of money drawn out of my chests, and by force of tears issuing & breaking from mine entrails. My son, thou dost well know, that to make thee a Roman Prince, I gave great gifts unto the temples, offered unto the God's infinite sacrifices, gave unto the Pretorians all my treasures, made unto the priests great offers, & sent unto the Senators most rich jewels, all which is nothing: for if it had been possible, I would have given my blood unto the immortal Gods, that thou mightest be one of them. And if I have erred in purchaseing the Empire, much more should I err to make thee one of the Gods, since in thee no virtue is to be found, either any vice wanting. The Gods have made thee fair of face, gallant of proportion, stout of strength, learned in letters, expert in arms, valiant of heart, delicate in judgement, and bold in perils: but what profit all these graces, since thou art so great an enemy of others counsel: and so far enamoured of thine own proper judgement? Thou followest vanity, as one most inconstant: thou dost prosecute thine age, as one overchildishe: thou pursuest sensuality, as one most wilful in follies: which thing for a while may be dissembled, but long time may not be suffered: in such wise, that either the Empire shall be lost betwixt thine hands: or thou must die within few days. As the seat of the Empire is consecrated unto the Gods, so they suffer not evil Princes long to reign▪ which thou mayst consider in Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Domitian, Commodus, julianus, Bassianus & Niger, all which had so evil an end, that where the iron of the enemy entered, by the same place the soul departed. O my sorrowful and unfortunate son Bassianus: of whom until this time I go laden with sorrows: and also thou hast to hold it for most certain, that since thou art a disciple of his evil manners, so shalt thou be also a follower of his most miserable death. Being very young, and as then but a child, I heard my Lord Marcus Aurelius very often say, that the immortal Gods did sooner slay evil Princes, than other wicked persons: because the evil man, is only evil unto his own house and person: but the evil prince liveth to the hurt of the whole common wealth. I bought not the Empire, for any other cause, but chiefly to renew the memory of the good Emperor Antoninus Pius: but alas alas of me? who greatly fear and also hold it for certain, that as in Nero the generation of the Caesars finished: even so in thee the sincere lineage of the Antonines shallbe ended.  
In the days that I remained at Rome, I understood, and since I came into Asia, I have also seen, that by the prosperity of a good man, many be advanced: and by mishap of a wicked person, many finish and decay.  
I am advertised, that in thy house and chamber, men of wicked life, and little wisdom, have free entrance and familiarity: which in prince's houses, is very perilous, and no less pernicious: for that such persons do procure thee to follow the counsels which they shall give, and to dissemble the excess which they shall commit. If thou be evil, and such as attend thee be wicked: how mayst thou have hardiness to chastise any evil? To reform others, thou must first reform thyself: and to chastise others, thou hast first to punish thy servants: for that, if the private and favoured servants of Princes be dissolute, the common wealth doth fall out to be absolute. In the reign of my lord Marcus Aurelius, I saw his court furnished with virtuous persons, and in the days of his son Commodus, I saw his house filled with wicked people: and am well able to say unto thee, my son, that as their houses were, so was their common wealths. If thou wilt live in quiet, go always in peace, and avoid suspicion: keep in thine house continually men of honesty, gravity, and wisdom, because honourable and wise men in Princes houses, yield authority with their persons, and profit with their counsels.  
Now, or never, thou mayst withdraw thine hand, cease to be evil, and bind thyself to be good: because of all that is past, we will impute the fault to thy youth: which if thou refusest to do, then will we refer it wholly unto thy wilful vanity. It profiteth not a little for the help of good government of the common wealth, that the Prince be of good life: for subjects having good Princes, imitate what they see, and perform what they command.   

CHAP. XI. ¶ Of certain laws which the Emperor Heliogabalus made in Rome.  
HEliogabalus made certain laws, whereof some were good, some indifferent, and others neither good nor evil, but most vain: for as he used to say, so great authority have Princes in their kingdoms, as the gods in the heavens. He made a law that no vestal virgin should make a vow of chastity, but to stand at her liberty to be enclosed, or to be married: for he held opinion, that women were very weak to perform vows: and at every hour, variable of opinion and advise. He made a law, that no widow might marry within a year of her husbands death: on the one part sufficiently to bewail the dead, and on the other part, exactly to consider of him that should marry her. He made a law, that no flesh, bread, wine, or any fruit should be sold in Rome by view, but by weight and measure: because in selling of things by weight and measure, they are bought according to their value, and not as they are praised.  
He made a law that all tailors in receiving garments to make, should take the same by weight, to avoid purloining of any part thereof. He made a law that no young man under the government of father, mother, or tutor, might give, take, or play any money: because it were to be presupposed, that such a one, being in no possession of inheritance, had either stolen, or made some evil mart. He made a law that all maids, having attained the age of xxv. years, might marry, although their parents would not thereunto consent: for he used to say, that good parents have more care to marry one daughter, then to breed x. sons. He made a law, that on holy days, and days of public feasts and joy, they should not openly bury their dead: saying, it were an evil sign unto the common wealth, if at the time of joy, others should begin to weep. He made a law, that no Roman should presume to throw out at door, any servant, slave, or horse, or any other beast, were it but a dog, either for any old age or sickness: saying, that for the same purpose, men serve from their youth, to be succoured when they come to age. He made a law, that punishment should not be given unto thieves as judges commanded, but at the will of the persons which were rob: affirming theaft to be so foul a fault, that by the hands of all persons they deserved chastisement. He made a law, that no citizen of Rome should presume to draw, to drown, to strangle, or hung his slave for any offence: saying, that to the Gods alone, and to Princes, power is given to slay and kill, and to others only to punish. He made a law, that if any married woman should commit adultery with any kinsman or friend of her husband, he might neither chastise, reprove or blame her, if she proved that her husband had first brought him to the house: affirming: that a woman naturally of herself is weak, and being moved by any occasion, hath no power to make resistance. He made a law, that freely all manner of persons within the walls of Rome, might depart from their wives, and their wives from their husbands, after six years marriage: affirming, that since from year to year was a long time to change a garment, it were not much, that from six to six years, there should be change of marriage. He made a law, that in all Rome they should have no shop wherein to cell compound medicines, but only simples and wholesome herbs, to avoid resemblance of taverns, wherein they sold new wines, but in shops only old medicines. He made a law, that none should marry in Rome but with his equal: that is to say, a merchant with a merchant, a goldsmith with a goldsmith, a servant with a servant, & a rustical with a rustical: for he held opinion, that men, in making unequal marriages, do enforce themselves to more than they may, and spend much more than they aught. He made a law, that when any house burned in Rome, all the neighbourhood should run to the help and succour thereof, upon the pain of any man's default therein, to contribute to the repairing thereof. Many other laws were made by Heliogabalus, as Historiographers of him do report, of great indignity to be written, and no less unshamefast to be read.   

CHAP. XII. ¶ How Heliogabalus was thrice married, and of his marrying of the Gods together.  
AFter that Heliogabalus was come from Asia, he stayed in Rome an whole year without marriage: after which time he married with a gentlewoman of Rome, beautiful of face, and noble of blood: and it well appeared, that he rather married her for beauty, than nobleness: for that a year being scarcely passed, he was divorced.  
He did not only remove her from all honour, but also cast her out of his house, spoiled her of all her jewels and apparel, and constrained her by spinning and weaving openly to get her living. The first wife being repudiate, he grew enamoured of one of the vestal virgins, whom he removed out of the church, and openly espoused: for which fact, the Senate was not a little grieved, & Rome no less scandalized: because the vestal virgins, were offered in the temples unto the Gods, and sworn and vowed to perpetual chastity. After he understood the grief of the Senate, and the murmuring of the people, he mounted one day into the Senate, and wished them not to be sorrowful for his marriage with a vestal virgin, for that if it were an offence, it were but an humane offence: and being (as he was) a Priest, it appertained not unto him to marry, but with a woman that were a Priest: and if that were not sufficient, yet it sufficed that he was a Prince and an Emperor most supreme, unto whose greatness it appertained to make laws, without all obligation to observe them. Moore than a year, and less than twain, he was married unto this vestal virgin: to whom, as to the first, he gave a libel of divorce: and the sorrowful woman came to so great and miserable poverty, that if the other did obtain living by spinning, this did purchase the same by adultery: in such wise, that of a consecrated virgin, and of a noble Empress, she become a common adulteress. He married the third time with a widow, and matron of Rome, and for better occasion he would often say, that she was descended from the lineage of Commodus: and that from thence forth he would not take a wife, but of blood very high, of beauty singular, and of condition most discreet. Heliogabalus would often say, any Prince might escape error in his first marriage: that is to say, if she were of base condition, to esteem her of no reputation: if she were foul, to abhor her: and if she were foolish, to kill her.  
Heliogabalus proceeded unto so great madness, that he did not only deride humane marriages, but also scoffed at divine matrimonies: for that he determined openly to marry his God Heliogabalus, and to celebrated matrimony with some other Goddess. The case was thus, that the thing which the Romans held under greatest guard, reverence, and veneration, was the Image of the Goddess Pallas, which was said to fall from heaven upon the walls of Troy: this Image Heliogabalus commanded to be taken out of the church, where she remained hidden, and to be transferred unto his house: and from the day that she was brought from Troy, was never seen with man's eye until that day. He made a coach of plate over gilded, aloft whereon he placed the Goddess Pallas, appareled in rich robes, and charged with most precious jewels: one of the Oxen wherewith the coach was drawn, was white without any spot of black: and the other was black without any spot of white. Heliogabalus went before with a goad in his hand, guiding the Oxen, and turning his face always towards the Chariot, in such manner, that still to behold the Goddess, he marched backwards. The Romans understanding, that Heliogabalus would that day play the Carter, provided from the imperial palace unto the temple, a broad and a sandy way, that in his backward walk he should not find whereat to stumble, much less to fall. And when they were all come unto the church, they took the God Heliogabalus, and the Goddess Pallas, married them, and joined them as man and wife, and made them a right sumptuous bed in the midst of the temple, where they jointly slept all that night. The Romans received no small grief, to behold Heliogabalus commit such follies: for that presuming (as they presumed) to be so great worshippers of the Gods, it seemed unto them that in making such marriages, was to deride the Gods: and it might happen, that what he did but in jest, they might repay in earnest.  
Now, when these Gods were espoused, Heliogabalus would solemnize that marriage with joys: for which purpose, he commanded the Circene plays to be prepared: wherein he commanded infinite beasts to be slain, and the flesh of them all, both good & bad, to be eaten of all persons: in such wise, that there they did eat Lions, Bears, Wolves, Tigers, Unicorns, Ounces, Horses, Asses, Dogs, beeves, Buffs, & other wild beasts, Bores excepted, which they used not to eat in Phoenicia, where he was bred and nourished. Now, when all these feasts were finished, and all plays performed and concluded, Heliogabalus would make a show of the greatness of his mind, and the wealth and riches of his person: and being advanced upon the highest steps or degrees of the church, he threw amongst the circumstants, a great sum of money, and no less riches in jewels: for the scambling and getting whereof, many were wounded, choked, strangled, and slain: and the hurt was not so small, but that much greater was the sorrow in Rome and all Italy, for the great numbers which there died: then any pleasure of the money which they had gotten.   

CHAP. XIII. How Heliogabalus sold offices, and practised many vanities.  
HEliogabalus did mart and cell all offices of justice, & of the Senate, as well Censors & Edils, as Praetors and Tribunes, in such wise, that he which gave most money, although lest virtuous, did bear greatest office. It was a custom in Rome, to elect no Senator, except he were in lineage an ancient Patrician: and of age, at the least fifty years: but he made his election (for the most part) of base persons, as gardeners, potters, and tailors: and other young men of the age of xx. years. He did not only cell the offices of the common wealth, but also of the government of his house: as porters, cooks, caters, chamberlains, and auditors: whereof followed, that at times when he would dispatch them for their evil service, they would pled, that they had bought it of him for money.  
Heliogabalus being a friend unto jesters, and greatly delighting in their conversation, it happened against the celebration of the feast of May, in the even thereof, xx. cart loads of Roses were brought unto the Court, which being cast all into one chamber, against the next days feast, he commanded those jugglers and jesters to be thrown amongst those Roses, which being many, and they overwhelmed therein, were all strangled with Roses. He did never eat but at tables of silver, or sit in chair that was not wrought with silver, gold, and Unicorn: and all the provision of pots, skilets, ladels, spits, and all other things of the kitchen, were of silver, and his cooks in silk. Secretly Heliogabalus commanded an hundredth pitchars of flies to be taken, and being brought to the Court, he feasted certain Romans: and being then Summer and time of great heat, and in chiefest of their dinner, he commanded his hungry flies to be set at large, who with their liberty gave an onset upon the guests, as upon a camp of enemies, in such wise, that the guests gave themselves to flight, and the flies sat down to eat.  
On the day of the great feast of his God, all the sacred Senate, and whole multitude of people, offering sacrifices in the temple, and all the doors fast shut, suddenly he caused to be set lose amongst the troops of people, an hundredth cats, ten thousand rats, an hundredth greyhounds, & a thousand hares: where the fight and slaughter was so great, and the confusion, rumble, and cry of people so extreme, that it seemed, he went rather to scorn the Gods, then offer sacrifices.  
The chamber where he slept, his Gallery where he walked, the place where he did eat, & also dispatch affairs, was always swept, not with brooms of any common matter, but of threads of gold: which office he gave unto one of the chiefest persons of his Court. When he would at any time walk a little on foot, it was not on hard ground, but on sand of gold. Heliogabalus was not satisfied to wear shoes of any silk, or velvet, either of cloth of gold, or gold wrought with the hammer: but the soles were of Unicorn, and gold of Nilus: and the instep and upper part thereof set with pearl and most rich stones: in such wise, that Heliogabalus shoes were of more value, than the crown of julius Caesar, or Augustus. He was much addicted to wear rings on his fingers, and sometimes would wear them of brass, iron, lead, amber, and of leather: in such wise, that this prince, the more to discover his madness, did wear shoes of gold, and rings of leather. On a time there came from Alexandria, 10. ships laden with great and most precious riches: and understanding that they were arrived at the port of Hostia, secreately he commanded the mariners to sink them: whereof being reproved in the Senate, he answered: that thereby they had to understand his small covetousness, for that he spent the riches of the earth, and drowned that which came by Sea. Heliogabalus was prodigal and curious, not only openly, but also in secret: for that his Urinal was of Unicorn, and his stool of fine gold. When he chanced to issue out of Rome, he had with him no less than 600. wagons, which were all laden, not with chests, apparel, either any thing necessary or appertaining unto persons of the Court: but with women, jesters, musicians, hunters, fishers, exquisite wines, and victuals never heard off: for that he never went forth of Rome to visit countries, or conquer enemies, but to seek delectable places, the more freely to give himself to vice. A certain Senator demanding why he used such excess in spending, he made him answer: My friend, I give thee to understand, that none doth inherit but after the death of some person: and therefore I will in my life time, make myself mine own heir.  
The armies did not a little repent them to have elected him Emperor, and the Senate no less to have accepted and allowed the same: for that he was so wilful in all things, that he was not only satisfied to be vicious in all humane vices: but watched and studied to invent new wickedness. Mesia the grandmother of Heliogabalus, which procured, or (to say better) bought him the Empire, had sufficiently advised and also persuaded him to be good and virtuous: but he was so obstinate in his evil, and so vowed and dedicated unto vice, that he little esteemed the counsel of his friends, either the threatenings of his enemies.  
When his grandmother Mesia perceived, that good persuasions would neither profit, either great threatenings pierce him with any fear, she remembered to fix her eyes upon her other nephew named Alexander, that the one being dead, the other might succeed: for she held it for most certain, that in few days, respect being had of his many vices, his Empire should finish. As Mesia was ancient, provident, and of experience: so she persuaded Heliogabalus with such words, that he accepted his cousin Alexander as companion of the Empire, which election the Senate approved and allowed with great affection, and no less grateful unto the whole people: and from thence forth, although they obeyed Heliogabalus, yet they did yield all their love unto his cousin Alexander. Heliogabalus being advertised by certain necromantic Priests of Egypt, that he should have a death according unto his life (whereby, he doubted that his life should be short, and his death shameful:) began to devise with himself, what kind of death might be given him by his enemies: and considered, that either they would cut his throat, or hung him, or cast him down from some rock, or drown him, or end his days with some poison: & thus it was, he filled a pond full of rose water, wherein to be drowned: at the foot of a Tower of his house, he placed golden sand, to fall on: he made twisted silk halters wherewith to be hanged: he commanded daggers and sword of gold, wherewith to be slain: and conserved poison in Unicorn boxes, wherewith to be poisoned: all which he provided of purpose, that at the time of need he might one way or other end his wretched life: for (as he used to say) he greatly did not esteem to die, if with such, and so stately instruments he might be put to death. But the success happened quite contrary to the forcastes of Heliogabalus, as well in dying when he would not, as in the manner of his death, whereof he did not think: for it is a thing notorious unto all men, that we may neither enlarge our life as we desire, either shun that death which we abhor.   

CHAP. XIIII. ¶ Of the shameful death of the Emperor Heliogabalus.  
AFter that Heliogabalus had accepted his cousin Alexander companion of the Empire, he not a little repented him thereof: for that he clearly perceived himself to be abhorred, and his cousin greatly beloved: he determinately purposed to deprive Alexander of his honour, as also to devise a drift to dispatch him of his life. Manea, the mother of Alexander, understanding the extreme hatred of Heliogabalus so furiously bend against her son Alexander, had over him great regard, that he should not walk alone by night, accompany suspicious persons, feed of any meat that were presented, or pass by dangerous places: because she was assured, that to kill him, Heliogabalus sought not occasion, but opportunity.  
After that Heliogabalus found the great guard & watch of the mother and grandmother over Alexander, he went on a day unto the Senate, persuading with sweet words, and after commanding upon great pains, to take that name Caesar from Alexander, which they had given him: this demand being heard of the whole Senate, every man cast down his head, and answered not so much as one word. When he saw the Senate refuse his request, he did writ a letter unto the Prefects, and most principal of the armies, to give them to understand that from thenceforth they should give no honour unto Alexander, much less yield him service as unto Caesar: but the armies finding it rather to proceed of his overmuch malice, then of any fault in Alexander, did not obey his commandments, neither answered his letters.  
When he might not persuade the Senators, or constrain the armies, he advised to bribe and corrupt his servants and household officers, promising them many and great rewards, if they would temper his meat with some poison, to rid him of his life. He conferred also with the tutors of Alexander, to find if he might frame them to lead him forth in to some Orchard or garden, or to seek some device to leave him alone: unto whom he did not only promise' great riches & wealth, but also promotions to great offices. Heliogabalus perceiving that he might neither corrupt the one, or persuade the other, for that he was loved of all men, commanded his counterfects openly to be overthrown and defiled with dirt: which was holden amongst the Romans, as great an injury, as exactly to take away a man's life.  
On that day in which Heliogabalus had commanded the counterfects of Alexander to be defaced and defiled, he prepared also in secret, certain his friends to kill Alexander, if upon the chance of any mutiny that might happen, he should come forth: for he did bear him so mortal hatred, that it seemed his life to prospero to none effect, if he might not spoil him of his life. The day before this matter grew to effect, Heliogabalus issued out of Rome, to solace at a garden: and when they began to overthrow and trail the pictures of Alexander, the Praetors of the armies assembled with great speed, to stay the same: by which mean there was raised no small scandal, in so much that they did not only repel that injury, but also pursued Heliogabalus unto his garden to have slain him. All Rome being armed, the mother and grandmother of Heliogabalus, departed with great haste unto the garden, where he was persuading him to take Alexander in a Licter, and jointly to pass through the streets: that after this manner, seeing them both friends, the armies might be pacified and dissevered. Heliogabalus being utterly void of care of the scandal that passed in Rome, attended rather every hour with great joy, the news of Alexander's death, and the spoil of his pictures. As much as Heliogabalus determined to have slain Alexander, so much were the armies purposed to have killed Heliogabalus: and for the execution thereof, with great fury they marched to seek him at his garden: unto whom there came forth to talk, not himself, but his grandmother, of whom she obtained at that time the safety of his life: which they granted upon condition, that he should correct his person, reform his house, and visit the common wealths. On the next day, they cast forth and rid the house of Heliogabalus, of Gabalus, Herodes, Gordius, and Murius, which were his favoured servants, and companions of his vices: and those in deed, that from a fool, converted him into an idiot. A month after these things had passed, and the tumult pacified, in the Calends of janus, which is the beginning of januarie, Heliogabalus refused to go unto the Senate, either to sand Alexander his substitute: whereof the Senators found themselves greatly injuried, & remained thereof very suspicious.  
And being as then very late at night, when the Senators came from the Senate, they there presently at the gates thereof, received commandment from Heliogabalus, that without all delay upon pain of their lives, they should departed out of the city of Rome, without visitation either of house or friend: and as there were of them both sick and old, so it was lamentable to behold them wander in the dark, stumbling in those fields, and so bitterly weeping. The Consuls and Senators being banished, there remained in Rome a certain ancient Consul named Sabinus, a man excellently learned, unto whom Vlpianus did dedicated his books, and of whom the Romans received counsel, in all their grave affairs. This Sabinus, by reason of his great age, came not out of his house: and Heliogabalus thinking he had no other enemy remaining in all Rome, called a Centurion, and said in his ear, that he should go unto Sabinus house and cut off his head: and as it chanced, the Centurion being deaf, and not understanding the commandment to have him slain, but banished as the oath Senators, by defence of the Centurion, Sabinus escaped with his life.  
The Pretorians, and men of war being advertised, that Heliogabalus had banished the Consuls and Senators, and also commanded the good old Sabinus to be slain, strangled Silvius, tutor unto Alexander, and removed Vlpianus from his Censorship: with furious rage went unto the Court, and breaking the gates they slew Heliogabalus, and his mother that bore him: and they killed, not only all his servants, but also his cats and dogs, his Parratts, horses, peacocks, and monkeys: in such wise, that in all his house they left nothing alive.  
When Heliogabalus understood the breaking up of his gates, and the slaughter of his household, thinking to save his person, hide himself in a privy up to the chin, where they discharged him of his head: in such wise, that conformable to his filthy life, he received a nasty death. Although Heliogabalus and his mother were jointly slain, yet most truly she discovered a more noble mind: for that she died in her chamber as a Lady, and he most cowardly in a privy. Heliogabalus and his mother being dead, they took their naked & mangled bodies, and trailed them in the dirt alongst the streets unto Tiber, in the depth whereof they were cast to be eaten of fish, and not to be sought or found of men.  
Many Princes, his predecessors, & successors were very evil, wicked of life, and pernicious unto the common wealth: but amongst all, Heliogabalus alone was he, in whom was found no good work: so he alone wanted a Sepulchre. By this Prince, all princes aught to take example, to fly wilfulness, and the hatred of their people: because a detested life removeth all merit of honourable burial.  
The Romans not satisfied to have slain, drawn, and drowned Heliogabalus, overthrew and whirled stones at his counterfects that were placed in the Capitol, & scraped out his name in all places where it was written: and the more to discover their hatred, they did not only kill all his servants and friends, but burned all his apparel and jewels: in such wise, that of him remained no other memory in Rome, but the report of his name, whereat they did spit on the ground.  
Heliogabalus reigned 6. years, 3 months, and ten days: he lived 32. years, 4. months, and five days: whereof 26. years he was a young man, very virtuous, & a priest withdrawn and also solitary: the other 6. years he was an Emperor more absolute and vicious, then ever reigned in the Roman Empire: for that the vices which were scattered in other persons, were found jointly in his possession.    

The life of the good Emperor Alexander Severus, son of the good matron Manea, compiled by Sir Anthony of Guevara, bishop of Mondonnedo, preacher, chronicler and counsellor, unto the Emperor Charles the fift.  

CHAP. I ¶ Of the nurture and natural country of the Emperor Alexander Severus.  
AURELIUS Alexander was naturally an Assyrian borne, his father was named Varius, and his mother Manea: he was cousin german unto the emperor Heliogabalus, for their mothers were sisters: and although he were borne in Assyria, yet he was bred and nourished in Rome: for that in those days his grandmother, the great matron Mesia, governed Severus & his household, and also the whole common wealth. Alexander was tall of body, of black curled hair, sallow & lean faced, with great eyes, a thick short neck, his hands dry, and of big sinews, slender legged, high of instep, and his complexion somewhat choleric, but much phlegmatic, which afterwards he discovered in the course of his life: because he was mild of conversation, and in government pitiful. Alexander was borne in the city of Arsena, Septimus Severus being Emperor: he was nourished the first four years in Assyria, & then brought unto Rome, under the government of his grandmother, where after she had kept him with her, other three years in Rome, she returned him into Assyria: partly to avoid the idle nurture of the Court, and also for that Bassianus should not murder him. The presages of his Empire were these: it was found most truly, that on the day that Alexander Magnus died, this Alexander Aurelius was borne: & at the time of child birth his mother came to visit the Sepulchre of Alexander, where she fell in travel and brought forth this son, who was named Alexander, his nurse being called Olympia, and his tutor Philip: which were the two names of the father & mother of Alexander Magnus. The self same day that Alexander was borne, there came an old woman to her house, and offered unto the mother a read egg, which a stock dove had laid at the hour: avouching that read egg to signify no other matter, but that the same child should be Emperor. Manea the mother of this prince, was a woman very wise, prudent, advised, and no less fair: and the special cause why she deserved so greatly to be esteemed and honoured, was: because no Roman woman did exceed her in honesty of person, either was equal unto her in keeping her house. As this matron Manea naturally was virtuous, and inclined unto good, so she had great solicitude to nourish & instruct her son Alexander in good manners, and to learn good and profitable sciences: and to the end he should not forget, in the company of other young men, what he had learned of his masters and tutors, she set great watch, that none were permitted, either to talk, confer, or to be conversant with him, that were not wise & learned. After that Alexander was able to go, his mother taught him to be temperate in diet, neat in his apparel, reposed in his pace, and reformed in his speech. He held so great measure in all things appertaining to good manners, sincerity in virtues, and cleanness from all vice, (which that age always doth yield) that all men (unto whom he was known) said, that it was as much to see Alexander in time of his youth, as Tullius when he was an old man. It was not to be found all the time he was governed by his mother, that any one day he did pass without learning or exercise, either in letters or chivalry: whereof they both deserved perpetual praise, which is to wit, the mother in her commandments, & the son for his obedience. Many sons would prove good, if their fathers had knowledge to give them instructions: neither would so many prove evil, if they did yield obedience unto their parents: to which purpose the divine Plato said in his books of common wealth, that that family was happy & blessed, where the parents were prudent, & the children obedient. Manea used most special vigilancy in the guard of her son, not only from all usual vices, but also vicious persons: for that many times, good inclinations are corrupted by vicious conversation. In his infancy, his schoolmasters were Valerius, Gordius, & Viturius: this Viturius was he that afterwards was most esteemed in his house, and wrote the discourse of his life, which history was lost when the Gothens entered Rome. His master for Grammar, was Nebon the Graecian: in Philosophy, Estelion the first: and in Rhetoric, Serapio the virtuous: & afterwards when he came to Rome, he had for his masters, Escarius, julius, and Macrinus: grave persons to instruct, & learned to teach. Above all other Roman princes, Alexander was a friend of wise men, for whom he made diligent search, & enriched them if they were poor, honoured, entertained, & gave them credit when they counseled him: finally, a wise man of him never received an ill answer, or found in his house any door shut against him. Being demanded, why he did so generally delight in the wise & learned, he answered: I love them for that which they know, & honour them for that which they may: for in time to come, under their histories which they shall writ, our same shall shine and flourish. Alexander, in the days of his youth, was deadly hated of his cousin Heliogabalus: & this proceeded, not of the sharp condition of Alexander, but for the evil nature of Heliogabalus, that is to say, for that he would not consent to be a companion in his wickedness, as by birth he was his kinsman. There were never seen, two princes so conjoined in parentage, so near in succession, & so different in lives, as Heliogabalus, & Alexander: for that in Heliogabalus there was not one virtue to be praised, either in Alexander one vice to be reprehended.   

CHAP. II ¶ How Alexander was advanced unto the Empire, and of his laudable manners.  
TWo years before the Pretorians killed Heliogabalus the Emperor, Alexander was elected Augustus, to the great grace, liking, and conformity of all the Roman people: whereof proceeded, that on the day in which they had slain the unworthy Heliogabalus, they gave unto Alexander the ensigns of the empire. When Alexander began to reign, he was very young: wherefore, Mesia the grandmother, and Manea the mother, did take the charge 〈◊〉 government of the empire: who although in condition they were women, yet most truly in government they discovered themselves to be men. They elected xii. persons to assist them in the affairs of the Empire, which were chosen amongst the ancient, the most expert: & amongst the learned, the most wise: & without determination & judgement of all these, they did neither hear what was demanded, either determined any matter that they had to do. The first deed of Alexander, & his grandmother Mesia, his mother Manea, & his xii. counsellors, was, to take order for reformation of temples: namely, to repair the decayed, to cleanse the defiled, enrich such as were rob, and to populate such as were disinhabited: because in the days of his predecessor Heliogabalus, not only humane matters went to wrack, but the gods also were profaned. Divine matters being reformed, presently they took order for conservation of the common wealth: & before all things, all vicious persons were resolved from their offices: and not satisfied to punish their offences, with deprivation of their offices, he forced them to make restitution of whatsoever they had either bribed, or purloined, & from thenceforth to live of their own proper sweat. Matters of justice were not handled, but of men very well learned: Martial affairs were not commended, but unto men of great experience: causes of the common wealth were not manured, but of persons skilful therein: in such wise, that they provided, not offices for men, but men for offices.  
Also Alexander reformed the whole condition & estate of his house, as well the ministers, as the expenses thereof: which all the days of Heliogabalus exceeded in disorder, & was no less defiled with vice: for which cause he set a seazment of the charges thereof, and elected faithful officers to spend the same: in such wise, that in the house of Alexander, there was neither immoderate expenses, either men wanting offices. Although order was taken for the ordinary expenses of his house, yet notwithstanding, his household had all things in abundance, convenient unto his imperial magnificence: and many strangers that came from far, praised Alexander, because they might not accuse him of prodigality, either note him of avarice. The temples, the common wealth, and his house being ordered, the good prince forgot not to reform his own person: not only for the manner of consuming of time, but also for the order and manner of his apparel: for that he used to say, if the money which princes spend in robes superfluous, & the time which they consume in appareling & decking themselves, were spent to the profit of their common wealths, they should obtain more favour of the gods, & less hatred of men. Alexander was so humble in condition, that publicly he commanded, none should call him, Lord, either by word or writing: but, the priests should call him, brother: the Senators, son: men at arms, companion: and common persons, friend: and this he did, for that he held the gods in so great reverence, that he would they only should be called Lords. On the superscriptions of letters brought him by Ambassadors, or sent him from any province, they wrote thereon exquisite and stately titles: wherein he provided, no other superscription to be added, but this: Unto our son, our Brother, our Companion or Friend, Aurelius Alexander Roman Emperor. Heliogabalus his predecessor, did commonly wear precious stones on his feet, and most costly jewels of gold and Unicorn in his apparel: which things Alexander never used, either delighted to wear: for as he was wont to say, princes are not to be known of their vassals, by their rich robes, but by their good works performed in their common wealths. He was appareled most commonly, in white: in winter, with a certain kind of blanket of Britain, and in summer, with a certain manner of cotton that was brought him from Asia. Some times he would make him garments of cotton & linen woven together: oftentimes saying, that he much delighted therein, for that it was very cheap to be bought, light to wear, & might best be washed in summer. He would many times walk in Rome with a friend or twain, holding his hands behind: and finding himself weary, would enter into the first neighbour's house, and sit down upon a bank of earth, & some times would there fall a sleep: in such manner, that he had so great familiarity with all men, as if he had been one of them. He was mild, pitiful, patiented, silent, in all things of great continency, & was never seen extremely distempered, or at any time to use furious words with any person: for which cause, no manner of person did wish him evil for his evil deeds, but of a cankered and corrupt nature wherewith he was defiled.   

CHAP. III ¶ How Alexander being invested with the Empire, presently did visit and reform his common wealth.  
IN the second year of the Empire of Alexander, his grandmother the great and renowned matron Mesia died: in whose death he & the Roman people also discovered great sorrow, bestowing upon her coarse, so honourable a funeral, and such solemn obsequies, as appertained to one that had been cousin unto the Emperor Severus, and had for nephews the Emperor Heliogabalus, and Alexander. Mesia being dead, the burden of government was laid upon Manea, mother unto Alexander: whom all men conceived to be in full possession of chastity, temperance, prudence, and patience, but notwithstanding somewhat inclined to avarice: whereof proceeded, these words early in the morning to be written upon the gates: if Manea had not charge of money in the common wealth, such a Roman had never been borne in Rome. Long time passed in which the Senate had not been visited: which Alexander forgot not, as well to visit, as also to reform: not only by inquisition how they lived and governed the common wealth, but also how they ordered their houses & ruled their families: for he used often to say, that the man which knew not to govern his wife, to provide for his house, and direct his family, the prince might not commit a greater folly, then to place such a one in the government of the common wealth. In Rome they were named Milites veterani, that long time had served in wars, and were withdrawn unto their houses: these were maintained at the charges of the common wealth, and privileged for appearance before a judge: and as Alexander was informed of their licentious and vicious lives, he commanded them to be banished Rome, and no more to be maintained by the common wealth. When he signed the sentence of their exile, with his own hands, he added these words: It is as just that the vicious and wicked, from a free man, be converted to a slave: as the virtuous from a bond man, to be made free: for where there is corruption of manners, liberties have no place: Most truly these words were spoken, as of a prince right worthy veneration. Also he visited the officers of the common treasury, as if we should say, the Auditors and others that had charge of the goods of the kingdom: amongst whom he found many bribers, and peerless officers: those he commanded to be punished, and these to be disfranchised. Alexander was greatly affectionate unto the affairs of the common wealth: with which zeal he used so great diligence, that the goods of the common wealth were recovered & gotten again from the hands of robbers, and spent and employed in matters profitable: for it was his opinion, the Good princes aught not to consent, that vagabonds should live of the entrails of the people. He wrote unto all provinces, that in all civil causes, judges should proceed according to the order and right thereof, thieves & matters of felony excepted: who within three days after their apprehension, should either be punished, executed, made slaves for the service of men, or condemned to common works for public profit, and for no cause to let them escape: for as he often said, Never man which had made a proof in the knowledge of theft, until his death, might at any time departed from so foul a vice. He also visited the officers, that had the charge of pay for the men of war: against whom he received accusations for payment of evil money, imbezeling of pays, reckoning the dead with the living, and valuing their victuals more than they were worth: whom Alexander commanded openly to be whipped, and for evermore to be banished. He established by public edict, that whosoever should adventure from thenceforth to steal, or embezzle any payment due for matters of war, should, for the same, lose his life. All things which he had to command, or provide in the common wealth, he did first communicate with such persons as he thought to have knowledge and experience thereof: and his manner was to say, that in following his own proper judgement, he had never but tedious success: but by repairing unto other men's advise, he always gathered some fruit.  
He held in his house many, and very notable persons, of whom always he was accompanied: but amongst all whom he best loved, and did most commend his secrets, was Vlpianus: this Vlpianus, besides his great learning, was a man so virtuous, that Alexander would often say, he had rather adventure the committing of some odious deed before the Gods, then speak a foul word in presence of Vlpianus.  
His predecessor Heliogabalus, had ordained many laws in the favour of the fiscal, to the great prejudice of the people: for, admitting that goods were augmented: yet on the other part, the common wealth daily diminished: for which cause Alexander commanded, that all those laws should be reviewed, considered, and reformed: for, as he used to say, it were more commodious for the Prince which is no tyrant, that his common wealth be rich, and his house poor: then the common wealth to be poor, and his house rich. When he began to reign, the people were abandoned to dissolute manners: for which cause he made some rigorous laws, and other mild and pitiful: but, when he commanded them to be proclaimed openly, he gave advertisement unto his ministers, to execute them in secret. Consider not so much what I command you, as the intent wherewith I command you, which is to weet, that rigorous laws are not, but to terrify: but laws which are pitiful, to be executed, because we make not laws, to take away men's lives, but to root and weed vices out of our common wealths.  
When the Senators did sit in grave affairs, he was not contented that they should say their opinions by word, but by writing: neither was he yet satisfied that they should set it down in writing, but add also thereunto the reasons which moved them to that their opinion: saying, he did it to this end, that none should adventure to yield his opinion, either forced with affection, or corrupted with passion: but as reason and virtue should direct him. Naturally, he was an enemy unto lies and liars: and if any man presumed to lie in his presence, he received thereof as great despite, as though he had done him an injury. He would often say, that good Princes have to esteem such for greater enemies, that deceive them with flattering and lies, than such as do intrude upon their countries: for the one taketh not but of his goods, but the other robbeth him of his fame. At all times, when they had talk of the election of any Senator or judge, he was always heard to speak these words in the Senate: If, as now being present with men, I were in presence of the Gods, I would crave their opinions in the election of Senators and judges: for that the choice of governors in a common wealth, doth more seem divine, then humane election.   

CHAP. FOUR ¶ Of the mild conditions of Alexander, and of his grateful conversation.  
ALexander was friendly unto his servants, whom he would visit indifferently in their sickness: that is to weet, as well the meaner, as the more favoured: and in repayment of such his visitation, he would request them to give him advertisement what was said of him in the common wealth: and if they said unto him any thing more worthy amendment, than praise, he gave them as great thanks for that advise, as at another time he used to give for any great and notable service. The Consul Vncoiasson, on a certain time in great secret, said unto Alexander: I am not a little astonnied at thee, (most serene Prince) that dost permit thyself to be governed of thy grandmother Mesia, thy mother Manea, and thy wife Meania: who have framed thy conditions so mild, that thereby thou dost impair the estimation, both of thy person, and also of thine Empire: for that a base and overfamiliar condition, leadeth unto contempt.  
Unto this Alexander answered: I own reverence unto my graundemother, because she nourished me: unto my mother, for that she bred me: & unto my wife good company, for as much as she hath married with me: and since it is thus, with reason I aught of no man to be evil judged, for that I do no more but duty.  
From the day that he was elected Emperor, until he was placed in his Sepulchre, there passed no day wherein he did not some notable deed worthy to be marked, and no less to be followed: which is to say, hearing causes in justice, visiting temples, being resident in the Senate, repairing walls, pardoning offences, doing good unto the poor, and dispatching such other affairs. He was bountiful to Ambassadors and strangers, and no less reformed in his ordinary expenses: above the rest, he held narrow and strait reckoning, and was well advised with the officers of his common treasury, always to have in possession treasure in store. He said many times, that the poor and needy Prince might neither be served affectionately of his subjects, or with arms resist his enemies.  
Unto such as were sound, & strong to travel, and yet wanted money to maintain a trade, he commanded them to be succoured with the goods of the common treasury: upon condition, to repay the same in process of time, with the fruits and profits of his trade: by which mean he discharged his Empire, not only of many poor persons, but also of thieves and vagabonds. All persons that received either wages or stipend, he had registered in a book: wherein was written their age, lineage, and service which they had done him, using when he was alone, to read in that book: in such wise, he did so speak, name, and had notice of all persons, as if they had been but one man.  
The common store house for wheat, and oil, founded and furnished by Severus, Heliogabalus had both wasted and destroyed: in such wise, that there remained nothing in store: this storehouse Alexander re-edified, endued, and also provided with exceeding great abundance of wheat and oil: so that in his days, wheat and oil did flow and abound as water.  
The jews that were in Italy, of all men were evil handled, and the Christians no less persecuted and banished: now, when both the one and the other made complaint, Alexander commanded them to live within their laws: upon such condition, as they performed their ceremonies in secret. He did much honour the Precedents of provinces, and when he travailed upon the way, they only were placed with him in his Coach or licter: which he did, to the end that all men might behold how much he honoured the ministers of justice, as also to be informed of the state of the common wealth of that country: for that naturally, he was so great a friend, in that which touched the common wealth, that he did not only take pleasure to provide and talk thereof, but also held it for a vice, to be forgetful of the same. He used unto no kind of people so great liberality, as unto judges, Tribunes, and Praetors, which had charge, and were sincere in ministering justice: and advouched unto the Senate, that a Prince with reason aught not to be entitled a Prince, unless he were careful for the execution of justice: and if he find any that is just in the administration thereof, such a one justly may not be recompensed: for which cause, I give them more than any other persons which serve me, that by their enrichement, all occasions to make other men poor, from them may be removed. In the behalf of the common wealth he was advertised, that beef and bacon was exceeding dear in Rome: in respect whereof he straightly charged and commanded, that no person should adventure to kill either calf or sucking pig, by the space of two years: whereof it came to pass, within the space aforesaid, that a pound of flesh, which was sold for eight, was worth but twain. Of men that seemed grave, prudent, and sincere, he would always be informed & receive advise, for provision of all grave and doubtful cases, and yet would never communicate or commend his trust to any special persons: for he used to say, that when the people do understand, that the prince is counseled or directed by any one person, such a one, with gifts and requests may easily be corrupted.  
Alexander had a servant named Belon, who promised a gentleman to dispatch a certain matter of great importance with Alexander, that touched him not a little, giving to understand, that he was very private with the Prince: and in remuneration of his promised travel, he received of that gentleman a great sum of money: whereof Alexander being advertised, and that which he promised to obtain, to be a matter most unjust, & no small offence unto the common wealth, he commanded him to be crucified: affirming, that none should dare to adventure to cell the favour of the Prince, to the prejudice of the common people. He would many times assemble the chiefest of the people, and warn them to be virtuous, noble minded, and pitiful unto the common sort: advertising them, that assuredly he would deal with the virtuous, as with sons, and with the wicked, as with enemies.  
Three times he gave unto the Roman people, great quantities of wheat, in time of great dearth. Also, at other times he gave, of his grace, unto the ancient horsemen, great sums of money: understanding the greatest part of them to be in debt. There were in Rome many persons that lived not, but by usury, by which mean much goods were lost, and many houses become tributary: wherein Alexander commanded exceeding diligence to be used in the reviewe of such contracts, and a memorial of the most notable griefs to be given him: which when he had considered, he punished the usurers, and gave liberty unto the poor men that were oppressed.  
The manner of his dispatch in affairs, was, to be patiented in hearing, mild in answering, skilful in conceiving, and pitiful in denying: in such wise, that if he gave not that which they demanded, at the lest he gave them comfort with his words. After he came from the Senate, and had dispatched the affairs of suitors, he did always pass the time in reading Greek rather then Latin: amongst all other things which he used to read, was Plato his common wealth, Cicero his offices, Horace, and Quintus Curtius, with the life of Alexander: whom (his vices excepted) he diligently did imitate. If he saw any of his officers, that for age, or impotency, might not serve: he did either call him or visit him, giving him many thanks for the service which he had done him: and would request him to take it in good part, to receive his whole stipend, with ease and rest in his own house: and to place some other in that office, meet for his service. Usually he did eat twice a day, and in his feeding more cleanly and curious, then costly and sumptuous: and never was offended with his officers, for the lack of many, or exquisite meats: but for want of cleanliness, and good seasoning.  
Many persons wandering in Rome, and vagrant throughout all Italy, you'll as castaways, who disdaining to learn some occupation after they were so charged by commandment: he gave licence unto all men, without further authority, to take them for their slaves: which if they renounced, then freely to kill them. He did permit none of his servants to wear any silk, cloth of gold, or silver: for that he often used to say, that open excess of apparel, and secret vice, were the destruction of Courtiers. Also he often advouched, the condition of a good Prince was, more to be recreated with hearing wise men talk, then in tasting delicate meats. Alexander had in his house a certain person named Veturius Turinus, whom he loved: against him going and coming to his chamber, no door was shut: this fellow was both guileful and lying, and made all men, that were suitors unto Alexander, believe that he had more conference with him, then with any person of the Empire.  
The case was thus, that Alexander being advertised of his vanity and lewdness, and how he deceived, and was bribed of many, caused a Foster to request Turinus to dispatch a certain suit with Alexander: who coming and going daily into the Prince's chamber, always advertised the suitor: thus, and so I have said in thy matter, and thus and so was I answered of Alexander: the good Prince had true intelligence what Turinus used to say, and of the bribes which he had received: whereupon presently he provided that Turinus was taken, and in his presence by witness convinced of the guile and deceit which he had committed, of his huge promises also, and how much he had rob: which inquisition exactly made, he commanded him to be fixed aloft upon a stake openly in Rome, and under him was set green wood and wet straw, which being set on fire, did yield unto his nose a most cruel smoke, which was not so little, but that in short space it delivered the miserable caitiff of his life: a crier with a loud voice making proclamation, Fumo punitur qui fumum vendidit: which is to say: He that sold smoke, is smooldered in smoke. In all famous cities, he caused storehouses to be made, only serving for safe keeping of the goods and riches of such neighbours as doubted robbing.  
He made in Rome new principal streets, wherein he built stately and delightsome houses, which he gave in reward unto his friends and servants that were wise and virtuous.  
Garments of pure silcke he was never known, either to buy or wear: and if by chance any were given or presented unto him, he bestowed them upon the priests of the Temples, to be appareled when they should offer sacrifices. He was neither envious, or covetous of other men's goods: and in this case he used to say, that the covetous Prince doth finish and conclude in tyranny.  
Naturally he had compassion of the poor, but most chiefly of the needy shamefast man: that is to say, that in former times had been in honour, & afterwards fell into extreme poverty: for he used to say: there is no kind of mishap so unfortunate, as for a man to call to remembrance that in times past he had been fortunate. All that he did take and confiscate of malefactors, he commanded to be given unto shamefast poor men: with an inquisition before hand, how he fell into such poverty: whether by vicious adversity, or by some other casualty: for he held opinion, that to make him rich, which by vice was made poor, were a cruel deed.   

CHAP. V ¶ Of his zeal of justice and other commendable acts, as well touching his person, as his common wealth.  
ALl the days of his Empire, he entertained but one Physician, unto whom, or any other, he did not at any time yield his pulse, either of any Physician took counsel: and to him would often say in jest, think not that I give thee to eat, to cure me: but to the end thou shalt not cure me. He neither delighted in Physic, or that Physicians should remain in Rome: and for defence of his opinion he used to say, that as great infirmities do not happen but by great excess: so it argueth that the Prince which is compassed with Physicians, goeth charged with many vices. Precedents of provinces, when he sent them to be resident in their circuits, he did not only instruct what they aught to do, but also provided them for all necessities: and at their return, if they had done well, he relieved their necessities with his great liberality: but if they had done evil, he distressed them both of goods and fame. Praetors, Censors, and presidents that had charge of justice, if they had no wives, he compelled to take concubines into their houses, to the end they should not follow other men's wives: for he held opinion, that it were not agreeable unto justice, or according unto the honour of Rome, that the judges for adultery, should be accused of adultery. Unto CHRIST he would have made a temple in Rome, and placed him in the number of their Gods, which also was said of the Emperor Adrian: but the priests of the temples disuaded him, saying: that they had received answer of the oracle that if he should perform that act, all other temples should perish, and all persons would convert themselves and become Christians. Alexander in jests, was gracious: in fables, inventive: in banquets, a companion: in gathering of gold, skilful: in conserving, advised: in searching of mines, diligent: in giving, liberal: and in speculation of new devices, exceeding careful. In earnest or in jest, in word or in writing, he would not be called, but Roman: for which purpose, he made sundry diligent searches of his genealogy, whereby he gave demonstration of his descent from the Fabioes' Metelloes, which were noble and ancient Romans. He brought unto Rome great learned men, to read all Sciences: to which effect he erected many colleges and studies, and endued them with great rents, where the sons only of poor men were received and taught. Governors of Provinces he punished most grievously, for their offence in justice: especially, if they were noted, or rather accused, of bribery: but if by malice they were wrongfully accused, the accuser received the chastisement of the accused. This good Prince was pitiful unto all offenders, except thieves, and false witnesses: against whom he used extreme justice: and respecting the offence to redound, not so much unto himself, as unto others, he affirmed: that the Prince aught not to give them pardon. He had always in his chamber a book wherein were written all notable services which had been done unto him: he also entered into the same, all great rewards that he had given: and if any man happened to do him some notable service, and craved no recompense in consideration thereof: he would call him and say these, or such like words: What is the matter that thou demandest nothing of me? perchance thou wouldst have me thy debtor for thy service, since thou seekest not the recompense of thy travel. Seemeth it well unto thee, that thou shouldest obtain the fame of a faithful servant, and by thy mean I should purchase the renown of an ingrate prince? How shall others receive courage to serve me, when they see thee unrecompensed for service past? knowest thou not, that if it be just, that servants for treason committed, be put to death: is it not also most just, that Princes for their ingratitude be abhorred? presupposing that thou wouldst serve me, without respect to profit thyself, of my magnificence: wherein I give thee to understand, I find myself more offended then served: for at all times when they shall praise thee for that which thou hast done for me, they shall despise me, not only for ingratitude, but rather for hatred which I shall seem to bear unto thee. And if thou ceasest to crave, in thinking me to be in necessity, and not able to accomplish with all persons, most vain is thy judgement: for that the Prince, having no other mean to pay, is so much bound to recompense service, that he hath to redeem it, even from his ordinary diet. Conformable unto thine estate, demand what thou wilt: for since thou being a servant, hadst a mind to serve: it is just, that I being a Prince, should have rewards to give thee.  
These, and such other words Alexander used to say, unto such as were mindful to serve him: and forgettfull to crave of him. Those that served him, and others that craved of him, he did never recompense with the reward of any office of justice: but such as had served him, he recompensed their service, with houses, jewels, inheritances, or money.  
For any importunity which they should use with him, any service which they should do him, any jewels which they should present him, or any favour which they had of him, he gave not at any time, unto any person, any office for government of justice: if he had not seen ability in his person, and merit in his life. Every seventeen days, he paid his men of war: and when they departed out of Italy, to conquer any country, he did ease them with beasts whereon to ride, and succoured them with money to spend, for maintenance of their horses of service in courage, and their persons from weariness. When he traveled upon the way, he paid for the lodging of all his train, & did bear the charges of all sick persons.  
Certain Christians, and certain taverners came before him to pled for a parcel of ground, where the Christians would have erected an house of prayer, there to worship Christ their God: and on the other side, the taverners alleged their great necessity of that situation, for taverns for the people: in which matter Alexander gave this sentence. Divine things aught always to have preferment before humane matters: wherefore, I say and command, that the Christians make their house for Christ their God: for, admitting their God is unto us unknown, yet his honour is to be preferred before the profit of taverners.   

CHAP. VI ¶ How war was offered in Asia unto Alexander, and what was said unto his Ambassadors.  
IN the eleventh year after the beginning of the Empire of Alexander, suddenly he received letters from Asia, wherein he was given to understand by his Roman officers, that there were resident, how Artaxerxes king of the Persians had subdued, and also slain Arthabanus king of the Parthians: and not contented with that victory, began also to occupy and possess Assyria and Mesopotamia, provinces subject unto Rome. Upon which news, Alexander seemed to receive some trouble of mind, partly to have wars in Asia, which always was unto the Romans both dangerous and costly: and partly, for that in ten years past, he had seen no enemy against him in armour: as also, for that the success of wars consisteth not in leading great armies, but in the favourable provision of the destinies.  
Alexander, from his infancy, had been bred in peace, had governed the Empire in peace, and naturally also was inclined unto peace: in respect whereof, it was no marvel though he were annoyed with wars: for that the trouble and disquietness which war bringeth with it, is more convenient unto cruel and unquiet persons, then for men of reposed minds.  
He commanded his private servants deputed for his counsel, to join with the Senate, jointly to read the letters that were written to him out of Asia, and to determine how they should be answered: for, as negligence is hurtful in all grave affairs, so in the wars it slayeth. The letters being read, although they were therein of sundry judgements, yet in the end they resumed, that before they made Artaxerxes war, they should request with peace: for, admitting that at that present he destroyed the Roman territories, yet were it not agreeable unto the greatness and sincerity of Rome, to take war in hand, before that such war were very well justified. With great brevity Alexander dispatched Ambassadors into Asia, and by them did writ unto Artaxerxes king of the Persians a letter, after this manner.  

Alexander Severus, Roman Emperor, to Axtaxerxes king of Persians, health & peace, in the pacified Gods.  
We salute thee with health, because we wish it thee: and we salute thee with peace, for that we be lovers thereof: and thou hast not to hold it in small estimation, that I salute thee in peace, and wish thee health: for unto Princes that possess not health, life is tedious: and they which have not peace, it were less evil to be dead. It may chance, that the war which a man hath against his own proper sensuality sufficeth not, but that he must invent war against some strange country. A man that may not subdue his heart, which within his own body is imprisoned, thinketh he to conquer the whole world that is placed in so great liberty? If in time of peace we may not live in quietness: what shall we do when we awake new enemies against us? The Prince that may not persuade himself to conform his will and mind to the judgement of one only person, doth he think to constrain all persons to be appliant to his only judgement? Great travel hath the poor man, that wanteth all things: but much more hath the Prince that is contented with nothing. Here we understand, that thou hast adventured thy person, spent thy treasure, employed thy friends, & destroyed many people, to be lord of the Parthians: & we fully believe, that now thou art no more satisfied, then when thou wert only king of Persia: for, contentation consisteth not in conquering strange kingdoms, but in taming & moderating our own proper desires. Neither the Parthians there in Asia, neither the Romans here in Europa, have committed any deed, wherefore thou shouldest murder them, or menace us: but it may come to pass, that they shall revenge their injury, and we destroy thy potency: because for the more part, there never groweth any danger towards us by our enemies which have us in hatred: but from our friends whom we have offended. The Romans and Parthians at all times have been thy good friends, and thou hast attempted an enterprise to offend them: but I swear unto thee by the immortal Gods, that if thou dost not restore them that which thou hast taken, and to us, that which we possess: in such manner, we Romans will make thee war, that from commanding as a king of Asia, thou shalt come to serve as a vassal servant in Rome. There we send thee our Ambassadors, which shall declare unto thee our will, hear them and believe them: and if thou wilt not give faith unto the words which they shall speak, thou shalt hereafter give credit unto the armies which we will send. Not more, but that our Gods be with thee, and thine always with me.   
The Roman Ambassadors which passed into Asia with this letter, afterwards reported, that when king Artaxerxes had perused the same twice or thrice, he spoke in this manner.  

Certain words uttered by Artaxerxes upon the receipt of Alexander his embassage.  
I have read this letter of your Prince, more than once or twice: and as appeareth by the style thereof, he hath spent more time in the Achademies, studying: then in the fields, fight: because warlike Princes have high thoughts, and reasons very short: but in arms very doughty.  
I accept your embassage, and explicate your credit, since the meaning of your Prince is, that I shall leave what I have taken from the Parthians, and not occupy myself in possessing that which appertaineth unto the Romans: unto this answering, I say: that the law which hath ordained, this is thine, and this is mine, proceeded from base minds and humble hearts, that wanted hardiness to enterprise great things: imagining to defend by books, that which they durst not win with arms. The laws made by poor Philosophers aught not to prejudice the greatness of Princes: because the Gods have determined, that all things shall be proper, except kingdoms, which amongst Princes should be common: the right whereof consisteth not in such as do inherit them, but in them which may win them.  
The heroical Princes, and high minds, are not to be satisfied with the patrimonies of their predecessors: much less appertaineth it unto their greatness, to demand by law, that which their enemies have taken from them: but for preservation of their inheritance to spend their treasure, and for conquering and subduing kingdoms, every hour to adventure their lives.  
And since it is thus, that there is no king so virtuous, but envieth another's kingdom: I am determimined to conserve that which I have taken from the Parthians, and to take what I may from the Romans: and if fortune shallbe froward in this my journey, at the lest all men shall praise the greatness of my mind.   
These and such other words Artaxerxes used with the Roman Ambassadors, which (as they afterwards reported in Rome) did not so much marvel at that which he said, as of the mind wherewith he did manifest the same: for he seemed not to talk with the tongue, but to fight with his hands. Now, when the Ambassadors were dispatched and departed from the court, he called them again and said: Say unto Alexander your prince, that I mean not to answer unto his philosophical letter: but in place of writing, I assign him the field for paper, the lance for the pen, blood for ink, & wounds for words. The Ambassadors being returned unto Rome, and reporting all that had happened with Artaxerxes, the Senate were not a little touched therewith, and all the people conceived no small indignation, jointly swearing to break the pride of Artaxerxes, & to revenge the words that he had spoken against Rome. This Prince Artaxerxes was much loved and liked of his people, and no less feared of strangers: and a thing most to be noted in him, was, that if in taking from others he had the show of a tyrant, after he possessed the same, he did govern as a right and just Prince. Many Romans requested Alexander, to assemble Sorcerers, and Magicians, to declare the success of that war: which he would not in any wise accomplish, either might well endure the hearing thereof, affirming: that if as the Magicians & Soothsayers, by their art, have knowledge to understand things to come, so they had power to remedy the mischief which they should found, it were not unjust to confer with them, & also to serve them: but since I am certain that I may not escape what my destinies will cast upon me, I will rather stick unto that which the Gods shall determine, then unto that which the Magicians shall report and imagine.   

CHAP. VII. ¶ Of a discreet speech used by Alexander unto his men of war.  
ALexander understanding the proud answer that Artaxerxes had given unto his Ambassadors, determined against him to denounce war: unto which end he sent his mandates to all provinces, cities, subjects, and confederates with the Roman Empire, to secure them with money, and assist them with their most warlike people. Eleven years were passed, in which the Empire enjoyed most perfect peace and tranquillity: and upon the tidings of these new wars into Asia, they were not a little amazed and scandalized: partly for exacting new tributes, and partly for demanding their husbands and sons for the wars. With grateful minds and ready disposition, the imperialists accepted the Emperor Alexander in his requests and were no less ready to yield their money, their sons, and persons to be employed in his service: because they were fully persuaded, that neither by his fault, that war was raised: either by his want of merit, to find therein any misfortune. During the time that money was collecting, and the men of war assembling, he commanded all the Captains, Centurions, and the most principal of all his garrisons and armies, to come before him: who being placed in the field, and he himself advanced aloft, he spoke to them after this manner.  

Alexander his Oration, to his Capiteines and army, ass; embled in the field.  
Brethrens, companions, and my friends, I beseech the immortal Gods, to give unto my tongue sweet eloquence, touching that which I have to say: and to place in your hearts congruent attention, concerning that which you have to hear: because, grace to persuade in him that speaketh, and permission to be persuaded in him that heareth, are gifts that many crave, but very few obtain. The inclination wherewith we are led, is so proud, and the malice of man so wily, that there is none which esteemeth himself so simple, but thinketh to know that which another understandeth: and therefore, for one man to have skill to persuade many, is a gift that the gods only do give. With the severity of Demosthenes, the prudence of Pythagoras, the wisdom of Plato, and the eloquence of Cicero, many may hardly persuade one person: & doth one man think to persuade many? That which I have presently to say unto you, is not to the end that ye shall do what I will, but to understand what it is that you will: because, in great and grave affairs, one hath to propound, but many to determine. But coming to the purpose: you have known & seen, that these xi. years we have governed the Roman Empire: in which space we have traveled to conserve all men in justice, & shunned all occasions that might hinder our peace: wherein we have cause to give thanks unto the Gods, since we have deserved to enjoy in our time, that which our predecessors never obtained. Although a prince in his condition be a Saturnine, and in his life not well advised, in conversation unbridled, in keeping covetous, and proud in his own estimation: yet all is to be suffered and dissimuled, if he hold peace with strangers, and without acception of persons, do equal justice unto his subjects. It is known unto you all, that Artaxerxes king of Persians, hath destroyed the Parthians, and dealt foully with all our confederates & friends, and yet remaineth in so great power in Asia, that there is not against him one lance in the Rest: but your heroical deeds and noble minds being considered, we think not that ye either marvel, or have any doubt thereof: for that admiration proceedeth of small wisdom, and fear of cowardness. Heroical persons, that amongst others would be notified, receive with equal minds adversity and prosperity: for unto such men, though the joy of prosperity, and the smart of adversity be uncertain, yet is their glory unvariable. Leaving the Gods, and speaking of the affairs of men, nothing may justly be termed great, but that which bringeth with it great inconvenience: and than one is of more valour than all, when one doth that which all leave undone: for, greatness consisteth not in possessing proud desires: but in performing deeds of nobleness.  
From Rome we have sent our Ambassadors unto Artaxerxes, to persuade him to leave those provinces which he hath taken, and to abstain from them which he meant to take: which he not only refuseth to do, but hardly might endure the hearing thereof: for which cause, it appertaineth unto the greatness of Rome, to employ itself to the breaking of his pride: for that it proceeded not of less virtue to humble the proud, then to advance the humble. Many of you which be here, have been bred, and also present at the glorious acts of Antoninus Pius, and Severus my progenitors, noble men of immortal renown: and notwithstanding that by the antiquity of your years, and the travels which ye have passed in the wars, ye may not fight, yet at the lest ye shall profit us by your advise and counsel: which in the wars is very necessary, and no less profitable: for that in such assembly, one counsel is often given, that exceedeth the service of a thousand horsemen. Perfectly we aught to hope, that we Romans shall be conquerors, and the Barbarians overthrown: not only for that they first raised this war, but also because we have requested them with peace: wherein the Gods are so just, that very seldom they permit them to enjoy the victory, who were the occasion to raise that war. And doubt ye never the more, for that our armour is old & rusty: because the felicity of war, consisteth not in bright armour, but in doughty hearts and noble minds. Many which march on land in bright armour, be overcome: and all men that go by sea, wear rusty armour, and do conquer: in such wise, that war is not maintained with armour of iron, but with hearts of steel. And be not escandalized with consideration that ye have to fight under the standard of a young prince, which wanteth experience in the wars: but as of the rest, so of this ye shall have no cause to doubt: for that I go determined, intending in the act of fight, to fight as one of you: & in matters of counsel, to yield myself unto the counsel of the ancient.  
For any want of victuals, neither have ye to suspect: for that we are provided already in the channel of Byzantio, with wheat of Sicyl, wines of Candie, bacon of Campania, oil of Spain, salt of Capua, powdered beef of Cerdonia, and oats and beans of Normandy. For other pleasant and delectable things, I neither command to search, either would I (if they were found) suffer them to be transported: because in the wars, they may hardly subdue their enemies, that are overcome with vices. Scipio the African, when he went to besiege the renowned Numantia, found thirty thousand Romans (which xiiii. years had been at the siege thereof) environed with two hundredth thousand vices: who (like a skilful captain) banished both vice & vicious persons out of his camp: this being accomplished, presently the enemies were overcome. In this journey so tedious, perilous, chargeable & costly, I would not that ye should do more than ye shall see me do: because in travel upon the way, sailing on the sea, defending passages, executing on the enemies, and in the usage of my person, ye shall find me an affable companion, and no niggardly prince.   
These, and such other words Alexander used unto his army: which being heard, with loud voices they did all wish the Gods to preserve his life, and said with one assent, that they were ready to go and die in that war in his service. This speech being ended, he divided amongst his armies much money, according to the custom of the Roman Emperors: which was not given in part of payment of their wages, but to animate them, that with the better will they might endure the travels of war.   

CHAP. VIII. ¶ How the Romans were overcome of the Persians.  
AFter that Alexander had discoursed with his Captains and provided all things necessary for his journey, he commanded open war to be proclaimed against Asia, & a day appointed for his departing: before which time, he made great sacrifices in the temples, and vows unto the Gods: because the good Roman princes used for custom, first to pacify the ire of the Gods, before they took arms against their enemies. On the day in which he issued out of Rome, all the Senate and people did accompany him 3. miles: & further also (a thing much to be noted) there was none which beheld him departing, but bitterly fell a weeping: for that being (as he was) a prince so pitiful, of all men he was cordially and heartily beloved. From the time that he departed from Rome, he stayed not, until he arrived at the city Alexandria: to which place he had commanded all the garrisons of Illyria to repair, that there being assembled, the ignorant might exercise feats of arms: & further, to provide things necessary for the wars. Alexander being arrived at Alexandria, it seemed unto him, & to his grave Roman counsellors, to sand another Embassage to Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, once more to invite him to peace: which if he refused, then against him to sound defiance.  
Artaxerxes being advertised of Alexander his passage into Asia, & the coming of his Ambassadors into his kingdom, did neither manifest any fear of the Roman power, either was any thing altered with this new Embassage, making the Legates none other answer, but that shortly he would sand a new embassage. Within 6. days after, Artaxerxes sent an embassage of 400. horsemen to Alexander, of the most noble, valiant, and gallantest gentlemen of his armies: and the end wherefore he sent so many and so brave, was, to terrify the Romans with the magnificence of the Persians. The Embassage of those 400. persons, were comprised in few words, and after this manner were they written.  

The Embassage of Artaxerxes, the Persian king, to Alexander the renowned Emperor.  
The great king Artaxerxes, Lord of the Persians, commandeth thee Alexander, king of the Romans, to departed out of Asia, and cease to enter possession of Assyria: care not to enter into jonia, Caria, either to have to do with Pontus, the sea Aegeum, either to pass any country or province which confineth or bordereth upon Europa: for otherwise, in not accomplishing these things, it shall be necessary that thou be chastised.   
Alexander considering this proud Embassage, commanded all the 400. Ambassadors to be taken, & rewarding others with all the apparel which they did wear, and the jewels which they had, he sent them banished into Phrygia, there to till the lands, & plough with oxen. Some gave Alexander counsel, not to banish but to hung them: to whom he answered: he that saith in his Embassage no more than he is commanded, & fighteth for defence of his country, unjustly they take away his life. Alexander possessing an army of great power, forgot not to divide the same into three parts, that is to say, sending the one by the way of Armenia, the other along the borders of Tigris & Euphrates, & the third part he led with himself to enter into the countries and fields of his enemies: to the end, that the Persians beholding themselves assailed on every side, should yield and stoop to the service of the Romans. In those days, the Persians had not skill orderly to give a battle, but the jointly they fought in heaps, & so either they did subdue, or were subdued: and that which is more to be marveled, as well women went to the wars as men: neither did the prince give wages unto the one or the other, more than every one was able to get, rob, and spoil in the same. Although the Persians were not ready in keeping of array, yet on the other part, they were much accustomed unto arms, and from their youth addicted to run horses, and shoot arrows.  
that the Persians had slain their parents, & that their wives and children were now destroyed by the Germans. exceeding was the sorrow which stoung Alexander's heart, considering with what haste he was called unto the wars of Germany: chief, for advertisement of the necessity of his personal presence in the same wars: for otherwise, the Romans would not repair: and such as came discomfited from Asia, would all departed. The greatest grief that did cruciate and torment his heart, was, to think that at the hour in which the fame of his unfortunate fight should be divulgate and noised through the Empire, and the Germans newly revolted, his enemies in Rome would attempt some commotion in the common wealth: for that it is natural unto the common people, to desire daily change of new Lords. The Emperor Alexander determined in his own person to be in the wars of Germany: and on the other part, did writ to the Senate amorous letters, sending unto Rome, to be offered in the temples, great sacrifices: and ships loaden with wheat and oil, to be divided amongst the people: and jointly with this, he secreately provided to furnish the frontiars with men and victuals: in such wise, that this good prince, in his own person would go to the wars against his enemies: and with his goods would win the hearts of his subjects. With no small diligence, Alexander travailed from Asia to Germany: and immediately upon his arrival at Rhine, he made bridges of boats, whereon his armies might freely pass, and also fight with his enemies.  
Alexander journeying towards Germany, entertained certain people called Maures, which lived in the fields Ossroanos, bordering upon Thracia: who fought with long lances, having a head of iron at each end, with such dexterity and readiness on horseback, that in riding they would take up their lances fallen unto the ground: and also wound their enemies as well in flight, as assault. Many of these Maures were marvelous ready archers at the crossbow: and as naturally the Germans are high of body, and slow and laden with flesh, and the Maures on the other part, very skilful in shooting, and of like life in skirmishing: so they behaved themselves no more nor no less with the Germans, than an archer with a white at a Butt, that is to say, without all danger to strike the same all to pieces. Although the romans were few, yet in their martial affairs they had prosperous beginning, and no less hope of good success: but the Germans, admitting they were many, yet fought they with great misfortune: because the Romans were men of experience, but the Germans chief practised manuring the fields. Notwithstanding the Germans did repent them of their warlike attempts, and Alexander not misliking his personal journey: yet the good prince forgot not to request them, and also pray them with peace: for which purpose, he sent unto them wise Ambassadors, that on his behalf should say unto them very good words, and offer large rewards, with a general pardon of all injuries: this did he, not for fear, but yet with some doubt of fortune's variableness, which in warlike attempts discovereth her dealing with most uncertainty. The Germans most times begin their wars with choler, and prosecute the same with fury: but in the end, they endure to be persuaded by requests, & to be overcome with money. During the time that the Ambassadors practised peace, they established a truce betwixt both armies, whereat the Roman hosts were amazed, and no less scandalized: for that as then being fleshed upon the Germans, they would revenge all injuries, and also rob them of their goods.  
In Alexander's army there was a captain named Maximius, borne in Thracia, in lineage obscure, in condition barbarous, of inclination vicious, in office a mansleyar, and a robber on high ways: who, for his valiantness in warlike affairs, came by all the degrees of chivalry to have the charge of men of war. And to consider a marvelous matter of this Maximius, which is to say: that as Nature was his adversary in depriving him of virtues natural, so was Fortune his favourer in all variable chances: because, than fortune showeth her greatness, when such as be of small valour, are advanced to the possession of mighty things. The Romans considering how Alexander practised peace with the Germans, and that the truce continuing, he gave himself unto pleasure and vice, all spoil and robbing of enemies being removed, agreed amongst themselves to created Maximius Emperor, & to murder their lord and Emperor Alexander. The case was thus, that Maximius being in the fields, teaching certain young men to play at weapons, the confederate traitors came unto him, and taking Maximius amongst them, appareled him with the rob and ensign of the Empire: who being ignorant of their intent, and supposing it to be done in jest, used some resistance. But, when Maximius perceived his promotion to be no matter of jest, he determined to kill the true Emperor in earnest: whereof Alexander (all careless in his tent) being advertised, began to change countenance as one sore abashed, and his mother also to fall a weeping. The generous and valiant gentlemen that Alexander had with him, he did request and persuade to resist the traitor Maximius, and as good vassals & friends, in this case to live and die with him: which they all promised, but afterwards observed not.  
The next day early in the morning, it was said unto Alexander, that Maximius came accompanied with all the army: whereupon Alexander demanding armour to issue forth to fight, there was not one man found that would follow: for that all his men of war were returned to Maximius, and the most of his servants that night were fled. When Maximius came within the view of the imperial tent, where Alexander remained, he stood still, and commanded certain Captains to go to Alexander, not to take, but to kill him: & that by no means they should give him space or place to do any deed, or stay to hear any of his words: for that many times delays in like cases bring to pass, that he that should have died, doth kill him that should have lived.  
When Maximius his Captains came unto Alexander's tent, he was blaming his mother, saying, that by her avarice and covetousness he lost both life and honour: but his complaints, and her lamentations extended to small purpose: for that jointly they slew the son, and mangled the mother all to pieces. Herodianus (in his Roman histories) saith, that this chance and death happened unto Alexander: but other Historiographers, no less grave and true, although they say that he died in Germany, yet say not that he was subdued in Asia: moreover, the occasion of his death they report after another manner: because Herodianus knew not otherwise to excuse the treason committed by Maximius, but to say, for that Alexander had been overcome, he was odious unto all the army.   

CHAP. X. ¶ Of a solemn Oration made by Alexander unto his men of war.  
WHen Alexander departed from Rome to go into the wars of Asia, he had great regard unto his men of war, as well for their safety, as also for robbing such countries as they were to pass: for, as natural is it for men of war to rob their neighbours, as to kill enemies. When he did eat, he had always his tent open: to the end all men of his host should both see and know, that the meat which he did eat, had more taste of the sharpness of the wars, then of the delicateness of Rome. Nightly he did visit the circuit of his camp: and at all times would give them false alarms, to yield them aptness unto armour, and readiness to repair unto their ensigns. If any person did wander from his standard, either to rob, or but so much as to walk, the quality of the person considered, he received punishment more or less.  
If any were a brabbler with his host, froward with his companions, disobedient unto his officers, took any thing by violence, or was foul mouthed, he would say these words unto him: wouldst thou, that as thou dost, they should do, or as thou sayest, they should say unto thee? Knowest thou not the proverb of the Christians, Quod tibi non vis, alteri ne feceris, that is, what thou wilt not to thyself, do not to another. Alexander said that he heard this Proverb spoken, and he witted not whether of the jews or Christians: which in his heart took such deep impression, that he did not only speak and repeat, but also many times wrote the same unto his governors: and further, caused them to be drawn upon his ensigns, and graven upon all his works. Alexander being resident in the territories of Antioch, was informed that a certain captain had abused an ancient woman, both in word and deed: and both being called into his presence, and the matter heard, he commanded the captain to be deprived of his room and office, and of the liberties which he had received in Rome: and further, that he should be slave unto the old woman: furthermore, he commanded that in Carpentars' craft he should perform his service, & maintain his old dame. He used so great severity and hardness with his men of war, that many times he dispatched them by whole bands: for that he might not endure their civil dissensions: or robberies, and scandals amongst neighbours.  
All Roman princes had fear of their armies, except Alexander, and the cause why (as he said) he feared them not, was: for that he paid them very well, and removed all occasion of reprehension from his own person and life: for in the end, none hath true liberty to chastise, but the man that is of a sincere life. The army remaining in Antioch, he was advertised that they gave themselves unto women, haunted hot houses, and spent and lost much time in vain plays and idleness: whereupon he commanded all the Captains, Tribunes, and Centurions, to be taken, and with irons to be cast into prison, upon which cause there grew amongst them, no small scandal: in so much that openly they durst say unto Alexander, if on that present day he did not let them loose, the next day following they would departed unto the enemies. Alexander being advertised what his men of war had said, & what they meant to do, commanded them all to appear before his presence, both such as were in bonds, as those that were at liberty: saying unto them these words.  

Alexander his Oration, made to his men of war, at his commandment before him summoned and assembled.  
Brothers, friends, and my companions, that which now I have to say unto you, is more for the love which I bear you, then fear which I have of you: because, princes that have fear to execute justice, either it is for that they are unjust: or because their subjects should dissemble their own proper vices. How would ye that I should suffer you, being (as ye are) noble romans? whom cruel tyrants would not endure as their subjects? There is none so evil, although he endeavour not to be virtuous, that of the good holdeth not good opinion: whereof followeth, that it is much more evil for the common wealth, the prince being virtuous, to suffer persons vicious: then him that is vicious, to permit no vice in his common wealth.  
The prince that consenteth unto vices, and dissembleth with vicious persons, is not to be named a pitiful father, but a perverse and a cruel tyrant: for that, notwithstanding at the present he doth not chastise them, yet in process the one shall destroy the other. One vicious, with another that is vicious, may never long continued in friendship: for presently upon the decay of vice, at the instant their friendship faileth. Being (as I am) your prince according to justice, and your brother in love, how would ye that I should suffer you to ravish women, play your wages away at dice, spoil orchards, with other such like vile & heinous deeds? Admitting that now I would pass and dissemble the same, yet doubtless, your selves before others would blame & condemn the same: because this tribute the good have over the evil, that if they be grieved with the chastisement given unto the evil, in the end they shall some day praise him that did justice. Understand ye not that ye are gentlemen of Rome? and that on the day in which any man taketh the name of a Roman, he bindeth himself to be virtuous? Because this name of Romans, was not so much magnified of our predecessors, by killing enemies in Asia, as by weeding vices out of our common wealths.  
We call the Persians, Barbarians, because they have taken that which was ours: and doubt ye that of Romans, they shall not entitle us tyrants, that have spoiled others? I am named Alexander, and would imitate Alexander the great: of whom, and of his father king Philip it is said, that when they brought forth their armies to fight, they seemed more a Senate in the common wealth, than men of war. If they had done what ye now have done, never might those princes have obtained so great victories of their enemies, either writers so largely to have registered their noble and glorious deeds, either might I have praised them with so good words: whereof followeth, that the chiefest effect to overthrow enemies, is, to hold armies very well disciplined. Prince's use to loose many victories, not for want of justified war, but because their men of war are wicked: and admitting that some times evil men do conquer, yet in the end they shall be vanquished, or else of the gods cruelly chastised. Let them be certain, that are either present or absent, if any one will be evil, either let him return unto his house, or else we shall chasten him if he remain under our standard: because it is not just that we, coming to recover that which is usurped from the common wealth, by bearing with your works, should defame our mother Rome. If we suffer so many travels, adventure ourselves in so many perils, and consume our treasures, it is not for want of oil, wheat, wine, plate, or gold, but to magnify the renown of the Roman Empire: and since it is so, how is it possible for the Gods to permit, that by the hands of infamous persons, we should obtain honour or renown. Numa Pompilius, Quintus Cincinnatus, Marcus Marcellus, Paulus Emilius, Quintus Fabius, Cneus Fabricius, and Scipio Africanus brought to pass, with the Gods that the Roman empire was accepted, and that through the world the name of Rome was reverenced: we read not in histories that these glorious and noble men, in their persons were tyrants, and much less would consent their armies to be vicious. Believe me, friends and companions, Princes that will maintain the fame of good Princes, and not recover the reproach of tyrants, aught to have as great care to preserve their armies from vice, as to avoid the treason of enemies: for that men do incur greater danger by secret vices, then by open enemies. That which ye have done, is either good or evil: and if robbing of fields, raising of mutinies, and forcing of women, be good: then by this account, to honour temples, defend orphans, sacrifice unto the Gods, and to use justice with all people, is wicked: since the laws which condemn the one, allow the other: which of all you is neither to be believed, either so much as once to be thought: for, not withstanding of evil we can say but evil: yet is it much worse to defend, then do it. If these insolences which I have rehearsed, and you have committed, ye hold for evil: why conceive ye not the chastisement given for the same, to be good? If virtue and reward be cousines, who will deny that the trespass & the punishment are brethren? He that ordained the conqueror to triumph, hath he not appointed the thief to be hanged? Will ye be paid before hand, for service unperformed? and will ye neither pay or restore that which ye have purloined?  
Notwithstanding Princes have great liberty in the common wealth, yet are they not exempted or free from justice: and will men of war only be privileged? The words which ye have uttered, and the threatenings which ye have thundered, neither do I take them as injuries, or yield myself to any grievous agony: for in killing me, ye shall kill but one: yet in the end, there shall not want in the Empire, one to succeed me, and also to chastise you.  
That which I presently request and command you, is, to amend that which is past, presently to embrace quietness, and to be advised in time to come: which if ye refuse, I shall be forced to use rigour, because I am not to support mine Empire, by relieving vicious soldiers, but in maintenance of all men by justice.   
These and such words being said, they become all mild and pacified: and further, all armour being laid a part, in token of obedience: and their heads cast down, in sign of sorrow: every man departed unto his charge. Hereby, the great authority of Alexander in his commandments is to be gathered: and the force which he had in his persuading speech, to be pondered. The band and capteineship which he dismissed, after thirty. days he did both pardon and admit them: because he saw in them great repentance, for that which was past, and ready minds to serve him in time to come: and so it came to pass, that afterwards in battle they proved men most notable, and such in deed, as to whom greatest glory was given.   

CHAP. XI. ¶ Of the victory that Alexander obtained against the Persians, and of his triumph, as some writers do report.  
WHen Alexander departed from Rome, because of the wars in Asia, a great part of Summer was passed: for which cause, it was necessary for him to Winter in Antioch: admitting the delay increaseth cost, yet was it profitable for performance of his warlike attempts: for that in mean time, he reformed his armies, provided victuals, repaired high ways, recovered many dangerous passages, and also removed from his enemy many confederates. When summer began, Alexander marched with his army: after whose entrance into the land of Persia, he performed all exploits accustomed in such a journey: which is to weet, broke bridges, overthrew forts, burned houses, sacked towns, spoiled fields, killed men, and did captivate women: whereof we have not to marvel, for that notwithstanding war be justified, and all things just therein demanded, yet always the deeds thereof be most unjust. Certain days being past, wherein were traversed divers dangerous skirmishes, and no less perilous encounters, by the consent of Alexander and Artaxerxes, they committed both their fortunes unto the merit of a battle: the Persians being overthrown, and the Romans remaining conquerors: wherein, if Artaxerxes had staid his hardiness, and commended the matter unto policy, placing his power in his forts and most strong places: if he had suffered the romans by tract of time to consume themselves, according to the custom of great armies, in strange countries: he might have preserved, both his country and honour. Great riches were recovered in that battle, and infinite the captives which then were taken: and as the Persians hold it for a most great injury to serve any strange nation, so Artaxerxes, notwithstanding he was poor and overcome, gathered together great sums of money, and redeemed all captives: in such wise, that in Persia there remained no money, either any captives came unto Rome.  
Alexander recovered in those wars, the renown of valiant, magnanime, and not covetous: and he was justly entitled valiant, for his doughtiness in fight: magnanime, for his magnificent liberality: and not covetous, for the small share that he reserved unto himself.  
The affairs of Persia being dispatched. Alexander returned unto Rome, entering the same with great triumph, and glory: for that conformable unto the people and nation which they had subdued, was the riches that was brought unto the treasury. And after being mounted upon the Capitol, he said unto the Senate, after this manner.  

A short Oration made to the Senate.  
Father's Conscript, for that I come tired with so long a journey, and you no less wearied in receiving me, it were no reason to make long speech, much less to invent new eloquence: because there is nothing so eloquently spoken, but if it be said out of time or place, seemeth tedious unto the audience. He that shall speak, or persuade others, hath not only to consider what he saith, but also to observe time, and respect the assembly: for the Sea at one time, doth permit herself to be spurned: and at another time not to be touched. By that which ye have heard, as that which this day ye have seen, ye may understand how dangerous this war hath been, and how copious a victory we have obtained: for as ye understand (Fathers conscript) there is no great harvest, without great tillage.  
The case is thus, that the Persians had in their favour four score thousand footmen, six thousand horsemen, seven hundredth Elephants, two thousand iron carts, and two thousand slaves that were young men: the one half to bear victuals, and the other half to mend high ways.  
On that day in which both the one & the other came forth into the field to fight, no man would have thought, but that the whole world had been come together, and also the dead risen out of their graves. Of foot men we slew twenty thousand, and did captivate twenty thousand, of horse men two thousand were killed, and three thousand did yield, of Elephants we bring three hundred, and three hundred we have slain: the carts, the slaves, and prisoners, they have redeemed by the weight of money, in such wise, that we have taken their countries, overcome their persons, and brought away their goods. I return safe & sound, the army enriched, king Artaxerxes defeated, the name of Rome magnified, and the confederates satisfied: and with all these travels though we come wearied, yet are we not fatigated: because victory is so sweet a thing, that it leadeth all travels passed into oblivion.   
Alexander having said these words, the Senate exclaimed with loud voices.  
The immortal Gods save thee Alexander, the Gods make thy fame immortal, since this day thou haste honoured Rome with everlasting fame. Thou hast overcome the Persians, visited the Parthians, subdued kings, enriched the armies, and placed us in great honour: for which cause, not unworthily, we entitle thee Pater Patriae father of our country, Tribune of the people, most high Bishop, first Consul, & only Emperor of the world.  
These & such other exclamations manifested by the Senate, at the issue of the Capitol gate, Alexander said unto all persons that there did attend him.  
Fathers, sons, brothers, and companions unto the fathers of the Senate, we have given account of all that we have done, and will give you a reason, as appertaineth, of all that we have said. For this day, the triumph paste sufficeth: to morrow, we will visit the temples: the next day, we will offer great sacrifices: the fourth day, we will give liberty unto prisoners: the fift day, we will divide rewards amongst the poor widows, and orphans: the sixth day, we will begin the Persike & Circen plays: for considering the greatness of our victory, we will first accomplish with the Gods, by whom we have obtained the same: and then with men which gave us their assistance.  
When Alexander came from the Capitol, he mounted on horse back to ride unto his palace: whom, at that instant, certain ancient gentlemen of Rome did take & bear upon their shoulders, the people gathered together exclaminge with loud voices, in this manner.  
Blessed is Mamea thy mother, blessed art thou Alexander her son, blessed is Rome that bred thee, blessed is the army that elected thee, and blessed is the Senate that did consecrated thee: for in thee is contained the felicity of Octavius, & the bounty of Trajan. Thou hast lead with thee into the wars, our husbands, our sons, and our friends, whom thou bringest back with thee all sound, all rich, and likewise all contented: wherefore, we say unto thee, that if this day we place thee upon our shoulders, for ever more we will lay up thy memory in our entrails.  
In these exclamations the people continued, before and behind, for the space of four hours, extremely pestering all passage, until the chariot triumphant, with four Elephants, made the ways open. All that which he said unto the people, he commanded presently to be accomplished.  
At the end of these feasts, he did institute a temple of Virgins, who were named Maneaes, in reverence of his mother Manea. At the same time he received news, that at Tanger a city of Africa, Furius Celsus had obtained victory, and junius Palinatus likewise in Armenia triumphed over the enemies, as also Varius Macrinus in Illyria had made a conquest of certain countries: and the currers which brought the news, presented him also with three tables of Laurel. The feasts and triumphs being finished, he would be informed of the officers of the common wealth, that is to say: how in his absence they had used the people, and how they had administered justice: and such as had not done well, he removed: and those that had done well, he rewarded: giving unto some more honourable offices, and to other's heritage's and money. Many times Alexander would say, that they deserved as great glory that in time of war did well govern the common wealth, as they which in the wars obtained victory.   

CHAP. XII. Of things which he did in Rome, and how the tyrant Maximius did kill him in Britain.  
AFter that Alexander had subdued and triumphed over the Persians, certain days he was detained in the government and refourmation of the common wealth: because the long absence of princes breedeth want of justice amongst the multitude. Of all the riches that he brought from the wars of Asia, he did take for himself, but one horse, one chariot, four Elephants, one sword, one cup of Ius, and a paper of points, which belonged unto king Artaxerxes: for as he said, The pray of princes, aught to be employed on princes. The defence of the most dangerous frontiers, he commended not but unto men that had great wealth in the same: which if he had not, he gave it them in such wise, that to conserve his fidelity which he did own, & to save his goods which he possessed, he should be forced to defend his country, or die in the enterprise.  
There was in Rome in those days a Mathematician, named Thrasibulus, of whom Alexander demanded what death he should die: who answered: thou shalt die in a strange country, not in thine old age, but by the sword of a Barbarian: whereat Alexander was nothing altered, but rather with exceeding joy embracing Thrasibulus said:  

A certain speech of Alexander against the terror of death.  
If the Gods did grant unto other princes to live perpetually, and command me only to die, I confess I should dolefully feel the deed of death: but our life being (as it is) so short, and death so necessary: I had rather die in the field by the hands of mine enemies, then in my chamber compassed with Physicians. Unto the greatness of Princes it appertaineth, not only to lead a good life, but also elect an honourable death: and to this end I say unto thee Thrasibulus, that all the felicity of a Prince consisteth in well governing the common wealth, and also to employ his life for the same. What fame, or glory, what ease or quietness, doth follow the life of that Prince which dieth in his old years, and sickly? in which age, for the most part, old men be evil served of their subjects, and contemned of strangers. He that conceiveth it to be good for the priest to die in the temple, conceiveth no less of the Prince that dieth in the field: for that the office of the one is to pray, & of the other to fight.  
I have seen many die here in Rome, after the manner which the common people do think the best kind of death: that is to say, laden with years, laid in their beds, accompanied with sons, honoured of parents, compassed with sons in law, visited of Physicians, and served of nephews: at whose death, I bear no envy: since I knew of them, that before their bodies were tasted of worms, their hearts were unboweled with grief & thought.  
Thrasibulus, thou dost well know, that Alexander, Darius, Hector, pompeius, Gayus, Tullius, Seneca, and Demosthenes, were men in their persons very glorious, in doctrines very wise, and in their deeds no less heroical: and yet all these with many others died, not accompanied with their friends, but by the hands of their enemies: neither were they blemished with so untimely a death, since of them nothing was less esteemed: but rather by their cruel deaths, they advanced their fames. No other thing is divers in death, but only the manner of the same, sithence death in the end is always but one thing: for we should not be afflicted with the manner of our death: but what things we should repair, to the amendment of our life. Admitting that these considerations, appertain more unto Philosophers, then unto the simple: yet I say both to thee and other, that as it was not in our hands to be borne, so shall not the manner of our death consist in ourselves: but that hour being arrived, there and then shall every man find for himself, what fortune hath provided.   
All these things Alexander said unto Thrasibulus in secret, and afterwards openly in the hearing of all men. Not many days after these things passed, Alexander departed unto the wars of Germany, which were not prosecuted in Germany, but in Gallia transalpina: for because the French men were subject unto the Romans, the Germans did invade them. Alexander being in the greatest heat of these wars, certain mutinous soldiers and old servants of Heliogabalus, did created a captain, named Maximius, Emperor: because the Emperor Alexander would not consent, but utterly detested their horrible and vicious acts. Alexander remaining in the lesser Britain in a place named Cilicia, Maximius & his traitorous adherentes determined to kill him their Lord and Emperor, before it might be manifested through the armies: for that, notwithstanding divers of them did doubt his severity, yet on the other part all persons did love his justice.  
Alexander reposing at after noon, the traitors agreed with a jester to murder him in his tent: who being entered, fell into such dismay, that he not only gave over his determined attempt unperformed, but also fled with no small doubt and fear affrighted. But being afterwards retired unto Maximius and his companions, persuaded them presently to kill Alexander, being at that time on his bed solitary and unaccompanied, for that other wise he would discover their whole intent: which he said, because it was A law martial, that any which should adventure to enter the tent of the prince without licence, should pay no less than the loss of his life. Maximius and his complices considering what the jester had said, presently determined to murder their Lord and Emperor Alexander: and so jointly and furiously entering his tent, slew both him, his mother, and all persons that made resistance, or overthwarted them with any displeasant speech. Alexander died one the twelfth of june, after thirteen years & nine days of his Empire were expired: he lived twenty & nine years, three months, and seven days: and was a Prince in Rome most loved in his life, and most bewailed at his death. The enemies of Alexander did note him, that he despised in himself to be native in Assyria, that he loved gold, invented new tributes, was severe with soldiers, did what he could to resemble Alexander Magnus, and that he was somewhat suspicious. But the thing wherefore Alexander was most blamed, and justly deserved to be noted, was, that being a man, and of great experience in the government of the Empire, he continued subject unto his mother, as when he was a child: and in this case it was sufficient, that he had reverenced and honoured her as a mother: and on the other part to have considered, that her counsel in the end, was but of a woman. Alexander was so universally beloved of all nations of the Empire, that it chanced at his death, which never was read to have chanced at the death of any Prince of the world, that is to say: that they were all slain which brought the news of his death: neither the commandments of commissions of his successor, would they obey: advouchinge it to be blasphemy in the place of so virtuous a Prince, to yield obedience unto a traitor so detestable.   
FINIS.   

Errors escaped.  

Page. 136  
Page. 143  
Page. 335  
Page. 366  
Page. 431   

Faults. Chap. two.  
Faults. Chap. xi.  
Faults. Chap. iiii.  
Faults. Chap. xii.  
Faults. Oath.  
Faults. Manea.   

Correction Chap. seven.  
Correction Chap. x.  
Correction Chap. iii  
Correction Chap. x.  
Correction Other.  
Correction Mamea, and   
so it must be read, wheresoever it is found.   

¶ A general Table, containing the titles or arguments of every Chapter throughout the body of this whole book. (⸫)  

The life of the Emperor Trajan. Pag. 13.  

Chap. 1 OF four renowned cities that perished and were subverted in Spain.  
2 Of the country and birth of the Emperor Trajan.  
3 How Trajan passed out of Spain, being a young man to go into Italy.  
4 Of the friendship and parentage that Trajan had with the Emperor Nerua.  
5 How Nerua was made Emperor, and adopted Trajan his son.  
6 Of the laws that Trajan made, to the profit of the common wealth.  
7 Of the noble and notable virtues that were in Trajan.  
8 Of the proud and stately buildings which Trajan made.  
9 Of some vices whereof Trajan was noted.  
10 Of the first wars that Trajan had against the Datians.  
11 How Trajan triumphed over the Datians, and reformed his common wealth.  
12 Of the second wars that Trajan had against the Datians.  
13 Of the great buildings that Trajan made in the kingdom of Datia.  
14 Of the second entering of Rome by the Emperor Trajan, and the notable things, which he did in the same.  
15 What Trajan did in Sicyl, in Africa, and in Spain.  
16 How trajan did pass out of Spain into Asia, and the manner that he used in the wars.  
17 Of the honourable titles that the Romans sent unto Trajan, and of the earthquake in Antioch.  
18 How trajan subdued Assyria, and what he did in Babylon.  
19 How trajan, after great travel to pass into the Indias, was constrained to retire.  
20 how Trajan coming from Asia to triumph in Rome, was staid by death in Sicyl.    

The life of the Emperor Adrian. Pag. 71.  

Chap. 1 Of the lineage from whence Adrian descended, and of the place and country where he was bred & nourished.  
2 Of some evil inclinations that possessed & had power in Adrian.  
3 Of the friends and enemies which Adrian had.  
4 Of the love that the Emperor Trajan had unto Adrian.  
5 Of the care and solicitude of Adrian, to obtain the Empire.  
6 How at Traianes' death Adrian was declared Emperor.  
7 Of his entrance into Rome.  
8 Of the good conditions and inclinations of Adrian.  
9 Of the manner which Adrian used with the men of war.  
10 Of the acts that Adrian did in England, France, and Spain.  
11 How Adrian did pass into Asia, and of the things that chanced there.  
12 Of the great liberality that Adrian used, and some cruelties that he committed.  
13 Of the laws that Adrian made.  
14 Of some of his gracious and pithy sentences.  
15 Of the things that he did worthy praise, and some other things worthy dispraise.  
16 Whom Adrian did adopt to succeed him in his Empire.  
17 How, and where the Emperor Adrian died.    

The life of the Emperor Antoninus Pius. Pag. 118.  

Chap. 1 Of the lineage and country of the Emperor Antoninus Pius.  
2 Of the inclination, proportion, and natural fashion of his body.  
3 Of the works of piety which he did, and the cause why he was entitled Antoninus Pius.  
4 Of the words that Adrian said unto the Senate, when he did adopt Antoninus Pius.  
5 Of the offices that Antoninus held before he was Emperor.  
6 How he held all Provinces in peace, not by arms, but with letters.  
7 How he did visit the officers of his common wealth, and the reformation of his house.  
8 Of certain notable buildings erected by Antoninus.  
9 Of certain laws which the Emperor Antoninus Pius made.  
10 Of the prodigious and monstruous things that happened, during the Empire of Antoninus Pius.  
11 Of the wars that happened in the reign of Antoninus Pius, and other his acts.  
12 Of the succession of the Empire, and the occasion of his death.    

The life of the Emperor Commodus. Pag. 149.  

Chap. 1 Of the birth of the Emperor Commodus.  
2 Of the honourable titles given to the Emperor Commodus, in time of his youth.  
3 How Commodus did inherit the Empire of his father Marcus Aurelius, and of a certain speech which he used unto the Senate.  
4 Of a certain famous and notable speech, used by one of his Tutors: for that he would leave the war of Panonia unfinished.  
5 How Commodus left the wars of Panonia to go to Rome.  
6 How Commodus was cruel, and of the cruelties which he used.  
7 Of a certain conspiracy attempted against Commodus, and of Perennius his most favoured Counsellor.  
8 Of a conspiracy that Perennius wrought against the Emperor Commodus.  
9 Of the tyrant Maternus, and of his treason against Commodus.  
10 Of the inexpected death of Cleander, a favoured and most private servant unto Commodus.  
11 The report of a fire which descended from Heaven, and burned in Rome the Temple of Peace.  
12 Of many cruelties, and not a few fantastical practices of Commodus.  
13 A discourse of the provinces that rebelled in his reign, and the prodigies of his death.  
14 How Commodus was slain, by the devise and counsel of his Courtesane Martia.    

The life of the Emperor Pertinax. Pag. 240.  

Chap. 1 Of the lineage and country of the Emperor Pertinax.  
2 Of the variable fortune that Pertinax did pass, before he obtained the Empire.  
3 What was said, and what he answered unto those persons, that offered him the Empire.  
4 A certain notable speech uttered by Letus, unto the army, in the favour of Pertinax.  
5 Of an Oration made by Pertinax in the Senate, immediately after he was elected Emperor.  
6 Of many things which he did after he was Emperor.  
7 Of many things which he did ordain & reform in the common wealth.  
8 Of certain vices wherewith he was infected, and of the prodigies of his death.  
9 Of the occasion that the Pretorians took to murder him.  
10 Of a notable speech that the Emperor Pertinax used, when his soldiers came to kill him.    

The life of the Emperor julianus. Pag. 246.  

Chap. 1 Of the life, lineage, and country of the Emperor julianus.  
2 How the Empire of Rome was set to sale, and also sold by proclamation.  
3 Of the great and mortal hatred which the romans did bear unto julianus, for buying the Empire.  
4 Of two Roman Captains named Severus and Pessenius, that rebelled against the Emperor julianus.  
5 How by the commandment of the Senate, the Emperor julianus was slain.    

The life of the Emperor Severus. Pag. 266.  

Chap. 1 Of the lineage and country of the Emperor Severus.  
2 Of the offices which Severus held in the Empire, before he was Emperor.  
3 How the Pretorians did elect him Emperor.  
4 How he revenged the death of the good Emperor Pertinax.  
5 Of things that he did in Rome, presently after he was Emperor.  
6 How the Emperor Severus passed into Asia against captain Pessenius that rebelled against him.  
7 Of the wars that passed betwixt Pessenius and Severus, in Asia.  
8 Of a cruel and furious battle, betwixt Pessenius and Severus, wherein Pessenius was slain.  
9 Of the Consul Albinius, and how he rebelled against Severus in England.  
10 Of a famous speech that Severus uttered unto his armies, to bring them in hatred with his enemy Albinius.  
11 How Severus departed from Asia to France, and fought with Albinius and slew him.  
12 How after the death of Albinius, Severus returned to Rome, and there slew many.  
13 How Severus returned into Asia, and conquered many provinces.  
14 Of Severus his sons, and of their evil inclination.  
15 Of a favoured servant of Severus named Plautianus.  
16 Of a certain treason that Plautianus had ordained against Severus, and how it was discovered,  
17 Of the particular vices and virtues of Severus.  
18 how Severus passed into great Britain, where he died.    

The life of the Emperor Bassianus. Pag. .230.  

Chap. 1 how Bassianus and his brother Geta did inherit the Empire of their father Severus.  
2 How in Rome they bury their Emperors, and of great ceremonies which there they used.  
3 Of the mortal hatred betwixt Bassianus and Geta his brother.  
4 Of an excellent speech uttered by the mother unto her sons  
5 how Bassianus, to obtain the Empire unto himself, slew his brother in his mother's arms.  
6 Of a certain speech used of Bassianus unto the Senate, excusing himself of the death of his brother Geta.  
7 Of the great cruelty of Bassianus, and of such as he commanded to be slain.  
8 Of the provinces which Bassianus did travel, and the things which he did therein.  
9 Of an horrible cruelty that Bassianus committed in Alexandria.  
10 Of a letter which Bassianus did writ unto the king of Parthians, to have his daughter in marriage.  
11 Of another solemn letter, wherein the king of the Parthians answered Bassianus.  
12 How Bassianus committed a great treason against the Parthians.  
13 How Bassianus was slain by the commandment of his private captain Macrinus.  
14 How Macrinus excusing himself of the death of Bassianus, did advance himself with the Empire.    

The life of the Emperor Heliogabalus. Pag. 374.  

Chap. 1 Of the lineage and nurture of the Emperor Heliogabalus.  
2 How captain Macrinus did exalt himself with the Empire, after the death of Bassianus.  
3 How the great matron Mesia bought the Empire for her nephew Heliogabalus.  
4 How Macrinus did writ a letter unto the renowned Mesia, after he understood his deprivation of the Empire.  
5 Of a letter written by the great matron Mesia unto the Tyrant Macrinus.  
6 How the Tyrant Macrinus was slain in Battle.  
7 Of a notable letter, written by the matron Mesia, unto the Senate of Rome, craving the confirmation of the Empire unto Heliogabalus her nephew.  
8 How the Roman Senate did allow the election of Heliogabalus, and of the present appearance of his wickedness.  
9 Of many vices that were contained in the Emperor Heliogabalus.  
10 Of a letter written by the great matron Mesia, unto her nephew the Emperor Heliogabalus.  
11 Of certain laws which the Emperor Heliogabalus made in Rome.  
12 How Heliogabalus was thrice married, and of his marrying of the Gods together.  
13 How Heliogabalus sold offices, and practised many vices.  
14 Of the shameful death of the Emperor Heliogabalus.    

The life of the Emperor Alexander Severus. Pag. 433.  

Chap. 1 Of the nurture and natural country of the Emperor Alexander Severus.  
2 How Alexander was advanced unto the Empire, and of his laudable manners.  
3 How Alexander being invested with the Empire, presently did visit and reform his common wealth.  
4 Of the mild conditions of Alexander, and of his grateful conversation.  
5 Of his zeal of justice and other commendable acts, as well touching his person, as his common wealth.  
6 How war was offered in Asia unto Alexander, and what was said unto his Ambassadors.  
7 Of a discrete speech used by Alexander unto his men of war.  
8 How the Romans were overcome of the Persians.  
9 Of other wars which he had in Germany, and (as some do say) was there slain.  
10 Of a solemn Oration made by Alexander unto his men of war.  
11 Of the victory that Alexander obtained against the Persians, and of his triumph, as some writers do report.  
12 Of things which he did in Rome, and how the tyrant Maximius did kill him in Britain.    
FINIS.   

Imprinted at London for Ralphe Newberrie, dwelling in Fleetstreet a little above the Conduit. (⸫)