ΑΡΧΟΝΤΟΡΟΛΟΓΙΟΝ, OR THE DIAL OF PRINCES: CONTAINING THE GOLDEN AND FAMOUS BOOK OF MARCUS AURELIUS, Sometime Emperor of Rome.  
DECLARING What Excellency consisteth in a Prince that is a good Christian: And what evils attend on him that is a cruel Tyrant.  
WRITTEN By the Reverend Father in God, DON ANTONIO of Guevara, Lord Bishop of Guadix; Preacher and Chronicler to the late mighty Emperor CHARLES the fifth.  
First translated out of French by THOMAS NORTH, Son to Sir EDWARD NORTH, Lord NORTH of Kirthling: And lately reperused, and corrected from many gross imperfections.  
With addition of a Fourth Book, styled by the Name of The favoured Courtier.  
LONDON, Imprinted by Bernard Alsop, dwelling by Saint Anne's Church near Aldersgate, 1619.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, SIR HENRY MOUNTAGVE, Knight, Lord Chief justice of the Pleas, Holden before his most Royal Majesty, etc.  
THe Emperor trajan (Right Honourable) writing a Letter to the Senate of Rome, concerning the weighty and careful condition of Princes; among many other matters, used these words of himself. I do freely confess unto you, that, since I tasted the cares and travels attending on this Imperial dignity: I have repent a thousand times, that ever I did undertake it, because, if it be accounted Honour to enjoy an Empire, there consisteth far greater pain and labour, to order and govern it as it ought to be. But beside, what envy doth he expose himself to, & multitude of mislikes, that hath the charge of governing others? If he be just, he is branded with cruelry: if merciful, he is contemned: if beautiful, termed lavish and prodigal: if he hoard up money, then basely covetous: if inclined to peace, than he is a coward: If full of courage, proudly anbitious: if discreetly grave, surly and scornful: if affably courteous, silly and simple: if affecting solitude a dissembling hypocrite: if addicted to mirth and pleasure, then wanton dissolute. In the end of all, te worthy Emperor thus concluded. Although willingly, I accepted this high office at the first: yet sorrow hath (since) made me shrink under so brdensom a charge: For, the Sea and dignity are things pleasing to look ●n, but very perilous to meddle withal.  
I have alleged his example (worthy Lord) because present unto your gracious acceptance, his ancient and famous Book, called The Dial of Princes, wherein is at lige, and amply set down, what care and respect awaiteth on the lives of Princes and great persons: for if they cannot run into the smallest error, but redoundeth to the hurt of many, nor neglect their duty, without other men's userie: Then said the Philosopher well. A Prince should not appropriate the Commonwealth to himself, but shape himself wholly to the Common wealth. And so much the rather, because he standing accountable to no man in this Life, aught to remember a far stricter account, before him that maketh no respect of Princes, save only in this, that they shall find the judge the more severe against them, by how much they have abused their place of eminency, as also their power and princely authority.  
In the learned Discourses following, set down by that good Emperor Marcus Aurelius, the honourable Argument of all this work; are three especial duties and actions observed, necessarily required in an absolute and perfect Prince, as namely; In Ruling, judging, and Defending: To rule by just laws, and good Example; To judge by Wisdom, Providence, and justice; And Defend by valour, care, and vigilancy. And this is that which the Spirit of God so often intimateth by the Prophet jeremy, ●ap. 22. verse 3. To execute judgement and righteousness: To deliver the oppressed from the hands ●● the oppressor, Not to vex the Stanger, fatherless, or Widow: Neither to do violence, or shed the innocent blood.  
Into infinite other famous precedents for Princes I could enter, and set them down expressly; but that I know, they are so frequent to your Honour, both in reading and memory, that it were as lost labour, as to hold a burning Taper in the bright Sun at Noonday, and therefore these few shall suffice, Nor do I dedicate this unto your grave and learned judgement, as a new labour of mine own, or as a work never seen before; because it hath already past divers impressions: albeit not in so exact a manner, nor with the like pains, as hath now been bestowed upon it, from many absurd, and gross imperfections, and yet not so cleanly purged, as I could wish it were, nor as it shall be, if ever it come to the Press again. Wherefore I humbly entreat your Honour, to accept it as it is, and as an oblation of my love unfeignedly to you, which gladly would show itself by any possible means, as time hereafter may better enable me. Till when, I remain ready at your Honour's service, to the very utmost of my best ability.  
Your Honours in all duty. A. M.   

A GENER ALICE PROLOGUE UPON THE BOOK. ENTITLED THE DIAL OF PRINCES: WITH THE FAmous Book of MARCUS AURELIUS, Compiled by the Reverend Father in GOD, the Lord ANTONY of GVEVARA, Bishop of Guadix: Confessor and Chronicler to Charles the fifth, Emperor of Rome: unto whom, (and to all other Princes, and Noble-personages) this work was directed.  
APolonius Thianeus disputing with the scholars of Hiareas, said: that among all the affections of nature, nothing is more natural, than the desire that all have to preserve life.  
Omitting the dispute of these great Philosophers herein, we ourselves hereof have daily proof: that to live, men do travel: to live, birds do fly: fishes do swim: and to live, beasts do hide themselves for fear of death. Finally, (I say) there is no living creature so brutish, that hath not a natural desire to live.  
If many of the ancient Paynims so little regard life, that of their own free wills, they offered themselves death, they did it not for that they despised 
The heathen may teach Christians how to live.  life, but because they thought that for their little regarding life, we would more highly esteem their fame For, we see men of haughty courages, seek rather to win a long-during-Fame, then to save a short lasting-life. How loath men are to die, is easily seen by the great pains they take to live. For it is a natural thing to all mortal men, to leave their lives with sorrow and take their deaths with fear.  
Admit that all do taste this corporal death, and that generally both good and evil do die: yet is there great difference between the death of the one, and the death of the other.  
If the good desire to live, it is only for the greater desire they have to do more good: but if the evil desire to live, it is for that they would abuse the world longer. For the children of vanity call no time good, but only that wherein they live, according to their own desires. I let you understand that are at this present, and you also that shall come hereafter: that I direct my writings unto those which embrace virtue, and not unto such as are borne away with vice.  
GOD doth not weigh us, as we are, but as we desire to be. And let no man say, I would, and cannot be good: for as we have the audacity to commit a fault, so (if we list) we may enforce ourselves to work amends. All our undoing proceedeth of this, that we outwardly make a show of virtue, but inwardly in the deed we employ our whole power to vice: which is an abuse, wherewith all the world is corrupted and deceived. For Heaven is not furnished but with good deeds, and hell is not replenished but with Euill-desires. I grant that neither man nor beast desireth to die, but all travel, to the end they may live: But I ask now this question.  
What doth it avail a man to desire his life to be prolonged, if the same be wicked, ungodly, and defamed? The man that is highminded, proud, unconstant, cruel, disdainful envious, full of hatred, angry, malicious, full of wrath, covetous, a Liar, a Gluton, a Blasphemer, 
〈…〉.  and in all his doings disordered: Why will we suffer him in the world?  
The life of a poor man that for need stealeth a gown, or any other small trifle is forthwith taken away: Why then is he that disturbeth the whole Commonwealth left alive?  
Oh would to GOD there were no greater thieves in the world than those which rob the temporal goods of the Rich, and that we did not wink continually at them, which take away the good renown, as well of the Rich, as of the Poor. But we chastise the one, and dissemble with the other, which is evidently seen, how the thief that stealeth my neighbour's gown is hanged forthwith, but he that robbeth me of my nickname, walketh still before my door.  
The divine Plato in the first book of laws, said: We ordain and command, that he which useth not himself honestly, and hath not his house well-reformed, his Riches well governed, 
A worthy sentence of Plato.  his family well instructed, and liveth not in peace with his neighbours, that unto him be assigned Tutors, which shall govern him as a Fool, and as a vagabond shall he be expulsed from the people, to the intent the commonwealth be not through him infected. For there never riseth contention or strife in a commonwealth, but by such men as are always out of order.  
Truly, the divine Plato had great reason in his sayings, for the man that is vicious in his person, and doth not travel in things touching his House, nor keepeth his Family in good order, nor liveth quietly in the Commonwealth, deserveth to be banished, and driven out of the country.  
Truly we see in divers places mad men tied and bound fast, which if they were at liberty would not do so much harm, as those do that daily walk the streets at their own wills and sensuality. There is not at this day so great or noble a Lord, nor Lady so delicate, but had rather suffer a blow on the head with a stone, than a blot in their nickname, with an evilltongue. For the wound of the head in a month or two may well be healed: but the blemish of their nickname during life will never be removed.  
Laertius saith in his book of the lives of Philosophers, that Dyogenes being asked of one of his neighbours, what they were that ordained their Laws? Answered in this wise.  
Thou shalt understand, my friend, that the earnest whole desire of our Forefathers, and all the intentions of the philosophers, was only to instruct 
A pretty sentence.  them in their Commonwealth, how they ought to speak, how to be occupied, how to eat, how to sleep, how to treat, how to apparel, how to travel, and how to rest: And in this consisteth all the wealth of worldly wisdom.  
In deed this Philosopher in his answer touched an excellent point: For the Law was made to none other end, but only to bridle him that liveth without Reason or Law.  
To men that will live in rest, and without trouble in this life, it is requisite and necessary that they choose to themselves some kind and manner of Living, whereby they may maintain their house in good-order, and conform their lives unto the same.  
That estate ought not to be as the folly of the person doth desire, nor as may be most pleasant to the delights of the body: but as reason teacheth them, and God commandeth them, for the surer salvation of their souls. For, the Children of vanity embrace that only, which the sensual appetite desireth: and reject that which Reason commandeth.  
Since the time that Trees were created, they always (remaining in their first nature until this present day) do bear the same leaf and fruit: which things are plainly seen in this: that the Palm beareth Dates, the Figtree figs, the Nut-tree Nuts, the Peartree Pears, the Appletree Apples, the Chestnut-tree chest-nuts, the Oak Acorns: and to conclude, I say, all things have kept their first nature, save only the Sinnefull-Man, which hath fallen by malice.  
The planets, the Stars, the Heavens, the Water, the Earth, the Air, and the Fire: the brute beasts, and the 
The trees of the earth showeth the malice of man.  Fishes, all continue in the same estate wherein they were first created: not complaining nor envying the one the other. Man complaineth continually, he is never satisfied, and always coveteth to change his estate. For the shepherd would be a Husbandman, the husbandman a Sqiure, the Squire a Knight, the Knight a King, the King an Emperor, etc. Therefore I say, that few is the number of them that seek amendment of life: but infinite are they that travel to better their estate, and to increase their goods.  
The decay of the Commonwealth (at this present) through all the world is, that the dry and withered Oaks, which have been nourished upon the sharp mountains, would now seem to be dainty. Date-trees cherished in the pleasant gardains. I mean, that those which yesterday could have been pleasant with dry Acorns in a poor cottage at home: at this day will not eat but of delicate Dishes in other men's houses abroad.  
What estate men ought to take upon them, to keep their conscience 
A good lesson for all persons to follow.  pure, and to have more rest in their life, a man cannot easily describe. For there is no state in the Church of God, but men may therein (if they will) serve God, and profit themselves. For, there is no kind of life in the world, but the wicked (if they persever and continue therein) may slander their persons, and also lose their souls.  
Pliny in an Epistle that he wrote to Fabatus his friend, saith: There is nothing among mortal men more common and dangerous, then to give place to vain imaginations, whereby a man believeth the estate of one to be much better than the estate of another. And hereof it proceedeth, that the World doth blind men so, that they will rather seek that which is an other man's by travel and danger, then to enjoy their own with quiet and rest.  
I say the state of Princes is good, if they abuse it not. I say the state of the people is good: if they behave themselves obediently. I say the state of the rich is good, if they will Godly use it. I say the estate of the Religious is good, if they be able to profit others. I say the estate of the commonalty is good, if they will content themselves: I say the estate of the poor is good, if they have patience. For it is no merit to suffer troubles, if we have not patience therein.  
During the time of this our miserable life we cannot deny, but in every estate there is both trouble & danger. For then only our estate shall be perfit, when we shall come gloriously in soul and body without the fear of death: and also when we shall rejoice without dangers in life.  
Returning again to our purpose, (Mighty Prince) although we all be of value little, we all have little, we all can attain little, we all know little, we all are able to do little, we all love but little: yet in all this little, the state of Princes seemeth some great and high thing. For that worldly men say, There is no such felicity in this life, as to have authority to command many, and to be bound to obey none. But if either subjects knew how dear Princes by their power to command, or if princes knew how sweet a thing it is to live in quiet, doubtless the subjects would pity their rulers, and the rulers would not envy their subjects. For, full few are the pleasures which Princes enjoy, in respect of the troubles that they endure.  
Since then, the estates of Princes is greater than all, that he may do more than all, is of more value then all, upholdeth more than all: And finally, that from thence proceedeth the government of all, it is more needful that the House, the Person, and the life of a Prince, be better governed and ordered then all the rest. For, even as by the meate-yard the Merchant measureth all his wares: So by the life whole of the Prince is measured the whole commonweal.  
Many sorrows endureth the woman in nourishing a wayward child: great travel taketh a Schoolmaster in 
A comparison necessity to be respected.  teaching an untoward scholar: much pains taketh an Officer in governing a multitude overgreat. How great then is the pain and peril, whereunto I offer myself, in taking upon me to order the life of such an one, upon whose life dependeth all the good estate of a Commonweal?  
For, Noble Princes and great Lords ought of us to be served, and not offended: we ought to exhort them, not to vex them: we ought to encreate them, not to rebuke them: we ought to advise them, and not to defame them. Finally (I say) the right simple, reckon I that Surgeon, which with the same plasters he laid to a hard heel, seeketh to cure the tender Eyes: I mean by this comparison, that my purpose is not to tell Princes and Noblemen in this book what they be, but to warn them what they ought to be: not to tell them what they do, but to advise them what they ought to do. For, that Nobleman which will not amend his life for remorse of his own conscience: jidoe think he will do it for the writing of my pen.  
Paulus Dyaconus the first historiographer, in the second book of his Commentaries, showeth an antiquity, right worthy to remember, and also pleasant to read: Although indeed to the hindrance of myself I shall rehearse it.  
It is, as of the Hen, who by long scraping on the Dunghill, discovereth the knife, that shall cut her own throat. Thus was the case, Hannibal the most 
A Sentence of Paulus Dyaconus:  renowned Prince and captain of Carthage (after he was vanquished by the adventurous Scipio) fled into Asia, to king Antiochus, a prince then living of great virtue, who received him into his realm, took him into his protection, and right honourably entertained him in his house. And truly king Antiochus did herein, as a pitiful prince: For what can more beautify the honour of a Prince, then to succour Nobility in their needful estate?  
These two Noble Princes used divers exercises to spend the time honourably: and thus they divided their time. Sometime to hunt in the mountains, otherwhiles to disporre them in the fields, oft to view their Armeys: But chiefly, they resorted to the Schools, to hear the Philosophers. And truly they did like wise and skilful men. For there is no hour in a day otherwise so well employed, as in hearing a wise pleasant tongued man. There was at a time in Ephesus a famous Philosopher called Phormio, which openly and publicly read and taught the people of the realm. And one day as these two Princes came into the School, the Philosopher Phormio changed the matter whereupon he read, and of a sudden began to talk of the means and ways that Princes ought to use in war, and of the order to be kept in giving battle: Such, so strange, and high phrased was the matter which he talked of, that not only they marveled which never before saw him: but even those also that of long time had daily heard him. For herein curious and flourishing wits show their excellency, in that they never want fresh matter to entreat upon.  
Greatly gloried the King Antiochus, that this Philosopher (in presence of this strange Prince) had so excellently spoken, so that strangers might understand he had his realm stored with wise men: For courageous and noble Princes esteem nothing so precious, as to have men valiant to defend their Frontiers, and also wise to govern their commonweals.  
The Lecture read, King Antiochus demanded of the Prince Hannibal, how he liked the talk of the Philosopher Formio? to whom Hannibal stoutly answered, and in his answer showed himself to be of that stoutness he was the same day, when he won the great battle at Cannae: for although noble hearted and courageous Princes lose all their estates and realms: yet they will never confess their hearts to be overthrown nor vanquished: And these were the words that at that time Hannibal said. Thou shalt understand K. Antiochus that I have seen divers doting old men, yet I never saw a more dotard fool than Phormio, whom thou callest such a great Philosopher: For the greatest kind of folly is, when a man that hath but a little vain science, presumeth to teach not those which have only science, also such as have most certain experience.  
Tell me King Antiochus, what hart can brook with patience, or what tongue can suffer with silence, to see a silly man (as this Philosopher is) nourished all his life time in a corner of Greece, studying Philosophy, to presume, as he hath done, to talk before the prince Hannibal of the affairs of war, as though he had been either Lord of Africa, or Captain of Rome? Certes, he either full little knoweth himself, or else but little esteemeth us: For it appeareth by his vain words, he would seem to know more in matters of war, by that he hath read in books, then doth Hannibal by the sundry & great battles which he hath fought in the fields.  
Oh King Antiothus, how far and how great is the difference, between the estate of Philosophers, and the state of Captains: between the skill to read in Schools, and the knowledge to rule an Armey: between the science that wise men have in books, and the experience that the others have in war: between their skill to write with the pen, and ours to fight with the Sword: between one that for his pastime is set round with desks of books, and an other in peril of life, encompassed with troops of Enemies. For, many there are which with great eloquence, in blazing deeds done in wars, can use their tongues: but few are those that at the brunt have hearts to adventure their lives.  
This Philosopher never saw man of war in the field, nearer saw one Armey of men discomfited by an other, never heard the terrible Trumpet sound to the horrible & cruel slaughter of men, never saw the Treasons of some, nor understood the cowardness of others, never saw how few they be that fight, nor how many there are that run away. Finally (I say) as it is seemly for a Philosopher and a learned man, to praise the profit of peace: Even so it is in his mouth a thing uncomely, to prate of the perils ' of war.  
If this Philosopher hath seen no one thing with his Eyes that he hath spoken, but only read them in sundry books, let him recount them to such as have neither seen nor read them: For, warlike feats are better learned in the bloody fields of Africa, then in the beautiful schools of Greece.  
Thou knowest right well (king Antiochus) that for the space of thirty and six years, I had continual and dangerous wars, as well in Italy as in Spain: In which Fortune did not favour me (as is always her manner to use those, which by great stoutness and manhood, enterprise things high, and of much difficulty:) a witness whereof thou seest me here, who before my beard began to grow was served: and now it is hoar, I myself begin to serve.  
I swear unto thee by the God Mars (king Antiochus) that if any man did ask me, how he should use and behave himself in war: I would not answer him one word. For they are things which are learned by Experience of deeds, and not by prating in words. Although Princes begin wars by justice, and follow them 
The end of war both fickle & unconstant.  with wisdom, yet the end standeth upon fickle Fortune, and not of force, nor policy.  
diverse and sundry other things Hannibal said unto king Antiochus: who so be desirous to see, let him read in the Apothegms of plutarch: This example (Noble Prince) tendeth rather to this end, to condemn my boldness, and not to commend my enterprise, saying that the affairs of the common wealth be as unknown to me, as the dangers of the wars were to Phormio. Your Majesty may justly say unto me, that I being a poor simple man (brought up a great while in a rude Country) do greatly presume to describe, how so puissant a Prince as your Highness ought to govern himself and his Realm: For of truth, the more ignorant a man is of the troubles and alterations of the world, the better he shall be counted in the sight of God.  
The estate of Princes is to have great trains about them, and the estate of religious men is to be solitary: for the servant of God ought to be always void from vain thoughts, & to be ever accompanied with holy meditations. The estate of Princes is always unquiet: but the state of the religious is to be enclosed: For otherwise he above all others may be called an Apostata, That hath his body in the Cell, and his heart in the market place.  
To Princes it is necessary to commune and speak with all men, but for the religious it is not decent to be conversant with the world: For solitary men (if they do as they ought) should occupy their hands in travel, their bodies in fasting, their tongue in prayer, and their heart in contemplation. The estate of Princes for the most part is employed to war, but the estate of religious is to desire & procure peace: For if the Prince would study to pass his bounds, and by battle to shed the blood of his enemies: the religious aught to shed tears, and pray to God for his sins. O that it pleased Almighty God, as I know what my bounden duty is in my heart, so that he would give me grace to accomplish the same in my deeds.  
Alas, when I ponder with myself the weightiness of my matter, my Pen (through sloth and negligence is ready to fall out of my hand) and I half minded to leave off mine enterprise. My intent is to speak against myself in this case. For, albeit men may know the affairs of Princes by experience: yet they shall not know how to speak nor write them but by science.  
Those which ought to counsel princes, those which ought to reform the life of princes, and that ought to instruct them, aught to have a clear judgement, an upright mind, their words advisedly considered, their doctrine wholesome, and their life without suspicion.  
For, who so will speak of high things, having no experience of them: is like unto a blind man, that would lead and teach him the way, which seeth better than he himself. This is the sentence of Xenophon the great, which saith. There is nothing harder in this life, then to know a wise man. And the 
A speech of Xenophon.  reason which he gave was this.  
That a wise man cannot be known, but by another wise man: we may gather by this which Xenophon sayeth: That as one wise man cannot be known but by another wise man: so likewise it is requisite that he should be, or have been a Prince, which should write of the life of a Prince. For, he that hath been a mariner, and hath sailed but one year on the Sea: shall be able to give better counsel and advise, than he that hath dwelled ten years in the haven.  
Xenophon wrote a book touching the institution of princes, & bringeth in Cambyses the king, how he taught, and spoke unto king Cyrus his son. And he wrote an other book likewise of the Art of Chivalry, and brought in king Philip, how he ought to teach his son Alexander to fight. For the philosophers thought that writing of no authority, that was not entitled and set forth under the Names of those Princes, who had experience of that they wrote.  
Oh if an aged Prince would with his pen (if not with word of mouth) declare, what misfortunes have happened since the first time he began to reign: how disobedient his subjects have been unto him, what griefs his servants have wrought against him, what unkindness his Friends have showed him: what wiles his enemies have used towards him, what danger his person hath escaped: what jars hath been in his Palace; what faults they have laid against him, how many times they have deceived strangers: Finally, what griefs he hath had by day, and what sorrowful sighs he hath fetched in the night: Truly I think (and in my thought I am nothing deceived) that if a prince would declare unto us his whole life, and that he would particularly show us every thing, we would both wonder at that body which had so much suffered: and also we would be offended with that heart which had so greatly dissembled.  
It is a troublesome thing, a dangerous thing, and an insolent and proud enterprise, for a man to take upon him with a pen to govern the Commonwealth, and with a Prince to reason of his life. For in deed men are not persuaded to live well by fair words, but by virtuous deeds. And therefore not 
How dangerous a thing it is to meddle with Prince's affairs.  without cause I say, that he is not wise, but very arrogant, that dare presume unasked to give a Prince counsel. For princes in many things have their minds occupied, and haughtely bend, and some of them also are affectionate, and whereas we (peradventure) think to have them merciful, we find them more angry and heavy against us.  
For, counsel doth more harm than profit, if the giver thereof be not very wise, and he also which receiveth it very patient. I have not been a Prince, for to know the travels of Princes, nor am as precedent to counsel Princes: and yet I was so bold to compile this Book: it was not upon presumption to counsel a Prince, so much as by an humble sort to give mine advise. For to give counsel, I confess I have no credit: but to give them advise, it sufficeth me to be a subject.  
What the order is in that I have taken in this Book: how profitable it is to all men, and how unpleasant to no man: how wholesome and profound doctrine in it is contained, and how the Histories be herein applied: I will not that my pen do write, but they themselves shall judge, which shall read this work.  
We see it oft come to pass that divers Books do lose their estimation: not for that they are not very good and excellent: but because the Author hath been too presumptuous and vainglorious. For, in mine opinion, for a man to praise his own writings much, is nothing else but to give men occasion to speak evil both of him, and of his works.  
Now, let no man think that I have written this which is written without great advisement and examination. I do confess, before the Redeemer of the whole world, that I have consumed so many years to seek what I should 
The pains that the Author took in this book.  write, that these two years, one day hath scarcely escaped me, wherein my Pen hath not done his duty, to write or correct in this work. I confess that I took great pains in writing it, for of truth it hath been written twice with mine own hand, and thrice with another man's hand. I confess I have read and searched, in divers and sundry parts, many good and strange books, to the end I might find good and pleasant doctrine: and besides that, I traveled much to set and apply the Histories to the purpose. For, it is an unseemly thing to apply an history without a purpose, I had great respect, in that I was not so brief in my writings, that a man might note me to be obscure: nor yet in any thing so long, that any man should slander me with too much talk.  
For, all the excellency of Writing consisteth, where many and goodly Sentences are declared in fewest and aptest words. For, oft times the long style is loathsome and tedious both to the Hearers and Readers.  
Nero the Emperor was in love with a Lady in Rome named Pompeia, the which in beauty (to his fantasy,) exceeded all others. In the end partly with entreaty, partly with Money 
The inordinate love between Nero and Pompeia.  and presents, he obtained of her that he desired. For, in this case of love, where prayers and importunities be patiently heard, resistance doth lack.  
The inordinate love that Nero bore to Pompeia, proceeded of the yellow hairs she had: which were of the colour of Amber, and in praise of her he compiled divers, and sundry songs in Heroicall-Meeter: and with an instrument sang them himself in her presence.  
Nero was a sage Prince, wise, and excellently well learned in the Latin tongue, and also a good physician: yet Plutarch in his book of the jests of noble women (to declare the vanity and lightness of Nero) reciteth this history: and describing Pompeia, that her body was small, her fingers long, her mouth proper, her eyelids thin, her nose somewhat sharp, her teeth small, her lips red, her neck white, her forehead broad, and finally, her eyes great, and rolling, her breast large & well proportioned: What think you would Nero have done, if he had so affectionately set his fantasy upon all other her beautiful properties, since that for the love only of her yellow locks, he was deprived both of his wisdom, & also senses. For vain & light men love commonly not that which reason commandeth but that which their appetite desireth.  
The love of the Emperor increased with folly so much, that not only he counted severally all the hairs that 
The folly of the Emperor Nero described.  his lover Pompeia had on her head, but also gave to every hair a proper name, and in praise of every one of them made a song, insomuch that this effeminate Prince spent more time in banqueting and playing with his lover Pompeia, than he did to reform and amend the faults of the common wealth: yea, his folly so much surmounted all reason, that he commanded a comb of gold to be made, and therewith he himself combed her yellow locks. And if it chanced that any one hair in combing fell off, he by and by caused it to be set in gold, offered it up in the Temple to the Goddess juno: For it was an ancient custom among the Romans, that the things which they entirely loved (whether it were good or evil) should be offered up to their gods. And when it was once known that Nero was so in love with those hairs of Pompeia which were of the colour of amber, all the Ladies endeavoured themselves, not only to make artificially their hair of that colour, but also to wear their garments and other attires of the same colour, in somuch that both men and women did use collars of amber, brooches, and rings set with amber, and all their other jewels were of amber. For always it hath been seen, and ever shall be, that those things whereunto the Prince is most addicted, the people follow, and above all other covet the same.  
Before this Emperor Nero played this light part in Rome, the amber stones was had in little estimation, & after that he set so much by it, there was no precious stone in Rome, so much esteemed: Yea, and furthermore, the Merchant gained nothing so much (whether it were in gold or silk) as he did in the amber stones, nor brought any kind of merchandise to Rome more precious, or more vendible than that was. I do marvel at this vanity, forasmuch as the children of the world do love, desire, and labour, more to follow the strange folly of another: then to furnish and supply their own proper necessity.  
Therefore returning again to my purpose, (most excellent Prince,) by this example you may conjecture what I would say, that is, that if this writing were accepted unto Princes, I am assured it would be refused of no man: And if any man would slanderously talk of it, he durst not, remembering that your Majesty hath received it: For those things which Princes take to their custody, we are bound to defend, and it is not lawful for us to diminish their credit.  
Suppose that this my work were not so profound as it might be of this matter, nor with such eloquence set out as many other books are: yet I dare be bold to say, that the Prince shall take more profit by reading of this work, than Nero did by his love Pompeia: For in the end by reading and studying good books, men turn and become sage and wise, and by keeping ill company, they are counted fools and vicious.  
My meaning is not, nor I am not so importunate and unreasonable, to persuade Princes that they should so favour my doctrine, that it should be in like estimation now in these parts, ●a the amber was there in Rome. But that only which I require and demand is, that the time which Nero spent in singing and telling the hairs of his love Pompeia: should now be employed to redress the wrongs & faults of the common wealth. For the noble and worthy Prince ought to employ the least part of the day in the recreation of his person: After he hath given audience to his counsellors, to the Ambassadors, to the great Lords and Prelates, to the rich and poor, to his own country men & strangers, and after that he be come into his Privy Chamber, than my desire is, that he would read this Treatise, or some other better than this: for in Prince's chambers oftentimes those of the Privy Chamber, and other their familiars lose great time in reciting vain and trifling matters, and of small profit, the which might better be spent in reading some good good book.  
In all worldly affairs that we do, and in all our books which we compile, it is a great matter to be fortunate: For to a man that fortune doth not favour, diligence without doubt can little avail. Admit that fortune were against me, in that this my work should be acceptable unto your Majesty, without comparison it should be a great grief and dishonour unto me to tell you what should be good to read for your pastime, if on the other part you would not profit by my counsel and advise: For my mind was not only to make this book, to the end Princes should read it for a pastime, but to that end (in recreating themselves) sometimes they might thereby also take profit.  
Aulus Gelius in the 12. Chapter of his third book entitled De nocte attica, said that amongst all the Scholars which the divine Plato had, one 
A commendation of Demosthenes the Philosopher.  was named Demostenes, a man among the Greeks most highly esteemed, & of the Romans greatly desired. Because he was in his living severe, and in his tongue and doctrine a very Satire. If Demosthenes had come in the time of Phalaris the tyrant, when Grecia was peopled with tyrants, and that he had not been in Plato's time, when it was replenished with Philosophers, truly Demosthenes had been as clear a lantern in Asia, as Cicero the great was in Europe.  
Great good hap hath a notable man to be born in one age, more than in another. 
How happy a thing it is to live under a virtuous prince.  I mean, that if a valiant Knight come in the time of a courageous and stout Prince such a one truly shall be esteemed and set in great authority. But if he come in the time of an other effeminate and covetous Prince, be shall not be regarded at all: For he will rather esteem one that well augment his treasure at home, then him that can vanquish his enemies abroad.  
So likewise it chanceth to wise and virtuous men, which if they come in the time of virtuous and learned princes, are esteemed and honoured: but if they come in time of vain and vicious Princes, they make small account of them. For it is an ancient custom among vanities children, not to honour him which to the Common wealth is most profitable: but him which to the Prince is most acceptable.  
The end why this is spoken (Most puissant Prince) is because the two renowned Philosophers were in Greece both at one time: and because the divine Philosopher Plato was so much esteemed and made of, they did not greatly esteem the Philosopher Demosthenes: For the eminent & high renown of one alone, diminisheth the fame and estimation (among the people) of many. Although Demosthenes was such a one indeed as we have said, that is to wit, eloquent of tongue, ready of memory, sharp and quick of wit, in living severe, sure and profitable in giving of counsel, in renown excellent, in years very ancient, and in Philosophy a man right well learned: yet he refused not to go to the Schools of Plato to hear moral Philosophy. He that shall read this thing or hear it, ought not to marvel, but to follow it, and to profit likewise in the same, that is to understand, that one Philosopher learned of another, and one wise man suffered himself to be taught of another: For knowledge is of such a quality, that the more a man knoweth, daily there increaseth in him a desire to know more. All things of this life (after they have been tasted and possessed) cloyeth a man, wearieth and troubleth him, true science only excepted, which never doth cloy, weary, nor trouble them. And if it happen we weary any, it is but the eyes, which are wearied with looking and reading: and not the spirit with ceiling and tasting.  
Many Lords, and my familiar friends do ask me how it is possible I should live with so much study? And I also demand of them, how it is possible they should live in such continual idleness? For considering the provocation and assaults of the flesh, the dangers of the world, the temptations of the devil, the treasons of enemies, & importunity of friends: what hart can suffer so great and continual travel, but only in reading and comforting himself in books? Truly a man ought to have more compassion of a simple ignorant man then of a poor man: For thereiss no greater poverty unto a man then for to lack wisdom, whereby he should know how to govern himself.  
Therefore following our matter, the case was such, one day Demosthenes (going to the school of Plato) saw in the market place of Athens a great assembly of people, which were hearing a Philosopher newly come unto that place: and he spoke not this without a cause, that there was a great company of people assembled. For that naturally the common people are desirous to hear new and strange things.  
Demosthenes asked what Philosopher he was, after whom so many people went? and when it was answered him that it was Calistratus the Philosopher, a man which in eloquence was very sweet and pleasant: he determined to stay and hear him, to the end he would know, whether it were true or vain that the people told him: For oftentimes it happeneth that among the people some get themselves great fame, more by favour, then by good learning.  
The difference betwixt the divine 
〈…〉.  Philosopher Plato and Calistratus was, in that Plato was exceedingly well learned, and the other very eloquent: and thus it came to pass, that in living they followed Plato, and in eloquence of speech they did imitate Calistratus. For, there are divers men sufficiently well learned, which have profound doctrine, but they have no way nor means to teach it unto others.  
Demosthenes' hearing Calistratus but once, was so far in love with his doctrine, that he never after heard Plato: nor entered into his School, for to hearken to any of his lectures.  
At which news divers of the Sages and Wise men of Grecia marveled much, seeing that the tongue of a man was of such power, that it had put all their doctrine unto silence.  
Although I apply not this example, I doubt not but that your Majesty understandeth to what end I have declared it.  
And moreover I say, that although Princes and great Lords have in their Chambers Books so well corrected, and men in their Courts so well learned, that they may worthily keep the estimation which Plato had in his School: yet in this case it should not displease me that the difference that was between Plato and Calistratus, should be between Princes and this Book. God forbid, that by this saying men should think, I mean to dissuade Princes from the company of the sage men, or from reading of any other book but this; for in so doing, Plato should be rejected which was divine, and Calistratus embraced which was more worldly. But my desire is, that sometimes they would use to read this book a little, for it may chance they shall find some wholesome counsel therein, which at one time or other may profit them in their affairs: For the good and virtuous Prince ought to graff in their memory the wise sayings which they read, and forget the cankered injuries and wrongs which are done them.  
I do not speak it without a cause, that he that readeth this my writing, shall find in it some profitable counsel: For all that which hath been written in it, hath been every word and sentence with great diligence so well weighed and corrected, as if therein only consisted the effect of the whole work.  
The greatest grief that learned men seel in their writing is, to think that if there be many that view their doings to take profit thereby, they shall perceive that there are as many more which occupy their tongues in the slander and dispraise thereof. In publishing this my work, I have observed the manner of them that plant a new garden, wherein they set Roses which give a pleasant savour to the nose, they make fair green plats to delight the eyes, they graft fruitful trees to be gathered with the hands; but in the end as I am a man: so have I written it for men, and consequently as a man I may have erred: for there is not at this day so perfect a painter, but another will presume to amend his work.  
Those which diligently will endeavour themselves to read this book, shall find in it very profitable counsels, very lively laws, good reasons, notable sayings, sentences very profound, worthy examples, and histories very ancient: For to say the truth, I had a respect in that the doctrine was ancient, and the Style new. And albeit your Majesty be the greatest Prince of all Princes, and I the least of all your Subjects, you ought not for my base condition to disdain to cast your eyes upon this book, nor to think scorn to put that thing in proof which seemeth good. For a good letter ought to be nothing the less esteemed, although it be written with an evil pen.  
I have said, and will say, that Princes and great Lords, the stouter, the richer, and the greater of renown they be, the greater need they have of all men of good knowledge about them, to counsel them in their affairs, and of good books which they may read: and this they ought to do as well in prosperity, as in adversity, to the end that their affairs in time convenient, may be debated and redressed: For otherwise they should have time to repent, but no leisure to amend.  
Pliny, Marcus Varro, Strabo, and Macrobius, which were Historiographers, 
divers Historiographers at controversy, what things were most authentic.  no less grave than true, were at great controversy, improouing what things were most authentic in a common weal, and at what time they were of all men accepted.  
Seneca in an Epistle he wrote to Lucullus, praised without ceasing the Common wealth of the Rhodians, in the which (with much ado) they bent themselves altogether to keep one self thing, and after they had thereupon agreed, they kept and maintained it inviolably.  
The divine Plato in the sixth book entitled De Legibus ordained and commanded, that if any Citizen did invent any new thing, which never before was read, nor heard of, the inventor thereof should first practise the same for the space of ten years in his own house, before it was brought into the Commonwealth, and before it should be published unto the people, to the end, if the invention were good, it should be profitable unto him: and if it were nought, that then the danger and hurt thereof should light only on him.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms sayeth, that Lycurgus upon grievous penalties did prohibit, that none should be so hardy in his Common wealth to go wandering into strange Countries, nor that he should be so hardy to admit any strangers to come into his house: and the cause why this law was made, was to the end strangers should not bring into their houses things strange, and not accustomed in their Common wealth, and that they traveling through strange countries, should not learn new Customs.  
The presumption of men now adays is so great, and the consideration of the people so small, that what soever a man can speak, he speaketh, what so ever he can invent he doth invent, what he would he doth write, and it is no marvel, for there is no man that will speak against them. Nor the common people in this case are so light, that amongst them you may daily see new devices, and whether it hurt or profit the Common wealth they force not.  
If there came at this day a vain man amongst the people, which was never seen nor heard of before, if he be any thing subtle: I ask you but this question: Shall it not be easy for him to speak, and invent what he listeth, to set forth what he pleaseth, to persuade that which to him seemeth good, and all his sayings to be believed? truly it is a wonderful thing, and no less slanderous, that one should be sufficient to pervert the senses and judgements of all, and all not able to repress the lightness and vanity of one. Things 
New things and unaccustomed ought not to be used.  that are new, and not accustomed, neither Princes ought to allow, nor yet the people to use: For a new thing ought no less to be examined and considered, before it be brought into the common wealth, than the great doubts which arise in men's minds. Ruffinus in the Prologue of his second Book of his Apology reproveth greatly the Egyptians because they were too full of devices, and blamed much the Grecians, because they were too curious in speaking fine words: and above all other he greatly praiseth the Romans; for that they were very hard of belief, and that they scarcely always credited the sayings of the greeks, and because they were discreet in admitting the inventions of the Egyptians.  
The Author hath reason to praise the one, and dispraise the other. For it proceedeth of a light judgement, to credit all the things that a man heareth, and to do all that he seeth.  
Returning therefore now to our matter. Marcus Varro said, that there were five things in the World very hard to bring in, whereof none (after they were commonly accepted) were ever lost or forgotten, for even as things vainly begun, are easily left of: so things with great fear accepted, are with much care and diligence to be kept and observed.  
The first thing that chiefly throughout all the World was accepted, was all men for to live together: that is for to say, that they should make places, Towns, Villages, Cities and Common wealths. For according to the saying of Plato, the first & best inventors of the commonwealth were the Ants, which (according to to the experience we see) do live together, travel together, do go together, & also for the winter they make provision together: and furthermore 
The providence of the Ants.  none of these Ants do give themselves to any private thing, but all theirs is brought into their common wealth.  
It is a marvelous thing to behold the common wealth of the ants, how nearly they trim their hills, to behold how they sweep away the grain, when it is wet, and how they dry it when they feel any moisture, to behold how they come from their work and how the one doth not hurt the other: and to behold also how they do rejoice the one in the others travel, and that which is to our greatest confusion is, that if it comes so to pass, 50000. Aunt's will live in a little hillock together, and two men only cannot live in peace and concord in a common wealth.  
Would to God the wisdom of men were so great to keep themselves as the prudence of the ants is to live: When the world came to a certain age, and men's wits waxed more fine, than tyrants sprang up which oppressed the poor, thieves that rob the rich, rebels that rob the quiet, murderers that slew the patient, the idle that eat the sweat of other men's brows: all the which things considered by them which were virtuous: they agreed to assemble and live together, that thereby they might preserve the good, and withstand the wicked. Macrobius affirmeth this in the second book of Scipions' dream, saying, That covetousness and avarice was the greatest cause why men invented the commonwealth. Pliny in the seventh book 56. Chapter saith, the first that made small assemblies were the Athenians; and the first that built great Cities, were the Egyptians.  
The second thing that was accepted throughout all the world, were the letters which we read, whereby we take profit in writing. According whereunto Marcus Varro saith, the Egyptians praise themselves and say, that they did invent them, and the Assyrians affirm the contrary, and swear, that they were showed first of all amongst them.  
Pliny in the 7. book saith, that in the first age, there was in the alphabet no more than 16. letters, & that great 
A description of the Alphabet.  Palamedes at the siege of Troy, ladded other 4. and Aristotle saith, that immediately after the beginning, there were found 18. letters. And that afterwards Palamedes did add but 2. and so there were 20. and that the Philosopher Epicarmus did add other 2. which were 22. it is no great matter, whether the Egyptians or the Assyrians first found the letters. But I say and affirm, that it was a thing necessary for a common wealth, and also for the increase of man's knowledge: For if we had wanted letters and writings, we could have had no knowledge of the time past, nor yet our posterity could have been advertised what was done in our days.  
Plutarch in the second book entitled De viris illustribus, and Pliny in the seventh book, and 56. Chapter, do greatly praise Pirotas, because he first found the fire in a flint stone.  
They greatly commended Protheus, because he invented barneyes, and they highly extolled Panthasuea, because she invented the hatchet. They praised Citheus, because he invented the bow, and the arrows, they greatly praised Phenisius, because he invented the Crossbow, and the sling.  
They highly praised the Lacedæmonians, because they invented the Helmet, the Spear, and the Sword, and moreover, they commend those of Thessaly, because they invented the combat on horseback: and they commend those of Africa, because they invented the fight by Sea. But I do praise, and continually will magnify, not those which found the Art of fight: and invented weapons to procure wars, for to kill his neighbour: but those which found Letters, for to learn Science, and to make peace between two Princes.  
What difference there is to wet the Pen with ink and to paint the Spear with blood: to be environed with books, or to be laden with weapons. To study how every man ought to live, or else to go privily and rob in the Wars, and to kill his Neighbour. There is none of so vain a judgement, but will praise more the Speculation of the Sciences, than the practice of the wars. Because that in the end, he that learneth sciences, learneth nought else but how he and others ought to live. And he that learneth warlike feats, learneth none other thing, then how to slay his Neighbour, and to destroy others.  
The third thing, that equally of all was accepted, were laws. For admit that all men now lived together in common, if they would not be subject one to another, there would contention arise amongst them, for that according to the saying of Plato, That there is no greater token of the destruction of a 
A worthy sentence of Plato:  Commonweal, then when many rulers are chosen therein.  
Pliny in his seventh book, 56. chap: saith, that a Queen called Ceres, was the first that taught them to sow in the fields, to grind in Milles, to passed and bake in Ovens, and also she was the first that taught the people to live according to the Law. And by the means of these things our Forefathers called her a Goddess.  
Since the time we never have seen heard, nor read of any realm, or other nation (as well strange as barbarous) whatsoever they were, but have had Laws, whereby the good were favoured: and also institutions of grievous pains, wherewith the wicked were punished.  
Although truly I had rather, and it were better, that the good should love reason: then fear the law. I speak of those which leave to do evil works, for fear only of falling into the punishments appointed for evil doers. For, although men approve that which they do for the present, yet God condemaeth that which they desire.  
Seneca in an epistle he wrote unto his friend Lucille, said these words, Thou writest, unto me Lucille, that those of Scicile, have carried a great quantity of Corn into Spain, and into Africa, the which was forbidden by a Roman law, and therefore they have deserved most grievous punishment.  
Now because thou art virtuous, Thou mayest teach me to do well: and I that am old, will teach thee to say well: and this is, because that amongst wise and virtuous men it is enough to say, that the Law commandeth, appointeth, and suffereth this thing, but in as much as it is agreeing with reason. For, the crown of the good, is reason, and the scourge of the wicked, is the law.  
The fourth thing that commonly through the world amongst all men was accepted, was the Barbers. And let no man take this thing in mockery. For, if they do read Pliny, in the 59 chapter, and the seventh book, there they shall find for a Truth, that in those former times, the romans were in Rome 454. years, without either powling or shaving the h●ires off the beard of any man.  
Marcus Varro said, that Publius 〈◊〉 was the first that brought the barbers from Sicily to Rome: But admit it were so or otherwise: yet notwithstanding, there was a great contention among the romans. For, they said, they thought it a rash thing for a man to commit his life unto the courtesy of another.  
Dyonisius the Syracusian never trusted his Beard with any barber, but when his Daughters were very little, they clipped his beard with sisers: but after they became great, he would not put his trust in them, to trim his beard, but he himself did burn it with the shales of nuts.  
This Dyonisius Syracusan, was demanded why he would not trust any Barbours' with his beard? He answered, Because I know that there be some which will give more to the Barber to take away my life, than I will give to trim my beard.  
Pliny in the seventh book sayeth, that the great Scipio called African, and the Emperor Augustus, were the first that caused them in Rome to shave their beards. And I think the end why Pliny spoke these things, was to exalt these two Princes, which had as great courage to suffer the rasours to touch their throats: as the one for to fight against Hannibal in Africa, and the other, against Sextus Pompeius in Sicily.  
The fift thing which commonly through the world was accepted, were the Dial's and clocks which the Romans wanted a long time. For as Pliny and Marcus Varro say, the romans were without clocks in Rome, for the space of 595. years.  
The curious Historiographers declare 
〈…〉.  three manner of dial's that were in old time: that is to say, Dial's of the hours, Dial's of the Sun, and Dial's of the Water. The dial of the Sun Aneximenides Millesius invented: who was great Animandraes' scholar. The dial of the water Scipio Nasica invented, & the dial of hours, one of the Scholars of Thales the philosopher invented.  
Now of all these Antiquities, which were brought into Rome, none of them were so acceptable to the romans, as the Dial's were, whereby they measured the day by the hour. For, before they could not say, we will rise at seven of the clock, we will dine at ten, we will see one the other at twelve: at one we will do that we ought to do.  
But before they said, after the Sun is up we will do such a thing, and before it go down, we will do that we ought to do.  
The occasion of declaring unto you these five antiquities in this preamble, was to no other intent, but to call my Book the Dial of Princes. The name of the Book being new (as it is) may make the learning that is therein greatly to be esteemed. God forbid that I should be so bold to say, they have been so long time in Spain without days of learning, as they were in Rome without the Dial of the Sun, the water, and of the hours: For that in Spain have been always 
Spain commended for learned men, & expert in the wars.  men well learned in Sciences, and very expert in the wars. By great reason, and of greater occasion, the Princes ought to be commended, the knights, the people, their wits, and the fertility of their Country: but yet to all these goodness, I have seen many unlearned books in Spain, which as broken Dial's deserve to be cast into the fire to be forged anew. I do not speak it without a cause, that many books deserve to be broken and burnt: For there are so many that without shame and honesty do set forth books of love of the world, at this day as boldly, as if they taught them to despise and speak evil of the world.  
It is pity to see how many days and nights be consumed in reading vain books (that is to say) Orson and Valentine, the Court of Venus, and the four sons of Amon, and divers other vain books, by whose doctrine I dare boldly say, they pass not the time but in perdition: for they learn not how they ought to fly vice, but rather what way they may with more pleasure embrace it.  
This Dial of Princes is not of sand, nor of the Sun, nor of the hours, nor of the water, but it is the Dial of Life. For the other Dial's serve to know what hour it is in the night, and what hour it is of the day: but this showeth and teacheth us, how we ought to occupy our minds, and how to order our life.  
The property of other Dial's is, to order things public, but the Nature 
The property of this ●ooke of the Dial of Princes.  of this dial of Princes is, to teach us how to occupy ourselves every hour, and how to amend our life every moment.  
It little availeth to keep the dial's well, and to see thy Subjects dissolutely without any order, to range in routs, and daily raise debate and contention among themselves.  
The End of the general Prologue.   

THE AUTHORS' PROLOGUE SPEAKETH PARTICULARLY of the Book, called MARCUS AURELIUS which he translated, and dedicated to the Emperor CHARLES the fifth.  
THe greatest vanity that I find in the world is, that vain men are not only content to be vain in their life, but also procure to leave a memory of their vanity after their death. For it is so thought good unto vain and light men which serve the world in vain works: that at the hour of death when they perceive they can do no more, and that they can no longer prevail, they offer themselves unto death, which now they see approach upon them. Many of the World are so fleshed in the World, that although it forsaketh them in deeds, yet they will not forsake it in their desires. And I durst swear, that if the World could grant them perpetual life, they would promise it always to remain in their customable folly.  
O what a number of vain men are alive, which have neither remembrance of God to serve him, nor of his glory to obey him, nor of their conscience to make it clean: but like bruit beasts fellow and run after their voluptuous pleasures. The bruit beast is angry if a man keep him too much in awe: if he be weary he taketh his rest, he sleepeth when he lifteth, he eateth and drinketh when he cometh unto it, and unless he be compelled he doth nothing: he taketh no care for the commonwealth, for he neither knoweth how to follow reason, nor yet how to resist sensuality. Therefore if a man at all times should eat when he desireth, revenge himself when he is moved, commit adultery when he is tempted, drink when he is thirsty, & sleep when he is drowsy, we might more properly call such a one a beast nourished in the mountains, than a man brought up in the commonwealth: For him properly we may call a man that governeth himself like a man; that is to say, conformable unto such things as reason willeth, & not where sensuality leadeth.  
Let us leave these vain men which are alive, and talk of them that be dead, against whom we dare say, that whiles they were in the world, they followed the world, and lived according to the same. It is not to be marveled at, that since they were living in the world, they were noted of some world point. But seeing their unhappy and wicked life is ended: why will they then smell of the vanities of the World in their graves? It is a great shame and dishonour for men of noble and stout hearts, to see in one moment the end of our life, and never to see the end of our folly.  
We neither read, hear nor see any thing more common, than such men as be most unprofitable in the Common wealth, and of life most reprobate, to take upon them most honour whiles they live, and to leave behind them the greatest memory at their death.  
What vanity can be greater in the world, then to esteem the world, which esteemeth no man, & to make no account of God who so greatly regardeth all men? What greater folly can there be in man, then by much travel to increase his goods, & with vain pleasures to lose his soul? It is an old plague in man's nature, that many (or the most part of men) leave the amendment of their life far behind: to set their honour the more before.  
Suetonius Tranquillus in the first book of the Emperors saith, that 
A notable sentence. julius Caesar.  julius Caesar (no further than in Spain in the City of Cales, now called Calis) saw in the Temple the triumphs of Alexander the great painted, the which when he had well viewed, he sighed marvelous sore, and being asked why he did so, he answered: What a woeful case am I in, that am now of the age of thirty years, and Alexander at the same years had subdued the whole world, and rested him in Babylon. And I (being as I am) a Roman, never did yet thing worthy of praise in my life, nor shall leave any renown of me after my death.  
Dion the Grecian in the second book De audacia sayeth, that the noble Drusius, the Almain, used to visit the graves and tombs of the famous and renowned which were buried in Italy, and did this always, especially at his going to warfare: And it was asked why he did so? He answered. I visit the sepulchres of Scipio, and of divers others which are dead, before whom all the Earth trembled, when they were alive: For, in beholding their prosperous success, I did recover both strength and stoutness.  
He saith furthermore, that it encourageth a man to fight against his enemies, remembering he shall leave of him a memory in time to come.  
Cicero saith in his rhetoric, and also Plynie maketh mention of the same in an Epistle: that there came from Thebes (in Egypt) a knight to Rome, for no other purpose, but only to see whether it were true or no, that was reported of the notable things of Rome. Whom Moecenae demanded, what he perceived of the romans, and what he thought of Rome?  
He answered: The memory of the absent doth more content me, than the glory 
A worthy sentence of  of the present doth satisfy me. And the reason of this is. The desire which men have to extol the living, & to be equal unto the dead: maketh things so strange in their life, that they deserve immortal fame after their death. The romans rejoiced not a little, to hear such words of a strangers mouth, whereby he praised them which were departed, and exalted them which yet lived.  
Oh what a thing it is to consider the ancient heathens, which neither feared Hell, nor hoped for Heaven: and yet by remembrance of weakness, they took unto them strength, by cowardness they were boldened: through fear, they became hardy: of dangers they took encouragement: of enemies, they made friends: of poverty, they took patience: of malice, they learned experience. Finally (I say,) they denied their own wills, and followed the'opinions of others, only to leave behind them a memory with the dead: and to have a little honour with the dead.  
Oh how many are they that trust the unconstantnesse of Fortune, only to leave some notable memory behind them. Let us call to mind some worthy examples, whereby they may see that to be true, which I have spoken.  
What made king Ninus to invent such wars? Queen Semiramis, to make such buildings? Ulysses the Grecian to sulk so many Seas? king Alexander, to conquer so many Lands? Hercules the Theban, to set up his Pillars where he did? Caius Caesar the Roman, to give 52. battles at his pleasure? Cyrus' King of Persia, to overcome both the Asia's? Hannibal the Carthaginian, to make so cruel wars against the romans? Pyrrhus' king of the Epirotes, to come down into Italy? Attila, King of the Huns, to defy all Europe? Truly they would not have 
What was the occasion the ancients adventured their lives.  taken upon them such dangerous enterprises, only upon the words of them which were in those days present? but because we should so esteem them that should come after.  
Seeing then that we be men, and the children of men, it is not a little to be marveled at, to see the diversity between the one and the other: and what cowardness there is in the hearts of some, and contrariwise what courage in the stomachs of others. For, we see commonly nowadays, that if there be ten of stout courages, which are desirous with honour to die, there are ten thousands cowards, which through shameful pleasures seek to prolong their life.  
The man that is ambitious, thinking him most happy, who with much estimation can keep his renown, and with little care regard his life. And on the other side, he that will set by his life, shall have but in small estimation his renown.  
The Syrians, Assyrians, the Thebans, the Chaldees, the greeks, the Macedonians, the Rhodians, the romans, the Huns, the Germans, and the Frenchmen, if such Noblemen (as amongst these were most famous) had not adventured their lives, by such dangerous enterprises, they had never got such immortal fame as they had done to leave to their posterity.  
Sextus Cheronensis in his third book, of the valiant deeds of the romans saith, that the famous captain Marcus Marcellus (which was the first of all men that saw the back of Hannibal in the field) was demanded of one how he durst enter into battle with such a renowned captain as Hannibal was? To whom he answered: Friend, I am a Roman borne, and a Captain of Rome, and I must daily put my life in hazard for my countries sake: for, so I shall make perpetual my renown. He was demanded again, why he struck his enemies with such fierceness, and why he did so pitifully lament those which were overcome, after the victory gotten in battle? He answered, the Captain which is a Roman, and is not judged to be a tyrant, aught with his own hand to shed the blood of his enemies, and also to shed the tears of his eyes. A captain Roman ought more to advance him of his clemency, then of his bloody victory.  
And Marcus Aurelius sayeth further, when a Roman captain shall be in the field, he hath an eye to his enemies, with hope to vanquish them: but after they be vanquished: he ought to remember they are men, & that he might have been overcome: For fortune showeth herself in nothing so common, as in the successes of war.  
Certainly, these were words well beseeming such a man, and surely we may boldly say, that all those which shall hear, or read such things, will commend the words which that Roman spoke: but few are they that indeed would have done the feats that he did. For, there be many that are ready to praise in their words that which is good: but there are few that in their works desire to follow the same.  
Such hearts are unquiet, and much altered by sight and envy, that they bore towards their Ancients which through manfulness attained unto great triumphs and glory, let them remember, what dangers and travels they passed through, before they came thereto. For, there was never Captain that ever triumphed in Rome, unless he had first adventured his life a thousand times in the field, I think I am not deceived, in this that I will say. That is to say, all are desirous to taste of the marrow of Fame-present: but none will break the bone, for fear of 
How difficult & hard a matter it is to attain to true honour.  peril ensuing. If Honour could be bought with desire only, I dare boldly say, it would be more esteemed in these days of the poor page, than it was in times past, of the valiant Roman Scipio. For, there is not at this day so poor a man, but would desire honour above all things.  
What a doleful case is this to see, many gentlemen, and young Knights, become evil disposed vagabonds, and loiterers: the which hearing tell of any famous battle fought: & that many of their estate & profession have done valiant seats in the same; immediately therewith be stirred, and set on fire through Envies heat: So that in the same fury, they change their robes into armour: and with all speed prepare themselves to war, to exercise the feats of arms. And finally, (like young men without experience) make importunate suit, and obtain licence and money of their Friends to go unto the wars. But after that they are once out of their Countries, and see themselves in a strange place, their days evil and their nights worse: At one time they are commanded to Skyrmishe, and at an other time, to watch: when they have victuals, they want lodging: and when the pay day cometh, that pay and the next also is eaten and spent.  
With these and other like troubles and discommodities, the poor young men are so astonied: especially when they call to mind the goodly wide Hawles, so well hanged and trimmed, wherein they greatly delighted, to pass the time in Summer-season.  
When they remember their great attorneys at home, whereby they comforted their old limbs and how they used to sit quietly upon the Sunny banks in winter. For the remembrance of pleasures past, greatly augmenteth the pains present. Notwithstanding their Parents and friends, had admonished them thereof before. And now being beaten with their own folly, and feeling these discommodities which they thought not of before: they determine to forsake the wars, and each one to return home unto his own again.  
But where as they asked licence but once to go forth, now they were enforced to ask it ten times before they could come home. And the worst is, they went forth laden with money, & return home laden with vices. But the end why these things are spoken, is, that sage and virtuous men should mark, by what trade the evil disposed, seek to gain, which is not gotten by gazing on the windows, but by keeping the frontiers against their enemies: not with playing at Tables in the Taverns, but with fight in the fields, not trimmed with cloth of gold or silks, but laden with armour and weapons: not praunsing their palfreyes, but discovering the ambushment: not sleeping until noon, but watching all night: not by advancing him of his apparel and handsomeness, but for his stout courageousness: not banqueting his friends but assaulting his enemies: though a knight do these things, yet he ought to consider, that it is vanity and foolishness.  
But seeing the world hath placed honour in such a vain thing, and that they can attain to it by none other was, the young adventurous Gentlemen ought to employ thereunto their strength with stout courage, to achieve to some great acts, worthy of renown: For in the end when the war is justly begun, and that in defence of their Country, they ought to rejoice more of him that dieth in the hands of his enemies, then of him which liveth accompanied with vices.  
It is a great shame and dishonour to men of Arms, and young Gentlemen being at home, to hear the praise of them which be in the wars, for the young Gentlemen ought not to think it honour for him to hear or declare the news of others: but that others should declare the virtuous deeds of him.  
Oh how many are they in the world this day puffed up with pride: and not very wise which still prate of great renown, and yet pass their life with small honesty: For our predecessors fought in the field with their lances, but young men now a days fight at the table with their tongues. Admit that all vain men desire and procure to leave a memory of their vanity: yet they ought to enterprise such things in their life, whereby they might win a famous renown (and not a perpetual shame) after their death: For there are many departed which have left such memory of their works as moveth us rather to pity their folly, then to envy their virtue.  
I ask of those that read, or hear this thing; if they will be in love with Nembroth the first Tyrant? with Semiramis, which sinned with her own son: with Antenor, that betrayed 
The cruelty of Tyrants he described, & laid open.  Troy his country: with Medea, that slew her children: with Tarquin that enforced Lucretia: with Brutus that slew Caesar: with Sylla, that shed so much blood: with Catilina, that played the Tyrant in his country: with jugurtha, that strangled his brethren: with Caligula, that committed incest with his sisters: with Nero that killed his mother: with Heliogabalus, that rob the Temples: with Domitian, that in nothing delighted so much, as by strange hands to put men to death, and to drive away flies with his own hands?  
Small is the number of those that I have spoken, in respect of those which I could recite: of whom I dare say and affirm, that if I had been as they, I cannot tell what I would have done, or what I should have desired: but this I know, it would have been more pains to me, to have won that infamy which they have won, then to have lost the life which they have lost.  
It profiteth him little, to have his Ponds full of fish, and his parks full of Deer, which knoweth neither how to hunt, nor how to fish. I mean to show by this, that it profiteth a man little to be in great authority, if he be not esteemed, nor honoured in the same. For to attain to honour, wisdom is requisite: and to keep it, patience is necessary. With great considerations wise men ought to enterprise dangerous things. For I assure them they shall never win honour, but where they use to recover slander.  
Returning therefore to our matter (puissant Prince,) I swear and durst undertake, that you rather desire perpetual renown through death, than any idle rest in this life.  
And hereof I do not marvel, for there are some that shall always declare the prowesses of good Princes, and others which will not spare to open the vices of evil tyrants. For although your Imperial estate is much, and your Catholic person deserveth more; yet I believe with my heart, and see with these eyes, that your thoughts are so highly bend unto adventurous deeds, and your heart so courageous to set upon them, that your Majesty little esteemeth the inheritance of your predecessors, in respect of that you hope to gain to leave to your successors.  
A Captain asked julius Caesar (as he declareth in his Commentaries) why he traveled in the Winter in so hard frost, and in the summer in such extreme heat. He answered, I will do what lieth in me to do, and afterward let the fatal destinies do what they can: For the valiant knight that giveth in battle the onset, aught more to be esteemed then fickle fortune whereby the victory is obtained, since fortune giveth the one, and adventur guideth the other.  
These words are spoken like a stout and valiant Captain of Rome: Of how many Princes do we read, whom truly I much lament to see, what flatteries they have heard with their ears being alive: and to read what slanders they have sustained after their death.  
Princes and great Lords should have more regard to that which is spoken in their absence, then to that which is done in their presence: not to that which they hear, but to that which they would not hear: not to that which they tell them, but to that which they would not be told of: not to that which is written unto them being alive, but to that which is written of them after their death: not to those that tell them lies: but to those which (if they durst) would tell them truth: For men many times refrain not their tongues, for that Subjects be not credited: but because the Prince in his authority is suspected.  
The Noble and virtuous Prince 
A man's own conscience a judge between truth and lies:  should not flit from the truth whereof he is certified, neither with flatteries and lies should he suffer himself to be deceived: but to examine himself, and see whether they serve him with truth, or deceive him with lies. For there is no better witness and judge of truth, and lies, then is a man's own conscience.  
I have spoken all this, to the intent your Majesty might know, that I will not serve you with that you should not be served. That is, for to show myself in my Writing a flatterer: For it were neither meet nor honest, that flatteries into the ears of such a noble Prince should enter: neither that out of my mouth (which teach the truth) such vain tales should issue. I say, I had rather be dispraised for true speaking, then to be honoured for flattery and lying.  
For of truth, in your Highness it should be much lightness for to hear them, and in my baseness great wickedness to invent them.  
Now again, following our purpose I say, the Histories greatly do commend Lycurgus, that gave laws to the Lacedæmonians. Numa Pompilius, that honoured and addorned the Churches. Marcus Marcellus, that had pity and compassion on those which were overcome. julius Caesar, that forgave his enemies. Octautus that was so well-beloved of the people.  
Alexander that gave rewards and gifts to all men. Hector the Trojan, became he was so valiant in wars. Hercules the Theban, because he employed his strength so well. Ulysses the Grecian, because he adventured himself in so many dangers. Pyrrhus' king of Epirotes, because he invented so many engines. Catullns' Regulus because he suffered so many torments. Titus the Emperor, because he was father to the Orphans. Traianus, because he edified sumptuous & goodly buildings. The good Marcus Aurelius, because he knew more than all they. I do not say, that it is requisite for one Prince in these days, to have in him all those qualities, but I dare be bold for to affirm this, that even as it is unpossible for one Prince to follow all: so likewise it is a great slander for him to follow none.  
We do not require Princes to do all that they can, but for to apply themselves to do some thing that they ought.  
And I speak not without a cause that which I have said before. For if Princes did occupy themselves as they ought to do, they should have no time to be vicious. Pliny sayeth in an Epistle, that the great Cato, called Censor, did wear a Ring upon his finger, wherein was written these words; Esto amicus unius, & inimicus nullius: 
A poesy which Cato the Censor had engraven in his Ring.  which is, be friend to one, and enemy to none.  
He that would deeply consider these few words, shall find therein many grave sentences. And to apply this to my purpose, I say the Prince that would well govern his common weal, show to all equal justice, desire to possess a quiet life, to get among all a good fame: and that coveteth to leave of himself a perpetual memory, aught to embrace the virtues of one, and to reject the vices of all: I allow it very well that Princes should be equal, yea and surmount and surpass many: but yet I do advise them not to employ their force, but to follow one: For often times it chanceth that many which suppose themselves in their life to excel all when they are dead, are scarcely found equal unto any.  
Though man hath done much, and blazed what he can: yet in the end he is but one, one mind, one power, one birth, one life, and one death. Then sithence he is but one, let no man presume to know more than one. Of all these good Princes which I have named in the roll of justice, the last was Marcus Aurelius, to the intent that he should weave his web: For suppose we read of many Princes that have compiled notable things, the which are to be read and known: but all that Marcus Aurelius said, or did is worthy for to be known, and necessary to be followed. I do not mean this Prince in his Heathen law, but in his virtuous deeds.  
Let us not stay at his belief: but let us embrace the good that he did: For compare many Christians with some of the Heathen, and look how far we leave them behind in faith: so far they excel us in good and virtuous works. All the old Princes in times past, had some Philosophers to their familiars, as Alexander Aristotle, King Darius, Herodorus: Augustus Pisto, Pompeius, Plauto, Titus, Pliny, Adrian, Secundus, Traion, Plutarch, Antonius, Apolonius, Theodotius, Claudinus, Severus, Fabatus.  
Finally I say, that Philosophers than had such authority in Princes palaces: that children acknowledged them for Fathers, and Fathers reverenced them as masters.  
These Wise and Sage men were alive in the company of Princes: but the good and virtuous Marcus Aurelius (whose doctrine is before your Majesty) is not alive, but dead: Yet therefore that is no cause why his Doctrine should not be admitted: For it may be (peradventure) that this shall profit us more, which he wrote with his hands, then that which others spoke with their tongues.  
Plutarch sayeth, in the time of Alexander the great, Aristotle was alive, and Homer was dead. But let us see how he loved the one, and reverenced the other: for of truth he slept always with Homer's book in his 
How much Homer was held in account.  hands, and waking he read the same with his eyes, and always kept the doctrine thereof in his memory, and laid (when he rested) the book under his head. The which privilege Aristotle had not: who at all times could not be heard, and much less at all seasons be believed: so that Alexander had Homer for his friend, and Aristotle for a master.  
Other of these Philosophers were but simple men: but our Marcus Aurelius was both a wise Philosopher, and a very valiant Prince: and therefore reason would he should be credited before others: For as a prince he will declare the troubles, and as a Philosopher he will redress them. Take you therefore (Puissant Prince) this wise Philosopher and Noble Emperor, for a Teacher in your youth, for a Father in your government, for a Captain general in your Wars: for a guide in your journeys, for a friend in your affairs, for an example in your virtues, for a Master in your sciences, for a pure white in your desires, and for equal match in your deeds.  
I will declare unto you the Life of an other being a Heathen, and not the life of an other being a Christian: For look how much glory this Heathen Prince had in this world being good and virtuous: so much pains your Majesty shall have in the other, if you shall be wicked and vicious.  
Behold, behold, most Noble, and illustrious Prince, the Life of this Emperor, and you shall plainly see and perceive, how clear he was in his judgement, how upright he was in his justice, how circumspect in the course of his life, how loving to his friends, how patient in his troubles and adversities: how he dissembled with his enemies, how severe against Tyrants, how quiet among the quiet, how great a friend unto the Sage, and lover of the simple: how adventurous in his wars, and amiable in peace, and chiefly, and above all things, how high in words, and prosound in sentences.  
Many and sundry times I have been in doubt with myself, whether the heavenly and eternal Majesty (which giveth unto you Princes the Temporal Majesty, for to rule above all other in power, and authority) did exempt you that are earthly Princes, more from human frailty, than he did us that be but Subjects, and at the last I know he did not.  
For I see even as you are children of the World, so you do live according to the World. I see even as you travel in the World: so you can know nothing but things of the world. I see because you live in the Flesh, that you are subject to the miseries of the flesh. I see though for a time you do prolong your life: yet at the last you are brought unto your grave, I see your travel is great and that within your Gates there dwelleth no rest. I see you are cold in the winter, and hot in the Summer. I see that hunger feeleth you, and thirst troubleth you, I see your friends forsake you, and your enemies assault you.  
I say that you are sad and do lack joy, I see that you are sick, and be not well served. I see you have much and yet that which you lack is more.  
What will you see more, seeing that Princes die: O noble Princes, and great Lords, since you must die, and become worms meat, why do you not in your life time search for good counsel? If the Princes and noble men commit an error, no man dare chastise them, wherefore they stand in greater need of advise and counsel: For the traveler who is out of his way, the more he goeth forward, the more he erreth. If the people do amiss, they ought to be punished: but if the Prince err, he should be admonished. And as the Prince will, the people should at his hands have punishment: so it is reason that he at their hands should receive counsel.  
For as the wealth of the one dependeth on the wealth of the other: so truly if the Prince be vicious, the people cannot be virtuous. If your Majesty will punish your people with words, command them to print this present work in their hearts. And if your people would serve your Highness with their advise: let them likewise beseech you to read over this book: For therein the Subjects shall find how they may amend, and you Lords shall see all that you ought to do, whether this present Work be profitable or no, I will not that my pen shall declare: but they which do read it shall judge.  
For we Authors take pains to make and translate, and others for us to give judgement and sentence: From my tender years until this present time, I have lived in the World, occupying myself in reading and studying human and divine Books: and although I confess my debility to be such, that I have not read so much as I might, nor studied so much as I ought: yet notwithstanding all that I have read, hath not caused me to muse so much as the doctrine of Marcus Aurelius 
The commendation of the 〈…〉 of Marcus Aurelius.  hath, sith that in the mouth of an heathen, God hath put such a great treasure.  
The greatest part of all his works were in Greek: yet he wrote also many in Latin. I have drawn this out of Greek through the help of my friends, and afterwards out of latin into our vulgar tongue by the travel of my hands.  
Let all men judge what I have suffered in drawing it out of Greek into Latin, out of the Latin into the vulgar, and out of a plain vulgar into a sweet and pleasant Style: For that banquet is not counted sumptuous, unless there be both pleasant meats and savoury sauces.  
To call sentences to mind, to place the words, to examine languages, to correct syllables: What sweat I have suffered in the hot summer, what bitter cold in the sharp winter, what abstinence from meats when I desired for to eat, what watching in the night when I would have slept: What cares I have suffered in stead of rest that I might have enjoyed: Let other prove, if me they will not credit.  
The intention of my painful travels, I offer unto the divine Majesty upon my knees, and to your Highness (most Noble Prince) I present this my work, and do most humbly beseech the omnipotent and eternal GOD, that the Doctrine of this Book may be as profitable unto you, and to the common wealth in your Life, as it hath been unto me tedious, and hindrance to my health: I have thought it very good to offer to your Majesty, the effect of my labours, though you peradventure will little regard my pains: for the requiring of my travel, and reward of my good will. I require nought else of your Highness, but that the rudeness of my understanding, the baseness of my Style, the smallness of my eloquence, the evil order of my sentences, the vanity of my words, be no occasion why so excellent and goodly work should be little regarded: For it is not reason, that a good Horse should be the less esteemed, for that the Rider knoweth not how to make him run his carrere.  
I have done what I could do; do you now that you ought to do, in giving to this present work gravity, and to me the Interpreter thereof authority.  
I say no more, but humbly do beseech God to maintain your estimation and power in earth: and that you may afterward enjoy the fruition of his Divine presence in Heaven.  
The End of the Author's Prologue.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE BOOK CALled THE DIAL OF PRINCES. Wherein the Author declareth, his Intention and manner of proceeding.  
ARchimenedes, the great and famous Philosopher, (to whom Marcus Marcellus for his knowledge sake granted life, and after using Necromancy deserved death, being demanded what time was, said, That Time was the inventor of all novelies and a Register 
The definition of time according to Archimenedes.  certain of Antiquities, which seeth of itself, the beginning, the midst, & the ending of all things.  
And finally, time is he that endeth all. No man can deny but the definition of this Philosopher is true: for if Time could speak, he would certify us of sundry things wherein we doubt, and declare them as a witness of sight. Admit all things perish, and have an end; yet one thing is exempted, and never hath end, which is truth, that amongst all things is privileged in such wise, that she triumpheth of time, and not time of her: For according to the divine saying, It shall be more easy to see heaven and earth fall, then once truth to perish.  
There is nothing so entire, but may be diminished, nothing so healthful but may be diseased, nothing so strong but may be broken, neither any thing so well kept, but may be corrupted And finally, I say, There is nothing but by time is ruled & governed, save only truth, which is subject to none.  
The fruits of the Spring time have no force to give sustenance, nor perfect sweetness to give any favour, but after that the Summer is past, and harvest cometh, they ripe: and then all that we e eaten nourisheth more, & giveth a better taste: I mean by this when the world began to have wise men, the more Philosophers were esteemed for their good manners, the more they deserved to be reproved for their evil understanding, Plato in his second book of the Commonwealth said, That the ancient Philosophers, as well Greeks as Egyptians, 
The saying ●o Plato.  and Caldees, which first began to behold the stars of heaven, and ascended to the top of the mount Olympus to view the influences, and motions of the Planets of the earth, deserved rather pardon of their ignorance, then praise for their knowledge.  
Plato said further, that the Philosophers which were before us, were the first that gave themselves to search out the truth of the Elements in the Heaven, and the first which sowed errors in things natural of the earth.  
Homer in his Ilyades, agreeing with Plato, saith: I condemn all that the ancient philosophers knew, but I greatly commend them for that they desired to know. Certes Homer said well, and Plato said not amiss: for, if amongst the first Philosophers, this ignorance had not reigned, there had not been such contrary Sects in every School.  
He that hath read, not the books, which are lost, but the opinions which the ancient Philosophers had, will grant me, though the knowledge were one, yet their sects were diverse: that is to say, Cinici, Stoyci, Academici, Platonici, and Epicurei: which were as variable, the one from the other in their opinions, as they were repugnant in their conditions.  
I will not, neither reason requireth, that my Pen should be so dismeasured, as to reprove those which are dead, for to give the glory all only to them that are alive: For, the one of them knew not all, neither were the other ignorant of all.  
If he deserve thanks that showeth me the way, whereby I ought to go, no less than meriteth he, which warneth me of that place wherein we may err. The ignorance of our forefathers, was but a guide to keep us from erring: for, the error of them showed us the Truth, to their much praise, and to our great shame. Therefore I dare boldly say, If we that are now, had been then, we had known less than they knew. And if those were now, which were then, they would have known more than we know. And that this is true it appeareth well: for that the ancient Philosophers, through the great desire they had to know the Truth, of small and large ways, the which we now will not see, nor yet walk therein. Wherefore we have not so much cause to be wail their ignorance, as they had reason to complain 
The opinion of Aulus Gellius concerning time.  of our negligence. For, truth which is, (as Aulus Gellius saith) the daughter of Time, hath revealed unto us the errors which we ought to eschew: and the true doctrines, which we ought to follow.  
What is there to see, but hath been seen? what to discover, but hath been discovered? what is there to read, but hath been read? what to write, but hath been written? what is there to know, but hath been known? Nowadays, humane malice is so expert, men so well able, and our wits so subtle, that we want nothing to understand, neither good, nor evil. And we undo ourselves by seeking that vain knowledge, which is not necessary for our life. No man under the pretence of ignorance can excuse his fault, since all men know, all men read, and all men learn, that which is evident ●n this case, as it shall appear.  
Suppose the Ploughman, and the Learned-man, do go to the Law, and you shall perceive the Labourer (under that simple garment) to forge to his Counsellor half a dozen of malicious tricks to delude his adversary as finely as the other that is learned, shall be able to expound two or three Chapters of this book. If men would employ their knowledge to honesty, wisdom, patience and mercy, it were well: but I am sorry they know so much, only for that they subtly deceive, and by usury abuse their neighbours, and keep that they have unjustly gotten, and daily getting more, inventing new trades: Finally, I say, if they have any knowledge, it is not to amend their life, but rather to increase their goods. If the devil could sleep, as men do, he might safely sleep: for whereas he waketh to deceive us, we wake to undo ourselves: Well, suppose that all this heretofore I have said is true. Let us now leave aside craft, and take in hand knowledge. The knowledge which we attain to is small, and that which we should attain to so great, that all that we know, is the least part of that we are ignorant: Even as in things natural, the Elements have their operations, according to the variety of time: so moral Doctrines (as the aged have succeeded) and sciences were discovered. Truly all fruits come not together, but when one faileth, another cometh in season.  
I mean, that neither all the Doctors among the Christians, nor all the Philosophers among the Gentiles were concurrant at one time; but after the death of one good, there came another better. The chief wisdom which measured all things by justice, and disperseth them according to his bounty, will not that at one time they should be all Wisemen, and at another time all simple: For it had not been reason that one should have had the fruit, and the other the leaves.  
The old world that ran in Saturn's days (otherwise called the golden world) was of a truth much esteemed of them that saw it, and greatly commended of them that wrote of it: That is to say, it was not guided by the Sages which did gild it: but because there was no evil men, which did unguilde it: For as the experience of the mean estate and Nobility teacheth us, of one only person dependeth as well the fame and renown, as the infamy of a whole house and parentage.  
That age was called golden, that is to say, of gold: and this our age is called iron, that is to say of iron. This difference was not, for that gold than was found, and now iron: nor for 
The reason why this is called the Iron-age.  that in this our age there is want of them that be sage: but because the number of them surmounreth that be at this day malicious. I confess one thing, and suppose many will favour me in the same.  
Phavorin the Philosopher (which was master to Aulus Gelius, and his especial friend) said oft-times, that the Philosophers in old time, were holden in reputation: Because there were few teachers, and many learners: We nowadays see the contrary: For infinite are they which presume to be Masters: but few are they which humble themselves to be Scholars. A man may know how little Wisemen are esteemed at this hour, by the great veneration that the Philosophers had, in the old time.  
What a matter is it to see Homer amongst the Grecians, Solomon amongst the Hebrews, Lycurgus amongst the Lacedæmonians: Phoromeus also amongst the Greeks, Ptolomeus amongst the Egyptians, Livius amongst the romans: and Cicero likewise amongst the Latins: Appolonius amongst the indians, and Secundus, amongst the Assyrians?  
How happy were those Philosophers, (to be as they were, in those days) when the world was so full of simple persons, and so destitute of Sage men: that there flocked great numbers out of divers countries, and strange Nations, not only to hear their doctrine: but also to see their persons.  
The glorious Saint Hierome, in the prologue, to the Bible, saith: When Rome was in her prosperity, than wrote Titus Lyvius his deeds: yet notwithstanding, men came to Rome, more to speak with Titus Linius, then to see Rome, or the high capitol thereof. Marcus Aurelius writing to his friend Pulio, said these words: Thou shalt understand (my Friend,) I was not chosen Emperor for the Noble blood of my predecessors: nor, for the favour I had amongst them now present: For there were in Rome, of greater blood, and Riches than I, but the (Emperor Adrian my Master) set his eyes upon me: and the Emperor Anthony my Father in law, chose me for his Son in law: for none other 
For what cause Marcus Aurelius was chosen Emperor.  cause, but for that they saw me a friend of the Sages, and an enemy of the ignorant.  
Happy was Rome to choose so wise an Emperor, and no less happy was he to attain unto so great an Empire. Not for that he was heir to his predecessors, but for that he gave his mind to study. Truly, if that Age were then happy to enjoy his person: no less happy shall ours be now at this present, to enjoy his doctrine. Sallust saith, they deserved great glory, which did worthy feats: and no lesser merited they, which wrote them in high style.  
What had Alexander the great been, if Quintus-Curtius had not written of him? what of Ulysses, if Homer had not been borne? what had Alcybiades been, if Zenophon had not exalted him? what of Cyrus, if the philosopher Chilo had not put his acts in memory? what had been of Pyrrus king of the Epyrotes, if Hermicles chronicles were not? what had been of Scipio the great African, if it had not been for the Decades of Titus Livius? what had been of trajan, if the renowned Plutarch had not been his friend? what of Nerua, and Antonius the meek, if Photion the Greek had not made mention of them? How should we have known the stout courage of Caesar, and the great prowess of Pompeius, if Lucanus had not written them? what of the twelve Caesars, if Suetonius Tranquillus had not compiled a book of their lives? And how should we have known the antiquities of the Hebrues if the upright joseph had not been?  
Who could have known the coming of the lombards, into Italy, if Paulus Dyaconus had not writ it? How could we have known the coming in, and the going out of the Goths in Spain if the curious Roderious had not showed it unto us?  
By these things we have spoken of before, the Readers may perceive what is due unto the Historiographers: who in my opinion, have left as great memory of them, for that they wrote with their pens: as the Princes have done, for that they did with their swords. I confess I deserve nor to be named amongst the Sages, neither for that I have written and Translated, nor yet for that I have composed.  
Therefore (the Sacred and divine letters set aside) there is nothing in the world so curiously written, but needeth correction: and as I say of the one, so will I say of the other, and that is: as I with my will do renounce the glory, which the good for my learning would give me: so in like manner evil men shall not want, that against my will seek to defame it.  
We other writers, smally esteem that labour and pains we have to write, although indeed we are not ignorant of a thousaund envious tongues, that will backbite it.  
Many now adays are so evil taught, or to say better, so envious, that when the Author laboureth in his study, they play in the streets: when he awaketh, they sleep, when he fasteth, they eat: when he sitteth turning the leaves of the book: they go hunting after vices abroad: yet for all that, they will presume to judge, deprave, and condemn an other man's doctrine, as if they had the authority that Plato had in Greece, or the eloquence that Cicero had in Rome.  
When I find a man in the Latin tongue well seen, his vulgar tongue well polished, in histories well grounded, in Greeke-letters very expert, and desirous to spend his time with good books: this so Heroical and noble a parsonage, I would desire him to put my doctrine under his feet. For it is no shame, for a virtuous and wise man, to be corrected of an other wise man. Yet I would gladly know what patience can suffer, or heart can dissemble, when two or three be assembled together at meat, and after (at the table or otherwise) one of them taketh a book at adventure in his hands against that which another will say it is 
The diversity of men's opinions.  too long, and another will say, it speaketh not to the purpose: another, it is very obscure: & another, the words are not well couched: another will say, all that is spoken is feigned; One will say, he speaketh nothing of profit: another, he is too curious, and the other, he is too malicious. So that in speaking thus, the doctrine remaineth suspicious, and the Author scapeth not scotfree.  
Suppose them to be therefore such that speak it (as I have spoken of) & that at the Table do find such faults, sure, they deserve pardon: for they speak not according to the Books which they have read, but according to the cups of wine which they have drunk: For that, He that taketh not in jest which is spoken at the Table, knoweth not what jesting meaneth.  
It is an old custom to murmur at virtuous deeds, and into this rule entereth not only those that make them, but also those which writethem afterwards.  
Which thing seemeth to be true, for that Socrates was reproved of Plato, Plato of Aristotle, Aristotle of Auerois, Sicilius of Vulpitius, Lelius of Varro, Marinus of Ptolomeus, Ennius of Horace, Seneca of Aulus Gelius, Crastonestes of Strabo, Thessale of Gellian, Hermagoras of Cicero, Cicero of Sallust, Origines of Saint Hierome, Hierome of Rufinus, Rufinus of Donatus. Donatus of Prosper, and Prosper of Lupus.  
Then sith that in these men, and in their works hath been such need of correction, which were men of great knowledge, and Lanterns of the World: It is no marvel at all that I have such fortune, since I know so little as I do. He may worthily 
One ought not rashly to condemn another man's writing.  be counted vain and light, which at the first sight, as for only once reading, will rashly judge that which a wise man with much diligence & study hath written.  
The Authors and Writers are oft times reproved, not of them which can translate, and compile works: but of those which cannot read, and yet less understand them, to the intent simple folks should count them wise, and take their parts in condemning this work, and esteem him for a great wise man. I take God to witness who can judge, whether my intention were good or ill, to compile this work, and also I lay this my doctrine at the feet of wise and virtuous men, to the end they may be protectors, and defenders of the same: For I trust in God, though some would come to blame (as divers do) the simple words which I spoke: yet others would not fail to relate the good intention that I meant.  
And to declare further I say, that divers have written of the time of the said Marcus Aurelius, as Herodian wrote little, Eutropius less, Lampridius not so much, and julius Capitolinus somewhat more.  
Likewise ye ought to know, that the Masters which taught Marcus Aurelius sciences, were junius Rusticus, Cinna Catullus, Sextus Cheronensis, which was nephew to the great Plutarch.  
These three were those, that principally, as witnesses of sight, wrote the most part of his life and doctrine. Many may marvel to hear tell of the doctrine of Marcus Aurelius, saying it hath been kept hid and secret a great while, and that of mine own head I have invented it. And that there never was any Marcus Aurelius in the world. I know not what to say now unto them; for it is evident to all those which have read any thing that Marcus Aurelius was husband to Faustine, father to Comodus, brother to Anntus Verus, and son in Law to Antoninus Pius, the seventh (of Rome) Emperor  
Those which say, I only have made this doctrine, truly I thank them for so saying, but not for their so meaning: For truly the Romans would have set my Image in Rome for perpetual renown, if so grave sentences should have proceeded from my head. We see that in our time which was never seen before, and hear that we never heard before. We practise not in a new world, and yet we marvel that there is at this present a new book.  
Not for that I was curious to discover Marcus Aurelius, or studious to translate him. For, truly it is worthy he be noted of wise persons, and not accused of envious tongues. For, it chanceth oftentimes in Hunting, that the most simplest man killeth the Dear.  
The last thing which the romans conquered in Spain, was Cantabria, which was a city in Navarre, over against Lagrogne, and situated in a high Country, where there is now a vain of Vines. And the Emperor Augustus which destroyed it, made ten books, De Bello Cantabrico: wherein are many things worthy of noting, and no less pleasant in reading, which happened unto him, in the same conquest.  
As Marcus Aurelius was brought me from Florence, so was this other book, Of the wars of Cantabria, brought me from Colleyne. If perhaps I took pains to Translate this book, as few have done which have seen it, they would speak the like of it, that they did of Marcus Aurclius. Because men are so long in speaking, and so brief in studying, that without any let or shame, they will avow no Book to be in the world this day, but that they have either read, or seen it.  
I have as much profited in this writing, which is human: as other Doctors have done in matters, which are divine. It is not translated word for word, but sentence for sentence. For we other Enterpreters, are not bound to give words by measure: but it sufficeth us to give Sentences by weight.  
I began to study this work in the year, a thousand, five hundred, and fifteen: and until the year 
The time when the Author began to translate the book of Marcus Aurelius.  a thousand five hundred, twenty and sour, I could neither understand, nor know wherein I was occupied: and albeit I (kept it as secret as I could) for the space of six years, yet it was known abroad: whereupon the Emperor his Majesty, being with the Fever diseased, sent to me for it, to pass the time away. And I (according to his commandment) showed him Marcus Aurelius that then was uncorrected, and humbly beseeching him said: That for recompense of all my trau●l●, I desired no other reward, but that no man in his Chamber might copy the Book.  
And in the mean time proceeded to accomplish the work, because I did not mean in such manner to publish it: for otherwise, I said his Majesty should be evil served, and I also of my purpose prevented: but my sins caused that the Book was coppyed, 
The book of Marcus Aurelius, at the first imprinted, without the knowledge of the Author.  and conveyed from one to another: and by the hands of Pages sunday times written, so that there increased daily in it errors, and faults.  
And since there was but one original copy, they brought it unto me to correct: which if it could have spoken, would have complained itself, more of them that did write it, then of those that did steal it.  
And thus when I had finished the work, & thought to have published it: I perceived that Marcus Aurelius was now imprinted at Seville: And in this case, I take the Readers to be judges, between me and the imprinters, because they may see, whether it may stand with Law, and justice, that a Book which was to his Imperial Majesty dedicated: the author thereof being but an jnfant, and the book so unperfit and uncorrected, without my consent or knowledge should be published.  
Notwithstanding, they ceased not, but printed it again in Portugal, and also in the Kingdom of Navarre: And if the first impression was faulty, truly the second and the third were no less. So that which was written for the wealth and good of all men generally, each man did apply to the profit of himself particularly.  
There chanced another thing of this book, called The golden book of Marcus Aurelius, which I am ashamed to speak; but greater shame they should have, that so dishonestly have done. That is: some made themselves to be authors of the whole work: Others say, that part of it was made, and compiled of their own heads: the which appeareth in a book in private, wherein the author did like a man void of all honesty, & in another book, one used likewise the words which Marcus Aurelius spoke to Faustine, when she asked him the key of his Study.  
After these thieves came to my knowledge, judge you whether it were enough to prove my patience? For, I had rather they had robbed me of my goods, then taken away my renown.  
By this all men may see, that Marcus Aurelius was not then corrected, nor in any place perfect, whereby they might perceive, that it was not my mind to Translate Marcus Aurelius, but to make a Dial for Princes: whereby all Christian people may be governed and ruled. And as the doctrine is showed for the use of many: so I would profit myself, with that which the wise men had spoken and written. And in this sort proceedeth the work, wherein I put one or two chapters of mine, and after I put some Epistles of Marcus Aurelius, and other doctrine of some Ancient men.  
Let not the Reader be deceived, to think hat the one, and the other is of the Author. For, although the phrase of the Language be mine, yet I confess the greatest part that I knew, was of another man's, although the Historiographers and Doctors, (with whom I was holpen) were many: yet the doctrine which I wrote, was but one.  
I will not deny, but I have left out some things which were superfluous: in whose stead I have placed things more sweet and profitable. So that it needeth good wits, to make which seemeth in one language to be gross, in another to give it the appearance of gold.  
I have divided into three books this present Dial of Princes. The first treateth, that the Prince ought to be a good Christian.  
The second, how he ought for to govern his wife and children.  
The third teacheth, how he should govern his person, and his Common wealth. I had begun another book, wherein was contained, how a Prince should behave himself in his Court and Palace, but the importunity of my friends, caused me to withdraw my pen, to the end I might bring this work to light.  
The end of the Argument.   

A COMPENDIOUS TABLE OF ALL THE SEVERAL ARGUMENTS, contained in these distinct Books of MARCUS AURELIUS. * ⁎ *  

The first Book.  
OF the Birth and Lineage of the vice Philosopher and Emperor, Marcus Aurelius. Also of three several Chapters in the beginning of this book, concerning a discourse of his life: for, by his Epistles and doctrine the whole course of the present work is approved. Chap. 1. Fol. 1.  
Of a Letter sent by Marcus Aurelius to his friend Pulio, wherein he declareth the order of his whole life. And (among other things) he maketh mention of a thing which happened to a Roman Censor, with his Host of Compagnia. chap. 2. fol. 5.  
The Letter concluded by Marcus Aurelius, declaring at large what Science he had learned, and all the Masters he had. Beside, he reciteth five notable things, in observance whereof, the Romans were curious. chap. 3. fol. 8.  
Of the excellency of Christian Religion, which manifesteth the true God and disproveth the vanity of the Ancients, in having so many gods. And that in the old times, when enemies were reconciled in their houses, they caused also, that their gods should embrace each other in their Temples. chap 4. fol. 13.  
How the Philosopher Bruxelius was greatly esteemed among the Ancients for his life. And of the words which he spoke to the Romans at the hour of his death. chap. 5. fol. 15. chap. 6. fol. 16.  
How the Gentiles thought that one God could not defend them from their enemies. And how the Romans sent throughout all the Empire to borrow gods, when they fought against the Goths. chap. 7. fol. 17  
Of a Letter sent from the Senate of Rome to all the Subjects of the Empire. chap. 8. fol. 18.  
Of the true and living God. And of the marvels wrought in the old Law, to manifest his divine power. And of the superstition of the false and feigned gods. chap 9 fol. 20.  
How there is but one true God: and how happy those Realms are which have a good Christian to be their King. How the Gentiles affirmed, that good Princes (after their death) were changed into gods, and the wicked into Devils, which the Author proveth by sundry examples. chap. 10. fol. 23.  
Of sundry gods which the Ancients worshipped. Of the offices of those gods: How they were revenged of such as displeased them. And of the twenty elected gods. chap. 11. fol. 26.  
How Tiberius was chosen Governor of the Empire, and afterward created Emperor, only for being a good Christian. And how God deprived justinian the younger, both of his Empire and senses, because he was a perfidious heretic. chap. 12. fol. 29  
Of other more natural and peculiar gods, which the ancient people had and adored. chap. 13. fol. 32  
What words the Empress Sophia spoke to Tiberius Constantinus, then being Governor of the Empire, reproving him for lavishly consuming the Treasure of the Empire, gotten by her chap. 14. fol. 36  
The answer of Tiberius to the Empress Sophia Augusta, declaring that Noble Princes need not hoard up treasures. And of the hidden treasure which this good Emperor foundeby revelation, in the Palace where he remained. chap. 15. fol. 38  
How the Captain Narsetes overcame many Battles, only by reposing his whole confidence in God. And what happened to him by the Empress Sophia Augusta; relating the unthankfulness of Princes towards their servants. chap. 16. fol 41  
Of a letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent to the King of Scicille, remembering the travels they had endured together in their youth, and reprooning him for his small reverence to the Temples ch, 17, fo. 46  
The emperors prosecution in his Letter, admonishing Princes to be fearful of their Gods. And of the sentence which the Senate gave upon the King for pulling down the church. ch. 18 f. 49  
How the Gentiles honoured those that were devout in the service of their gods, chap. 19 fol: 52  
Of five causes why Princes ought to be better christians then their subjects. ch. 20 fol. 55  
What the Philosopher Bias was: Of his constancy when he had lost all his goods. And of the ten laws he gave, deserving to be had in perpetual memory, chap 21 59  
Questions demanded of the Philosopher Bias. fol. 61  
The laws which Bias gave to the Prienenses, 62  
How God from the beginning punished men by his justice, and especially those Princes that despised his church: & how all wicked Christians are Parishioners of hell, ch. 22 63  
Of twelve examples why Princes are sharply punished, when they usurp boldly upon churches, and violate their temples, ch. 23 65  
Why the children of Aaron were punished. eodem  
The cause why the Azotes were punished, eodem  
The cause why Prince Oza was punished, 66.  
Why King Balthasar was punished, 67  
Why King Ahab was punished, 69  
Why King Manasses was punished, cod.  
Why julius, Pompey, Xerxes, Catiline, Germanicus & Brennus were punished, 70  
How Valentine the Emp. because he was an evil Christian, in one day lost both the Empire and his life, ch. 24 72  
Of the Emp. Valentinian & Gratian, his son, which reigned in the time of S. Ambrose, and because they were good Christians, were always fortunate, and how God giveth victory to Princes, more by the tears of them that pray, then thorough the weapons of them that fight, ch. 25 76  
Of the goodly Oration which the Em Gratian made to his Soldiers before he gave the battle, ch. 26 78  
Of the Captain Theodosius who was father to the great Emp. Theodosius, died a good Christian. Of the K. Hismarus, and the Bishop Silvanus, and the laws which they made and established, ch. 27 60  
What a happy thing it is to have but one Prince to rule the public weal: for there is no greater enemy to the Commonweal, than he which procureth many to command therein, ch. 28 84  
That in a public weal, there is no greater destruction, then where Princes daily consent to new orders, and make an alteration of ancient customs, ch. 29 f. 88  
When Tyrants began to reign, and upon what occasion commanding and obeying first began, and how the authority which a Prince hath, is by the ordinance of God, chap. 30 91  
Of the golden age in times past: and worldly misery at this present, ch. 31 94  
How K. Alexander the Great, after he had overcome K. Darius in Asia, went to conquer the great India, and of that which happened to him with the Garamantes, and that purity of life hath more power than force of war, ch. 32 96  
Of an Oration which one of the Sages of Garamantia made unto K. Alexander, a good lesson for ambitious men, ch. 33. 98  
A continuation of the sage Garamants Oration, and among other notable matters he maketh mention of seven laws which they observed, chap. 34 101  
That Princes ought to consider for what cause they were made Princes: What Thales the Philosopher was, & of 12 questions demanded of him, & his answer. c. 35. 104  
What Plutarch the Philosopher was, Of the wise words he spoke to the Emperor trajan: & how a good Prince is the head of the publique-weale. chap. 36. fo: 108  
As there are two Senses in the Head, Smelling and Hearing: So likewise, a Prince, who is the head of the Commonweal, aught to hear the complaints of all his subjects, and should know them all, to recompense their services, ch. 37. fol. 111  
Of the great Feast which the romans celebrated to the God janus the first day of january. And of the bounty and liberality of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius the same day, chap. 38 114  
Of the answer which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius made to the Senator Fuluius before all the Senate; being reproved by him, for the familiarity he used to all men, contrary to the majesty and authority of the Roman Emperor, wherein he painteth envious men, ch. 39 fol. 118  
Of a Letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent to his friend Pulio; declaring the opinion of certain Philosophers concerning the felicity of man. chap. 40. 124  
Of the Philosopher Epicurus, fol. 129  
Of the Philosopher Eschilus'. 131  
Of the Philosopher Pindarus, 132  
Of the Philosopher Zeno, 133  
Of the Philosopher Anacharsis, 134  
Of the Sarmates, 135  
Of the Philosopher Chilo, 137  
Of the Philosophers Crates, Stylphas, Simonides, Gorgias, Architas, Chrysippus, Antisthenes, Sophocles, Euripides, Palemon, Themistocles, Aristides, and Heraclius. 138. 139  
That Princes and great Lords ought not to esteem themselves for being fair, and well proportioned, chap. 41 140  
Of a letter written by the Emperor Marcus Aurelius to his Nephew, worthy to be noted of all young Gentlemen, chap. 42 146  
How Princes and great Lords in old time were lovers of men that were wise and learned. chap. 43 153  
How the Emperor Theodosius provided wise men at the hour of his death for the education of his two noble sons, Archadius and Honorius, chap. 44 158  
How Croesus King of Lydia was a great friend and lover of Wise men. Of a letter which the same Croesus wrote to the Philosopher Anacharsis, and an other letter of the Philosophers answer to him, chap. 45 162  
Of the wisdom and sentences of Phalaris the tyrant: And how he put an artezan to death for devising new torments chap. 46 166  
The letter of Phalaris the tyrant, which was sent to Popharco the Philosopher. 169  
Of several great and powerful Kings who were all of them true friends and lovers of the Sages, chap. 47. 170  
The letter of King Philip to Aristotle the Philosopher: 172   

The second Book.  
Of what excellency marriage is, and whereas common people marry of freewill, Princes and noble men ought to marry upon necessity and urgency. chap. 1 177  
How the Author prosecuting his purpose of marriage, declareth that by means thereof many mortal enemies have been made good and perfect friends. c. 2. f. 180  
Of divers and sundry laws which the Ancients had in contracting matrimony, not only in the choice of women, but also in the manner of celebrating marriage. chap. 3 183  
How princesses and great Ladies ought to love their husbands: and that love ought not to be procured by conjurations and enchantments, but by wisdom honesty, and virtue desired, ch. 4. 187  
Of the revenge which a woman of Greece took on him that had killed her husband, as hoping to enjoy her in marriage, chap. 5. 189  
That Princesses and great Ladies ought to be obedient to their husbands: and how great shame it is to the husband that his wife should command him. ch. 6. 194  
That women (especially princesses & great Ladies) should be very circumspect in going abroad out of their houses: and that they should not deserve to be ill spoken of by such as resort to their houses: chap. 4 198  
Of the commodities and discommodities which follow princes and great Ladies that go abroad to visit, or abide in their houses, chap. 8 200  
That women great with child (especially princesses and great Ladies ought to be circumspect for the danger of creatures, wherein is shown many misfortunes happening to women with child in old time, chap. 9 202  
Of other inconveniences, and unlucky mischances which have happened to women with child, chap. 10 207  
That women great with child (especially princesses and great Ladies) ought to be gently used of their husbands c. 11. 209  
What the philosopher Pisto was: and of the rules he gave concerning women with child, chap. 12 212  
Of three counsels which Lucius Seneca gave unto a Secretary his friend who served the Emperor Nero; And how the Emp. M. Aurelius spent the hours of the day. chap. 13 214  
The importunity of the Empress Faustine to the Emperor, concerning the key of his closet, chap. 14 219  
The answer of the Emperor to Faustine, concerning her demand for the key of his study, chap. 15 223  
Of great dangers ensuing to men, by excessive haunting the company of women And of certain rules for married men, which if they observe, may cause them to live in peace with their wives, chap. 16 228  
A more particular answer of the Emperor to Faustine, concerning the key of his study, chap. 17 235  
That Princesses and noble women ought not to be ashamed to give their children suck with their own breasts, chap. 18 239  
A further continued persuasion of the Author, that women should give their own children suck. chap. 19 242  
That Princesses and great Ladies ought to be very circumspect in choice of their Nurses: and of seven especial properties which a good Nurse should have. cha. 20 249  
Of three other especial conditions, which a good Nurse ought to have, that giveth suck. chap. 21 254  
Of the disputations before Alexander the Great, concerning the time of the sucking of babes, chap. 22 259  
Of sundry kinds of Sorceries, charms, and witchcrafts which they (in old time) used, in giving their children suck, which in Christians ought to be avoided. ch. 23. fol. 260  
Of a letter which Marcus Aurelius sent to his friend Dedalus, inveighing against such women, as use to cure children by sorceries, charms, & enchantments, ch. 24 264  
How excellent a thing it is for gentlemen to have an eloquent tongue, ch. 25 270  
Of a letter which the Athenians sent to the Lacedæmonians, chap. 26 273  
That Nurses which give suck to the children of Princes ought to be discreet and sage women, chap. 27 275  
That women may be no less wise than men, & though they be not, it is not thorough the defect of nature, but rather for want of good bringing up, chap. 28. 279  
Of a letter which Pythagoras sent to his sister Theoclea, he being in Rhodes, and she in Samcthrace, both studying Philosophy, chap. 29 281  
A further persuasion of the Author, to Princesses and other great Ladies, to endeavour themselves to be wise, like as the women in elder times were, c. 30. 282  
Of the worthiness of the Lady Cornelia, and of a notable Epistle which she wrote to her two sons, serving in the wars, Tiberius and Caius, dissuading them from the pleasures of Rome, & exhorting them to endure the travels of war. chap. 31. 288  
The Letter of Cornelia to her two sons, Tiberius and Caius 289  
Of the education and doctrine of children while they are young, with a declaration of many notable histories, c. 32. 294  
Princes ought to take heed that their children be not brought up in pleasures and vain delights: because oftentimes they are so wicked, that the fathers would not only have them with sharp discipline corrected, but also with bitter tears buried, chap. 33, 302  
How Princes and great Lords ought to be careful, in seeking wise men to bring up their children: Of ten conditions which good Schoolmasters ought to have, chap. 34. 309  
Of the two children of Marcus Aurelius the best whereof died, And of the masters he provided for the other, chap. 35. 317  
Of the words which Marcus Aurelius spoke to 5. of the 14. masters, which he had chosen for the education of his son: And how he dismissed them from his palace, because they behaved themselves lightly at the feast of their god Genius, c. 36. 322  
That Princes and noble men ought to oversee the tutors of their children, lest they should conceal the secret faults of their scholar, chap. 37. 326  
Of the determination of the Emperor when he committed his child to the tutors, chap. 38 331  
Tutors of Princes and noble men's children ought to be very circumspect that their scholars do not accustom themselves in vices while they be young, but especially to be kept from 4. vices. chap. 39, 343  
Of two other vices, perilous in youth, which their masters ought to keep them from, chap. 40 348   

The third Book.  
How Princes and great Lords ought to travel in administering justice to all men equally, chap. 1 353  
The way that Princes ought to use, for choice of judges and Officers, in their Countries. chap. 2 fol: 357  
A villain argueth (in an Oration) against the romans, who (without cause or reason) had conquered his Country: Approving mainifestly, that through offending the Gods, they had thus prevailed. And the Oration is divided into chapt: 3. fol. 362. ch. 4. fol: 366. And ch. 5. f: 366  
That Princes and Noblemen ought to be very circumspect, in choice of their judges and Officers: because therein consisteth the benefit of the weal public. chapt: 6. fol: 373  
Of a Letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote to his friend Antigonus, answering an other, which he sent him out of Scicile, concerning the cruelty, exercised by the Roman judges. The letter is divided in chap: 7. fol 379. cha: 8. fol. 381. chap: 9 fol. 385 chapt: 10. fo. 387 cha: 11. fol. 391  
An exhortation of the Author, unto great Princes and Noblemen to embrace peace, and to avoid all occasions of war. chap: 12 fol. 394  
Of the commodities which ensue by peace: declaring that divers Princes (upon light occasions) have made cruel wars, chap: 13 fol. 397  
The Emperor Marcus Aurelius writeth to his friend Cornelius; wherein he describeth the discomodities which come by wars, and the vanity of Triumphs, Chap: 14 fol. 406  
Marcus Aurelius proceedeth on further in his letter, declaring the order which the Romans used in setting forth their men of war. And of the outrageous villainyes which Captains and Soldiers use in war. chap: 15 fo. 408  
The Emperors further pursuit in the same letter, showing what great damages have ensued, by war begun with strange and foreign Realms. ch. 16 fo. 409  
Ad admonition of the Author, to Princes and great Lords, to the intent that the more they grow in years, the more they stand bound to refrain from vices, ch. 17. 415  
That Princes when they are aged, should be temperate in eating, sober in drinking, modest in apparel (& above all things else) true in their communication: ch. 18. fo. 418  
Of a letter written by the Emperor M. Aurelius, to Claudius & Claudinus, reproving them (being old men) because they lived over youthfully, chap: 19, fo. 423  
A prosecution of the emperors letter, persuading Claudius and Claudinus (being now aged) to give no more credit to the world: nor to any of his deceitful flatteries. chap: 20. fol: 430  
A further continuation of the Emperor in the same Letter, approving by good reasons, that in regard aged persons will be served and honoured of younger people: they ought therefore to be more virtuous and honest, than they of younger degree. chap: 21. fol: 433  
The emperors conclusion of his Letter, showing what perils those old men live in, that dissolutely (like young Children) spend their days: And he giveth wholesome council unto them, for better means and remedy thereof: ch. 22. 438  
How Princes ought to take heed, that they be not noted guilty of Avarice, because the Covetous man is hated, both of God and man. ch. 24 441  
Great reasons to discommend the vices of covetous men. ch. 24 444  
Of a letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote to his friend Cincinnatus, who being a Roman Knight, became a Merchant of Capua, reproving such Gentlemen, as take upon them the trade of Merchandise, contrary to their own vocation; declaring what virtuous men ought to use, and the vices which they ought to shun: instructing also, how to despise the vanities of the world; And although a man be never so wise, yet he shall have need of another man's council. ch. 25. fol: 447. c. 26. fo. 449. c. 27. 451.  
A persuasion to Princes & great Lords to shun covetousness, and to become liberal & bountiful: which virtue should always appertain to a Royal parsonage. chap: 28 fol. 454  
A persuasion to Gentlemen, and such as follow Arms, not to abase themselves for gaynes-sake, in taking upon them any vile office or function. ch. 29 458  
Of a Letter which the Emperor wrote to his Neighbour Mercurius, a Merchant of Samia: instructing men in those dangers, which ensue by traffic on the Seas, and the covetousness of them that Travel by Land. chap: 30 461  
The conclusion of the emperors Letter, reproving Mercurius, because he took thought for the loss of his goods: Showing him the nature of Fortune, and conditions of covetous men. ch. 31 fol: 464  
That Princes and Noblemen ought to consider the misery of man's nature: And that brute Beasts are in some points (reason excepted) to be preferred with men: chapt. 32. fol. 466  
A further comparison of the miseries of men, with the liberty of beasts, ch. 33. 469  
A letter of the Emperor M. Aurelius, to Domitius, a citizen of Capua, comforting him in his Exile: being banished for a quarrel between him and an other, about the running of a Horse. Comfortable for such as have been in great favour, & afterward fallen into disgrace. ch. 34 fo. 474  
That princes and Noble men ought to be advocates for widows, fathers of Orphans, and helps to the comfortless, chap. 35 479  
That the troubles, sorrows and griefs of widows are much greater than those of Widowers: wherefore Princes and Noble men ought to have more compassion upon such women than men, ch. 36 fol. 462  
Of a letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote to a Roman Lady, named Lavinia, comforting her in her husband's death, ch. 37 486  
A persuasion to widows to depend only upon God's will, and exhorting them to live honestly. chap. 38 489  
That Princes and Noble men ought to despise the world, because there is nothing in it but plain deceit. ch. 39: 493  
A vehement invective against the deceits of the world, with a further proof by strong and weighty reasons, persuading all men that live in the world not to trust it, or any thing therein, verified by a letter of the Emperor to his friend Torquatus, chap. 40. 41. 42. fol. 498. 501. 504  
Princes and Nobles ought not to bear with jugglers, jesters, parasites and common players, nor with any such kind of rascals, and loiterers: And of the Laws which the Romans made especially on that behalf, chap. 43 507  
How some jesters were punished by our grave Ancients: and of the jesters & loiterers in our time, chap 44. 510  
Of a letter which the Emperor wrote to Lambartus his friend then Governor of Hellespont, certifying him that he had banished from Rome all fools and loy terieg players: a notable lesson for them that keep counterfeit fools in their houses, chap. 45 514  
Marcus Aurelius proceedeth on in his letter, declaring how he found the Sepulchers in Hellespont of many learned philosophers whereunto he sent all those loiterers, chap. 46 517  
The Letters conclusion, relating the cause and time, why and when jugglers & jesters were admitted into Rome. ch. 47. 520  
How Princes and Noble men ought to remember that they are mortal, and must die, with notable consolations against the fear of death, chap. 48. 522  
Of the death of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius and how there are few friends that dare speak the truth to sick men, chap. 40 527  
Of the comfortable words which the Secretary Panutius spoke to the Emperor at the hour of his death, ch. 50 531  
A continuation of the Secretary's speeches; admonishing all men to embrace death willingly, & utterly to forsake the world, and his alluring vanities c. 51. 534  
The answer of the Emperor Marcus to his Secretary Panutiu, declaring that he took no thought to forsake the world: But all his sorrow was, to leave behind him an unhappy son to inherit the Empire, chap. 52 588  
The emperors conclusion of the matter in question, showing that sundry young Princes, by being vicious, have undone themselves, and impoverished their Realms, chap. 53 541  
Of the words which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius spoke to his son Commodus at the hour of his death, very necessary for all young Gentlemen to understand, chap. 54 545  
Other wholesome counsels given by the Emperor to his son, and (above all) to keep wise and learned men about him to assist him with advise in all his affairs, chap. 55 550  
The emperors prosecution still in the same Argument, with particular exhortations to his son; well deserving to be engraven in the hart of men; ch. 56 554  
The good Emperor Marcus Aurelius, concludeth both his purpose & life. And of the last words he spoke to his son Commodus, and the Table of Counsel he gave him. chap. 57 557   

The fourth Book.  
The Prologue of the work, declaring what one true friend ought to do for another, 563  
A few precepts and counsels meet to be remembered by all such as are Prince's familiars, and affected Courtiers. 572  
The Argument of the Book entitled, The Favoured Courtier, declaring the intent of the whole work, 575  
How it is more necessary for the Courtier (abiding in Court) to be of lively spirit and audacity; than it is for the Soldier that goeth to serve in the wars, c. 1. 592  
Of Courtiers brawls & quarrels with Harbingers for their ill lodgings, c. 2. 592  
How the Courtier should entreat his Host, or master of the house where he lodgeth, chap. 3 589  
What Courtier● must do to win their Prince's favour, chap. 4. 601  
What manners and gestures do best become a Courtier when he speaketh to his Prince, ch. 5. 607  
How a Courtier should behave himself, both to know, and to visit Noblemen and Gentlemen that are great with the Prince, and continuing still in Court, Chap. 6 612  
What countenance and modesty becometh a Courtier for his behaviour at the Princes or Noble man's table, during the time of his meal, ch. 7 617  
What company the Courtier should keep, and how he ought to apparel himself, chap. 8: 624  
In what manner the Courtier should serve and honour Ladies and Gentlewomen: also how to satisfy and please the Ushers and Porters of the King's house, chap. 9, 631  
Of the great pains and travels which the Courtier hath, being toiled in suits of law, And how he is to suffer, and carry himself with judges, chap. 10 637  
Of them that are affected in Court, admonishing them to be patient in their troubles, and that they be not partial in the affairs of the common wealth, chap. 11 644  
That Officers, and such as are affected in Court, should be very diligent & careful in dispatching the Prince's affairs, & Commonwealth: Also, that in correcting, and reforming of Servants, they ought to be as circumspect and advised, Chap. 12 fol: 649  
That affected and esteemed Courtiers ought to be wary, of being proud, and highminded: for lightly they never fall, but only by means of that detestable vice. Chap: 13 fol. 659  
That it is not fit for Courtiers to be over-covetous, if they mean to keep themselves out of many troubles and dangers: chap: 14 fol. 670  
That favoured Courtiers should not trust overmuch to their favour and credit in Court, nor to the prosperity of their lives. chap: 15 fo. 677  
An admonition to such as are highly in favour with Princes, to take heed of the worlds deceits: learning both to live and die honourably; and to leave the Court, before Age over take them, chapter 16. fol. 684  
What continency ought to be in favoured courtiers, always shunning the company of unhonest women: also to be careful in the speedy dispatch of suitors suing unto them. chap: 17 fol. 691  
That Nobles, and affected of Princes, should not exceed in superfluous fare, nor be oversumptuous in their Diet. chapt. 18. fol. 698  
That courtiers favoured of Princes, ought not to be dishonest of their Tongues, nor envious in their words. chap. 19 fo. 709  
A commendation of Truth, which professed courtiers ought to embrace: And (in no respect) to be found defective, in the contrary, reporting one thing for an other. chap. 20. fo. 718   

Certain other Letters, written by M. Aurelius.  
Of the huge Monster, seen in Scicile, in the time of M. Aurelius; & of the letters he wrote with blood upon a gate. ch. 1. 727  
Of that which chanced unto Antigonus a citizen of Rome, in the time of Marcus Aurelius: chap: 2 fol: 729  
How M. Aurelius sought the wealth of his people, & how they loved him. c. 3. 730  
How at the intercession of many, sent by the Empress, the Emperor granted his daughter Lucilla licence, to sport herself at the Feasts. chap: 4 fo. 732  
Of the sharp words which M. Aurelius spoke to his wife, & his daughter. c 5. 734  
A letter sent by the Emperor M. Aurelius, to Catullus Censorius, concerning the news then in Rome. cha: 6 740  
M. Aurelius his letter, written to the amorous Ladies of Rome, ch. 7 747  
A letter sent by M. Aurelius, to his love Boemia, because she desired to go with him to the wars, chap. 8 752  
The answer of Boemia, to the Emperor M. Aurelius, expressing the great malice, & little patience in an evil woman. c. 9 755  
A letter of M. Aurelius, to the Roman Lady Macrine, of whom (beholding her at a window) he became enamoured: declaring what force the beauty of a fair Woman hath in a weak man, ch. 10 760  
An other letter, sent by him, to the same Macrina, expressing the fiery flames, which soon consume gentle hearts. ch. 11. 761  
A letter sent by him to the lady Lavinia; reproving Love to be natural: And affirming that the most part of Philosophers and wisemen, have been overcome by Love, chap: 12 fol: 763.   
The end of the Table.   

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE DIAL OF PRINCES, WITH the famous Book of Marcus Aurelius, wherein he entreateth what excellency is in a Prince that is a good Christian: and chose, what evils do follow him that is a cruel Tyrant.  

CHAP. I. Here the Author speaketh of the birth and lineage of the wise Philosopher and Emperor Marcus Aurelius. And he putteth also at the beginning of this Book three Chapterss, wherein he entreateth of the discourse of his life: for by his Epistles and Doctrine, the whole course of this present work is approved.  
AFter the death of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, in the 695. years from the foundation of Rome, and in the 173. olympiad: Fuluius Cato, and Cneus Patroclus, then being Consuls: the fourth day of October, in the high Capitol of Rome, at the suit of the whole Roman people, & with the assent of the sacred Senate, Marcus Aurelius Antonius was proclaimed Emperor universal of the whole Roman Monarchy.  
This noble Prince was naturally 
Marcus Aurelius a Roman born.  of Rome borne, in the mount Celio, on the sixth day before the Calends of May, which (after the Latins account) is the 26. day of April. His Grandfather was called Annius Verus, and was chosen Senator in the time of the Emperors Titos and Vespasian. His great Grandfather was named Annius Verus, which was borne in Spain, in the free town of Gububa, when the wars were most cruel between Caesar and Pompeius: at what time many Spaniards fled to Rome, and many romans ran into Spain. By this means this Emperor had a great Grandfather, a Roman, and a great Grandmother, a Spaniard. His Father was named Annius Verus after his Grandfather, and Great Grandfather, by reason whereof the ancient Historiographers call him Marcus Antonius Verus.  
And true it is, that the Emperor Adrian called him Marcus Verissimus, for that he never forged lie, nor swerved at any time from the truth. These Annti Veri were a kindred in Rome (as julius Capitolinus reporteth) which vaunted themselves to come of Numa Pompelius, and Quintus Curtius the famous Roman: which (to work the Roman people safety and his own person everlasting memory) willingly threw himself into the Gulf, 
A 〈…〉 to ●l Rome.  which afterwards was called Curtius, which as then was seen in Rome. This emperors mother was called Domitta Camilla, as recounteth Cinna in the books that he wrote of the Roman pedigrees. That stock of Camilli, was in those days highly honoured in Rome: for that they conveyed their descent from that Camillus, which was the renowned and valiant Roman Captain, who delivered Rome when the Gauls had taken it, and besieged the Capitol. The men that sprang of this lineage, bore the name of Camilli, for remembrance of this Camillus. And the woman that came of the same stock kept the name of Camilla, in memory of a daughter of the said Camillus. This Camilla refused marriage, and chose to live among the vestal virgins: and there long space remained, enduring a sharp and hard life. And she was so virtuous a Roman, and precise in her life, that in the time of Severus Emperor of Rome, her Tomb was honoured as a Relic, whereon was engraved this Epitaph.  
Camillus lo, doth here engraved rest,  
That only was Camillus' daughter dear: 
The Epitaph on the grave of Camilla,   
Twice twenty years and six she hath possessed  
A covert life, untouched of any fear.  
The King of Trinacry could not her move  
To taste the sweet delight of Wedlock's band:  
Nor train by suit her sacred mind to love.  
Enclosed in breast so deep did chasteness stand,  
But oh, great wrong the crawling worms below,  
To gnaw on that unspotted senseless corpse  
That rage of youth spent undefiled so  
With sober life in spite of Cupid's force,  
And this was written in Heroical verse in the Greek tongue, with a marvelous haughty style. But to our matter, ye shall understand, that the Romans kept a certain Law in the 12. Tables, the words whereof were these:  
We ordain and command, that all the Romans shall for ever have special 
A worthy law among the Romans.  privilege in every such place, where their ancestors have done to the Roman people any notable service. For it is reason that where the Citizen adventureth his life, there the City should do him some honour after his death. By virtue of this law all the family of Camilli ever enjoyed the keeping of the high Capitol, for that (by his force and policy) he chased the French men from the siege. Truly, it is not unknown, that this noble Knight and valiant Captain Camillus did other things as great, and greater than this; but because it was done within the circuit of Rome, it was esteemed above all his other acts and prowess. And herein the Romans swerved not far from reason, for that, amongst all princely virtues, is esteemed to be the chiefest and worthiest, which is employed to the profit of the commonwealth. The Roman Chronaclers with tears cease not to lament the ruin of their Country, seeing that variety of time, the multitude of Tyrants, the cruelty of civil wars, were occasion that the ancient state of the Roman government, came to utter destruction, and in stead thereof a new and evil trade of life to be placed. And hereof no man ought to 
Changes of rulers breed flor● of vices.  marvel, for it chanceth throughout all Realms and Nations, by oft changing governors, that among the people daily springeth new vices.  
Pulto saith, That for no alteration which befell to the common weal, for no calamity that ever Rome suffered, that privilege was taken away from the lineage of Camilli, (I mean the government of the high Capitol) except it were in the time of Silla the Consul, when this family was sore persecuted, for none other cause but for that they favoured the Consul Marius. This cruel Silla being dead, and the pitiful julius Caesar prevailing, all the banished men from Rome returned home again to the commonwealth.  
As touching the Ancestors of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, what hath been their trade of life, estate, poverty, or riches, standing in favour or displeasure, what prosperity or adversity they have had or suffered, we find not in writings, though with great diligence they have been searched for. And the cause hereof was, for that the ancient writers of the Roman Histories, touched the lives of 
Concerning the Father of Marcus Aurelius.  the Emperor's fathers (specially when they were made Princes) more for the good merits that were in the children, then for the great estimation that came from the Fathers; julius Capitolinus saith, That Annius Verus (father of Marcus Aurelius) was praetor of the Rhodian Armies, and also warden in other Frontiers in the time of Trayan the good, Adrian the wise, and Anthony the merciful. Which Emperors trusted none with their Armies, but discreet & valiant men. For good Princes chose always such Captains, as can with wisdom guide the Army, and with valiantness give the battle. Though the Romans had sundry wars in divers places, yet chiefly they kept great Garrisons always in four parts of the world. That is to say, in Byzantium (which now is Constantinople) to resist the parthians: in Gades, (which now is called Galizia) to withstand the Portugals: in the river of Rein to defend 
The Romans four Garrisons.  themselves from the Germans: and at Colossus (which now is called the I'll of Rhodes) for to subdue the Barbarians.  
In the month of januarie, when the Senate distributed their offices, 
Distribution of offices.  the Dictator being appointed for six months, and the two Consuls chosen for one year: incontinently in the third place, they chose four of the most renowned persons to descend the said four dangerous Frontiers. For the Romans neither feared the pains of hell nor trusted for reward in heaven: but sought by all occasions possible in their life time to leave some notable memory of them after their death. And the Roman was counted most valiant, and of the Senate best favoured, to whom they committed the charge of the most cruel and dangerous wars. For their strife was not to bear rule, and to be in office, or to get money: but to be in the Frontiers, to overcome their enemies.  
In what estimation these four Frontiers were, we may easily perceive, 
Honourable Armies of the Romans  by that we see the most noble Romans have passed some part of their youth in those places as Captains, until such time that (for more weighty affairs) they were appointed from thence to some other places. For at that time there was no word so grievous and injurious to a Citizen, as to say, Go thou hast never been brought up in the wars: and to prove the same by examples. The great Pompey passed the Winter season in Constantinople: The adventurous Scipio in Colonges, the courageous Caesar in Gades, and the renowned Marius in Rhodes. And these four were not only in the Frontiers aforesaid in their youth, but there they did such valiant acts, that the memory of them remaineth evermore after their death. These things I have spoken to prove, sith we find that Marcus Aurelius father was Captain of one of these 4. Frontiers: it followeth, that he was a man of singular wisdom and prowess. For as Scipio said to his friend Masinissa in Africa, It is not possible for a Roman Captain to want either wisdom or courage, for thereunto they were predestined at their birth. We have no authentic authorities, that showeth us from whence, when, or how, in what countries, 
Gb●●uation among the Roman Antiquaries  and with what persons this captain passed his youth. And the cause is, for that the Roman Chroniclers were not accustomed to write the things done by their Princes, before they were created, but only the acts of young men, which from their youth had their hearts stoutly bend to great adventures: and in my opinion it was well done. For it is greater honour to obtain an Empire by policy and wisdom, then to have it by descent, so that there be no tyranny. Suetonius Tranquillus in his first book of Emperors, counteth at large the adventurous enterprises taken in hand by julius Caesar in his young age, and how far unlikely they were from thought, that he should ever obtain the Roman Empire; writing this to show unto Princes, how earnestly julius Caesar's heart was bend to win the Roman Monarchy, and likewise how wisdom failed him in behaving himself therein.  
A Philosopher of Rome, wrote to Phalaris the Tyrant, which was in Cicilia, 
The answer of Phalaris to a Roman Philosopher  ask him, Why he possessed the realm so long by tyranny? Phalaris answered him again in another Epistle in these few words. Thou callest me tyrant, because I have taken this realm, and kept it 32. years. I grant then, (quoth he) that I was a tyrant in usurping it: For no man occupieth another man's right, but by reason he is a tyrant: But yet I will not agree to be called a Tyrant, sith it is now xxxii. years since I have possessed it. And though I have achieved it by tyranny, yet I have governed it by wisdom. And I let thee to understand, that to take another man's goods, it is an easy thing to conquer, but a hard thing to keep an easy thing: for to keep them, I ensure thee it is very hard. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius married the daughter of Antoninus Pius, the 16. Emperor of Rome, and she was named Faustina, who as sole Heir had the Empire, and so through marriage Marcus Aurelius came to be Emperor. This Faustines was not so honest and chaste, as she was fair and beautiful. She had by him two sons, Commodus and Verissimus.  
Marcus Aurelius triumphed twice, 
The triumphs of Marcus Aurelius.  once when he overcame the Parthians, and another time when he conquered the Argonants. He was a man very well learned, and of a deep understanding. He was as excellent both in the Greek and Latin, as he was in his mother's tongue. He was very temperate in eating and drinking, he wrote many things full of good learning and sweet sentences. He died in conquering the realm of Pannonia, which is now called Hungary. His death was as much bewailed, as his life was desired. And he was loved so dear and entirely in the City of Rome, that every Roman had a statue of him in his house, to the end the memory of him (among them) should never decay. The which was never read that they ever did for any other King or Emperor of Rome, no not for Augustus Caesar, who was best beloved of all other Emperors of Rome.  
He governed the Empire for the space of eighteen year with upright justice, and died at the age of 63 years with much honour, in the year Climatericke, which is in the 63. years wherein the life of man runneth in great peril. For then are accomplished the nine sevens, or the seven nine. Aulus Gelius writeth a Chapter 
The Climateriall years of man's life.  of this matter, in the book De noctibus Atticis. Marcus Aurelius was a Prince, of life most pure, of doctrine most profound, and of fortune most happy of all other Princes in the world, save only for Faustine his wife, and Commodus his son. And to the end we may see what Marcus Aurelius was from his infancy, I have put here an Epistle of his, which is this.   

CHAP. II. Of a letter which Marcus Aurelius sent to his friend Pulio, wherein he declareth the order of his whole life: and amongst other things, he maketh mention of a thing that happened to a Roman Censor, with his Host of Campagnia.  
MAreus Aurelius, only Emperor of Rome, greeteth thee his old friend Pulio, wisheth health to thy person, & peace to the commonwealth. As I was in the Temple of the Vestal Virgins, a letter of thine was presented unto me, which was written long before, and greatly desired of me: but the best thereof is, that thou writing unto me briefly, desirest that I should write unto thee at large: which is undecent for the authority of him that is chief of the Empire, in especial, if such one be covetous: for to a Prince there is no greater infamy then to be lavish of words, and scant of rewards. Thou writest to me of the grief in thy leg, and that thy wound is great: and truly the pain thereof troubleth me at my heart, and I am right sorry that thou wantest that which is necessary for thy health, and that good that I do wish thee. For in the end, all the travels of this life may be endured, so that the body with diseases be not troubled.  
Thou lettest me understand by thy letters, that thou art arrived at Rhodes and requirest me to write unto thee, how I lived in that place when I was young, what time I gave my mind to study, and likewise what the discourse of my life was, until the time of my being Emperor of Rome. In this case truly I marvel at thee not a little, that thou shouldest ask me such a question, and so much the more, that thou didst not consider, that I cannot with out great trouble and pain answer thy demand. For the doings of youth in a young man were never so upright & honest, but it were more honest to 
The imperfections of young men deserve no publication  amend them, then to declare them. Annius Verus my father, showing unto me his fatherly love (not accomplishing yet fully 13. years) drew me from the vices of Rome, and sent me to Rhodes to learn science, howbeit better accompanied with books, then laden with money, where I used such diligence, and fortune so favoured me that at the age of 26. years, I read openly natural and moral Philosophy, and also Rhetoric: and there was nothing gave me such occasion to study, and read books, as the want of money; For poverty causeth good men's children to be virtuous, so that they attain to that by virtue, which others come unto by riches. Truly friend Pulio, I found great want of the pleasures of Rome, especially at my first coming into the Isle; but after I had read Philosophy x. years at Rhodes, I took myself as one born in the country. And I think my conversation among them caused it seem no less. For it is a rule that never faileth, That virtue maketh a stranger grow natural in a strange country, and vice maketh the natural a stranger in his own country, Thou knowest well, how my Father 
A most wise and worthy observation.  Annius Verus was 15. years a Captain in the Frontiers against the barbarous by the commandment of Adrian my Lord and Master, and Antoninus Pius my Father in Law, both of them Princes of famous memory: which recommended me there to their old friends, who with fatherly counsel exhorted me, to forget the vices of Rome, and to accustom myself to the virtues of Rhodes. And truly, it was but needful for me: For the natural love of the country oft times, bringeth damage to him that is borne therein, leading his desire still to return home.  
Thou shalt understand, that the Rhodians are men of much courtesy, and requiting benenolences, which chanceth in few Isles: because that naturally they are persons deceitful, subtle, unthankful, and full of suspicion. I speak this, because my Father's friends always succoured me with counsel & money: which 2 things were so necessary, that I could not tell which of them I had most need of. For the stranger maketh his profit with money, to withstand disdainful poverty, & profiteth himself with counsel to forget the sweet love of his country. I desired then to read Philosophy in Rhodes, so long as my Father continued there Captain. But that could not be, for Adrian my Lord, sent for me to return to Rome, which pleased me not a little, albeit (as I have said) they used me as if I had been borne in that Island, for in the end, Although the eyes be fed with delight to 
The heart of a man is seldom satisfied.  see strange things, yet therefore the heart is not satisfied. And this is all that touched the Rhodians. I will now tell thee also, how before my going thither, I was borne and brought up in mount Celio (in Rome) with my father from mine infancy.  
In the common wealth of Rome, there was a law used, and by custom well observed, that no Citizen which enjoyed any liberty of Rome (after their sons had accomplished ten years) should be so bold or hardy, to suffer them to walk the streets 
A notable custom in Rome.  like vacabonds. For it was a custom in Rome, that the children of the Senators should suck till two years of age, till four they should live at their own wills, till six they should read, till eight they should write, till ten they should study Grammar, and ten years accomplished they should then take some craft or occupation, or give themselves to study, or go to the wars: so that throughout Rome, no man was idle.  
In one of the laws of the twelve Tables were written these words. We ordain and command, that every Citizen that dwelleth within the circuit of Rome, or Liberties of the same, from ten years upwards, to keep his son well ordered.  
And if perchance the child being idle, or that no man teaching him any craft or science, should thereby peradventure fall to vice, or commit some wicked offence, that then the Father (no less than the Son) should be punished. For there is nothing so much breedeth vice amongst the people, as when the Fathers are too negligent, and the children be too bold.  
And furthermore, another Law said. We ordain and command, that after ten years be past, for the first offence that the child shall commit in Rome, that the Father shall be bound to send him forth some where else, or to be bound surety for the good demeanour of his Son. For it is not reason, that the fond love of the Father to the Son, should be an occasion why the multitude should be slaunred: Because all the wealth of the Empire 
The happiness of any Kingdom.  consisteth, in keeping and maintaining quiet men, and in banishing, and expelling seditious persons.  
I will tell thee one thing (my Pulio) and I am sure thou wilt marvel at it, and it is this. When Rome triumphed, and by good wisdom governed all the world, the inhabitants in the same surmounted the number of two hundred thousand persons, which was a marvelous matter. Amongst whom (as a man may judge) there was a hundred thousand children, But they which had the charge of them kept them in such awe and doctrine, that they banished from Rome one of the sons of Cato Vticensis, for breaking an earthen pot in a maidens hands which went to fetch water. In like manner they banished the son of good Cinna, only for entering into a garden to gather fruit. And none of these two were as yet fifteen years old. For at that time they chastised them more for the offences done in jest, than they do now for those which are done in good earnest.  
Our Cicero saith in his book De 
Cicero in lib de Legibus.  Legibus, That the Romans never took in any thing more pains, then to restrain the children (as well old as the young) from idleness. And so long endured the fear of their Law, and honour of their common wealth, as they suffered not their children like vagabonds idly to wander the streets, For that 
Idleness is the badge of all lewdness.  country may above all other be counted happy, where each one enjoyeth his own labour, and no man liveth by the sweat of another.  
I let thee know, my Pulio, that when I was a child (although I am not yet very old) none durst be so hardy to go commonly through Rome without a token about him of the craft and occupation he exercised, and whereby he lived. And if any man had been taken contrary, the children did not only cry out of him in the streets as of a fool; but also the Censor afterwards condemned him, to travel with the captives in common works.  
For in Rome they esteemed it not less shame to the child which was idle, than they did in Greece to the Philosopher which was ignorant. And to the end thou mayest see this, I write unto thee to be no new thing, thou oughtest to know, that the Emperor caused to be borne afore him a burning brand, and the Council an Axe of Arms, the Priests a Hat, in manner of a Coyse: The Senators a Crusible on their Arms: the judges a little Balance, the Tribunes Maces, the Governors a Sceptre, the bishops Hats of flowers: the Orators a Book, the Cutlers a Sword, the Goldsmith a pot to melt gold: and so forth of all other offices, strangers excepted, which went all marked after one sort in Rome: For they would not agree, that a stranger should be appareled and marked according to the children of Rome.  
O my friend Pulio, it was such a joy then to behold the Discipline and prosperity of Rome, as it is now at this present such a grief to see the calamity thereof, that by the immortal Gods I swear to thee, and so the God Mars guide my hand in Wars, that the man which now is best ordered, is not worth so much as the most dissolute person was then. For then (amongst a thousand) they could not find one man vicious in Rome, and now amongst twenty thousand they cannot find one virtuous in all Italy.  
I know not why the Gods are so 
The golden and copper days of Rome.  cruel against me, and fortune so contrary, that this forty years I have done nothing but weep and lament, to see the good men die, and immediately to be forgotten: and on the other side, to see wicked men live, and to be always in prosperity. universally, the noble heart may endure all the troubles of man's life, unless it be to see a good man decay, and the wicked to prosper; which my heart cannot abide, nor yet my tongue dissemble. And touching this matter, my friend Pulio, I will write unto thee one thing which I found in the book of the high Capitol, where he treateth of the time of Marius and Silla, which truly is worthy of memory, and that is this.  
There was at Rome a custom, and a law inviolable, sith the time of Cinna, 
A famous Visitation used by the ancient Romans.  that a Censor (expressly commanded by the Senate) should go, and visit the Provinces which were subject unto it throughout all Italy, and the cause of those visitations was for three things. The first, to see if any complained of justice. The second, to see in what case the Commonweal stood. The third, to the end, that yearly they should render obedience to Rome. O my friend, Pulio, how thinkest thou? If they visited Italy at this present, as at that time they surveyed Rome, how full of errors should they find it? And what decay should they see therein, thinkest thou? Truly, as thou knowest, they should see the common wealth destroyed, justice not ministered, and moreover Rome not obeyed, and not without just cause. For, of right aught that commonwealth to be destroyed, which once of all other hath been the flower, and most beautified with virtues, and after becometh most abominable, and defiled with vices.  
The case was such that two years after the wars of Silla and Marius, the Censor went yearly to Nola (which is a place in the Province of Campania) 
A town in the midst of Campania.  to visit the same Country as the custom was. And in those days, the time and season being very hot, and the Province quiet, not disturbed with wars, and perceiving that none of the people came to him. The Censor said to the Host which lodged him: Friend, I am a judge sent from the Senators of Rome to visit this land. Therefore go thy ways quickly, and call the good men hither which be among the people: for I have to say unto them from the sacred Senate. This Host, (who peradventure was wiser than the Roman judge, although not so rich) goeth to the graves of the dead, which in that place were buried, and 
The folly of a Roman Censor.  spoke unto them with a loud voice saying, O ye good men, come away with me quickly, for the Roman Censor calleth you.  
The judge perceiving they came not, sent him again to call them: and the Host as he did at the first time, so did he now at the second. For when he was at the graves, with a loud voice he said, O ye good men, come hither, for the censor of Rome would talk with you. And likewise they were called the third time with the self same words. And the Censor seeing no body come, was marvelous angry, and said to the Host: Sith these good men disdain to come at my commandment, and show their allegiance to the sacred Senate of Rome that were alive, and not those that are dead: the Host made answer, O thou Roman judge, if thou wert wise, thou wouldst not marvel at that that I have done. For I let thee understand, 
The wisdom of a poor Host of Nolo.  in this our City of Nola, all the good men, (all I say) are now dead, and lie here buried in these graves. Therefore thou hast no cause to marvel) nor yet to be displeased with my answer: but I rather ought to be offended with thy demand, willing me to inquire for good men, and thou thyself dost offend with the evil daily, Wherefore I let thee know (if thou be ignorant thereof) if thou wilt speak with any good man, thou shalt not find him in all the whole world, unless the dead be revived, or except the Goas will make a new creation. The Consul Silla was five months our Captain in this our City of Nola in Campania, sowing the fruit which ye other romans gathered, that is to say, he left children without Fathers, Fathers without children, daughters without Mothers, and Husbands without Wives, Wives without Husbands, Uncles without Nephews, Subjects without Lords, Lords without Tenants, Gods without Temples, Temples without Priests, Mountains without Herds, and fields without fruits. And the worst of all is, that this wicked and cursed Silla dispeopled this our City of good and virtuous men, and replenished it with wicked and vicious persons. Ruin and decay never destroyed the Walls so much, neither the Moths ever so many garments, nor the Worm rotten so much fruit, nor yet the Hail beat down so much corn; as the disorder and vices of Sylla the Roman Consul did harm, which he brought unto this land of Campania. And although the mischief and evils that he did here to the men were manifold great, yet much greater herein was that which he did to their Customs and Manners.  
For in the end the good men which he beheaded, are now at rest with the dead: but the vices which he left us in this Land, there are none but proud and arrogant men that delight to command.  
In this land there are none other but envious men, that know nought else but malice. In this land there are idle men, which do nothing but lose their time. In this land there are none but gluttons, which do nothing but eat. In this land there are none but thieves, which intend nought else but robberies. In this land there are none but rebels, that do nothing but stir sedition. And if thou and all the Romans esteem these men for good, tarry a while, I will go to call them all to thee. For if we should kill and put into the shambles all the evil men, and weigh them as we do the flesh of sheep, or other like be acts: all the neighbours and Inhabitants of Italy should have meat sufficient for to eat.  
Behold Censor, in this land of Campania, they call none good but those which are quiet, sober, wise, and discreet men. They call none good but the patient, honest, and virtuous men. Finally I say, that we call none good, but these men which will do no harm, and will occupy themselves in good works. Without tears I speak not that which I will say, that is, if we seek for any of them, we shall find none but in their graves. For the just judgement of God it was, they should repose themselves in the entrails of the earth, whom the public weal deserved not to have alive.  
Thou comest to visit this land, where thou shalt immediately be served with the wicked, and to hide their faults, their desolute life, and their vices, thou shalt not be a little solicited. Believe me, if thou wilt not undo thyself, and be deceived. Trust thou rather these rotten bones, than their deceitful hearts. For in the end, the examples of the dead that were good, do profit men more to live well, than the counsel of the living that be wicked, do inter and bury all those that be now living.   

CHAP. III. Marcus Aurelius concludeth the letter, and declareth at large the sciences he learned, and all the Masters which he had. And in the end, he reciteth five not able things, in the observance of which the Romans were very curious.  
I Have recited these things unto thee, my friend Pulio, to 
The harm ensuing by evil education of children.  the end thou shouldest know, what an infinite number there is of the wicked sort in the world, and how small & scant a number there is in Italy of the good; and this proceedeth of none other thing, but because the Fathers do not bring up their children as our Ancestors did. It is unpossible a young child should be vicious, if with due correction he had been instructed in virtues. Annius Verus my Father, in this case deserveth as much praise, as I do reproach. For whiles I was young, he never suffered me to sleep in bed, to sit in chair, to eat with him at his Table; neither durst I lift up mine eyes to look him in the face. And oftentimes he said unto me; Marcus, my son, I had rather thou shouldest be an honest Roman, than a dissolute Philosopher. Thou desirest me to write unto thee, how many Masters I had, and what sciences I learned in my youth. Know thou, that I had many good Masters, though I am become an evil Scholar. I learned also divers sciences, though presently I know little; not for that I forgot them, but because the affairs of the Empire of Rome, excluded me from them, and caused me to forsake them. For it is a general rule; That Science in that place is never permanent, where the person is not at liberty.  
I studied Grammar with a Master called Euphermon, who said he was a Spaniard borne, and his head was hoar for age. In speech he was very temperate, in correction somewhat severe, and in life exceeding honest. For there was a law in Rome, that the children's Masters should be very old: So that if the Disciple were ten years of age, the Master should be above fifty. I studied a long time Rhetoric, and the Law, under a Greek called Alexander, borne in Lycaonya, which was so excellent an Orator, that if he had had as 
A Country of the lesser Asia, near Phrygia.  great a grace in writing with his pen, as he had eloquence in speaking with his tongue: truly he had been no less renowned among the Grecians, than Cicero was honoured among the Romans. After the death of this my Master (at Naples) I went to Rhodes, & heard Rhetoric again of Orosus of Pharanton, & of Pulio, which truly were men expert, and excellent in the art of Oratory, and especially in making Comedies, Tragedies, & Interludes, they were very fine, and had a goodly grace. Commodus Chalcedon was my first Master in natural Philosophy. He was a grave man, and in great credit with Adrian, he translated Homer out of Greek into Latin. After this man was dead, I took Sextus Cheronensis for my Master, who was Nephew to Plutarch the great, which Plutarch was Traianus Master. I knew this Sextus Cheronensis at 35. years of age, at what time I doubt, whether there hath been any Philosopher that ever was so well esteemed throughout the Roman Empire as he. I have him here with me, and although he be fourscore years old, yet continually he writeth the Histories and gests done of my time.  
I let thee know my friend Pulio, that I studied the law two years, and the seeking of the laws of many nations, was occasion that I knew many Antiquities: and in this science Volucius Mecianus was my master, a man which could read it well, and also dispute of it better. So that on a time he demanded of me merrily, and said. Tell me Mark, dost thou 
Conference betwixt Marcus and his Master.  think there is any Law in the World that I know not? and I answered him; Tell me Master, is there any Law in the World that thou observest.  
The sift year that I was at Rhodes there came a marnellous pestilence, which was the occasion of the dissolution of our School, which was in a narrow and little place, and being there a certain Painter, painting a rich and excellent Work for the realm of Palestine, I then (for a truth) learned there to draw and paint, and my Master was named Diogenetus, who in those days was a famous Painter. He painted in Rome six worthy Princes in one Table, and 6. other tyrannous Emperors in an other. And amongst those evil, Nero the cruel was painted so lively that he seemed alive to all those that saw him, and that Table wherein Nero was so lively drawn, was by decrees of the sacred Senate commanded to be burnt. For they said, That a man of so wicked a life deserved not to be represented in so goodly a Table. Others said, that it was so natural and perfect, that he made all men afraid that beheld him, and if he had been left there a few days, that he would have spoken as if he had been alive. I studied the art of Necromancy a while, with all the kinds of Gyromancy and chiromancy. In this science I had no particular Master, but that sometimes I went to hear Apolonius Lecture. After I was married to Faustine, I learned Cosmography in the City of Argelata, which is the chiefest town of Illyrta, and my Masters were junius Rusticus, and Cyna Catudus, Chroniclers & councillors to Adrian my Master, and Antoninus my Father in Law. And becaused I would not be ignorant in any of these things, that man's ability might attain to, being at the wars of Dalia, I gave myself to Music, and was apt to take it, and my Master was named Geminus Comodus, a man of a quick hand to play, and of as pleasant a voice to sing, as ever I heard Roman tongue prompt to speak.  
This was the order of my life, and the time that I spent in learning. And (of good reason) a man so occupied cannot choose but be virtuous. But I swear and confess to thee, that I did not so much give myself to study, but that every day I lost time enough. For Youth and the tender flesh desireth liberty, and although a man accustom it with travels, yet he findeth vacant time in it also for his pleasures. Although all the ancient romans were (in divers things) very studious; yet notwithstanding, amongst all over, and besides these, there were five things whereunto they had ever a great respect: and to those that therein offended, neither requests availed, rewards profited, nor law (old nor new) dispensed, Truly their good wills are to be commended, and their diligence to be exalted. For the Princes that govern great Realms ought to employ their hearts to make good laws, and to occupy their eyes to see them duly excuted throughout the commonwealth. These five being's were these.  
1 The first, they ordained, that 
Five especial respects among the Romans.  the Priests should not be dishonest. For in that Realm where Priests are dishonest, it is a token that the Gods against the people are angry.  
2 The second, it was not suffered in Rome, that the Virgin's Vestals should at their pleasure stay abroad. For it is but reason, that she which of her own free will hath heretofore promised openly to be good, should now (if she change her mind) be compelled in secret to be chaste.  
3 The third, they decreed that the judges should be just and upright. For there is nothing that decayeth a common wealth more than a judge who hath not for all men one balance indifferent.  
4 The fourth was, that the Captains that should go to the wars, should not be Cowards: for there is no like danger to the Commonwealth, nor no like slander to the Prince, as to commit the charge of men to him in the Field, who will be first to command, and last to fight.  
The fifth was, that they which had charge of bringing up of children, should not be vicious. For there is nothing more monstrous and more slanderous, than he that is a Master of children, should be subject and servant to vices.  
How thinkest thou, my friend Pulio, when all these things were observed in Rome: Thinkest thou that the youth was so dissolute, as at this present? Thinkest thou indeed, that it is the same Rome, wherein (in times past) were so notable, good and ancient men? Believest thou that it is that Rome, wherein (in the golden age) the old men were so honest, and the children so well taught, the Armies well ordered, and the judges and Senators so upright and just? I call God to witness, and swear to thee, that it is not Rome, neither hath it any likeness of Rome, nor yet any grace to be Rome, and he that would say that this Rome was the old Rome, knoweth little of Rome. The matter was this, that the ancient and virtuous 
Where the Gods are displeased, all goodness decayeth.  Romans being dead, it seemeth to the Gods, that we are not yet worthy to enjoy their houses. So that either this is not Rome, or else we be not the Romans of Rome. For considering the prowess and virtuous deeds of the ancient Romans, and weighing also our dissolute lives, it were a very great infamy for them to call us their Successors. I desired my friend Pulio, to write unto thee all these things, to the end thou mayest see what we were, and what we are. For great things have need of great power, and require a long time before they can grow, and come to their perfection, and then afterward at one moment, and with one blow, they fall down to the ground.  
I have been more tedious in my letter then I thought to have been, and now I have told thee that, which with diligence (by reason of my great affairs) in three or four times, I have written of that that wanteth in thine, and is too much in mine. We shall make a reasodable letter, and since I pardon thee for being too brief, pardon thou me also for being too long. I saw thee once inquire for unicorns horn in Alexandry, wherefore now I send thee a good piece, and likewise I send thee a horse which in my judgement is good. Advertise me if thy daughter Drusilla be alive, with whom I was wont to laugh, and I will help her to a marriage. The immortal Gods keep me, O my Pulio, thy wife, thy stepmother, and thy daughter, and salute them all from me, and Faustine. Mark of Mount Celio, Emperor of Rome, with his own hand writeth unto thee.   

CHAP. FOUR Of the excellency of Christian religion, which manifesteth the true God, and disproveth the vanity of the Ancients having so many Gods. And that in the old time, when the enemies were reconciled in their houses, they caused also, that the Gods should embrace each other in the Temples.  
HE that is the only divine Word begotten of the Father, Lord perpetual of the Hierarchies, more ancient 
A most divine and Christian Confession.  than the Heavens, Prince of all Holiness, chief head from whom all had their beginning, the greatest of all Gods, and Creator of all creatures, in the profoundness of his eternal sapience, acordeth all the Harmony and composition of Christian Religion. This is such a manner of sure matter, and so well laid, that neither the miseries, which spring of the infections of naughty Christians can trouble, nor yet the boisterous winds of the Heretics are able to move. For it were more likely that Heaven and Earth should both perish, than it should suspend for one day, & that there should be no Christian Religion. The ancient Gods which were inventors of worldly things, as the foundation of their reproved sects was but a flying sand, and an unstable ground, full of dangerous and erroneous abuses, so some of those poor wretches, looking perhaps like a ship running upon a rock, suspecting nothing, were drowned, Other like ruined buildings were shaken in sunder, and sell down dead, Finally, these Gods which only bore the name of Gods, shall be for evermore forgotten. But he only shall be perpetual, which in God by God, and through God hath his beginning.  
Many and sundry were the multitude of the Nations which have been in times past. That is to wit, the Syrians, the Assyrians, Persians, Medians, Macedonians, Grecians, Cythians, Arginians, 
Diversity of Nations.  Corinthians, Chaldeans, Indians, Athenians, Lacedæmonians, Africans, Vandals Swevians, Allaines, Hungarians, Germaignes, Britons, Hebrews, Palestines, Gentiles, Iberthalides, Maurians, Lucitanians, Goths and Spaniards. And truly, in all these look how great the difference amongst them in their customs and manners was, so much diversity was of the Ceremonies which they used, & their Gods which they honoured. For the Gentiles had this error, that they said, one alone was not of power sufficient to create such a multitude as were created. If I were before all the Sages that ever were, they would not say the contrary, but without comparison the gods whom they worshipped and invented were greater in multitude then the Realms and Provinces which they conquered and possessed. For by that folly the ancient Poets durst affirm in their writings, that the Gods of one Nation and Country were mortal enemies unto the Gods of another Province. So that the Gods of Troy envied the Gods of Greece more than the Prince of Greece envied the Prince of Troy.  
What a strange thing was it to see the Assyrians in what reverence they worshipped the God Belus. The Egyptians the God Apis. The Chaldeans the God Assas The Babylonians the devouring Dragon. The Pharaones the statue of gold. The Palestines Belzebub. The Romans honoured the God jupiter. The Africans the God Mars The Corinthians the God Apollo. The Arabians God Astaroth. The Arginians the Sun. Those of Acaia the Moon. The Cidonians Belphegorn. The Amonites Balim. The Indians Bacchus. The Lacedæmonians, Osiges. The Macedonians did sacrifice to Mercury. The Ephesians to their goddess Diana. The greeks to juno. The Armenians to Liber. The Troyans' to Vesta. The Latins to Februa. The Tarentines to Ceres. The Rhodians, (as saith Apolonius Thianeus) worshipped the God janus, and above all things, we ought to marvel at this, That they strived oftentimes amongst themselves, not so much upon the possessions and seignories of Realms, as upon a certain obstinacy they had to maintain the Gods of the one, to be of greater power than the others: for they thought if their gods were not esteemed, that the people should be impoverished, unfortunate, and persecuted.  
Pulio in his second book De dissolatione regionum Orientarum, declareth that the first Province that rebelled against the Emperor Helius Adrianus (which was the fifteenth Emperor of Rome) was the land of Palestine, against which, was sent a Captain, named julius Severus, a man of great courage, and very fortunate, and adventurous in Arms. This Captain did not only finish the wars, but he wrought such an outrageous destruction in that land, that he besieged 52. Cities, and razed them to the ground, and burned 680. Villages, and slew so many in battle skirmish, and by justice, that amounted to the number of 5000. persons. For unto the proud and cruel captains victory can never be glorious, unless they water the ground with the blood of their enemies.  
And furthermore, in the Cities and Towns besieged, the children, old men and women, which died through hunger and pestilence, were more in number, than those which were slain in the wars. For in wars the sword of the enemies lighteth not upon all, but pestilence, and famine, hath no respect to any.  
After this war of the Palestines was ended, immediately after arose a more crueler betwixt the Alleynes, and Armenians. For there are many 
The occasion of the wars between the Alleines ●● Armenians.  that see the beginning of the troubles and miseries which arise in Realms; but there are few that consider the end, and seek to remedy the same. The occasion of this war was, as they came to the feast of the Mount Olympus, they fell in disputations, whether of their Gods were better, and which of them ought to be preferred before other. Whereof there sprang such contradictions, and such mortal hatred, that on every part they were furiously moved to wars, and so under a colour to maintain the gods which they honoured, both the common wealths were brought into great poverty, and the people also into great misery.  
The Emperor Helius Adrianus, seeing such cruel wars to arise upon so light occasion, sent thither the Captain above named, julius Severus, to pacify the Allaines and Armenians, and commanded him that he should persecute those with wars, which would not be ruled by his arbitrement & sentence. For those justly deserve the sword, which with no reasonable conditions will condescend unto peace. But julius Severus used such policy that he made them good friends, and never touched them, nor came near them. Which thing was no less acceptable to the Emperor, then profitable to the Realms. For the Captain which subdueth the Country by entreaty, deserveth more honour than he which overcometh it by battle. The agreement of the peace was made upon such condition, that the Allaines should take for their Gods the Armenian Gods, and the Armenians on the contrary, the Gods of the Allaines. And further, when the people should embrace and reconcile themselves to the Senate, that then the Gods should kiss the one the other, and to be reconciled to the temple. The vanity of the Ancients was such, and the blindness of mortal men so great, & so subject were they to devilish devices, that as easily as the eternal wisdom createth a true man now a days: so easily then a vain man might have invented a false God. For the Lacedæmonians had this opinion, that men had no less power to invent gods, than the gods had to create men.   

CHAP. V. How the Philosopher Bruxellus was greatly esteemed amongst the Ancients for his life, and the words which he spoke unto the Romans at the hour of his death.  
PHarasmaco in his 20 book De libertate Deorum (whereof Cicero maketh mention 
Cicero de natura Deorum.  in his book, De natura Deorum) saith, that when the Goths took Rome, and besieged the high Capitol: there came amongst them a Philosopher called Bruxellus, the which (after the Goths were repulsed out of Italy) remained with Camillus at Rome. And because at that time Rome wanted Philosophers, this Bruxellus was had in great veneration amongst all the Romans, so that he was the first stranger of whom (being alive) a statue was ever made in the Senate: the Romans used to make a statue of the Romans being alive, but not to strangers till after their death, The age of this Bruxellus was 113. whereof 65. he had been an inhabitant of Rome. And among other things they recite 7. notable things of his life.  
1 The first, that in 60. years, no man ever saw him issue out of the walls of Rome. For in the old time the Sages were little esteemed, if in their behaviours they were not just and upright.  
2 The second, that in 60. years no man heard him speak an idle 
● Notable sentences of Bruxellus.  word: For the words that are superfluous do greatly deface the authority of the person.  
3 The third, that in all his time they never saw him lose one hour of time. For in a wise man there is no greater folly, then to see him spend a moment of an hour idly.  
4 The fourth, that in all his time, he was never detected of any vice. And let no man think this to be a small matter. For few are they of so long life, which are not noted of some infamy after their death.  
The fifth, that in all the 60. years he never made quarrel, nor strived with any man; and this thing ought to be no less esteemed than the other. For truly he that liveth a long time without offering wrong to another, may be called a monster in nature.  
6 The sixth, that in 3. or 4. years he never issued out of the temple, and in this case this philosopher showed himself to be a good man. For the virtuous man ought not to content himself only to be void of vices: but he ought also to withdraw himself from the vicious.  
7 The seventh and last, that he spoke more often with the Gods then with men.  
This Philosopher now drawing near to the hour of death, all the grave Senators came to visit him, & to thank him for that he had lived so long amongst them in so good conversation, and that so willingly he cared and watched for the wealth of Rome. And likewise all the people of Rome were right sorry for his sickness, and that they should lose the company of so excellent and virtuous a man. The good Philosopher in the presence of them all spoke these words unto the Senate.   

CHAP. VI Of that the sage Philosopher Bruxellus spoke to the Senate of Rome, at the hour of his death.  
SInce you are wise (O worthy Senators) 
The speech of Bruxellus at his death.  me thinketh you should not lament my death, sithence I myself so joyfully do receive it. For we ought not to lament the death weo take, but the wicked life we lead. The man is very simple that dreadeth death, for fear to lose the pleasures of life. For death ought not to be feared for loss of life, but because it is a sharp scourge of the wicked life. I die (noble Senators) in joy and pleasure. First, because I do not remember that ever I did any evil in all my life, or displeasure to any of the Commonwealth. And I am certain that the man which did no evil to men in his life, the Gods will do him no harm at the hour of his death. Secondarily, I die joyfully, to see all Rome lament the loss of my life. For that man is very wicked and unhappy whose life the people lament, and at whose death they do rejoice. Thirdly, I die joyfully, only to remember that the threescore years which I have been in Rome, always I have traveled for the common wealth. For the just Gods told me, that there is no death with pain, but where life is without profit. Fourthly, I die joyfully, not so much for the profit I have done to men, as for the service I have done to the Gods. For regarding to how many profitable things we employ our life, we may say, we live only the time which is employed to the service of God.  
Ceasing to speak further of my person, I will (worthy Senators) disclose unto you a highsecret which toucheth your Common wealth, and this it is. That our Father Romulus founded Rome, Numa Pompilius erected the high Capitol, Aeneus Marcius enclosed it with walls, Brutus delivered it from Tyrants, the good Camillus drove out the Frenchmen, Quintus Scicinnatus augmented her power: but I leave it peopled with gods, which shall defend Rome better than walls or men. For in the end, the fear of one god is more worth the the strength of all men. When I came to Rome it was a confusion to see how it was peopled with men, and unfurnished of Gods. For there was but five Gods, that is to say, jupiter, Mars, janus, Berecinthia, and the Goddess Vesta. But now it is not so. For there remaineth for every one a private god. Me thinketh it an unjust thing that Treasuries should be full of gold, and the Temples void of Gods. As there is 28000. households, so you may account yourselves happy, that I leave you 28000 Gods: by the virtue of the which I conjure you O Romans, that each of you be contented with the God of his house, and have no care to apply to himself the Gods of the Common wealth. For he that emproprieth to himself that which ought to be common to all, is to be blamed of God, & hated of men. This shall be therefore the order that you shall keep and have towards the Gods, if you will not err in their service. That is to understand, that ye shall keep the mother Berecinthia, to pacify the ire of the Gods: ye shall keep the Goddess Vesta, to turn from you the wicked destinies. Ye shall keep the God jupiter, and shall commit unto him the government of your Commonwealth. And also ye shall keep him for the God above all gods in heaven and earth. For if jupiter did not temper the ire, which the Gods about have against you: there should be no memory of men here beneath in earth. Of other particular gods which I leave you, use your particular profit. But yet notwithstanding in the mean season (Romans) take you heed to yourselves, and if at any time fortune should he contrary, let no man be so hardy to speak evil of the God which he hath in his house. For the Gods tell me, that it was sufficient enough to dissemble with them which serve them not, and not to pardon those that offend them. And do not deceive yourselves in saying that they are private Gods, and not able to help themselves. For I let you know, that there is not so little a God, but is of power sufficient to revenge aniniury. O Romans, it is reason, that all from henceforth live joyfully, and in peace, and furthermore, think yourselves assured not to he overcome by your enemies, because now your neighbours of you, and not you of them, shall desire to borrow Gods, and because ye shall see me no more, ye think I must die, and I think because I die, I shall begin to live. For I go to the Gods, and leave among you the Gods, because I depart.   

CHAP. VII. How the Gentiles thought that one God was not able to defend them from their enemies, and how the Romans sent throughout all the Empire to borrow Gods when they fought against the Goths.  
IN the year of the foundation of Rome 
Paul. Oros De Mach. Mund. lib. 6  1164. which according to the count of the Latins, was 402. from the incarnation (as Paulus Orosus in the sixth book, De machina mundi saith, and Paulus Diaconus in the 12. book of the Roman Histories,) The Goths (which as Spartian sayeth, were called otherwise Gethules, or Messagethes) were driven out of their Country by the Huns, and came into Italy to seek new habitations, and became natural and built houses.  
At this time there was an Emperor of Rome named Valentine, a man of small reputation and courage in wars, and endued with few good conditions, for that he was of Arian his sect. The Kings of these Goths were two renowned men, whose names were Randagagismus and Alaricus. Of the which two, Randagagismus was the chiefest and most puissant, and he had a noble mind, and a very good wit. He led with him at the least 2000000. Goths, the which all with him, and he with them made an oath, to shed as much blood of the Romans as they could, and offer it to their Gods. For the barbarous people had a custom, to 'noint the God (which was at that time in the Temple of Venus) with the blood of their enemies, whom they had slain The news of the coming of this cruel Tyrant was published throughout all Italy.  
Whose determination was not only to raze the walls of Rome down to the earth, batter towers, dungeons, houses, walls, and buildings: but also he purposed to abolish, and utterly to bring to nought the name of Rome, and likewise of the Romans.  
Of this thing all the Italians were in very great and marvelous fear and the most puissant and courageous Knights and Gentlemen, agreed together presently to retire within the Walls of Rome, and determined to die in the place to defend the liberty thereof. For amongst the Romans there was an ancient custom, that when they created a Knight, 
An ancient custom among the Romans:  they made him to swear to keep 3. things.  
1 First, he swore to spend all the days of his life in the wars.  
2 Secondarily, he swore that neither for poverty nor riches, nor for any other things, he should ever take wages but of Rome only.  
3 Thirdly, he swore, that he would rather choose to die in liberty, then to live in captivity.  
After all the Romans (scattered abroad in Italy) were together assembled in Rome, they agreed to send letters by their Pursuivants, not only to their Subjects, but also to all their confederates. The effect whereof was this.   

CHAP. VIII. Of a Letter sent from the Senate of Rome to all the Subjects of the Empire.  
THe sacred Senate, and all the people of Rome, to all their faithful and loving Subjects, and to their dear friends and confederates, wisheth health and victory against your enemies. The variety of time, the negligence of you all, and the unhappy success of our adventures. have brought us in process of time, that whereas Rome conquered realms, and governed so many strange Seignories, now at this day cometh strangers to conquer and destroy Rome; in such sort, that the barbarous people (whom we were wont to keep for slaves) swear to become our Lords and Masters. We let you know now, how all the barbarous nations have conspired against Rome our mother, and they with their King have made a vow, to offer all the Romans blood to their Gods in the Temples. And peradventure their pride and fierceness being seen, & our innocency known, Fortune will dispose another thing. For it is a geverous rule, That it is unpossible for a 
A rule deserving observation.  Prince to have the victory of that war which by malice is begun, and by pride and fierceness pursued. It hath seemed good unto us (since their cause is unjust, and ours righteous) to endeavour ourselves by all means how to resist this barbarous people. For oft times that which by justice was gotten, by negligence is lost. For the remedy of this mischief to come the sacred Senate hath provided these things following, and for the accomplishing thereof your favour, and aid is necessary.  
1 First of all, we have determined to repair with all diligence our ditches, walls, gates, and bulwarks, 
Considerations resolved on b● the Romans for their own good,  and in these places to arm all our friends. But to accomplish that, and divers other for the necessity of warfare, we lack money; for ye know well enough, That the war cannot be prosperous where enemies abound, and money is scarce.  
2 Secondarily, we have commanded, that all those which be sworn Knights and soldiers of Rome, repair immediately to Rome, and therefore ye shall send us all those which are under the age of 50. and above the age of 20. For in great wars ancient men give counsel, and young men and lusty to execute the same are required.  
3 We have agreed and concluded, that the City be provided of victuals, munition, and defence at the least for two years. Wherefore we desire ye, that ye send us from you the tenth part of wine, the fifth part of flesh, & the third part of your bread: For we have all sworn to die, yet we mean not to die for famine, assieged as fearful men: but fight in plain field, like valiant Romans.  
4 Fourthly, we have provided, (since the unknown barbarous come to fight with us) that you bring us to Rome strange Gods to help and defend us. For you know well enough, that since great Constantine, we have been so poor of Gods, that we have not but one God, whom the Christians do honour. Therefore we desire you, that you will succour us with your Gods in this our extreme necessity: For amongst the Gods we know no one alone sufficient, to defend all the Roman people from their enemies. The walls therefore being well repaired, and all the young and warlike men in Garrison in the City, the batteries well furnished, and the Treasure house well replenished with money, and above all, the Temples well adorned with Gods, we hope in our Gods to have the victory of our enemies. For in fight with men, and not against Gods, a man ought always to have hope of victory: for there are no men of such might, but by God and other me may be vanquished. Fare ye well, etc.  
After this letter was sent through all the dominion of the romans, not tarrying for answer of the same, they forthwith openly blasphemed the name of Christ, and set up idols in the Temples, used the ceremonies of the Gentiles, and that which was worse than that, they said openly that Rome was never so oppressed with Tyrants, as it hath been since they were Christians.  
And further they said, if they called not again all the Gods to Rome, the City should never be in safeguard, for that they have dishonoured and offended their Gods, and cast them out of Rome, and that those barbarous people were sent to revenge their injury. But the divine providence which giveth no place to human malice to execute his forces, before the walls were repaired, and before the messengers brought answer, and before the strange Gods could enter into Rome, Randagagismus King of the Goths, with 2000000. of barbarous, (without the effusion of Christian blood) suddenly in the mountains of Vesulanes, with famine, thirst, and stones which fell from heaven, lost all his Army, not one left alive but himself, who had his head strucken off in Rome. And this thing the eternal wisdom brought to pass, to the end the Romans should see, that jesus Christ the true God of the Christians, had no need of strange Gods to defend his servants.   

CHAP. IX. Of the true and living God, and of the marvels wrought in the old Law, to manifest his divine power, and of the superstition of the false Gods.  
O Gross ignorance, & unspeakable obstinacy, O judgements of God inscrutable. 
The wilful ignorance, and perversity of the Gentiles.  What think these Gentiles by the true God? They searched the false Gods to help them, and had a living God of their own: they sought Gods full of guile and deceit, and worse than that they thought it necessary, that that God (which created all things) should be accompanied with their gods, to defend them which could make nothing. Let now all their gods come forth into the fields on the one side, and I will go forth alone in godly company, that is to say with the high God on th'other part: And we will compare the deeds and prove the aids of their false God, against and with the last work of our true God. And they shall clearly perceive their falsehood and our truth. For the tongue that speaketh of God can never bear with any lie, and that which speaketh of Idols, can never disclose any truth. If they esteem him much for creation of the world with his might: is it any less to preserve and govern it by his wisdom? For many things are done in a moment, for the preservation whereof long times is requisite, and much painful travail necessary. I demand further what God of the gentiles could do that which our God hath done? that is to know, within one Ark to make quiet the Lion with the Leoperd, the Wolse with the Lamb, the Bear with the Cow, the 
Of the great concord & agreement of Noah's Ark.  the Tigar with the crocodile, the stoned horse with the Mare, the Dog with the Cat, the Fox with the Hens, the Hounds with the Hares, and so of other beasts: whose enmity is greater th'one against tother, than that of man is against men. For the enmity amongst men proceedeth of malice, but that of beasts proceedeth of nature.  
Also I demand, what God (if it were not the true God so mighty) could slay and drown (in one hour and moment) so many men, women, and beasts: so that all those which were in the world (eight only excepted) perished in the deluge of Noe. The judgement of God by ordinance, and their offences deserve this so marvelous a damage. For God never executed any notable punishment, but first it came through our wicked offences. And if this be counted for a great thing, I will that an other thing be had in great estimation: which is, that if God showed his rigorous justice in this punishment, incontinently he showed his might and clemency in remedying it, in that of these eight persons (which were but few) the generation did multiply in so great a number, that they did replenish many and great Realms: whereon a man ought to marvel, for according as Aristotle saith, Great things are easily put to 
The saying of Aristotle.  destruction, and brought to nought, but with great difficulty they are remedied and repaired again.  
And further I demand, what god of the Gentiles was so puissant to do this, which the God of the Hebrews did, in that ancient and opulent Realm of the Egyptians? That is to wit, when he would, and when it pleased him, he made the rivers run blood, infected the flesh, darkened the air, dried the seas, and slew the first begotten, obscured the Sun, and did wonders in Canaan, and other wonderful things in the red Sea.  
Finally, he commanded the Sea to drown the Prince alive with all his Egyptians, and that he should let the Hebrews pass by. If one of these false gods had done any one of these things, it had been to be marveled at: but the true God doing it, we should not marvel at it. For, according to our little understanding, it seemeth a great thing, but in respect of that the divine power can do it is nothing. For where God putteth 
Weak is the arine of man, to resist against God.  to his hand, there are no men so mighty no beasts so proud, nor heaven so hie, nor sea so deep that can resist his power. For as he gave them power, so can he take it from them at his pleasure.  
Further, what God of the Gentiles (although they were assembled together) could have had the power to have destroyed one man only, as the true God did, the which 
The mighty Army of Senacherib overthrown.  (in the time of King Zedechias) made an hundred and fourscore thousand of the camp of the Assyrians die, the Hebrews being a sleep which were their mortal enemies. And truly in this case, God showed to Princes, and great Lords, how little their money and their subtle wits prevail them in feats of war, when God hath determined another thing for their deserts. For in the end, the first invention of wars proceedeth of man's ambition, and worldly malice, but the victory of them proceedeth of the divine pleasure. What God of the Gentiles could have done that which our true God did? when he brought under the feet of the renowned Captain joshua, two and thirty Kings and Realms, whom he deprived not only from their lands, but also bereft them of their lives, in tearing them in pieces, and dividing 
The success of joshua over Kings and Kingdoms.  the miserable Realms into twelve Tribes. Those Realms (which in old time belonged unto the Hebrews) were more than 2000 years kept of them in tyranny, wherefore God would, that by the hands of joshua, they should be restored.  
And though God deferred it a long time, it was to give them grievous torments, and not for that God had forgotten them. And although Princes do forget many wrongs and tyrannies, yet notwithstanding, rivers of blood cease not to run before the face of the divine justice. If all the ancient Gods had had power, would not they also have holpen their Princes? since the gods lost no less in losing their temples, than men lost in losing their Realms: for it touched more the case of the Ancients, to lose one little Temple, then for men to lose a 
The God of Troy could not resist the Grecian.  noble Realm. We see that the gods of the Troyans' could not resist the greeks, but that both men and gods, gods and men came into Carthage, & from Carthage into Trinacria, and from Trinacria, into Italy, and from Italy into Laurentum, and from Laurentum into Rome. So they went about flying, declaring that the gods of Troy, were no less conquered of the Gods of Greece, than the Dukes and Captains of Greece, were vanquishers of the Captains of Troy, the which thing is hard to them that presume to be Gods: For the true God doth not only make himself feared, but also beloved and feared both, That we say of the one, that same we may well say of the other. That is to know, that all the Gods in the Realms and Temples, wherein they honoured and served: but we see the one destroyeth the other, as it is declared by the Hebrews, which was in bondage of the Assyrians: the Assyrians of the Persians, the Persians of the Macedonians, the Macedonians of the Medes, the Medes of the greeks, the greeks of the Penians, the Penians of the Romans, the Romans of the Goths, the Goths of the Moors: So that there was no Realm nor Nation, but was conquered.  
Neither the Writers can deny but they would have exalted their Gods and Ceremonies, that the Gods and their Worshippers should not have end. But in the end, both Gods and men had all end, except the Christian Religion, which shall never have end. For it is founded of that which hath neither beginning nor ending. One of the things which comforteth my heart most in the Christian Religion, is to see, that since the time the Churches were founded, the Kings and Princes most puissant have been always their enemies, and the most feeble and poor, always greatest helpers, and defenders of the same. O glorious militant Church, which now is no other than gold amongst 
The dignity of the church militant.  the rust, a rose amongst the thorns, come amongst the chaff, marry amongst the bones, Margarites amongst the pebble-stones, a holy soul amongst the rotten flesh, a Phoenix in the Cage, a ship rocking in the raging Seas, which the more she is beaten, the faster she saileth.  
And there is no Realm so little, nor no man of so little favour, but when other do persecute him, he is by his friends, parents, and defenders favoured and succoured, so that many times those which think to destroy are destroyed, and those which seem to take their part, were their chiefest enemies. Doth not that proceed of the great secret of God? For though God suffered the wicked to be wicked a while, God will not therefore suffer that one evil man procure another to do evil.  
The Palestines and those of Jerusalem, had not for their principal enemies but the Chaldeans, and the Chaldeans had for their enemies the Idumeans, the Idumeans the Assyrians, the Assyrians the Persians, the Persians the Ariginians, the Ariginians, the Athenians, the Athenians had for their principal enemies the Lacedæmonians, 
The enmity of nations one against another.  and the Lacedæmonians the Sydonians, the Sidonians the Rhodians, and the Rhodians the Scythians, the Scythians the Huns, the Huns had the Alaines, the Alaines the Swevians, the Swevians the Vandals, the Vandals the Valerians, the Valerians the Sardinians, the Sardinians the Africanes, the Africanes the Romans, the Romans the Dacians, the Dacians the Goths, the Goths the Frenchmen, the Frenchmen the Spaniards, and the Spaniards the Moors.  
And of all these Realms, the one hath persecuted the other. And not all one: but our holy mother the Church hath always been oppressed and persecuted with those realms, and hath been succoured of none, but of jesus Christ only, and he hath ever succoured and defended it well: For the things that God taketh charge of although all the world were against them, in the end it is impossible for them to perish.   

CHAP. X. How there is but one true God, and how happy these Realms are, which have a good Christian to their King, and how the Gentiles affirm, that good Princes (after their death) were changed into Gods, and the wicked into Devils, which the Author proveth by sundry examples.  
ALthough the common opinion of the simple people was, 
Variety of opinions concerning the true God.  that there was many gods, yet notwithstanding, all the Philosophers affirmed, that there was but one God, (who of some was named jupiter) the which was chief above all other God's  
Others called him the first intelligence, for that he had created all the World. Others called him the first cause, because he was the beginner of all things. It seemeth that Aristotle understood this thing, and was of this opinion, forasmuch as he saith in his 12. book of his Metaphysics. All superior and inferior things would be well ordered, and many things much better by the arbitrement 
Arist. in Metaph lib. 12. Mar. Var. in lib missed. Theol. Cic. in lib. de nat. Deorum.  of one, then by the advise of many. Marcus Varro in his book, De Theologia mistica, and Cicero in his book De natura Deorum, although these were Gentiles, and curious enough of the Temples, yet they do mock the Gentiles, which believed there were many Gods, and that Mars and Mercury, and likewise jupiter, and the whole flock of Gods (which the Gentiles set up) were all mortal men as we are.  
But because they knew not, that there were good & bad Angels, nor knew not that there was any Paradise to reward the good, nor Hell to torment the evil. They held this opinion, that good men after their death were Gods, and evil men devils. And not contented with these foolish abuses, the Devil brought them into such an error, that they thought it consisted in the Senate's power to make some Gods, and other Devils For when there died at Rome any Emperor, if he had been well affected of the Senate, immediately he was honoured for a God: and if he died in displeasure of the Senate, he was condemned for a Devil. And to the end we do not speak by favour, but by writing. Herodian saith, that Faustine was the daughter of Antoninus Pius, and wife of Marcus Aurelius, which were Emperors, the one after the other. And truly there were few either of their Predecessors, or of their Successors, which were so good as they were, and in mine opinion none more better: And therefore was she made a Goddess, and her father a God.  
An Emperor that coveteth perpetual memory, must note 5. things 
Emperors made Gods or Devils by decree of the Senate Five things fitting an Emperor.  which he should have in his life. That is to say, pure in life, upright in justice, adventurous in feats of Arms, excellent in knowledge, and well-beloved in his Provinces: which virtues were in these two excellent Emperors. This Empress Faustine was passing fair; and Writers praise her beauty in such sort, that they said it was impossible for her to be so beautiful, but that the Gods had placed some divine matter in her. Yet notwithstanding, this added thereunto, it is doubtful, whether the beauty of her face was more praised, or the dishonesty of her life discommended. For her beauty marvelously amazed those that saw her, and her dishonesty offended them much that knew her. Yet after the Emperor Marcus Aurelius had triumphed over the Parthians, as he went visiting the Provinces of Asia, that goodly Faustine in four days died at the mount Taurus, (by occasion of a burning Fever) and so annealed, was carried to Rome.  
And since she was the daughter of so good a Father, and wife of so dearly 
Roman 〈…〉 goddess.  beloved an Emperor, amongst the Goddesses, she was canonised; but considering her unconstant, or rather incontinent life, it was never thought that the romans would have done her so much honour. Wherefore the Emperor rejoiced so much, that he never ceased to render thanks unto the Senate. For truly, a benefit ought to be acceptable to him that receiveth it especially, when it cometh unlooked for.  
The contrary came to the death of Tiberius, third Emperor of Rome, which was not only killed, & drawn through the streets by the romans, but also the Priests of all the temples assembled together, and openly prayed unto the gods, that they would not receive him to them: and prayed to the Infernal Furies, that grievously they would torment him, saying: It is justly required, that the Tyrant which dispraiseth the life of the good in this 
A worthy saying.  Life, should have no place amongst the good after his death.  
Leaving the common Opinion of the rude people, which in the old time had no knowledge of the true GOD, and declaring the opinion of Aristotle, who called God the first cause: the opinion of the Stoyckes, which called him the first Intelligence: and the opinion of Cicero, who under the colour of jupiter, putteth none other God but him: I say and confess (according to the religion of Christian Faith) there is but one only GOD, which is the Creator of Heaven and Earth: whose excellency and puissant Majesty is little to that our tongue can speak. For our understanding can not understand, nor our judgement can determine, neither our memory can comprehend, and much less our tongue can declare it.  
That which Princes and all other Faithful aught to believe of GOD, is, that they ought to know God to be Almighty, and incomparable, a God immortal, incorruptible, immovable, great, Omnipotent, a perfect and sempiternal GOD; For all man's power is nothing, in respect of his divine Majesty.  
I say that our LORD GOD is the only High God, that if the creature hath any good, it is but a mean good. For a man comparing well the good which he possesseth, to the misery 
No goodness but proceedeth from God.  and calamity which persecuteth him: without doubt, the evil which followeth after is greater than the good which accompanieth him.  
Also our GOD is immortal, and eternal, which like as he had no beginning, so shall he never have ending. And the contrary is to the miserable man, which if some see him borne, other see him die. For the birth of the children, is but a memory of the grave to the aged. And GOD only is incorruptible, the which in his Being hath no other corruption, nor diminution: but all mortal men suffer corruption in their souls through Vice, and in their bodies through worms; for in the end no man is privileged, but that his body is subject to corruption, and his soul to be saved or damned.  
Also GOD is no changeling, and in this case though he changeth his work, yet he changeth not his Eternal counsel. But in men it is all contrary: For they oftentimes begin their business with gravity, and afterward change their counsel at a better time, and leave it lightly.  
I have now showed you that God only is incomprehensible, the Majesty of whom can not be attained, nor his Wisdom understanded, which thing is above man's intelligence. For there is no man so sage nor profound, but that an other in an other time is as sage and profound as he.  
Also GOD only is Omnipotent: For that he hath power not only over the living, but also over the dead: not only over the good, but also over the evil. For the man which doth not feel his mercy, to give him glory, he will make him feel his wrath, in giving him pain. Oh ye Princes of this world, truly it is both just and necessary, that you acknowledge subjection unto the Prince of Heaven and Earth, which in the end although ye be great, and think yourselves to be 
All power is in the hand of of God.  much worth, although that you have much, and can do much, yet in respect of that Supreme Prince, you are nothing worth, neither can you do any thing. For there is no Prince in the world this day, but can do less than he would, & would more than he hath. Since all that we have spoken of before is true, let Princes & great Lords see how consonant it is to reason, that sith all the creatures were not created but by one: Why then do they not honour ONE above all? For as a Prince will not suffer that an other be called King in his Realm, so likewise GOD will not permit that any other should be honoured in this world but he only.  
The Father did a great benefit to us, for to create us without the desire of any man: and also the Son to redeem and buy us without the help of any man: and above all the holy Ghost to make us Christians without the deserts of any man. For all the good deeds and services which we are able to do, are not sufficient to requite the least benefit that he showed unto us. Princes ought greatly to esteem such a gift, that God hath created them men, & not beasts: and much more they should esteem that they are made Lords and not servants: but most of all they ought to rejoice that God hath made them Christians and not Gentiles, nor Moors. For it profiteth them little to have sceptres and Realms to condemn, if they shall not acknowledge the holy Church, without the which no man may or can be saved.  
Oh divine Bounty! how many Paynims had been better peradventure than I: if thou hadst chosen them for the Church? and if thou hadst made me a paynim, I had been worse than they. Thou leavest them which have served thee, and hast chosen me a sinner which offend thee. Oh Lord God thou knowest what thou dost, and where thou art: but I know not what I do, nor what I speak. For we are bound to praise the works of God, & have not licence to call them back. Those Emperors and Painim Kings which have been good, (as there hath been many) so much less they have to answer, for that in time of charge they were not called. And likewise the contrary to the wicked Christian Princes: the more goodness they have received without measure: so much the more torments shallbe given them in eternal fire. For according to the ingratitude which they have showed, for the benefits by them received in this world: so shall the bitterness of their pains be, which they shall receive in Hell.  
Princes are much bound to do well, because they were created of God reasonable 
Wherefore Princes should obey God.  men; but they are much more bound, because they be Christians, & more than others bound, because they were made mighty, and placed in so high estate. For the greatest power is not for a Prince to have and possess much, but to profit much. They do not require of a little and weak Tree much, but that he bear his Fruit in due time. For a great and high tree, is bound to give wood to heat them that be a cold, shadow to refresh the weary travellours, & fruit to comfort the needy, & also it ought to defend itself from all importunate winds. For the virtuous Prince ought to be a shadow and resting place, where the good may cover themselves being weary.  
The Church doth move us to do many things, and our conscience willeth us to observe more. But if the Princes will promise me they will do two things only, (that is to say) that they willbe faithful in the law of God, whom they honour, and that they will not use tyranny against their people, whom they govern: From henceforth I promise them the glory & felicity which they desire. For that prince only dieth in safeguard, which dieth in the love of our SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST, and hath lived in the love of his neighbour.  
Princes and great Lords which presume to be good Christians, should watch greatly that all things might be done to the Service of GOD, begun in God, followed in God, and ended in God. And if they will watch in this, I let them know, that as touching the Exaltation of Faith, they should watch so much, that all should know, that for the defence of the same they are ready to die. For if the Prince believe that there is pain for the evil, and reward for the good in an other life: it is impossible but that he amend his life, and govern well his Commonwealth.  
Think this for a surety, that where the Princes fears not God, neither themselves nor their Realms can prosper. For the Felicity or misery of Realms, proceedeth not of the pains and travels that the Kings and people do take: but of the merits which the Kings & Realms deserve. In great peril liveth that Realm, whose Prince is an evil Christian: Happy & sure is that commonwealth, whereof the Prince hath a good conscience: For the man that is of a good conscience, will not do any evil thing to the commonwealth.   

CHAP. XI. Of sundry Gods which the ancients worshipped: Of the office of those Gods, how they were revenged of them when they displeased them, and of the twenty elect Gods.  
THough to men of clear judgement, the works of God are great of themselves, without any comparison to others: yet that the white may be better known from the black, I will satisfy somewhat the curious reader, in reckoning up a flock of false Gods, that by them and their power, men shall see how much the Princes are bound to the true God.  
The ancient Painyms had gods of divers sorts: howbeit the chief of 
How much men are bound to the Almighty God.  all were these, which they called Diis electi. They would have said gods of heaven: which gods (as they thought) sometime descended from Heaven to earth. These gods were xx. in number: as janus, Saturnus, jupiter, Genius Mercurius, Apollo, Mars, Vulcanus, Neptunus, Sol, Orcus, Vibar, Tellus, Ceres, juno, Minerna, Luna, Diana, Venus, Vesta.  
These viii. last rehearsed were goddesses, and xii. of the first were gods, No man might take any of those as his own god, but as common and indifferent to al. Their office was to profit all. I mean all of any one Realm, one Province singular, or one noble city. And first note, they had one god, whom they called Candus, whom they honoured much, and offered unto him many sacrifices, to the end that God might give them wise children. And this if they had demanded of the True GOD, they should have had reason. For the impostumation of human malice, is swelled in such wise, that that man is in great jeopardy, whom God hath not endued with wise judgement.  
They had also an other Goddess, whom they named Lucina: to whom they did commend women, quick, and great with Child, to send them safe delivery. And without the walls of Rome, in a street called Salaria, she had a great Church, wherein all the Roman women conceived with child, did sacrifice to their goddess Lucina: and as Fronten declareth, De veneratione Deorum: there they remained nine days, and nine nights, making their vow.  
Numa Pompilius built the church of this Goddess, which was plucked down by the Consul Rutilius, because a Daughter of his (great with child) made her vow, & kept her nine vigilles, and upon more devotion was desirous to be delivered in the said Temple. Such was her mishap, that her deliveric was not only evil, but her death worse. Whereupon Rutilius in his rage, caused the temple secretly to be burned. For we read many times, that when the Gentiles saw they were distressed, and in great necessity, they recommended themselves to their Gods: and if they did not then succour them in their necessity, immediately they took from them their sacrifice, beat down their temples, or changed their Gods.  
And further, the Gentiles had another God called Opis, which was called the God of the Babe-newborne: even as Lucina was Goddess of the Mother, which bore it.  
The custom was, that during all the nine months that the Woman was quick with child, she carried the image of the God Opis, hanging upon her belly, tied to her girdle, or sowed to her Garments, and at the hour of her delivery, the Midwife, took in her hands the laid Image: and even in the very birth before herself laid hands upon it, she first of all touched the Child with the Idol. If the child were well borne, the parents that day made great Oblations to the Idol: but if it were evil, or dead borne, straightways the Parents of the Child did beat the Image of the poor God Opis to powder, or else burned it, or drowned it in the river.  
Also the Gentiles worshipped an other God, called Vaginatus, and unto him they did great Sacrifice, because their Children should not weep much: and therefore they carried the image of this god Vaginatus hanged about their necks, for the Gentiles thought it an evil sign and token, when the Babe wept much in his infancy, he should have very evil fortune in his Age.  
They had also another God called God Guninus: him they honoured with Sacrifices, to the end that he should be their Patron, for the safety of their Children, in their cradles. And those which were poor, had the God Guninus, hanged upon the cradles, but the Rich had very sumptuous cradles, wherein were painted many Gods, Gunini: Herodian, and Pulio, declareth in the life of Severus, how that when the Emperor Severus was in the war against the Gauls, his wife (whose name was julia) was delivered of a Daughter, which was his first. And it happened that a Sister of this julia, named Mesa, native of Persia, and of the City of Mesa, sent unto her Sister at Rome, a Cradle, all of an unicorns horn, and fine gold, and about the same was painted many images of the God Cuninus. The cradle was of so great value, that many years after it was kept in the treasury of Rome. Though indeed the Romans kept those things, more for the desire of memory, then for the love of riches.  
The romans had likewise an other god, whom they called god Ruminus, which was as much to say, as god of sucking-babes, and to him, the Matrons of Rome offered divers sacrifices, to the end he would keep their breasts from corruption, and give them milk enough for their little children. And all the while they gave the child suck, they had the image of this God about their necks, hanging down to their breasts. And every morning before she gave the child suck, the mother sent a dishful of milk to offer the god Ruminus: and if she happened to be in such place where there was no Church dedicated to the god Ruminus, than she bathed her god Ruminus, which she daily carried with her, in milk.  
They had also another God, whom they called god Stellinus, and him they impropered to their Children, when they began to go. To this god the matrons offered many gifts that their children might not be lame, dwarves, nor impotent, or decrepit, but that they might be able to go well. For among the Romans, those that were cripples or dwarves, were had in such contempt, that they could neither bear office in the Senate, nor be admitted Priests in the Temples.  
Hercules in his third Book, De repub: 
Hercules de repub:  saith, that Cornelia, (that worthy woman and Mother of the Gracchis,) had her two first sons, the one Lame, and the other a Dwarf.  
Whereupon supposing the God Stellinus had been wrath with her, she built him a temple, in the twelfth region, near to the fields Gaditanus, amongst the Gardens of Detha: and this temple remained till the time of Randagagismus, who besieging Rome, destroyed the Temples, and broke up their Gardens and buildings round about Rome.  
They had also an other God, called Adeon, and his charge was, that when the Child could go well, he should go to his mother, and make much of her. And albeit Cicero in his book, De natura Deorum, putteth this God 
Cicero de natura Deorum.  amongst the other Gods, yet I do not remember, that I have ever read that this god had any temple in Rome, till the time of Mammea, mother of the Emperor Antoninus. This excellent woman being left a widow, and with two little children, desiring that they might be well and virtuously brought up, and that they should increase their love towards her, she built to the god Adeon, a sumptuous temple in the xii. region Vaticanus, near to the Gardens of Domicilius, and hard adjoining to that also, she erected one other edifice called Sacellum Mammae, where she abode solitarily for a time. For the manner and custom at that time was, that all widows (which would bring up their Children in good discipline) should immediately sever themselves far from the dangerous pleasures of Rome.  
The ancients had also an other God called Mentallis, which was in effect god of wit. That is to wit, he had authority and power to give Children good or evil sense. And to this god the ancients did great sacrifices, especially the greeks, much more than the Romans. For as much as Seneca saith, that he doth marvel nothing at all of that the greeks knew: but that which made him most to marvel, was of that they knew not, since they had the temple of the God Mentallis within their schools. All the children whom they sent to learn Philosophy, were by the laws of Athens bound to serve three years in that Temple. And to omit that which Seneca spoke of the greeks, I dare boldly say and affirm (to many which at these days are living) that if it be true, he gave sense and understanding to men, that they would to day, rather than to morrow withdraw themselves to go into those Temples, and there offer their vows. For nothing in the World happeneth to men more, than the want of wit and understanding how to govern themselves, and live in quiet.  
They had also another God Volunus, and a Goddess called Voluna, these two had the charge of affiance in Wedlock, and therefore they were two, because the one should help the man, and the other should help the woman. The manner was such, that during the time of their marriage, each of them ware the Image of their own God about their necks, & those were of gold or silver. And after they were married, the Bridegroom gave unto his Spouse, the Goddess Voluna, and the Bride unto her husband the God Volunus. At such times as the Consuls were created at Rome, and the Kings banished, and before the coming of the Emperors, a little before the Cornelians moved civil commotions in Rome, there was one Consul amongst all these whose name was Balbus. It is said he was the first that builded the Temple of Volunus and Voluna. It did stand in the ninth Ward of the City, near unto the gate Corinthia, and was called Scripta Balbi. And nigh unto it was another building called Theatrum Balbi. All the Consuls, Senators, noble and renowned Barons were married in the Temple, which Balbus built. That night that Pompey the Great married julius Caesar's daughter, there were some that said that Pompey refused to marry her in the Temple of the Gods Volunus, and Voluna, whereupon they divined strait that the marriage would not endure long betwixt them. As writeth Publius Victor in his third book De nuptiis Antiquorum. The ancient 
Pub. Vict. De nuptiis Antiq.  Pagans honoured a God called Agrestes, as much to say, as the God of fields and fruits: to him they offered no sacrifice but twice in the year that is to say, in Seed time, and in harvest.  
The Phrygians (that is the Troyans' and Sicilians) greatly observed this God Agrestes, and it was for that in those two Countries, there was gathered such plenty of corn to make bread, that Phrygia was the great garner of Asia, and Trinacria (that was Cicilia) was the Corn house of Europe. They had another God called Belus, which was Patron of men of war. For even as the Christians, when they come to the point to give battle, make their prayers unto God: so likewise the Ancients in the same point did kneel down, and recommend themselves to God Belus.  
Livy declareth, that in all other things which were done, and whereof the Roman Knights were accused in the battle of Cannas against Hannibal, was for that they did not recommend themselves at all to the God Belus, when they should give battle, saying the Carthagians remained Conquerors, because they a little before honoured the god Mars, and the romans were vanquished, for that they offered no Sacrifice to God Belus. When Pirrus, King of the Epirotes (that is of Albany) came into Italy, and that the Romans were advertised, he brought with him many Engines, and subtle inventions for the war, they decreed to build a Temple for god Belus within the walls Rome, in the ninth ward near the gate Carmentalle, and it was named Edes Below, in the front whereof was a marvelous sumptuous and stately pillar, wherein was graven the order of battle.  
The Gentiles had another God called the God of Victory, to whom the Romans (more than any other Nation) did sacrifices, to the end they might obtain victory of their enemies. Of this God Victoria, there was many magnificent Temples in Rome, but the chiefest and the greatest was adjoining to the gate Venia, in the twelfth ward, in the place called Della Victoria. It was built in the year of the foundation of Rome, four hundredth, threescore and seventeen. And it was for the occasion of the victory, that Appius Claudius, and Quintus Fabius had in Sicill, the first time the Roman people fought against the Africanes, Herones being King. Of this war and victory, rose the cruel, long, and perilous wars between Rome and Africa.  
There was another God amongst the Gods, whom the Ancients called Honorius, which had the charge that the Innkeepers should honour and gently entertain Pilgrims and strangers: so that they should be well handled through the Provinces and Realms whereby they passed. And there was a custom in Rome, that ever when any Roman should go any voyage, his wife immediately should go to the Temple of God Honorius to do her sacrifices. In the 15. year after that Hannibal passed into Italy, the Romans knew by a prophesy, that as soon as they brought the Image of the Goddess Berecinthia (mother of all the Gods) into Rome: so soon Hannibal should retire out of Italy. And to bring this to pass, the Romans sent their Ambassadors into Phrygia, which is one part of Asia, to the end they should bring the Goddess Berecinthia unto Rome. And because their Ambassadors should go well and return safe, and that in coming and going through the Realms, they should entertain them well, and do them honour: they built a Temple for the God Honorius within the walls of Rome, in the fourth ward, in a place which they called Forum Transitorium.   

CHAP. XII. Of other more natural and peculiar Gods which the ancient people had.  
And because it should not be too tedious a thing to name all 
Natural & peculiar Gods.  the gods which the Gentiles worshipped, and semblably, in whose time and reign they honoured the most, and what Realms were more replenished then others: And furthermore, for what causes so many Temples and buildings were ordained and erected for them: I will make mention only of these Gods which were called natural Gods and particular Gods, and declare why the Gentiles honoured them.  
And this only moveth me to it, because that those which shall see this my writing, may know what a special grace God hath given to them, which are borne in the time of the Christian Law,  
Know you therefore, that the God Esculanus was the God of Mines of gold and silver. Pecunia was the goddess of metals, and they prayed unto her, to give them treasures and riches. Fessoria was the Goddess of travelers and Pilgrims, and they prayed to her, that she would not suffer them to be weary that traveled on foot.  
Pelonia was a Goddess, which had the charge to drive the enemies out of the land.  
Esculapius was the God and patron of sick men, and if the malady were great, they called upon the God Apollo, which was Father to Esculapius. Spinensis was a God whom the Ancients prayed to keep the corn from thistles and thorns. Rubigo, was a God which kept the vines from worms, and the corn from Locusts. Fortuna was the Goddess of good fortune: and to her the ancient wives of Rome made a Temple in the time of Silla and Marius. Muta was the Goddess to whom the Ancients prayed, that she would not suffer their enemies to speak, when they would speak evil of them. Genoria was a Goddess that had the charge to chase slothfulness from them, that recommended themselves to her, & the greeks honoured her, especially the Philosophers, when they entered into study and Universities. Stimula was a Goddess which hastened them of their business, to the end they should not forget any thing they had to do. And her Image was at Rome over the gate of the Senate house, for she was taken for an Advocate of the pleaders.  
Murcia was a Goddess, and an Advocate for men and women which desired not to be lean or weak of their bodies: and to this Goddess, the women of Rome offered many gifts, to the end they might be fat: For in Rome, maidens and women are forsaken because they be lean and slender, and not for that they be foul and fat,  
Busina properly was a Goddess of the fields, and to her the Ancients offered sacrifice, because she should look to the grass that grew in the fields. And the Scythians were great worshippers of that Goddess, because they had no houses in towns, but kept the fields even with their flocks, which if they wanted grass, died immediately, and then they were utterly undone.  
jugatiws was he that was called the Cod of the high Mount, and to him the Ancients made a lodge and Altars in the top of the highest Mountains, whereunto they went oftentimes to do sacrifice, especially when it thundered and lightened.  
Vallonia was the Goddess of the valleys, and she had the charge to bridle the waters that descended from the mountains, to the end they should not endamage the meadows and mills whereby they passed.  
Ceres was a goddess of all Nations honoured, for that she was a Goddess of corn, and of other sovereign seeds: And the Ancients had a custom to offer her a loaf of all the seeds and corn that they sowed. Her Lodges and Altars to do sacrifice were in the fields, but besides those, she had a Temple in Rome in the ninth Ward, in the fields of Mars. hard by the gardens of Lucullus, and it is said, that out of this Temple came first the fountain of Scipio.  
Segecia was a Goddess that had the charge to make the seeds to grow after they were sown. I do not remember I have read that she had any Temple in Rome.  
Tutillina was a Goddess, whose office was to entreat jupiter not to beat down the corn with hailstones when it was ready for to be reaped. And the Ancients painted her in such sort, that it seemed jupiter did cause it to rain stones, and that this Goddess Tutillina should gather them all. She had a Temple in Rome in the tenth ward, in the Market place of Apollo, near unto the house of Romulus. And at every time when it thundered, immediately the Romans lighted a great number of Candles in the Temple to appease the goddess that she should keep their corn and seed from hurt.  
Flora was the merciful goddess of the Vines, that preserved them from frost. And those of Capua were great worshippers of this Goddess, for they say that they were the first that planted vines in Italy.  
Matura was a Goddess that had the charge to ripe grapes: and the Ancients used a custom, to offer the first grapes which were ripe, in the place where the Goddess was. And for the more part, every man that had Vines, made in the field a lodge and an Altar to sacrifice unto her.  
Ruana was a Goddess and Advocate for them that gathered the corn and other grains, to the end they should do no hurt in cutting away the ear, nor should mar the straw and that in cutting, the corn should not shake from the ear. And therefore the Ancients painted her, holding in her right hand a handful of straw, and the ears were whole.  
Forculus was the God of Locke-smithes, and the Ancients sacrificed to him, because he should lock fast the doors, and should not suffer them to be broken open, nor picked, nor adultered keys to be made: The Ancients painted this God, holding a chain in one hand, and two doors in the other: His Image was over the Gate of Trigemine, and especially over their doors that had enemies.  
Limentimen, was God of the hammers of the gates. I could not find what the intention was to invent this God, but as I think (not for that I have found it written) they prayed this God, that when there should come any enemy of theirs to the house, that he should cause them stumble, and fall before the door, if perhaps by negligence it were left open.  
Fortulus was the God of the gates, and the Ancients did paint him with two gates in his hands, and did sacrifice to him, because no man should open the gates to the enemies when they slept: and to him the Romans did sacrifice in all the gates of Rome, and those which had enemies, would paint him in the gates of their house.  
Cardea was a Goddess of the bars and hinges of the gates, and the cause why the Ancients did sacrifice to her, was that no man should break the gates, nor lift up the hinges, and that if they went about to put to their hands, immediately the hinges should make a noise to awake the Master of the house, that he might hear it, and know that his enemies were at the gate.  
There was another God who was called Silvanus, and was most honoured among the Ancients, especially among all the Romans. This God had the charge to keep those from peril and misfortune that went for their pleasures and recreation to the Gardens, as Pliny saith in an Epistle he wrote to Rutilius. The first that 
Plin. ad Rutil.  built a Temple for the God Silvanus, was Maecenas, which was in the time of Augustus. And he desired above all other men, to make feasts and banquets in Gardens. This Temple was in the eleventh Ward, in the field of the Goddess Venus, near unto the house of Murcea, which was destroyed in the time of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, through an Earthquake, whereby many buildings and houses fell in Rome.  
jugatiws was the God of marriages, who had charge to make the love which begun in youth, to endure till the old age.  
It was wonderful to see how the women newly married went on pilgrimage for Devotion unto this God, and what gifts and presents they offered in his Temple. Suetonius Tranquillus sayeth, that there was a Temple of this God, but I find not in writing by whom it was built, saying that Helius Spartanus sayeth, that the Emperor Heliogabalus found much riches in the Temple of jugatibus, the which he took away to maintain his wars.  
Bacchus was the God of drunkards, and the custom in Rome was, that only mad men and fools celebrated the feast of this God, and if there were found any of wit and understanding (were it never so little) they thrust him forthwith out of the Temple, and sought in his stead another drunkard. The Temple of Bacchus was in the 10. Warde, in the meadows which they call Bacchanales, without the City, in the way of Salaria, by the Altars of the goddess Februa, and it was built by the Gauls when they besieged Rome in the time of Camillus. Februa was a Goddess for the fevers, and they used in Rome when any was taken with the fever, immediately to send some sacrifice unto her.  
This Goddess had no Temple at all, but her Image was in Pantheon, which was a Temple, wherein all the Gods were, and in this place they sacrificed unto her.  
Pavor was the God of fear, who had the charge to take fear from the Romans hearts, and to give them stout courage against their enemies.  
The Temple of this God Pavor was in Rome, in the sixth Ward-, in the place of Mamuria, near to the old Capitol: and ever when they had any enemies, the romans forth with offered in this place sacrifices, and there was in the same Temple a statue of Scipio the African, all of silver, which he offered there, when he triumphed over the Carthagenians.  
Meretrix was the Goddess of dishonest women, and as Publius' Victor sayeth, There was in Rome, forty streets of common women, In the midst whereof the Temple of this Meretrix was.  
It chanced in the time of Ancus Martius (the fourth King of the seven Roman Kings) that there was in Rome a Courtesan, Native of Laurento, which was so fair, that with her body she gained great riches, where of she made all the Roman people partakers. Wherefore in the memory of her the Romans built there a temple, and made her Goddess of all the common women in Rome.  
Cloatina was Goddess of the stool, and to this Goddess all those commended themselves which were troubled with the colic, to the end she would help them to purge their bellies.  
Quies was the Goddess of rest, and to her the Romans did offer great Sacrifices, because that she should give them pleasure and rest, especially on that day, when there was any triumph or solemnity in Rome, they gave in this Temple many gists, because she should preserve the glory and joy of the triumphs.  
Numa Pompilius second King of the romans, built the Temple of this Goddess, and it was without the City, for to note that during the life of man in this world, he could neither have pleasure nor rest. Theatrica was a Goddess, which had the charge to keep the theatres and Stages, when the Romans celebrated their Plays: and the occasion of inventing of this Goddess was, because when the romans would set forth their Tragedies, they made so solemn theatres, that there might well stand twenty thousand men above, and as many underneath, for to behold the spectacle. And sometime it happened, that for the great weight of them above, the wood of the theatres and Stages broke, and killed all those which were underneath: and so after this sort all their pastime turned into sorrow.  
The Romans (which were provided in all things) agreed to do Sacrifice unto the Goddess Theatrica: to the end she should preserve them, from the dangers of the theatres, and built her a Temple in the ninth ward, in the marketplace of Cornelia: near to the House of Fabiuses.  
Domitian the twelfth Emperor of Rome, destroyed this Temple, because in his presence one of the theatres broke, and killed many people. And for that the Goddess Theatrica had not better preserved them: he made this Temple to be beaten down.  
Peradventure those that have read little, shall find these things now enough: but let them read Cicero in his book De Natura Deorum: John Bocchas of the Genealogy of Gods, 
Cic: de na tu. Deorum.  and Pulio, of the Ancients Gods: And Saint Augustine in the first, the eleventh, and the eighteenth book of City of God: and they shall find a great number more, then is here spoken of.   

CHAP. XIII. ¶ How Tiberius the Knight was chosen Governor of the Empire, and afterwards created Emperor, only for being a good Christian. And how GOD deprived justinian the younger, both of his Empire and Senses, for being an Heretic.  
THe fifty Emperor of Rome, was Tiberius Constantinus: who succeeded justinian the younger, which was a cruel Emperor. And Paulus Dyaconus sayeth, That he was an enemy to the poor, a Thief to the Rich, a great lover of riches, and an enemy to himself in spending them.  
For, the property of a covetous man, is to live like a Beggar all the days of his life, and to be found rich at the hour of his death.  
This justinian was so exceeding covetous, that he commaunced strong coffers and chests of iron to be made and brought into his Palace, to keep in safety the evil-gotten treasures that he had robbed. And of this you ought not to marvel: for Seneca saith, That covetous Princes do not only suspect their Subjects, but also themselves.  
In those days the Church was greatly defiled by the heresy of the Pelagians, and the maintainer of that Sect, was this wicked Prince justinian: So that for himself he procured riches, and for the Devil he cheapened souls. For, those that are once forsaken of the hand of GOD, do not only become 
Covetousness the root of all evil.  servants of the Devils, but also labour to bring others to Hell.  
Wherefore since the sins of men are divers, and the judgements of GOD kept secret, and yet the living God is, so merciful, that notwithstanding his mercy would save the souls, he will also with justice chastise the bodies. And therefore seeing the obstinacy of this Emperor to be such, that the longer he lived, the more he augmented his damnation, the wrath of God lighted upon him, & suddenly without any grudge 
The just judgement of God.  or token of sickness, this Emperor justinian was bereaved of his senses, and became a fool, and because the matter was so sudden, it caused in Rome great fear and admiration, for that the Prince was a fool, and all the Empire changed. And indeed this Emperor was so strucken, that his life and folly ended both in one day. For the diseases which God sendeth to Princes, cometh not through fault of humours, but through the corruption of manners. Also there is no medicine that can resist it, not yet any other thing that can remedy it. The people perceiving how the Emperor through his sins was (according to the divine pleasure) become a fool, agreed (sith there was no remedy for his disease) to choose some good person, to whom the charge of the public weal might be given: for truly a man needeth great patience and wisdom to govern an other man's, than for that which is his own proper. The lot befell to a Knight, Tiberius so called, a man for truth, both chaste, just, profitable, sage, virtuous, hardy, merciful, charitable, in feats of arms adventurous, and above all a good Christian.  
And let not this thing be little regarded, that the Prince be a good Christian: For there is no state so happy as that which is governed by a Prince of a good and faithful conscience, and because he wanted no virtues to adorn a Prince, he was both feared of many, and beloved of all. Which thing ought not lightly to be esteemed; for it is the chiefest thing that belongeth to Princes, that is to say, for their gentle conversation to be beloved, and for their upright justice to be feared. This Emperor justinian had a wife, whose name was Sophia Augusta, which was beautiful and sage, and as touching her person of good renown sufficient. For women must take great respect, lest they give strangers occasion to speak of them, but 
Good counsel for women.  notwithstanding all these things, this Dame was noted of covetousness: for she toiled always to hoard up money, and delighted to see and tell it, but to spend or give it, was always her greatest grief: For covetous persons little regard to shorten their life, so that they may augment their riches.  
Tiberius Constantine, as Governor of the Empire (seeing the Empress Sophia Augusta rich, and desiring more the profit of the Commonwealth, than the enrichment of himself or of any other) did nothing else but build Monasteries, repair Hospitals, marry Orphans, and redeem Captives. For speaking according to the Christian laws, because 
Difference between a good Prince & a Tyrant.  that a man hath more than necessary, aught to be employed to the use of the poor, and to works of mercy.  
Finally, this virtuous Prince did that which Christian Princes should do, and not as tyrants do, which made him of great excellency. For the property of a Tyrant is to heap great treasures of other men's goods, and afterward to spend and consume them viciously: but Tiberius found them gathered together by one, and he dispersed them to many. Sophia Augusta, seeing justinian become a fool, & not knowing how to get more money of the people, nor how to rob the rich, and that Tiberius spent her riches without compassion, partly to satisfy her sorrowful heart, and partly to see, if in time to come, she could remedy it, called one day Tiberius a part, and spoke unto him these words in secret.   

CHAP. XIIII. Of the words the Empress Sophia spoke unto Tiberius Constantinus then being governor of the Empire, which only tended to reprove him for that he lavishly consumed the Treasure of the Empire gotten by her.  
THou remember'st well Tiberius, that though 
The speech of Sophia unto Tiberius.  thou art now after justinian Governor of the Empire: yet when thou wast in Alexandrie, thou thoughtest very little to deserve it, and if thou didst, thou thoughtest thou couldst not attain unto it. For thou art a wise man, and the sage man (according to the little or much which fortune giveth him) doth not reign or slack always the bridle of his thoughts. Those which have a vain hope, and thorough power only will enforce fortune to be favourable unto them, shall live always a troubles me life.  
For there is nothing that shorteneth more the life of man then vain hope and idle thoughts. Thou being such a man as thou art, and so well willed and beloved of justinian my husband, art demanded of the Roman people, and chosen by the Senate, received by the Soldiers, and all the Empire rejoice at thy election.  
And thou oughtest not a little to regard it. For the wills of all do not always favour one. I let thee to understand Tiberius, that it did not displease me thou shouldest be Emperor of Rome, sith justinian was deposed, and if I had perceived that which I do perceive, or had known that which I do know, I am certain that I had neither said with it, nor against it. For we women are of so little credit, that it prevaileth us more To approve the least of that which other say, than it doth to speak very well of ourselves. Sith Fortune hath brought thee to so high an estate, I beseech thee, admonish thee, & advise thee, that thou know how to keep and govern thyself therein. For to arise to honour, It sufficeth the body to sweat water, but to maintain it, it is necessary that the heart weep blood.  
Thou knowest right well, that to command more, to do more, and to have more than other (as touching the affairs of Princes) oftentimes is given more thorough worldly care, then for the desert of the person. And this God suffereth very often, to the end we may see those descend, and fall thorough infamy, whom we saw mount and prosper by pride. Thou art a man, and I a woman: Thou hast wisdom and knowledge, but I have large and long experience, and if thou knowest much, I have seen in the world enough, but in faith for that I have said I tell thee, that men of thy sort are undone in the Palace of Princes, by two ways. The one, if they think they deserve much, and they can do little. For haughty minds bring always alteration in the heart, The other is, that one alone will command the Emperor and the Empire, whereunto if any man come, it is by great travel, and he shall sustain it with danger, and shall possess it but a short time. For it is impossible that to a man of much arrogancy, Fortune should be too long faithful.  
Though thou be wise and sage, I counsel thee always to profit with another man's counsel, chiefly in things concerning the government of the estate. For to know how to obey, and to know how to command, differ much.  
For to know how to obey, cometh by nature: but to know how to command, cometh by long experience, Take this of me for a general rule, that whereas thou seest thy Prayer to be acceptable, never take upon thee commandment: for by commandment thou shalt be feared, and by prayer thou shalt be beloved: know thou Tiberius, the things that content them worst, which are in the Courts of Princes: are to do little, to have little, and to be little worth. For the man that is without favour, in his heart, is half dead. For the contrary, the thing which most perilleth the Favourites of Princes, and maketh them lose their Friendship, is to be of great power, and great in Authority, and moreover then this, to profit more of will then knowledge, of authority then of reason. For a man cannot live long in Friendship, which doth what he will, in the commonwealth.  
I have spoken all this, to the end thou shouldest know that I greatly marvel at thy prudence, and have no less wonder of my patience. To see that the Treasours which justinian heaped together by great travel, kept and preserved with great care, thou wastest without respect what thou dost.  
Wherefore do not marvel at this; For there is no patience can suffer to see the proper goods wasted and spent by the hands of an other, which with so great care hath been gathered together.  
I let thee to know Tiberius, that now we have neither Money to keep, nor to give to others: which thing is very perilous for the Palaces of Princes. For the same to have great store of treasures, occasioneth Princes to keep their enemies in fear.  
It is necessary for Princes to be stout and also rich, for by their stoutness they may govern their own, and by their riches, they way repress their enemies. It is not only necessary that the Prince be not poor, but also it is requisite that his Commonwealth be rich. For where people are poor, of their Enemies they are nothing regarded. And where the Commonwealth is rich, the Prince cannot be greatly poor. I will not deny but that it is well done to help the poor, and succour the needy: But yet I say, that no man ought to give the treasure unto any one in particular, which is and hath been long kept in store, for the preservation of all. For oftentimes the Prince which is too liberal in giving of his own, is afterwards (through necessity,) compelled ●o become a Tyrant, and so to take from others.  
I let thee know Tiberius, that thou shalt find few Princes, but are either proud, malignant, or vicious. For of a truth, Wantonness, Liberty, Youth, and Riches, are commonly most cruel enemies to honesty.  
Notwithstanding, I will not say that all Princes have been evil, but I will say (according to the old proverb) that there hath been too few good: And that those which of God's merciful gift, either are or will be good and virtuous, aught to be greatly honoured. For no time ought to be called happy, but that wherein virtuous Princes do reign.  
And furthermore I say to thee Tiberius, if Princes become Tyrants for want of Riches, so do they become vicious, through abundance of Treasures: And in this case vicious Princes are chastened in the same vice. For Avarice hath such power over them, that it suffereth them not to taste their own delight.  
Again, I let thee know Tiberius, that there are many Princes which are of good nature, & yet become Tyrants, for nothing else but because they be oppressed with poverty. For truly the Noble heart resuseth no danger, seeing himself assaulted with poverty.  
Therefore I demand of thee which is better, or otherwise which of these two evils is least: that the Prince be poor, and with that a Tyrant, or that he be rich, and therewith vicious.  
In mine opinion it were much better to be rich and vicious, than a Tyrant and poor, for in the end if he do evil by vice, he should be evil unto no man but to himself: by riches he should profit all the people. And if he be poor and a Tyrant, he should do great evil to many, and by poverty he could profit no man. For the poor Prince cannot maintain the rich, and much less succour the poor, without comparison it is much more profitable to the Commonwealth, and more tolerable to men, that the Prince be an evil man, and therewithal a good Prince: then an evil Prince, and therewithal a good man. For as Plato sayeth, The Athenians would always rather seek a profitable than a stout Prince: and the Lacedæmonians did err, in willing rather a stout Prince then profitable.  
Therefore see Tiberius, it is more sure and profitable for the Common wealth, that Princes have Treasures to give liberally among their servants, then that they should be poor and enforced to oppress the people with taxes and Subsidies. For Princes oft times through poverty take occasion to levy great Subsidies in their realms & signiories.   

CHAP. XV. The answer of Tiberius unto the Empress Sophia Augusta, Wherein he declareth that noble Princes need not board up great treasures: And of the hidden treasure this good Emperor found by Revelation, in the Palace where he remained.  
Tiberius' heard very patiently the admonition of the Empress, wherefore with great reverence he answered, and with sweet and gentle words he spoke to her in this sort.  
I have heard and understood what you 
Tiberius' answer.  have told me, most noble Princess Sophia, and always Augusta, and do receive your, gentle admonitions, most humbly thanking you for your loving counsel, which principally you give me in so high a style. For oftentimes sick men abhor not meats, not for that the meats are not good, but because they are not well dressed. If it were God's pleasure, I would I knew aswell how to do these things, as you know how to speak them.  
And do not marvel, though I make hereof a doubt; for we greatly desire to praise virtuous works, but to put them in practice, we are very slow. Speaking therefore with such reverence, (as is due unto so high a Lady) to every one of these things which your Excellency hath told me, I will answer in one word. For it is reason sith you have spoken that which you perceive of my deeds, that I speak that which I gather of your words. You tell me that when I was in Alexandrie, I thought not to be Governor of the Empire after justinian, & that I thought not myself worthy to deserve it, nor yet looked to come unto it.  
To this I answer, that though by reason I governed myself at that time, yet I ought not to think to deserve such a dignity, nor to come to so high an estate. For those which by virtues deserve great Dignities are but few: and sewer are those which attain unto them, though they deserve them, But if this matter be judged according to sensuality, I tell you truly (Dame Augusta,) that I thought not only to deserve it, but also I thought to come unto it. And hereof marvel not, for it is an infallible rule; Where least desert is, oftentimes there is most presumption.  
You say you esteemed me for a wise man, and that by wisdom I could overcome any difficult, or disordinate appetite.  
To this I answer, that you knew my wisdom, either in mine own business, or else in other men's affairs. If in other men's affairs, (where it did cost me nought) I was always a lover of justice, For there is no man in the world so evil, that doth not desire (if it be without his own cost) to be counted liberal. But if you judge me (Dame Augusta,) on mine own business, give not too light credit. For I will that you know, there is no man so just, nor of so clear a judgement, that doth not show himself frail 
The frailty of man.  in matters which touch his own interest.  
You say that men which have their thoughts high, and their Fortune's base, live always a pensive life.  
Truly it is as you say, But in mine opinion, as the members of the bodies are but instruments of the mind, so is it necessary for men to have quick and sharp wits, if they will not be negligent. For if Alexander, Pyrrhus, julius Caesar, Scipio, and Hannibal, had not been high minded, they had never been (as they were) so Famous, Noble, and stout Princes.  
I let you understand, most Noble Princess, that men are not to be esteemed as lost, for having their thoughts high, nor yet for having their hearts courageous, neither for being hardy and stout: but they are undone, because they begin things through folly, pursue them without wisdom, and achieve them without discretion.  
For, Noblemen enterprising great things, ought not to employ their force as their noble heart willeth, but as wisdom and reason teacheth. You say, you marvel why I waste the Treasures without care, which justinian and you gathered together with great pain?  
Now to this I answer, you ought not to marvel, if all the Treasours you heaped together of so long time, were spent and consumed in one day. For there is an ancient Malediction on riches hidden, and 
The saying of Epimenides.  Treasours buried, which Epimenides casteth out, saying these words: All the Treasours' hoardward up by the Covetous, shall be wasted by the Prodigal.  
You say, Through that I wast in few days, you shall have neither to give, to waste, nor yet to eat at the years end.  
To this I answer (most gracious Princess, that if you had been as ready to relieve the Poor, as you and justinian were diligent to rob the rich, than you should justly have complained, and I worthily might well have had just cause to repent.  
Till now we have not seen, but that of the Rich you have made Poor: and notwithstanding this, yet you have not gotten enough to build an Hospital for the Poor. You say that Princes, to resist their enemies had need of great Treasures.  
To this I answer, if Princes be proud, greedy, and of strange Realms, ambitious it is most certain, that they had need of great substances and Treasours to accomplish and maintain their disordinate appetties. For the enae of a tyrant nous Princ●●s, that he careth not whether by hook or by crook he make himself rich in his life.  
But if the Prince be or will be a man reposed, quiet, vertuou, patient peaceable, and 〈◊〉 covetous of the goods of an other man, what need hath he of great treasures?  
For to speak truly, in Prince's houses there is more offence in that which advanceth, then in that which wanteth. I will not waste many words in answering, sith I am much more liberal of deeds then of words: But to conclude, that there is no Prince which in virtuous deeds wasteth so much, but if he will, he may spend much more. For in the 
〈…〉.  end, Princes become not poor, for spending their goods and Treasours upon necessaries: but for making waste upon things superfluous.  
And take this word for all, that for this he shall not be the poorer, but rather the richer. For most certainly, it is a general rule in Christian Religion, that God will give more to his Servants in one hour, than they will waste in 20. years: justinian being Emperor 11, years, who (being a Fool, and very obstinate in the heresy of the Pelagians) died to the great offence of the Roman people; whose death was as much desired, as his life abhorred.  
For the Tyrannous Prince, that maketh many weeping eyes in his life, shall cause many rejoicing bearts at his death.  
justinian being dead, Tiberius was elected Emperor, who governed the Empire, through so great wisdom and justice, that no man was able to reprove him, if the Histories in his time, did not deceive us. For it seldom happeneth to a Prince to be as he was, upright in justice, pure in life, and clean in Conscience. For few are those Princes which of some vices are not noted.  
Paulus Diaconus in his 18. book of the Roman Gests, declareth a thing both strange and marvelous, which besel unto this Emperor at that time, and very worthy to recite at this present. And it was, that in the City of Constantinople, the Roman Emperors had a Palace very sumptuous, and beseeming the authority of the Imperial majesty, which was begun in the time of Constantine the Great, and afterwards, as the succession of good and evil Emperors was, so were the Buildings decayed or repaired.  
For it is the deed of a virtuous Prince, to abolish vices of the Commonwealth, and to make great and sumptuous buildings in his country.  
This Emperor Tiberius had spent 
The memorable deeds of Tiberius.  much of his substance and treasure, for the redeeming of poor captives, to build Hospitals, to erect Monasteries, to marry and provide for the Orphares, to succour poor people, and widows; In this and such like, he was so prodigal, that it came almost to pass, that he had nothing to eat in his Palace, And truly this was a blessed necessity. For Catholic Princes ought to think that well employed, which in the Service of Christ is bestowed. And hereof this Emperor was not ashamed, but he thought it a great honour, and that which only grieved him was, to see the Empress rejoice so much at his misery. For the High and Noble hearts which feel themselves wounded, do not so much esteem their own pain, as they do to see their enemies rejoice at their grief. God never forsook them that for his sake became poor, as appeareth by this.  
It chanced one day that even as the Emperor Tiberius walked in the midst of his Palace, he saw at his feet a Marblestone, which was in form of the Cross of the Redeemer of the world. And because it had been too unjust a thing (as he thought,) to have spurned it with his feet, wherewith we trust from our enemies to be descended: he caused the stone to be taken up, not thinking any thing to be there under, and immediately after they found another, wherein likewise 
Treasure. found by Tiberius.  was the form of the Cross, and this being taken up, they found an other in like manner, and when that was plucked up from the bottom. there was found a Treasure, which contained the sum of two millions of Ducats; for the which the good Emperor Tiberius gave unto Almighty God most high thanks, and whereas before he was liberal, yet afterwards he was much more bountiful. For all those treasures he distributed amongst the poor & needy people. Let therefore mighty Princes and great Lords, see, read, & profit by this example, and let them think themselves assured, that for giving 
A good Lesson.  alms to the poor, they need not fear to become poor: for in the end the vicious man cannot call himself rich, nor the virtuous man cannot count himself poor.   

CHAP. XVI. How the Chieftain Narsetes overcame many battles, only for that his whole confidence was in God. And what happened to him by the Empress Sophia Augusta: wherein may be noted the unthankfulness of Princes towards their servants.  
IN the year of the Incarnation of Christ, 528. justinian the Great, being Emperor, who 
Paul: Diacon: Lib: 18. de gestis Roman.  was the son of justines' sister his Predecessor in the Empire) the Histories say, in especially Paulus Diaconus in the 18. book De gestis Romanorum: that there was a Knight of Greece in Rome, who from his tender years had been brought up in Italy. He was a man of mean stature, of a choleric complexion, and in the law of Christ very devout: which was no small thing. For at that time not only many knights, but almost all the Bishops of Italy were Arrians.  
This Knight's name was Narsetes, and because he was so valiant in arms, and so adventurous in wars, he was chosen Chieftain general of the Roman Empire. For the Romans had this excellency, that when they had a valiant and stout Captain (although they might have his weight of gold given them) they would never depart from his person. He enterprised so great things, he overcame such mighty Realms, and had such notable victories over his enemies, that the Romans said, he had in him the strength of Hercules, the hardiness of Hector, the nobleness of Alexander, the policy of Pyrrhus, and the fortune of Scipio. For many of the vain Gentiles held opinion, that as the bodies did distribute their goods in the life, so did the soul's part their gifts, after the death.  
This Narsetes was a pitiful Captain, and very constant in the Faith of Christ, liberal to give alms, effectuous to build new monasteries, and in repairing Churches, a man very careful. And truly it was a rare thing: For in great wars (upon small occasions) Captains use to beat down churches: & that which was greatest of all was, that he feared God devoutly, visited 
The false opinion of the Gentiles.  the Hospitals, said his devotions with penitent tears, and above all, be resorted very often to the Churches in the night.  
And this excellency was no less than the other. For the Captains in such an hour are readier to kill men in their Camp, then to bewail their sins in the Church.  
Finally, he was a Christian, and 
〈…〉.  so devour, that God gave him the victories more through the prayers which he used, then through the weapons wherewith he fought. For there was never man that saw him shed the blood of his enemies in battle before he had shed the tears of his eyes in the Temple. And to the end Christian Princes and Captains may see how much better it is to pacific God by tears and prayers, then to have their Camp full of soldiers and riches: of many of his doings I will declare part as here followeth.  
justinian the Emperor being in Alexandrie, Totila King of the Goths, did many mischiefs, and great damages throughout all Italy, so that the romans durst not go by the way, nor could be in safeguarde in their houses. For the Goths in the 
The outrages of the Goths.  day kept the ways, and in the night robbed and spoiled all the people, wherefore justinian the Emperor, not knowing the matter, sent the noble Narsetes Captain General against the Goths, who being arrived in Italy, immediately confedered with the Lombard's, the which at that time had their mansion in Hungary, and sent his messengers to King Albonius, (at that time their King) for aid against the Goths and in so doing, he said he should see how faithful a friend he would be to his friends, and how cruel an enemy to his enemies.  
Albonius hearing the message of Narsetes was very glad, and without delay armed a great and puissant Army, which by the Adriatical sea came into Italy: so that the answer and the offer came both at one time with effect, and so together arrived in one day (for the succour of Narsetes) the two Armies that is to say, that of the Romans, and of the Lombard's, the which assembled all in one, and marched under the banner of their Captain Narsetes. Wherefore Totila King of the Goths being advertised, (as one that had not proved the happy fortune of Narsetes, nor the force of the Lombard's) sent to offer them the battle, which was given in the fields of Aquileia, and it was of both parts so fierce and cruel, that infinite were they that died: but in the end Totilla King of the Goths was overcome, and neither he, nor any of his host escaped alive.  
The good Captain Narsetes, after the battle gave many and noble gifts to the Lombard's, and so with riches and victory they returned into Hungary towards their King Albonius. And truly this Narsetes did as he was bound to do, For the friend 
A worthy saying approned by Narsetes.  cannot be recompensed by riches, when for his friend he putteth his life in jeopardy.  
When the Lumbards' were gone, Narsetes caused all the spoil of his Camp to be divided amongst his soldiers, and that which belonged unto him, he gave it wholly to the poor Monasteries: so that by this victory Narsetes got triple renown, that is to say, very bountiful, in that he gave to the Lombard's, charitable, in that he gave to the poor, and valiant in that he vanquished so puissant enemies.  
Dagobert King of France beyond the Alps, being a courageous young Prince, and very desirous of honour, (for no other cause but to leave of him some memory) determined himself in person to pass into Italy, although he had no just title thereunto. For the hearts puffed up with pride little pass though they war of an unjust quarrel. His mishap was such, that the same day he passed the river of Rubico, where the Romans in old time limited the marches of Italy, news came to him that his own country was up, and those which were there, one rebelled against the other, that which was not without the great permission of God. For it is but reason that that King should lose his own Realm by divine justice, which will take other men's only through man's folly. The King Dagobert assembling all the chiefest of his Realm to counsel, it was agreed and concluded by all, that he alone in person should return into France, and for his reputation should leave all the Army in Italy. Whereof remained captains, Buccelinus and Amingus. For itis better for a Prince to defend his Country by justice, then to conquer another by tyranny. As this Army of Buccelinas' was great, so was he courageous and wrought mapy and great damages in Italy, especially in the land of Campagnia. And worse than that, all the riches that he had sacked, and all the captives he had taken, he would neither restore, nor yet suffer them 
Buccelinus did many outrages in Italy.  to be ransomed: but so soon as he took them, he sent them unto the King, as one that showed himself more desirous to rob and spoil, then to fight and wage battle.  
This Captain Buccelinus then being in Campagnia, retired into a place called Tarentum with all his army because of winter.  
Narsetes suddenly came upon him, & gave him battle, that was between them very cruel, wherein Buccelinus was vanquished, and left dead in the field amongst the other Captains of Gaul. Which news brought to Amingus ears being the other Captain of the Gauls, and seeing his companion dead, he confedered with Auidinus Captain of the Goths, and they together came against the romans, which thing was not unknown to Narsetes, to give the battle near to Caietto, whereas those Captains were conquered, and taken alive. Of whom Amingus was beheaded by the commandment of Narsetes: & Auidinus was sent by him prisoner to the Emperor of Constantinople. The Captain Narsetes won another battle against Syndual King of Britons, which came into Italy with a huge multitude of people, to recover the realm of Partinopilis, which now we call Naples: for he said it appertained unto him of right, as to one of the lineage of Hercules, who in ancient time was King of that Realm. This King Sindual within a time became friend unto Narsetes, and behaved himself outwardly as a friend and confederate: but in secret conspired against the romans, and would have been King of the Romans, and reigned alone in Italy, through the which there sprang between him and Narsetes cruel wars, wherein Fortune was a long time variable: For there is not 
The inconstancy of Fortune.  so adventurous a Captain, to whom in long wars Fortune is always prosperous.  
Finally, the King Sinduall and Narsetes agreed to hazard their men, and also their lives in one day unto the disctetion of Fortune, so that both the armies joined together, and fought between Verona and Terento, where King Sindual was conquered, and taken alive, and the same day with out any delay was hanged openly, And because that Narsetes was not accustomed to use such cruelty against those that were overcome, and especially against Kings and worthy Knights, he commanded his title to be set on the gibbet, whereon the King hanged, which said this:  
A simple cord here stopped King Synduals' breath, 
King Synduals Epitaph.   
By faultless doom of high Narsetes hest,  
Not that he sought by warlike deeds his death,  
But that in peace he did a traytorrest.  
Such and many other battles and victories had this adventurous and good Captain, not only in the borders of Italy, but also in Asia, where for many years he had the government of the Country. And as he was a good Christian, so Almighty God in all his affairs did prosper him.  
After all these wars past, justinian the younger sent him to the kingdom of Constantinople to be chief Governor of all those Provinces, & although he did well in warlike affairs: yet he did much better in the administration of the commonwealth: For men that are accustomed to travel in wars, have a good learning how to govern the people in peace. For this occasion (amongst all mortal men) Narsetes was praised and esteemed, that is, for his valiantness in the battles which he overcame, for his riches through the spoils that he took, and for the justice he ministered to all men where he ruled. Narsetes because he was a Grecian borne, was envied of the Romans, & chiefly, because he daily increased both his honour and riches. For truly, virtue, honour and riches in a man are but a brand to light envy to all the world. And this was the occasion.  
One day there came many noble romans to the Emperor justinian, and to the Empress Sophia Augusta, 
Ennie a foe to all virtue.  to complain of Narsetes, and of his behaviour and governing, and said these words unto him. we let you know, most noble Prince, and Sovereign Lady, that we had rather (of the two) to serve the Goths, then to obey the greeks: and we speak this, because that the Eunuch commanded us more to his own service, than he doth to that of yours, and the worst is, that you know it not, and if you know it, at the least you do not remedy it, Choose therefore one of these two things, whether you will deliver us from the government of the Greek, or suffer that we put Rome and ourselves into the hands of the Goths: For it is less grief for the romans to be subject to a puissant King, then to an effeminate Eunuch and tyrant.  
Narsetes being present, hearing 
Narsetes' reply.  those quarrels (as they say) said thus: O noble Prince, if I have committed any evil, it is unpossible for me to find one that will do me good: but if I have done well, no man shall be able to do me wrong.  
The Empress Sophia of long time before had hated Narsetes: some said it was because he was an Eunuch, other think it was because he was rich, and some other judge, because he was in greater authority in the Empire than she. Wherefore perceiving she had good occasion and opportunity for the same, she spoke a word much to his reproach: which was this. Sith thou art an Eunuch, Narsetes, and not a man, it is not fit for thee to have a man's office, therefore 
The severe sentence of the Empress.  I command thee to work with my handmaids, and there thou shalt serve to spin and weave clothes.  
Narsetes took this word heavily, and truly it was with great spite spoken. Wherefore he stoutly and courageously spoke unto the Empress Sophia these words, and said: I had rather most excellent Princess, thou hadst chastised me as a Noble Dame, then to have reproved me with a word, as a simple woman: but since it is so that you have liberty and authority to command me, know you also that I have the self same to obey you, and therefore I take my leave, and now I go to weave my web, which perhaps yourself whilst you live, shall never untwine.  
Narsetes immediately went his way, and came into Itaty, unto the City of Naples, (chief and head of Campagnia) and from thence he dispatched his Ambassadors immediately to the King of Hungary, where the Lumbards' at that time had their mansion place, counseling them to forsake that land, so evil tilled, so barren, cold and little, and that they should come and inhabit Italy, which was a plain Country, fertile and ample, temperate and very rich, and that now or never they should conquer it. And Narsetes therewith not contented, (but to provoke his friends the more, and make them the more covetous) sent them part of every good thing that was in Italy, that is to say, light horses, rich armour, sweet, pleasant and dainty fruits, fine metals, and may kinds of ointments very odoriserous, silks, and Merchandises of many and divers sorts.  
The Ambassadors arrived in Pannony, which now is called Hungary, were honourably received, and the Lombard's seeing that there were such, and so many goodly things in Italy, determined to leave Pannonia, and go spoil and conquer Italy, although it belonged to Rome, and were at that season friends with the Romans: yet notwithstanding they had little respect to this. And hereat no man ought to marvel, for in that place there is never perfect friendship, where he that commandeth is constrained to demand help of others.  
The Lumbards' determined for to pass into Italy, and at that time there was seen of the Italians visibly in the air sundry Armies of fire, that one cruelly killed the other. Which thing greatly feared the hearts of the people. For by this they knew that 
Strange sights seen in the air.  within a short space much of their blood & of their enemies also should be shed: for it is an old ancient custom, that when any great matter doth chance to any Realm, first the Planets and Elements do declare the same by secret tokens: the ingratitude of the Emperor justinian against Narsetes his Captain, and the evil 
The ingratitude of the Emperor against Narsetes.  words which Sophia spoke unto him, were the occasion that the Lumhards invaded and destroyed all Italy, which thing valiant Princes ought well to note, to keep themselves from ingratitude towards their servants, who hath done them great service. For it is a general rule, That the ingratitude of a great benefit maketh the servants despair of recempence, or of a faithful jeruant, maketh him become a 
A good observation.  cruel and mortal enemy. And let not Princes trust men, because they be native of their realms, brought up & nourished in their Palaces, and always have been faithful in their services, that therefore they will not of good subjects be turned to evil, nor yet of faithful become disloyal. For such imagination is vain. For the Prince that in his doings is unthankful, cannot keep nor retain any honest man long in his service. One thing the noble justintan did with Narsetes, whereof all noble and sage Princes ought to beware, that is to know, he did not only give ear unto his enemies, and believed them: but also before them he did dishonour him, and shame him to his power, which thing made him utterly to despair. For there is nothing that spiteth a man more then to have before his enemies any injury or dishonour done unto him of his superior.  
The Empress Sophia therefore deserved great reproach for speaking such dishonest words to Narsetes, to send him to thread the needles in that occupation where the damsels wrought. For it is the duty of a Noble Princess to mitigate the ire of Princes when they are angry, and not to provoke them further to anger. Narsetes then always doubting the Empress Sophia, never after returned into Naples, where she was, but rather came from Naples to Rome, a year before the Lambards' came into Italy, where he received all the Sacraments, and like a devout Christian he died.  
His body was carried to Alexandria 
〈…〉.  in a cousin of silver, all set with precious stones, and there was buried. And a man cannot tell whether the displeasure were greater that all Asia had not to see Narsetes alive, or the pleasure that Sophia had to see him dead. For the unpatient heart, especially of a woman, hath no rest, until she see her enemy dead.   

CHAP. XVII. Of a Letter the Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent to the King of Sicily, in which he recordeth the travels they endured together in their youth, and reproveth him of his small reverence towards the Temples.  
MArcus Aurelius sole Emperor of Rome 
Marcus. Aurelius speech to Gorbon.  borne in Mount Celio, called the old Tribune, wisheth health and long life to thee Gorbin, Lord and King of Sicily. As it is the custom of the Roman Emperors, the first year of my reign I wrote generally to all the Isle: the second year I wrote generally unto thy Court and Palace, and at this present I write more particularly to thy person. And although that Princes have great Realms, yet they ought not therefore to cease to communicate with their old friends. Since I took my pen to write unto thee, I stayed my hand a great while from writing, and it was not for that I was slothful, but because I was ashamed to see all Rome offended with thee: I let thee to know, most excellent Prince, that in this I say, I am thy true friend; for in my hart I feel thy trouble, and so said Euripides, That which with the heart is loved, with the heart is lamented.  
But before I show thee the cause of my writing, I will reduce into thy memory some things passed of our youth, and thereby we shall see what we were then, and what we are now: for no man doth so much rejoice of his prosperity present, as he which calleth to mind his miseries past.  
Thou shalt call to mind, most excellent Prince, that we two together did learn to read in Capua, and after we studied a little in Tarentum: and from thence we went to Rhodes, where I read rhetoric, and thou heardest Philosophy. And afterwards in the end of ten years, we went to the wars of Pannonia, where I gave myself to music, for the affections of young men are so variable, that daily they would know strange Realms and change offices.  
And in all those journeys with the force of youth, the sweet company, with the pleasant communication of Sciences, and with a vain hope we did dissemble our extreme poverty which was so great, that many times and often we desired not that which many had, but that little which to few abounded.  
Dost thou remember, that when 
Afflictions incident to all men.  we sailed by the gulf Arpin, to go into Hellespont, a long and tempestuous torment came upon us, wherein we were taken of a Pirate, and for our ransom he made us row about nine months in a Galley, whereas I cannot tell which was greater, either the want of bread, or the abundance of stripes which we always endured? Hast thou forgotten also that in the City of Rhodes, when we were besieged of Bruerdus, puissant King of Epirotes, for the space of fourteen months, we were ten without eating flesh, save only two cats, the one which we stole, and the other which we bought? remember that thou and I (being in Tarent) were desired of our Host to go to the feast of the great Goddess Dtana, into the which Temple none could enter that day, but those which were new appareled. And to say the truth, we determined not to go thither, thou because thy garments were torn, and I because my shoes were broken, and that both the times we were sick in Capua, they never cured us by diet; for our diseases never proceeded of excess but of extreme hunger. And oftentimes Retropus the Physician, for his pleasure spoke to us, in the University & said: Alas children, you die not through surfeiting and much eating. And truly he said truth, for the Country was so dear, and our money so scarce, that 
The miseries of Marcus Aurelius.  we did never eat until the time we could endure no longer for famine. Dost thou not remember the great famine that was in Capua, for the which cause we were in the war of Alexandria? wherein my flesh did tremble, remembering the great perils which we passed in the gulf of Theberinth. What snows at winter, what extreme heat all Summer, what general famine in the fields, what outrageous pestilence amongst the people? and worst of all, what persecution of strangers, and what evil will we had of ours? remember also that in the city of Naples, when we made our prayer, the Prophetess Flavia, she told us what should become of us, after we left our Studies. She told me that I should be an Emperor, and said that thou shouldest be a King.  
To the which answer we gave such credit: that we took it not only for a mock, but also for a manifest injury. And now I do not marvel, in that then we both marveled wonderful much. For envious fortune practised her power more in plucking down the rich, then in setting up the poor. Behold (excellent Princes) the great power of the Goddess, the wheel of fortune, and the variety of times: who would have thought when I had my hands all rough and scurvy with rowing in the Galley, that between those hands the Sceptre of the Roman Empire should have been put? Who would have thought, when I was so sick for lack of meat, that I should ever have surfeited by too much eating? Who would have thought when I could not be satisfied with cats flesh, that I should have then glutted with too much dainty meats? Who would have thought at that time, when I left going into the Temple, because my shoes were broken, that another time should come when I should ride triumphing in Chariots, and upon the shoulders of other men? who would have thought that that which with my ears I heard of the Prophets in Campagnia, I should see here with my eyes in Rome. O how many did hope (at the time we were in Asia) to be governors of Rome, & Lords of Sicily, which not only failed of the honour that they desired, but also obtained the death, which they never feared: for oftentimes it chanceth to ambitious men, that in their greatest ruff, and when they think their honour spun and woven, than their estate with the web of their life in one moment is broken. If at that time one had demanded the Tyrant Laodicius (aspiring to the Kingdom of Sicily) and Ruphus calvus who looked to be Emperor of Rome, what they thought of themselves: assuredly, they would have sworn their hope to have been as certain, as ours was doubtful. For it is natural to proud men, to delight themselves, and to set their whole mind upon vain devices. It is a strange thing and worthy of memory, that they having the honour in their eyes failed of it, and we not thinking thereof in our hearts should obtain it.  
But herein fortune showed her might, that she provided hope for those which looked for least: and despair for others that hoped for most, which thing grieved them at the very heart. For no patience can endure to see a man obtain that without travel, which he could never compass by much labour. I cannot tell if I should say, like a simple Roman, That those things consist in fortune: or if I should say, like a good Philosopher, That all the Gods do ordain them: For in the end, no Fortune nor chance can do any thing without the God's assent.  
Let the proud and envious travel as much as they will, and the ambitious take as much care as they can: 
All is worth nothing without the help of God.  I say and affirm, that little availeth human diligence to attain to great estates, if the Gods be their enemies. Suppose that evil Fortune do ordain it, or that the God and Gods do suffer it, I see those which have their thoughts high, oftentimes are but of base estate: and so in fine, to come to mischief or extreme poverty, & those that have their thoughts low, are humble of heart, and for the more part are greatly exalted by fortune. For many oftentimes dream that they are Lords, and men of great estate, which when they are awake, find themselves slaves to all men.  
The condition of honour is such, as I never read the like: and therefore such as have to do with her, aught to take good heed: For her conditions are such, she inquireth for him whom she never saw, and she runneth after him that flieth from her, she honoureth him that esteemeth her not, and she demandeth him which willeth her not, she giveth to him that requireth her not, and she trusteth him whom she knoweth not.  
Finally, Honour hath this custom, to forsake him that esteemeth her: & to remain with him which little regardeth her. The curious travelers ask not what place this, or that is, but do demand what way they must take to lead them to the place they go. I mean the Princes and Noble men ought not directly to cast their eyes upon honour: but in the way of virtue, which bringeth them to honour. For daily we see many remain defamed, only for seeking honour: and others also exalted and esteemed for flying from her.  
O miserable World, thou knowest I know thee well, and that which I 
The fickle estate or the world.  know of thee is, That thou art a Sepulchre of the dead, a prison of the living, a shop of vices, a Hangman of virtues, oblivion of antiquity, an enemy of things present, a pittefall to the rich, and a burden to the poor, a house of Pilgrims, and a den of thieves,  
Finally O World, Thou art a slanderer of the good, a ravener of the wicked, and a deceiver and abuser of all, and in thee O world, to speak the truth, It is almost impossible to live contented, and much less to live in honour.  
For if thou wilt give honour to the good, they think themselves dishonoured, and esteem thy honour as a thing of mockery. And if perchance they be evil and light, thou sufferest them to come often to honour by way of mockery, meaning infamy & dishonour unto them.  
O immortal Gods, I am oftentimes troubled in my thought, whose case I should more lament, either the evil man advanced without desert, or the good man overthrown without cause. And truly in this case, the pitiful man will have compassion on them both. For if the evil live, he is sure to fall, and if the good fall, we doubt whether ever he shall rise again. If all falls were alike all would be healed and cured him one salve: but some fall on then feet, some on their sides, others stumble, and fall not, and other fall down right, but some do give them a hand. I mean some there are which fall from their estate, and lose no more but their substance: others fall, and for very sorrow lose not only their goods, but their lives withal. Other there are who fall, who neither lose their lives nor goods, but their honour only. So according to the discretion of Fortune, the more they have, the more still he taketh from thee, & I greatly muse why the Gods do never remedy it: for when Fortune once beginneth to overthrow a poor man, she doth not only take all that he hath from him, but all those which may and will succour him. So that the poor man is bound more to lament for another man's evil, then for his own proper. There is a great difference between the mishap of the good, and adventures of the 
Difference between the good & the evil.  evil. For of the ill we cannot say, that he descendeth, but that he falleth, and of the good, we may only say, that he descendeth and falleth not. For in the end, true honour doth not consist in the perfection and dignity that a man hath, but in the good life that he leadeth, It is a misery for to see the vain men of this world, when they go about to get any thing, and to compass any great matter of importance, to mark their early rising in a morning, their late going to bed at night, and the look which they cast upon other men, to note how importunate they are to some, and how troublesome they are to others, and afterward (notwithstanding their long sure and great pain) an other man which ●ittle thought thereof, cometh to that honour, rejoicing and without travel, which he before by so great pairs, and with so great expenses of money hath sought: so that in seeking honour by travel, he cometh to infamy with shame. For I myself have seen sundry things lost by negligence, and many more by too much diligence.   

CHAP. XVIII. The Emperor proceedeth in his letter, to admonish Princes to be fearful of their Gods, and of the sentence which the Senate gave upon this King, for pulling down the Church.  
ALL these things (most excellent Prince) I have told thee, and for none other cause but to aggravate this case, and to show the peril thereof. For the good Physician (to take away the bitterness of the pill) ministereth some sweet sugar to delight the Patient withal. The 20. day of the month of january (here before the Senate) was presented a long and large information of thee, and it was sent by the Consul, which went to visit that Isle of Cicilla, which as thou knowest is an old order of Rome, from three months to three months, to visit all the Land and Country subject to the same. For those Princes are unjust, which have more care to take up their Rents, than diligence to know if their people be well ordered by justice. Of the information taken of thee and thy person (if my memory deceive me not) this was the effect: That thou art temperate in eating, moderate in expenses: pitiful to Widows, Father to Orphans gentle to those that serve thee, patient with those that offend thee, diligent to keep and maintain peace, and faithful, to observe league, and thou art accused only to be negligent in the service of God.  
By one little Gate left open, oftentimes a great City besieged is lost: by one only treason, the infinite services passed are not esteemed. I mean (most excellent Prince) that it little prevaileth to think much of worldly matters, and to forget all divine services. For the good Prince ought first to shut the gate against vices, that they enter not into his subjects, before he doth fortify the walls against his enemies.  
Let every man be as he will, and say what he list, I for my part, think it sure, That the man which is 
The d●●ty of a good Prince.  not a studious server of the Gods, all his virtues shall be turned into vices, ànd esteemed as slanders.  
For it it is a general rule in high Philosophy, That a work is not called virtuous, because I work it only, but it is virtuous, because it is acceptable to the Gods,  
Oh excellent Prince, dost not thou know that there is no man so wise, neither so sage, but erreth more through ignorance, than he doth good by wisdom? And dost not thou know that there is no man so just, but wanteth much to execute true justice? And finally (I say,) that there is no virtue so virtuous, but it wanteth more than it hath, to be perfit. Wherefore all our justice ought to be made perfect to the divine justice: and the virtue which we lack, aught to be supplied under the great perfection, wherewith the Gods abound.  
And therefore amongst us Romans we have this law, (which is the chief of all the Philosophers) That here amongst mortal men, nor of mortal men, nor with mortal men, any thing is perfit, unless it be by the Gods confirmed.  
Since men are feeble and frail, it can not be chosen but they should commit many frailtyes. And in such case the sage Princes ought & should bear with all the frailties that men commit: Those excepted which are not injurious to the Gods, whom (if it were possible,) unwares ought to be punished. For the Prince should not be called a Prince, but a Tyrant, that is desirous to revenge his own injury, and in chastening those which are against the Gods, showeth himself negligent.  
Let them think what they list, and 
The difference between a good prince and a Tyrant.  complain what they will, that Prince which will enlarge his dominions, and give occasion that the service of God be diminished: such a man we will not call a king that governeth, but a tyrant:  
If we call him a Tyrant that spoileth the people, fleeth the men, persecuteth the innocent, dishonoureth Virgins, and robbeth Realms.  
Tell me (most excellent Prince,) What lacketh he of a Tyrant, that plucketh down Churches, and little esteemeth the Gods: There is no token more manifest, that the Prince is a Tyrant, then when he taketh upon him any thing which is distasteful, or any way contrary to the will of the Gods. For he hath but small regard towards men, that so little fear the Gods.  
Lycurgus' that most famous King of the Lacedæmonians, saith in one of his ancient laws these words. We ordain and command that no Lacedaemonian presume to receive mercy or favour of the Prince, which will not enforce himself to serve the Gods. For he is not only evil, but of all other most wicked. O excellent King, O glorious World, O fortunate Realm, wherein those Ancients would their Prince should be so just, that the gifts were not esteemed, unless their lives were honest: for they thought that of no value which by the hands of evil men was given. Thou hast done one thing very dishonest (most noble Prince) the which to write unto thee, I am ashamed, which is, for to enlarge thy new Palace, thou hast plucked down an old Temple, the which thing thou shouldest neither have done, nor yet have thought: for in the end, though the stones of the Temple be of small importance, yet the Gods to whom they were dedicated were of much value. Pardon me (excellent Prince) though I et thee understand that this fact hath been done in such sort, that thereby I was amazed, and all Rome also offended, the sacred Senate thou hast greatly vexed, and further, all judge thee a dissolute man, and all men procure that thou mayst be extremely punished, and hereof marvel not: For in Rome they believe, that the Prince which dareth pluck down 
He that violateth the Temple feareth not God.  Temples, doth little fear the Gods. For that thou art a noble Prince, and an old friend of mine, I have traveled to bring thee in favour with the Senate, and because thou hast no means to excuse thy error committed, they do not determine to forgive thee this fault, before they see in thee a token of amendment. And of truth me thinketh they have reason: For there is nothing that troubleth poor men more, then to see that they, and not the rich for their offences are chastised and punished: That which the sacred Senate hath ordained is, that forthwith thou begin to build the Temple a new, and that it should be more large, high, beautiful, and richer than ever it was. So that thou take as much of thy Palace to enlarge the Temple, as thou tookest of the Temple to beautify thy Palace. After thou hast performed this, though now thou think thyself half dishonoured, thou wilt then think thyself very happy. For not thou of the Gods, but the Gods of thee shall have taken thy house to make their Temple. I believe well it will be great cost and charges unto thee before thou hast finished the Temple: Wherefore I send thee 40. thousand sexterces to help thy building, & to the end it should be more secret, I send thee them by my Secretary Panuntius, to whom, in all, and for all, thou shalt give credit. I send thee likewise a collar of gold, which one brought me from the river of Nile, and because it was too narrow for me, I suppose it will be fit for thee, one hath brought me moils out of Spain, whereof I send thee two. Panuntius my Secretary bringeth with him a very good Moil, the which he esteemeth much: so that there is no man that can either buy her, or borrow her. I delight in her so much that I desire thou cause her either to be bought or stolen, and sent unto me here in Rome,  
My wife Faustine saluteth thee, & to the excellent Queen thy Wife: of her part and mine, as much as is possible, do our commendations, & these Popingeyes, Faustine presenteth unto her. Marcus the Roman Emperor writeth to thee with his own hand.   

CHAP. XIX. How the Gentiles honoured these which were devout in the service of the Gods.  
THe ancient Roman Historiographers agree, that at the beginning there were seven Kings, which governed Rome for the space of 24. years. The second whereof was named Pompilius, who amongst all the other was most highly esteemed, for none other cause, but for that he was a great worshipper of the Gods, and a sumptuous builder of the Temples. For the Roman Princes were as much beloved for serving the Gods, as they were honoured for vanquishing their enemies. This man was of such sort, that he allowed Rome wholly for the Gods, & made a house for himself without the City. For it was an ancient Law in Rome that no 
An ancient 〈…〉.  man should be so bold to dwell in any house consecrated for the gods.  
The fifth King of the Romans was Tarqvinius Priscus. And as Tarqvinius Superbus was vicious and abhorred of the people, so was this virtuous, and well-beloved of the Gods, & was greatly praised in all his doings, because he feared God, and continually visited the Temples, and not contented with those which were finished, but built also in the High Capitol the sacred Temple of jupiter: For no Prince could build any house in Rome for himself, unless first he made a Temple for the Gods of the Commonwealth.  
This Temple was had in so great reverence, that as the Romans honoured jupiter for the God above all other Gods, so was that Temple esteemed above all other Temples. In the wars between the ●alisques, & the Carpenates, two Roman Captains were vanquished, or the which. the one named 〈◊〉 died: whereupon rose such a great 〈◊〉 among them, that many flying 〈…〉 the wars, came back again to Rome. For the victorious hath always this Privilege, That though they be few, yet they are always feared of them that be overcome.  
This occasion moved the Romans to choose new Captains, and truly they did like wise men. For oftentimes it happeneth by 〈◊〉 the Captains of the wars, fortune likewise changeth her doings. And the Captain that was elected for the wars, was Marcus Purius Camillus, 
The vow of Marcus Camillus.  who though he were stout and hardy, yet before he went to the wars, he offered great sacrifices to the Gods, and made a vow that if he returned to Rome victorious, he would build a solemn Temple. For it was the custom in Rome, that immediately when the Roman Captain would enterprise to do any notable thing, he should make a vow to build Temples. Now when Camillus returned afterwards victorious, he did not only build a Temple, but also furnished it with all manner of implements thereunto belonging, which he got by spoil, and vanquishing his enemies. And sith he was for this reprehended of some, saying that the Roman Captains should offer their hearts to the Gods, and divide the Treasures among the Soldiers: he answered these words. I like a man did ask the Gods but one triumph: and they like Gods did give me many: Therefore considering this, it is but just, s●th I was 〈◊〉 in promising, that I should be large in perso●●ing For even as I did thank them for. that they gave me double, in respect of that I demanded: so likewise shall they esteem that which I do give, in respect of that which I promised. At that time when the cruel war was betwixt Rome, and the City of Neye, the Romans kept it besieged 5. years together, and in the end by policy took it. For it chanceth sundry times in war, that that City in short time by policy is won, which by great strength a long time hath been defended.  
Marcus Furius, Dictator of Rome, and at that time Captain, commanded a Proclamation to be had through his Host, that incontinently after the City was taken, none should be so hardy as to kill any of the Citizens, but those which were found armed. Which thing the enemy's understanding, unarmed themselves, and so escaped.  
And truly this example was worthy of nothing: For as the Captains ought to show themselves fierce and cruel 
The duty of every good Captain.  at the beginning: so after the victory had of their enemies, they should show themselves meek and pitiful.  
This Dictator Camillus, for an other thing he did, was much commended above the residue. That is to say, he did not only not consent to rob the Temples. nor dishonour the Gods; but he himself with great reverence took the sacred vessels of the Temples, and the Gods which were therein, (especially the Goddess juno) and brought them all to Rome. For amongst the Ancients there was a Law, that the Gods of them which were vanquished, should not come by lot to the Captains being Conquerors: therefore he made in the Mount Auentino a sumptuous Temple, wherein he placed all the Gods together, with all the holy Relics which he wan. For the greater Triumph the Romans had over their enemies, so much the better they handled the Gods of the people vanquished. Also you ought to know, that the romans after many victories, determined to make a crown of gold very great & rich, and to offer it to the God Apollo: but sith the common Treasure was poor, (because there was but little silver, and less gold to make that crown) The Roman Matrons defaced their jewels and ouches of gold and silver, to make the Crown there withal. For in Rome there never wanted money (if it were demanded) for the service of Gods to repair Temples, or to redeem Captives. The Senate esteemed the well willing hearts of these women in such sort, that they granted them three things: that is say, To wear on their heads Garlands of flowers, to go in Chariots to the common places, and to go 
The reward of well doing.  openly to the feasts of the Gods. For the ancient Romans were so honest, that they never ware gold on their heads, neither went they at any time to the feasts uncovered.  
A man ought not to marvel that the Romans granted such privileges unto the ancient Matrons of Rome: For they used never to be oblivious of any benefit received, but rather gentle, with thanks and rewards to recompense the same.  
An other notable thing chanced in Rome, which was, that the Romans sent two Tribunes, the which were called Caulius and Sergius, into the Isle of Delphos with great presents to offer unto the God Apollo. For as Titus Livius sayeth, Rome yearly sent a present unto the God Apollo, and Apollo gave unto the Romans counsel. And as the Tribunes went out of the way, they fell into the hands of pirates and rovers on the sea, which took them with their treasures, and brought them to the City of Liparie. But the citizen's understanding that those presents 
The 〈…〉 into the hands of pilates.  were consecrated to the God Apollo, did not only deliver them all their Treasure again: but also gave them much more, & guides therewith to conduct them safely, (both going and coming) from all peril and danger.  
The romans being advertised of their genltenesse, by the messengers, which were come safe and alive, did so much rejoice, that they ordained in Rome, that the Nobles of Liparie should be made Senators of Rome, and all the others should be confederates and of alliance unto them. And they caused further that two priests of Liparie should always remain in the Temple of jupiter, which privilege was never granted to any other strangers but to them only. For the Romans had so great zeal, and love to their Gods, that in the services of the temples, they trusted none, but those 
The great zeal of the Romans.  which were native & ancient of Rome, and also were both wise and virtuous.  
When Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were in the wars against the Samnites and Tuscans, and likewise against the Vmbres, many marvelous and terrible signs were seen in Rome, which things did not only fear those that saw them, but also those which heard of them. Upon which occasion the romans and the Roman Matrons (both night and day,) offered great sacrifices to the gods. For they said, if we can pacify the wrath of the Gods in Rome, we shall never need to fear our enemies in the field.  
The thing was this, that as the Roman Matrons went visiting the temples, to appease the ire of the Gods, many senators wives came to the temple of chastity, to offer sacrifice. For in the time of the puissant power of the Romans, the Women did sacrifice in the temples of the Gods.  
At that time Virginea, the daughter of Aureus Virgineus, the Consul Plebeian, the which was forbidden to do sacrifice, for that she was none of the Senators wives, but a Plebeian; as 
The difference of women in Rome.  much to say, as a Crafts-woman, and no Gentlemans-Daughter borne. For the Noblewomen were had in so great veneration, and so highly esteemed, that all the other seemed (in respect of them) but handmaids and slaves.  
The noble Roman Virginea, seeing her to be so repulsed and disdained of the other matrons, made of her own house a temple, to the Goddess of Chastity, and with much devotion and reverence honoured her. The which thing being published abroad throughout Rome, many other women came thither, to do Sacrifice likewise. For Fortune is so variable, that oftentimes those which of pride have forbidden us their houses, come after by humility, to do us service at ours.  
For this cause, this Virginea the Foundress was so greatly praised, that the romans in her life made her Patrice, (that is, a Noble Roman) and after her death caused her Image and statue to be made and set up in the high Capitol: and about this Image were engraven certain Greek characters, the effect whereof was this.  
PATRICE the great this Image doth present,  
That in her life, did give with mind devout  
The Gods her house, & therefore to them went  
When lively breath, by death was chased out.  
Of all these Histories abovenamed, 
Titus Livius, lib: 2. 5. and 9  Titus Livius maketh mention, in his first Decade: the second, fifth, and ninth book, and though he declareth them more at large, yet this shall suffice for my purpose, I have sought amongst the Gentiles these few Examples, to reprove Christian Princes; Only to the end they might see how studious and servant our Fathers were in the service of their Idols, & chose how cold and negligent we are to honour and serve our true and living God.  
It is a shame to tell how the ancient Romans with all their hearts, did serve the Gods without any understanding, and how those which are 
Difference between the true God and the false.  Christians (for the most part) serve the true God, not in truth, but with hypocrisy and dissimulation. For the children of this World will take no pains, but for to provoke the pleasures of the body.  
Many wondered for what occasion God did so much for them, and they did nothing for God? To this may be answered, that if they had known one true God, all the sacrifices they had done to their other Gods, they would have done to him only, and as God is just, so he rewarded them in their temporal prosperities, Not for that they did well but for that they desired to do well. For in our divine Law, God doth not regard what we are, but what we desire to he.  
Christian Princes marvel much what the occasion should be, that they are not so fortunate as the Gentiles were. To this may be answered, that either they be good or evil. If they be good, truly God should do them wrong, if for the payment of their faithful services, he should recompense them with these worldly vanities: For without doubt, one only loving countenance of God in the world to come, is more worth than all the temporal goods of this world present. But if these such great Lords be evil in their persons, ambitions in governing their Dominions, not pitiful to widows and father less, not fearful of God, nor of his threatenings, and moreover, never to have mind to serve him, but only when they see themselves in some great jeopardy, in such case God will not hear them, and much less favour them. For without doubt The service is more acceptable, which of free will proceedeth, then that which of necessity is offered.   

CHAP. XX. For five causes Princes ought to be better Christians then their Subjects.  
IN mine opinion, Princes ought, and are bound to be virtuous for five causes. I say virtuous, 
Prince's ought to excel their Subjects.  in that they should love, & fear God: for he only may be called virtuous, which in the Catholic Faith of the Church, and in the fear of God hath always remained constant. First Princes should fear, love, serve, and love one only God whom they worship, for that they acknowledge him only, and none other to be the head both of heaven & earth. For in the end, there is nothing so puissant but it is subject to the divine power.  
And truly that Prince is in great peril of damnation of his soul, if in his government he hath not always before his eyes the fear and love of the supreme Prince, to whom we must render of all our doings an account.  
For the Prince hath great occasion to be vicious, thinking that for the vice he shall not be chastised. I have read in divers and sundry writings, and I never found one ancient Prince to be contented with one only God, but that they had and served many Gods. julius Caesar carriedfive Gods painted in a Table, and Scipio the great carried seven purtraied in metal.  
And furthermore, they were not contented to have many: but yet in sacrifices and services, they offered unto them all. The Christian Princes which keep and have but one very true and omnipotent God, are so unthankful, that they think it much to serve and give acceptable service unto him. And though peradventure some say, that it is more painful to serve one true God, than all these false Gods. To this I answer, That to serve them it is both travel and pain: but to serve our God, it is both joy and felicity. For in serving those, it is costly, and without profit: and in serving God great 
What pleasure it is to serve the living God.  profit ensueth. For those Gods require great and rich sacrifices, and our God demandeth nothing but pure and clean hearts.  
Secondarily, Princes should be better christians then others, because they have more to lose then all: And he that hath more to lose then any other, aught above all other to serve God: For even as he alone can give him, so likewise he alone, and none other can take from him. And if a Subject take any thing from his neighbour, the Prince whom he serveth, maketh him render it again: but if the Prince be injuried with any other Tyrant, he hath none to complain unto, nor to demand help of, but only of his merciful God: For in the end, one that is of power cannot be hurt, but by an other which is likewise mighty. Let Princes behold how the man that will make any great assault, first he cometh running a far of as fast as he can. I mean, that the Prince which will have God merciful unto him, aught to be content with his only God. For he in vain demandeth help of him, to whom before he never did service.  
Thirdly, Princes ought to be better Christians than others, and this shall be seen by that they secure 
What is required in a good Prince  the poor, provide for those that are unprovided, and visit the Temples, Hospitals and Churches, and endeanour themselves to hear the Divine Service, and for all these things they shall not only receive rewards, but also they shall receive honour. For through their good example, others will do the same. Princes not fearing God; nor his commandments, cause their Realms and Subjects to fall into great misery: for if fountains be infected, it is unpossible for the streams (that issue thereof to be pure, We see by experience that a Bridle mastereth a horse and a stern ruleth a ship. I wean, that a Prince (good or bad) will lead after him all the whole Realm. And if he honour God, all the people do likewise, if he serve God, the people also serve him, if he praise God, the Subjects also praise him, & if he blaspheme God, they likewise will do the same. For it is unpossible that a Tree should bring forth other leaus or fruits, than those which are agreeable to the humour that are in the roots. Princes above all other Creatures have this pre-eminence, that if they be good christians, they shall not only receive merit, for their own works, but also 
Like Prince like people.  for all those which others shall do, because they are occasion that the people work well. And for the contrary, they shall not only be punished for the evil which they shall do, but also for the evil which by occasion of their evil examples others shall commit. O Princes that now live, how do I wish that ye should speak with some one of those Princes which now are dead, especially with those that are condemned to eternal flames, them ye should see that the greatest torments which they suffer, are not for the evils that they did commit, but for the evils which through their occasion were done: for oftentimes Princes and Prelates sin more, because they dissembled with others, then for that they do commit themselves. O 
How circumspect Princes ought to be.  how circumspect ought Princes and great Lords to be in that they speak, and how diligently ought they to examine that they do: for they serve not God only for themselves, but they serve him also generally for their subjects.  
And chose Princes are not only punished for their own offences, but also for the sins of their people: for the shepherd ought grievously to be punished, when by negligence the ravening Wolf devoureth the innocent Lamb.  
Fourthly, Princes ought to be better Christians than others because that to God only they must render account of their estates; for as much 
God only is just.  as we are sure that God, to whom we must render account is just, so much the more we should travel to be in his favour, because whether he find or not find in our life any fault, yet for love and pity sake he may correct us.  
Men one with another make their accounts in this life, because they are men, and in the end count they well or evil, all passeth amongst men: because they are men: but what shall the unhappy Princes do, which shall render no account but to God only, who will not be deceived with words, corrupted with gifts, feared with threatenings, nor answered with excuses.  
Princes have their Realms full of cruel judges, to punish the frailetic of man: they have their courts full of Advocates to plead against them that have offended: they have their Palaces 〈…〉 and Promoters, that note the offences of other men: They have through all their Province, Auditors, that oversee the accounts of their routs, and besides all this, they have no remembrance of the day so strict, wherein they must render an account of their wicked life.  
Me thinks (since all that which Princes receive cometh from the hands of God) that the greatest part of the time which they spend, should be in the service of God, and all their 
What virtue 〈…〉 to be in a good prince  trade in God, and they ought to render no account of their life but unto God: then sith they are Gods in authority which they have over temporal things they ought to show themselves to resemble God more than others by virtues, For that Prince is more to be magnified which reformeth two vices among his people, than he which conquereth ten Realms of his enemies. But we will desire them from henceforth, They presume not any more to be Gods on the earth, but that they endeavour themselves to be good Christians in the Commonwealth: For all the wealth of a Prince is, That he be stout with strangers, and loving to his own Subjects.  
Fiftly, Princes ought to be better Christians than others, For, the prosperity or adversity that chanceth unto them, cometh directly from the hands of God only, and none other: I have seen sundry times princes, which have put their whole trust and confidence in other Princes, to be on a sudden discomfited: and for the contrary, those which have little hope in men, and great confidence in God have always prospered, When man is in his chiefest bravery, and trusteth most to men's wisdom, than the secret judgement of God soon discomforteth him. I mean, that the confederates and friends of Princes, might help and succour them, but God will not suffer them to be holpen nor succoured, to the end they should see their remedy proceedeth not by man's diligence, but by divine providence. A Prince that hath a Realm, doth not suffer any thing to be done therein without his advice: therefore since God is of no less power in Heaven, than Princes are on the earth: it is reason that nothing be done without his consent, since he taketh account 
God the beginner & ender of all things.  of all men's deeds, and as he is the end of all things, so in him, and by him all things have their beginning.  
O Princes, If you knew how small a thing it is to be hated of men, and how great a comfort to be beloved of GOD, I swear, that you would not speak one word (although it were in jest) unto men, neither would you cease, night nor day, to commend yourselves unto God: for God is more merciful to succour us, than we are diligent for to call upon him.  
For in conclusion, the favour which men can give you, other men can take from you: but the favour that God will give you, no man can resist it. All those that possess much 
God the giver of all things.  should use the company of them which can do much: and if it be so, I let you Princes know, that all men cannot think so much together as God is able to do alone: For the cry of a Lion is more fearful than the howling of a Wolf. I confess, that Princes and great Lords may sometimes gain, and win of themselves: but I ask them whose favour they have need of to preserve and keep them: we see oftentimes that in a short space many come to great authority, the which neither man's wisdom sufficeth to govern, nor yet man's force to keep. For the authority which the Romans in six hundred years gained, fight against the Goths, in the space of three years they lost. We see daily by experience, that a man for the government of his own house only, needeth the counsel of his friends and neighbours: and do Princes and great Lords think by their own heads only, to rule and govern many realms and dominions.   

CHAP. XXI. What the Philosopher Bias was: of his constancy when he lost all his goods, and of the ten laws he gave, worthy to be had in memory.  
AMong all nations, & sorts of men, which avaunt themselves to have had with them sage men, the Grecians were the chiefest, which had and thought it necessary to have, not only wise men to read in their schools: but also they chose them to be Princes in their dominions. For as Plato sayeth, Those which governed in those dates were Philosophers or else they said, and did like Philosohers.  
And Laertius writeth in his second book, De antiquitatibus Graecorum 
Laert. de antiq. Graec.  That the Grecians avaunted themselves much in this, that they had of all Estates persons most notable, that is to say, Seven women very sage, seven Queens very honest, seven Kings very virtuous, seven Captains very hardy, seven Cities very notable, seven buildings very sumptuous, and seven Philosophers, very well Learned, which Philosophers, were these that follow.  
The first was Tales Milesius, that invented the Card to sail by.  
The second was Solon, that gave the first laws to the Athenians.  
The third was Chilo, who was in the Orient for Ambassador of the Athenians.  
The fourth was Pittacus Quintilenus, who was not only a Philosopher, but also Captain of the Mitilenes.  
The fifth was Cleobolus, that descended from the ancient lineage of Hercules.  
The sixth was Periander, that long time governed the realm of Corinth.  
The seventh was Bias Prieneus, that was Prince of the Prieneans.  
Therefore as touching Bias, you must understand, that when Romulus reigned at Rome, and Ezechias in judea, there was great wars in Grecia between the Metinences, and the Prieneans: and of these Prieneans, Bias the Philosopher was Prince and 
The wisdom of Bias the Philosopher  Captain, who because he was sage, read in the University, and for that he was hardy, was Chiefetain in the war: and because he was wise, he was made a Prince, and governed the Commonwealth. And of this no man ought to marvel: for in those days the Philosopher that had knowledge but in one thing, was little esteemed in the Commonwealth. After many contentions had between the Metinenses and Prienenses, a cruel battle was fought, whereof the Philosopher Bias was Captain, and had the victory, and it was the first battle that ever any Philosopher gave in Greece. For the which victory Greece was proud to see their Philosophers so adventurous in wars, and hardy of their hands, as they were profound in their doctrine, and eloquent in their tongues.  
And by chance one brought him a number of women, and maids to sell, or if he listed to use them otherwise at his pleasure: but this good Philosopher, did not defile them nor sell them, but caused them to be appareled, and safely to be conducted to their own native Countries. And let not this liberty that he did, be had in little estimation to deliver the captives, and not to deflower the virgins. For many times it chanceth, that those which are overcome with the weapons of the Conquerors, are conquered with the delights of them that are overcome. This deed amongst the greeks was so highly commended, and likewise of their enemies so praised, that immediately the Metinences sent Ambassadors to demand peace of the Prienenses.  
And they concluded together a perpetual peace upon condition, that they should make for Bias an 
Bias the occasion of peace.  immortal Statue, sith by his hands, and also by his virtues, he was the occasion of the peace, and ending of the wars between them. And truly they had reason, for he deserveth more praise which winneth the hearts of the enemies in his tents by good example: then he which getteth the victory in the field by shedding of blood.  
The hearts of men are noble, and we see daily, That oftentimes one shall sooner overcome many by good, then many overcome one by evil: And also they say that the Emperor Severus spoke these words. By goodness the least slave in Rome shall lead me tied with a hair whether he will: but by evil the most puissant man in the world cannot move me out of Italy For my heart had rather be servant to the good, than Lord to the evil.  
Valerius Maximus declareth, that when the City of Priene was taken by enemies, and put to sack the wife of Bias was slain, his children taken prisoners his goods robbed, the City beaten down, and his house set on fire, but Bias escaped safe, and went to Athens.  
In this pitiful case the good Philosopher Bias was no whit the sadder, but rather sang as he went by the way, and when he perceived that men marveled at his mirth, he spoke unto them these words. Those which speak of me for wanting my City, my wife, and my children, and losing all that I had, truly such know not what Fortune meaneth, nor understand what Philosophy is.  
The loss of children and temporal goods, cannot be called loss, if the life be saved, and the renown remain undefiled. Whether this sentence be true or no, let us profoundly consider, if the just God suffer that this City should come into the hands of the cruel Tyrants, than this provision is just: For, There is nothing more conformable unto justice, then that those which receive not the Doctrine of the Sages, should suffer the crueltite of the Tyrants.  
Also though my enemies have killed my wife, yet I am sure it was not without the determination of the Gods, who after they had created her body, immediately appointed the end of her life.  
Therefore why should I bewail her death, since the Gods have lent her life, until this day? The great estimation that we have of this life, causeth that death seemeth unto us sudden, and that the life unwares with death is overtaken: but these are words of the children of vanity, for that by the will of the Gods, death visiteth us, and against the wills of men, life for saketh us. Also my Children be virtuous Philosophers, and albeit they be now in the hands of tyrants, we ought not therefore to call them captives, for a man may not call him a captive which is laden with irons, but him which is overwhelmed with vices. And although the fire have burnt my house, yet I know not why I ought to be sad: for of truth it was now old, and the wind did blow down, he tiles, the worms did waste the wood, and the waters that ran down perished the walls, and it was old and like to fall, and perchance would have done greater displeasure. For most commonly envy, malice, and old houses suddenly without any warning or knocking at the door, assaulteth men▪ Finally, there came the fire which quited me of many troubles: First, of the trouble that I should have had in repairing ●: Secondarily, it saved me money in plucking it down. Thirdly, it saved me and mune heirs from much cost and many dangers. For ofentimes that which a man consumeth in repairing an old house, would with advantage buy him a new. Also those which say that for the taking away of my goods, I lack the goods of Fortune; such have no reason so think or say: for fortune never giveth temporal goods for a proper thing, but to those whom she list, & when she will dispose them: therefore when Fortune seeth that those më whom she hath appointed as her distributers, do hoard up the same to them, and to their heirs: then she taketh it from them, to give it to another. Therefore by reason I should not complain that I have lost any thing: for Fortune recommendeth unto any other the temporal goods: but I carry patience and Philosophy with me, so that they have discharged me from all other, and have no more charge but for myself alone.  
Laertius declareth in his fifth book of the sayings of the Grecians: That this Bias determined to go to the Plays of the Mount Olympus, whereunto 
Laert de antiq. Graec.  resorted people of all Nations: and he showed himself in this place of so high an understanding, that he was counted supreme and chief of all Philosophers, and won the name of a true Philosopher.  
Other Philosophers then being in the same Plays (called Olymp calls,) asked him many questions, of diverse and sundry matters: where of I will make mention here only of some of the chiefest.  

The Questions demanded of the Philosopher bias.  
THE first Question was this: Tell me who is the unhappiest 
Certain questions resolved by bias.  man in the World? bias answered; He is most unhappy, that is not patient in adversity. For, men are not killed with the adversities they have, but with the impatience which they suffer.  
The second was, What is most hardest and most troublesome to judge: He answered. There is nothing more difficult, then to judge a contention betwixt two Friends. For to judge between two enemies: the one remaineth a Friend: but to judge between two Friends, the one is made an enemy.  
The third was, What is most hardest to measure? Whereunto bias answered; There is nothing that needeth more circumspections, than the measuring of Time: For the Time should be measured so justly, that no Time should want to do well, nor any time should abound to do evil.  
The fourth was: What thing is that, which needeth no excuse in the accomplishment thereof? bias answered, The thing that is promised, must of necessity be performed. For otherwise, he that doth lose the credit of his word, should lose more than he that should lose the promise to him made.  
The fifth was, What thing that is, wherein the men (as well good as evil) should take care? Then bias answered: Men ought not in any thing to take so great care, as in seeking counsel, and counsellors: For the prosperous Times cannot be maintained, nor the multitude of enemies resisted, if it be not by wise men, and grave counsels.  
The sixth was, What thing that is wherein men are praised to be negligent? and that is, in choosing of Friends. He answered. In one thing only men have licence to be negligent.  
Slowly ought thy Friends to be chosen, and they never after for any thing ought to be forsaken.  
The seventh was, What is that which the afflicted man doth most desire? bias answered, It is the chance of Fortune: and the thing which the prosperous man doth most abhor, is, to think that Fortune is somutable. For the unfortunate man hopeth for every change of Fortune to be made better, and the wealthy man feareth through every change to be deprived of his bouse.  
These were the Questions which the Philosophers demanded of Bias, in the Plays of the Mount Olympus, in the 60. olympiad.  
The Philosopher bias lived about 95. years, and as he drew near his death, the Prienenses (showing themselves to be marvelous sorrowful for the loss of such a famous man) desired him earnestly to ordain some laws, whereby they might know how to choose Captains, or some Prince, which after him might guide and govern the Realm.  
The Philosopher bias (understanding their honest and just requests, he (with his best counsel and advisement) gave them certain wholesome Laws, in few words, which follow.  
And of these Laws the divine Plato maketh mention in his Book De Legibus, and likewise Aristotle, in the book of Oecenomices.   

The Laws which BIAS guue to the Prienenses.  
We ordain and command, that no 
Laws made by bias.  man be chosen to be Prince among the people, unless he be (at least) forty years of age. For governors ought to be of such age, that neither youth nor small experience should cause them to err in their affairs, nor weakness thorough overmuch age should hinder them from taking pains.  
We ordain and command, that none be chosen amongst the Prienenses Governor, if he be not well learned in the Greek Letters: For there is no greater plague in the public weal, then for him to lack wisdom which governeth the same.  
We ordain and command that there be none amongst the Prienenses chosen Governor, unless he hath been brought up in the wars ten years at the least: for he alone doth know how precious a thing peace is, which by experience hath felt the extreme miseries of war.  
We ordain and command, that if any have been noted to be cruel, that he be not chosen for Governor of the people; for that man which is cruel, is likely to be a Tyrant.  
We ordain and command, that if the Governor of the Prienenses be so hardy, or dare presume to break the ancient laws of the people, that in such case he be deprived from the office of the Governor, and likewise exiled from the people: For there is nothing that destroyeth sooner a publike-Weale, then to ordain new and fond laws, to break the good ancient Customs.  
We ordain and command that the Governor of the Prienenses do worship and honour the Gods, and that he be a lover of the sacred Temples. For otherwise he that honoureth not God, will never minister equal justice unto men.  
We ordain and command that the Prince of Prienenses be contented with the wars which his Ancestors left him, and that he do not forget new matters to invade any other strange Countries: and if perchance he would, that no man in this case be bound neither with money, nor in person to follow or serve him. For the God Apollo told me, that that man which will take another man's goods from him by force, shall lose his own justice.  
We ordain and command that the Governor of the Prienenses go to pray and worship the Gods twice in the week, and likewise to visit them in the Temples, and if he do the contrary, he shall not only be deprived of the government, but also after his death he shall not be buried. For the Prince that honoureth not God in time of his life, deserveth not his bones should be honoured with sepnlture after his death.    

CHAP, XXII. How God from the beginning punished men by his justice, and especially those Princes that despise his Church, and how all wicked Christians are Parishioners of Hell.  
WHen the Eternal Creator, (who measureth all the things by his Omnipotency, and weigheth them by 
God the Creator of all things.  his effectual wisdom) created all things aswell celestial as terrestrial, visible as invisible, corporate as incorporate, not only promised to the good which served him, but also threatened the evil with plagues which offended him: For the justice and mercy of GOD, go always together, to the intent the one should encourage the good, and the other threaten the evil.  
This thing seemeth to be true: for that we have but one GOD, which hath created but one World, wherein he made but one Garden, in the which Garden there was but one Fountain, and near to that Fountain he appointed only one man, one woman, and one Serpent: near unto which was also one tree only forbidden, which is a thing marvelous to speak, and no less fearful to see, how God did put into the terrestrial Paradise (the same day that the creation of the World was finished) both a sword and a gibet. The gibet was the tree forbidden, whereof they did eat: Wherefore our Fathers were condemned. And the sword was the penishment, wherewith we all (as miserable children) at this day are beheaded: for truly they did eat the bitterness of their fault: and we do feel the grief of their pain. I mean to show how our God by his power doth raise up that which is beaten down, how with his wisdom he guideth those which are blind, how by his will he dissembleth with the evil doers; neither will I tell how he through his clemency pardoneth the offences, and through his light lighteneth the darkness, nor how through his righteousness, he amendeth that which is broken, and through his liberality payeth more than we deserve.  
But I will here declare at large, how our omnipotent God through his justice chastiseth those which walk not in his paths. O Lord God how sure may thy faithful servants 
Rewards 〈…〉 to the 〈…〉 the wicked  be, for their small services to receive great rewards: and contrary, the evil aught always to live in as great fear, lest for their heinous offences thou shouldest give them cruel punishments: for though God of his bounty will not leave any service unrewarded, nor of his justice will omit any evil unpunished: yet for all that we ought to know, that above all, and more than all, he will rigorously chastise those, which maliciously despise the Catholic faith. For Christ thinketh himself as much injured of those which persecute his Church, as of those that laid hands on his person, to put him to death.  
We read that in times past, God showed sundry grievous and cruel punishments, to divers high Lords and Princes, besides other famous & renowned men. But rigour had never such power in his hand, as it had against those which honoured that infamed Idol, and violated the sacred Temples.  
For to God this is the most heinous offence, to forsake the holy Catholic faith in his life, and to despair in his mercy, at the hour of his death.  
Would to God we had so much grace to acknowledge our offences, as God hath reason to punish our sins.  
For if it were so, than we would amend 
The merciful goodness of God.  in time to come, and God would grant us a general pardon for all that is past. I see one thing wherein (as I think) I am not deceived, which is this: that the frailties and miseries which we commit, we think them natural, and in the satisfaction and amendment of the same, we say they are strange. so that we admit the fault, and condemn the pain which thereby we do deserve. The secret judgements of God do suffer it, and our offences do deserve it: I do not deny, but that the evil may hold and possess this life at their pleasure: but I swear unto them, when they shall least think of it, they shall lose their life, to their great displeasure: for the pleasures of this life, are so unconstant, that we scarce begin to taste them, when they fade out of our sight.  
It is a rule infallible, which both of the good and evil hath been proved: that all naturally desire, rather to abound then to want: & all that which greatly is desired with great diligence is searched, and through great travel is obtained: and that thing which by travel is attained, with love is possessed, & that which by love is possessed, with much sorrow is lost, bewailed, & lamented. For in the end we cannot deny, but that the watery eyes do manifestly show the sorrowful hearts. To the fine wits and stout hearts, this is a continual torment and endless pain, and a worm that always gnaweth: to call to mind that he must lose the joyful life, which he so entirely loved: & taste the fearful death, which so greatly he abhorred. Therefore to prove this matter which I have spoken of before, it is but reason that Princes know (if they do not know) that men as the divine Providence exalteth them to high Estates, they not deserving them: So likewise his rigorous justice will bring them to nought, if they be unthankful for his benefits. For the ingratitude or benefits received, maketh that man not worthy to receive any more. The more a man through benefits is bound, the more grievous punishment (if he 
How God punisheth ingratitude.  be unthankful) he deserveth.  
All wise men should find (if they apply their minds thereunto) that in chastising God calleth those offences first to his mind, which are furthest from the thoughts of men. For before the Tribunal of God our secret faults are always casting out blood, to the end he should execute on our person open justice. And further (I say) that in this case I do not see that the Prince is exempted more, though he live in great felicity, than the poor labourer, who liveth in extreme misery.  
And also we see it eftsoones by experience, that the sudden Lightning, Tempests, and terrible Thunder, forsaketh the small and low Cottages, and battereth forthwith the great and sumptuous buildings. God's will and determination is, that forasmuch as he hath exalted them above all others, so much the more they should acknowledge him for Lord above all others: For GOD did never create high Estates, because they should work wickedness: but he placed them in that degree, to the end they should thereby have more occasion to do him service.  
Every Prince that is not a good Christian, a servant lover of the Catholic faith, nor will have any respect to the Divine service: let him be assured that in this world he shall lose his renown, and in the other he shall hazard his soul. For that all evil Christians are the Parishioners of Hell.   

CHAP, XXIII.  
The Anthour proveth by twelve examples that Princes are sharply punished, when they usurp boldly upon the Churches, and violate their temples.  

Why the children of Aaron were punished.  
IT is now time that we leave to persuade with words and reasons, and to begin to prove that which we have said, by some excellent histories, and notable examples: For in the end, the hearts of men are stirred more through some little examples, then with a great multitude of words. In the first book of Leviticus 
Leuit. 10.  the 10. Chapter, is declared, how in the time of Moses, the son in law of jethro the Priest, (that was of Media) who was chief Prince of all the lineage of Seph, with whom the brother of Mary the Leper, had charge of the high Priesthood. For among all the laws where God at any 
God the only ruler of all estates  time put his hands unto; he provided always that some had the government of civil affairs, and others the administration of the divine mysteries.  
This high Priest than had towe children, whose names were Nadab, and Abihu, which two were young and beautiful, stout and sage, and during their infancy served their Father, & helped him to do sacrifice. For in the old law they suffered that Priests should not only have wives & children, but also that their children should succeed them in their Temples, and inherit their benefices.  
There came a great mischance for the two children being appareled in white, their bodies bound with stolles, their hands naked, in one hand holding a Torch, and in the other the Sencer, being negligent to light the new fire, and contrary to that the law had ordained, and taking coals which were prohibited, a marvelous thing was seen in the sight of the people, which was, that suddenly these two children fell flat on the earth dead, and all their sacrifice burned.  
Truly the sentence was marvelous, but it was just in ough. For they well deserved to lose their lives, sithence they durst sacrifice the coals of an other.  
This thing seemed to be true, for these young children saved their 
The just judgement of God.  souls, and made satisfaction of the fault with their lives: but other wicked men God permitteth to live a short time, because they shall lose their souls for ever.   

The cause why the Azotes were punished.  
THe Realm of Palestine being destitute of a King, at that time an honourable old man governed the realm, which was Father to two Knights, named Albino and Phinides; for at that time the children of Israel were not governed by Kings that did molest them by injuries: but by sage men which did maintain them by justice.  
It chanced that the Azotes made war against the Palestines, and were a kind of the Arabians, stout and warlike, the which fought so courageously, that the Palestines and Hebrews were constrained to bring their Ark into the midst of the Battle: which was a Relic, (as a man should have put the holy Sacrament) to divide a great multitude of people. But Fortune showed her countenance unto them so frowningly, that they were not only overcome, but also were spoiled of the Ark, which was their chief relic. And besides that, there were 4000 Palestines slain. The Azotes carried away the Ark, full of Relics unto their temple, in the City of Nazote, and set it by Dagon, their cursed Idol.  
The most High & true God (which will not suffer any to be coequal with 
The permission of God.  him in comparison, or in any thing that he representeth) caused this Idol to be shaken, thrown down, and broken in pieces, no man touching it. For our God is of such power, that to execute his justice he needeth not worldly help. God not contented thus (though the Idol was broken in pieces, but caused those to be punished likewise which worshipped it: in such sort, that all the people of Azotes, Ascalon, Geth, Acheron, and of Gaza, which were five ancient and renowned 
The plague of God upon Idolaters.  Cities) were plagued, both man and woman inwardly, with the disease of the Emeralds: So that they could not eat sitting, nor ride by the ways on horseback.  
And to the end that all men might see that their offences were grievous, (for the punishment they received by the divine justice) he replenished their Houses, Places, Gardens, Seeds, and Fields, full of Rats; And as they had erred in honouring the false Idol, and forsaken the true God, So he would chastise them with two Plagues, sending them the Emeralds, to torment their bodies, and the Rats, to destroy their goods. For to him that willingly giveth his soul to the devil, it is but a small matter, that God (against his will) deprive him of his goods.  
This then being thus, I would now gladly know, whether of them committed most offence? Either the Azotes, which set the Ark in the Temple, which (as they thought,) was the most holiest: or the false Christians, which with a Sacrilegious boldness, dare attempt (without any fear of GOD,) to rob and pill the Church goods, to their own private commodity in this world.  
Truly the Law of the Azotes differed as much from the Christians, as the offence of the one differeth from the other. For the Azotes erred not, believing that this Ark was the Figure of the True God; but we believe it, and confess it, and without shame commit against it infinite vices.  
By this so rare and severe a sudden punishment, me thinks the Princes & great Lords, should not only therefore acknowledge the True God, but also Reverence and honour those things which unto him are dedicated. For man's laws (speaking of the reverence of a Prince,) do no less condemn him to die, that robbeth his house, then him which violently layeth hands on his person.   

¶ The cause why Prince Oza was punished.  
IN the book which the son of Helcana wrote, that is the second book of the Kings, and the vi. Chapter, he 
2. Reg. 6.  saith: That the Ark of Israel with his Relics (which was Manna, the rod, and two stones) stood in the house of Aminadab, which was the next neighbour to the city of Gibeah, the son of Esay, (who at that time was King of the Israelites) determined to transpose the Relics into his City and house: For that it seemed to him a great infamy, that to a mortal Prince, a house should abound for his pleasures, & to the immortal God there should want a Temple for his relics.  
The day therefore appointed when they should carry the Relic of Gibeah to Bethlehem, there met thirty thousand Israelites, with a great number of Noble men which came with the King, besides a greater number of strangers. For in such a case those are more which come of their own pleasure, than those which are commanded. Besides all the people they say, that all the Nobility of the Realm was there to the end the relic should be more honoured, and his person better accompanied. It chanced that as the Lords and people went singing and the King in person dancing, the wheel of the Chariot began to fall, and go out of the way, the which prince Oza seeing, by chance set to his hand, and his shoulder against it, because the Ark where the Relic was should not fall, nor break: yet notwithstanding that, suddenly and before them all, he fell down dead.  
Therefore let this punishment be noted for truly it was fearful, and ye ought to think, that since God, (for 
A good admonition for all Estates.  putting his hand to the Chariot to hold it up) struck him with death, that a Prince should not hope (seeking the destruction and decay of the Church) that God will prolong his life. O Princes, great Lords, and Prelates, sith Oza with such diligence lost his life, what do ye hope or look for, sith with such negligence ye destroy and suffer the Church to fall? Yet once again, I do return to exclaim upon you. O Princes and great Lords, sith Prince Oza deserved such punishment, because without reverence he advanced himself to stay the Ark which fell, what punishment ought ye to have, which through malice, help the Church to fall.   

Why King Balthasar was punished,  
Darius' King of the Perses and Medes besieged the ancient 
Babylon besieged.  City of Babylon in Chaldea, whereof Balthasar son of Nabuchodonozar the great was King and Lord: who was so wicked a child, that his father being dead, he caused him to be cut in 300. pieces, & gave him to 300. hawks to be eaten, because he should not revive again, to take the goods & riches from him which he had left him. I know not what father is so foolish, that letteth his Son live in pleasures, and afterwards the entrails of the Hawk wherewith the son hawked, should be the woeful grave of the Father, which so many men lamented,  
This Balthasar then being so besieged, determined one night to make a great feast and banquet to the Lords of his Realm that came to aid him; and in this he did like a valiant and stout Prince, to the end the Perses and Medes might see, that he little esteemed their power.  
The noble and high hearts do use when they are environed with many travels, to seek occasions to invent pleasures; because to their men they may give greater courage, and to their enemies greater fear. He declareth of Pirrus King of the Epirotes, when he was besieged very straightly in the City of Tharenta, of the Roman Captain Quintus Dentatus, that then he spoke unto his Captains in this sort: Lords and friends be ye nothing at all abashed, since I never here before saw ye afraid, though the Romans have compassed our bodies yet we have besieged their hearts For I let you to know, that I am of such a complexion, that the straighter they 
The stout resolution of Pirius.  keep my body, the more my heart is at large. And further I say, though the Romans beat down the walls, yet our hearts shall remain invincible. And though there be no wall between us, yet we will make them know that the hearts of greeks are harder to overcome, than the stones of Tarentine are to be beaten down.  
But returning to King Balthasar. The banquet then being ended, and the greatest part of the night being spent, Belthasar the King being very well pleased that the banquet was made to his contentation (though he was not the sobrest in drinking wine) commanded all the cups of gold & silver with the treasure he had, to be brought and set on the table, because all the bidden guests should drink therein.  
King Balthasar did this, to the end the Princes and Lords, with all his Captains, should manfully help him to defend the Siege, and also to show that he had much treasure to pay them for their pains. For to say the truth, there is nothing that encourageth men of war more, then to see their reward before their eyes: As they were drinking merrily (at the banquet) of these cups which Nabuchodonozar had robbed from the Temple of Jerusalem, suddenly by the power of God, and the desert of his offences, there appeared a hand in the wall without a body or arm, 
The reward due to those that contemn God.  which with his fingers wrote these words, Mane, Thetel, Phares, which signifieth: O King Balthasar, God hath seen thy life, and findeth that thy malice is now accomplished. He hath commanded that thou and thy Realm should be weighed, and hath found that there lacketh a great deal of just weight, wherefore he commandeth, that thy life for thine offences be taken from thee, and that thy Realm be put into the hands of the Persians and Medes, which are thine enemies.  
This vision was not frustrare, for the same night without any longer delay, the execution of the sentence was put in effect by the enemies. The King Balthasar died, the Realm was lost, the treasures were robbed, the Noble men taken, and all the Chaldeans captives,  
I would now know, sith Balthasar was so extremely punished only for giving his Concubines & friends drink in the sacred cups, what pain deserveth Princes and Prelates then, which rob the Churches for profane things? how wicked soever Balthasar was, yet he never changed, gave, sold, nor engaged the treasures of the Synagogue: but what shall we say, and speak of Prelates, which without any shame, waste, change, sell and spend the Church goods? I take it to be lesser offence to give drink in a Chalice, as King Balthasar did to one of his Concubines, then to enter into the Church by Simony, as many do now a days. 
A good caneat for Magistrates  This Tyrant was overcome more by folly then by covetousness, but these others are vanquished with folly, covetousness and Simony  
What meaneth this also, that for the offence of Nabuchodonozar in jerusalem, his son Balthasar should come and be punished? For this truly me think not consonant to reason, nor agreeable to man's Law, that the Father should commit the Theft, and the son should requite it with seven double. To this I answer, That the good child is bound to restore all the goods that his Father hath left him evil gotten. For he that enjoyeth the theft, deserveth no less punishment, than he that committeth the theft. For in the end both are thieves, and deserve to be hanged on the gallows of the divine justice.   

Why King Ahab was punished.  
IN the fifth Book of Malachi, that is to say, in the third book of Kings, the 8. Chapter. It is declared, that Asa being King of judea, and prophesying in jerusalem, at the time Omri was King of Israel, and after him succeeded Ahab his son, being of the age of 22, years. This Ahab was not only young of years, but younger of understanding, and was numbered among the wicked Kings: not only evil, but too evil: for the Scriptures do use to call them by names infamed, whose lives deserved no memory. The 
The wickedness of Ahab.  vices of this King Ahab were sundry and divers, whereof I will declare some as hereafter followeth. First of all, he followed altogether the life and steps of the King jeroboam, who was the first that enticed the children of Israel to commit Idolatry: which thing turned to great reproach and infamy. For the Prince erreth not imitating the paths of the good; but offendeth in following the ways of the evil.  
Secondarily, this King Ahab married the daughter of the King of the Idumeans, whose name was jezabel, which was of the stock of the Gentiles, and he of the Hebrews. And for a truth the marriage was unadvisedly considered: for sage Princes should take wives conformable to their laws and conditions, unless they will repent themselves afterwards. Thirdly, he built again the City of Hierico, which by the commandment of God was destroyed, and commanded that upon grievous pains it should not be reedefied again: because the offences that were therein committed were so great, that the Inhabitants did not only deserve to lose their lives, but also that in Hierico there should not one stone remain upon another.  
Fourthly, King Ahab built a sumptuous Temple to the Idol Baal, in the City of Samaria, and consecrated a wood unto him, which he had very pleasant, and set in the Temple his Image of fine gold: so that in the reign of this cursed King, Baal the wicked Idol was so highly esteemed, that not only secretly, but also openly, they blasphemed the true & living God. The case was such, that one day Ahab going against the King of Syria, to take him and his City called Ramoth Gilead, being in battle was shot into the breast with an arrow, wherewith he not only lost his life, but also the dogs did lap up his blood that 
The punishment of Ahab.  fell to the earth. O Princes and great Lords, if you will give credit unto me you shall have nothing more in recommendation then to be good Christians: Sith ye see that as this Prince in his life, did serve strange Idols: so it was reason, that after his death, his blood should be buried in the entrails of ravenous dogs.   

why King Manasses was punished.  
THe King Manasses was the son of Ezechias, and Father of Amon, which were all Kings. And truly they differed so much in manners and conditions, that a man could scarcely judge, whether the virtues and prowesses of the Father, were more to be desired: or the vice and wickedness of the children to be abhorred.  
This Manasses was a wicked Prince, for as much as he built new Temples to Baal, and in the Cities made Hermitages for the Idols, and in the mountains repaired all the Altars that heretofore were consecrated to the Devil. He consecrated many Forests and Woods to the Idols, he honoured the Stars as the Gods, & did sacrifice to the Planets and Elements: for the man that is abandoned by the hand of God, there is no wickedness that his obstinate heart doth not enterprise. So that he had in his Palace all manner of false Prophets, as Soothsayers, Prophesiers, Witches, Sorcerers, Enchanters, and Conjurers, the which daily he caused to give sacrifice to the Idols: and gave such credit to Sorcerers and Enchanters, that his servants were all for the most part Sorcerers, and in them was his chief delight and pleasure. And likewise he was skilful in all kind of mischief, and ignorant in all virtues. He was so cruel, and spilled so much innocent blood, that if it had been water put together, and the bodies of them that he slew laid on heaps, it would both have covered their carcases, and also have drowned the living: Yet he not contented with that I have spoken off, set in the Temple of the Lord 
What mischief follows the contemners of God.  an old Idol that stood in the wood: for the punishment of which fact, God suffered his servants to kill his eldest son. And afterward God would not suffer these such sundry mischiefs of man's malice, but of his divine justice caused these words to be proclaimed in Jerusalem. Sith the King Manasses hath been so bold to contemn me, and himself alone to commit the offences of all, I will chastise him alone with the same correction that he hath showed unto others.  
By these words let Princes note here, how the divine vengeance extendeth no further, than our offences deserve, so that if our fault be little, the punishment which he giveth us is very temperate: but if the Prince be stubborn and obstinate in his wickedness, let him be sure that the punishment shall be extreme.   

Why julius, Pompeius, Xerxes, Catilina, Germanicus, and Brennus were punished.  
WHen Pompeius the Great passed into the Orient, with all the Host of the Roman people, and after he had subdued all Syria, Mesopotamia, Damascus, and Arabia: he passed into the Realm of Palestine, which otherwise was called judea, where he committed divers and sundry evils, so that many of the Romans and Hebrues died there.  
Finally, by force of Arms he took the puissant City of Jerusalem, which as Pliny sayeth, was the best of all Asia: And Strabo sayeth of the situation of the World, that Rome was the chief of all Italy, and of Africa the principal was Carthage, of Spain Numantia: of Germany, Argentine: of Caldea, Babylon: of Egypt, Thebes: of Greece, Athens: of Phenice, Tira: of Cappadocea, Cesare: of Thrace, Constantinople: and of Palestine, Jerusalem.  
Pompeius therefore not contented to kill all the Ancients of that war, to imprison the youth, to behead the elders, to force the mothers, to defile the virgins, to tear in pieces the children, to beat down buildings, 
The cruelty of Pompeius.  and to rob the Treasure●: but increasing evil upon evil, and putting all all the people to destruction, he made of the Temple a Stable for his horses: which before God was abominable, that where always heretofore he had been a Conqueror, and triumphed over twenty two Kings, ever after he was unlucky, and overcome in battle.  
The famous rebel Catilina (as Sallust 
The punishment of sacrilege.  affirmeth) had never been overcome, as if it had not been for the robbing and destroying of the Temples, which were consecrated to the Gods.  
The noble Marcuus Marcellus (to whom no Roman is to be compared in virtues) the same day he caused the Temple of the Goddess Februa to be burnt, was himself slain in battle.  
The noble Roman Captain Drusius Germanicus, that was so well willed and beloved, because he gave a calf meat to eat (which was the God of the Chaldeans (being prohibited and forbidden) within a month after died, whose death was greatly lamented in Rome.  
Suetonius sayeth, that after julius Caesar, had robbed the Temple of the Gauls; the Gods always made him afraid in the night.  
And Xerxes, which was the Son of King Darius, when he passed into Italy to wage battle, before all other things he sent four thousand Horsemen to Delphos (where the Temple of God Apollo was,) to beat it down: for the pride of Xerxes was so great, that he would not only subdue men, but also conquer the Gods:  
It chanced, that even as they approached near the Temple to beat it down, a sudden tempest fell upon 
The pride of Xerxes' everthrown  them, so that with stones and thunderbolts they were all killed in the fields, and so died.  
Brennus was one of the renowned Captains of the Goths, who sith he had conquered and subdued the greeks, determined also to rob the Treasures of the Temples, saying that Gods should give unto men, & not men unto Gods, and that it was great honour to the Gods, that with their goods, men should be made rich: But as they began to rob the Temple, there fell a multitude of arrows from heaven, that the Captain Brennus died there, and all his 
The misrable end of Brennus.  men with him, not one left alive.  
After that Sextus Pompeius was vanquished in the battle by sea, near unto Sicily, by Octaws Augustus, he retired himself into the arks Lacinii, where there was an ancient Temple consecrated to the Goddess juno, endowed with marvelous Treasures.  
And it chanced one day, that his Soldiers ask him money, and he being then without, he commanded them to beat down the Temple of the Goddess juno, and to pay themselves with the spoil of her treasure. Vhe Historiographers say, that within a while after it chanced, Sextus Pompeius to be taken of the knights of Marcus Antonius, and when he was brought before Titus' General of the Army, he spoke unto him these words I will you know Sextus Pompeius, I do not condemn thee to die for the offences thou hast committed against my Lord Marcus Antonius: But because thou hast robbed and beaten down the Temple of the Goddess juno.  
For thou knowest, that the good Captains ought to forget the offences against men, and to revenge the injuries done. the Gods.    

CHAP. XXIIII. How Valente the Emperor because he was an evil Christian, lost in one day both the Empire and his life, and was burned alive in a sheepecote.  
WHen julian the Apostate was Emperor of Rome, he sent to conquer Hungary, of no just title he had to it, more than of ambition to unite it to the Roman Empire, For tyrannous Princes use all their force to usurp other realms by cruelty, and little regard whether they may do it by justice. And because the Roman Empire was of great force, this ambitious Emperor julian, had in that wars a mighty and puissant Army, which did wonderful much harm through all the countries they came. For the fruits of wars is, to bereave the enemies of life, and to spoil the men of their goods.  
It chanced one day as five knights went out of the Camp, to make a road, they found a youngman that 
The valour of Gracian.  carried a halter in his hand, and as they would have taken it away from him, to have tied their horses to let them feed, he was so hardy and so stout, that he defended himself from them all: so that he had more strength alone then they five altogether.  
The Roman Knights amazed to see this young man defend himself from them all so stoutly, very instantly desired him to go to the Roman Camp with them, and they promised him he should have great entertainment: for the Romans were so diligent, that they should omit no good thing for want of money, so that it were for the public weal. This young man was called Gracian, and was borne and brought up in the Country of Pannonia, in a City they called Cibata: His lineage was not of the lowest sort of people, nor yet of the most esteemed Citizens, but were men that lived by the sweat of their brows, and in love of the common people. And truly it is no small benefit that God had made him of a mean estate, for to be of base lineage, maketh men to be despised, and not regarded: and to come of a noble blood and high lineage, maketh men to be proud and lofty.  
This young man being come into 
What maketh a man to be respected in this world.  the Roman Camp, the fame was immediately spread, how that he alone had vanquished 5. Knights. And his strength and courage was so highly esteemed, that within a while after he was made praetor of the Army. For the romans, not according to favour, but according to the ability of men, divided the offices and degrees of honour in wars. Time therefore working his nature, and many estates being decayed, after this young Gracian was made praetor of the Army, and that he was sufficiently tried in the wars, Fortune, which many times bringeth that to pass in a day, that man's malice cannot in many years, raised this Gracian to be Emperor of Rome: For truly one hour of good success is more worth, than all worldly favour.  
This Gracian was not only singular 
Gracian chosen Emperor.  in strength, courageous in battle, fortunate in all his affairs: but also he was lucky of children: that is to say, he had two sons, which were Emperors of Rome, the one was called Valente, the other Valentinian. In this case the children might glory to have a Father so stout: but the glory of the Father is greater to have sons of such Nobility: For there is no greater felicity in this world; then during life, to come to honour and riches: and after death, to leave good children to enjoy them. The eldest of the two sons was the Emperor Valente, who ruled in the Orient for the space of four years, and was the nine and thirtieth Emperor of Rome from julius Caesar, though some do begin at the time of Octavian, saying, that he was virtuous, and that julius Caesar usurped the Empire like a Tyrant. This Valente was beautiful of person, but poor of virtues: so that he was more beautiful than virtuous, more courageous than merciful, more rich than charitable, more cruel than pitiful. For there are many Princes that are very expert to devise new orders in a common wealth, but there are few that have stout hearts to put the same in execution.  
In those days the Sect of Arrian the cursed Heretic flourished, and 
The heresy of Arian.  the Emperor Valente was greatly blinded therein: insomuch that he did not only favour the Arrians, but also he persecuted the Christians, which was showed for so much as he killed, and caused to be killed (for that occasion) many lay men, and took many Clerks, and banished many Bishops, overthrew many Churches, robbed the goods of the Christians, and did infinite other mischiefs in the common wealth: For the Prince which is infected with heresy, and liveth without fear of the Church, there is neither mischief nor treason but he will commit.  
In the deserts of Egypt in the mountains of Armenia, and in the cities of Alexandrie, there was a great multitude of Friars and religious men, amongst whom were many Wisemen, and pure of life, constant in the defence of the Church, and patient in persecutions. For he is a true religious man, that in time of peace is charitable to teach the ignorant, and bold in the time of Schisms to confound the Heretics, 
The description of a religious man.   
The Emperor Valente was not only a friend unto the Arrians, and and an enemy to the Christians, but also he was a persecuter of the devout and religious Friars. For he commanded proclamations to be hid through all his Realms and Domions, that all the religious that were young in years, whole of their bodies, and sound of their limbs, should immediately cast off their Cowls and Hoods, leaving their Monastery, and take Soldiers wages in the Camp: for he said Monasteries were invented for nothing else but to maintain those that were deformed, blind, lame and maimed; and upon this occasion, he showed great tyranny: for many Monasteries were left naked, many notable constitutions were broken, many hermits were martyred, many Friars whipped, many notable Barons banished, and many good men robbed of their goods. For the virtuous men desired rather the bitter life of the Monastery than the sweet and pleasant liberty of the world.  
This wicked Emperor yet not contented with these things, as by chance his wife commended unto him the beauty of a Roman called 
The cruelty of Valente.  justinia, without any more delay he married her, not forsaking his first wife, and immediately made a law throughout all his Empire, that without incurring any danger, each Chrian might have two wives, and marry with them by the law of Matrimony: for the tyrannous Princes (to cloak their vices) make and establish the laws of vices. The shame was not little that the Emperor Valente (against the commandment of the Church) would marry with two women at one time: but the less shame he had, the greater was his iniquity to put it in execution, and to cause it to be published through his realm as a Law: for a particular vice corrupteth but one alone, but a general law destroyeth all.  
At that time the puissant Goths were in the parties of the Orient, the which were in feats of Arms very valiant and courageous: but in things of faith they were evil brought up, although the greatest part of them were baptised: for then the Church was very poor of Prelates, howbeit those that they had were very notable men. After the Goths were baptised, and the fury of the wars somewhat appeased, they sent Ambassadors to the Emperor Valente, desiring him that immediately, and forth with he would send them holy Catholic Bishops, by whose doctrine they might be instructed, & brought to the Christian faith: for it was supposed that the Emperor of Rome could have no Bishops in their countries unless they were virtuous: this wicked Emperor, sith he was now entangled with heresy, and that he had perverted the customs of good Emperors (that is, for having about him evil Bishops) as he was now environed with all evils and mischiefs, so he sent to the Goths a Bishop called Eudoxius, the which was a rank Arrian: and brought with him many Bishops, which were Heretics, by the which the Kings and Princes of the Goths were Arrians, for the space of two hundred years,  
The Catholic Princes ought to take great care to Watch, and in watching to be wary and circumspect, that they, their Realms, neither 
The duty of every good Prince  their Subjects should in their time be defiled with heresy: For the plague of Heretics and Heresies, is not of light occasion banished the place where once it hath reigned.  
We have declared of the small faith that this Emperor had in jesus Christ, and of the great mischiefs he did to the Church. Let us now see what was the end of his miserable life. For the man of wicked life seldom cometh to good end. The matter was this, that as the Goths were driven out of the Realm by some of the Huns, they came immediately to the Realm of Thracia, which then was subject to the Romans. And the Emperor Valente without any covenant received them into his land, wherein he committed great folly, and used little wisdom: for it is a general rule, where 
The folly and oversight of the Emperor.  rebels, vagabonds, & strangers come to inhabit, there the Realm and dominions is destroyed.  
The Goths remained certain years among them, without any dissension or quarreling against the romans: but afterwards through the covetousness of Maximus chief Captain of the romans, who denied the Goths of their provision, which so long time remained Friends, arose between them so cruel wars, that it was the occasion of the loss and utter undoing both of Rome and of all Italy. For truly there is no enmity doth somuch hurt, as that of Friends when they fall out at discord,  
The Wars now being kindled, the Goths were scattered through the Kingdom of Thrace, and they left no Fort but they battered down, they came to no Towns, Villages, nor Cities but they sacked and spoiled: They took no Women but they forced, and ravished, they entered into no house but they rob.  
Finally, the Goths in short time showed the poison that they had against the Romans: & let no man marvel that the Goths committed so many cruel and heinous facts, sith we that are Christians do commit daily greater offences. For among rebels it is a common error, that that which they rob in the wars, they say they are not bound to restore in peace. The Emperor Valente was then in the city of Antioch, and sith he had assembled there a great army, and had great aid out of Italy, he determined himself in person to go into the camp of the Romans, and to give the onset against the Goths, wherein he showed himself more bold than wise for a Prince in battael can do no more than one man, nor fight more than one man, and if he die, he is the occasion of the death and destruction of them all. When both the hosts of the romans and the Goths joined, there was between them a cruel and mortal fight: so that in the first brunt the Goths showed themselves so valiant, that they put to flight the Romans horsemen, leaving their footmen alone in great jeopardy, the which in short space after were discomfited and slain, not one left alive. For the barbarous swore that that day the Goths should all die, or else utterly they would destroy the name of the Romans. And in this first charge the Emperor Valente was mortally wounded, who perceiving he had his deaths wound, and that the battle was lost, he determined to fly and save himself; but when fortune beginneth to persecute any man, she leaveth him not until she see him dead, or beaten down without recovery.  
Therefore as this wicked Emperor (thinking to save himself) came into a sheepecote, the enemies seeing him, in the end set fire on the sheepcote, and burned him alive. So in one day he fit his person, his life, his honour, and his Empire.  
For it is meet that Princes and great Lords should lift up their eyes to consider 
The miserable end of the Emperor Valentinian.  well the History of Valente, that they stray not from the Catholic Faith, that they dishonour not Gods Ministers and maintain heresies. For as this accursed Emperor Valente for his wicked doings was condignly punished by the hands of Almighty God So let them be assured, the self same God will not pardon their offences. For it is a rule infallible, That that Prince which is not a good Christian, shall fall into the hands of his cruel enemies.   

CHAP. XXV. Of the Emperor Valentinian and Gracian his Son, which reigned in the time of Saint Ambrose, which because they were good Christians, were always fortunate, and that God giveth victory unto Princes, more through the tears of them that pray, then thorough the weapons of those that fight.  
IAlentinian and Valent were brethren, and the eldest of 
A custom among the Romans.  them was Valentinian who succeeded in the Empire (after the death of his Father) to be Praetor of the Armies. For amongst the romans there was a Law in ure, that if the Father died in the favour of the people, of right the son without any other demand was heir.  
This Valentinian was a lusty young man, of a sanguine complexion, and of his body well shaped, and above all he was a good Christian, and of all the people generally well-beloved: For nothing adorneth the noble man more, then to be counted civil and courteous of behaviour.  
At that time when the Emperor julian persecuted most the Christians: Valentinian was praetor of the Armies; and when julian was advertised that Valentinian was a Christian, he sent unto him, and bade him do sacrifice to the Idols of the Roman Emperor, or else to forsake the office of his Praetorship.  
julian would gladly have killed Valentinian but he durst not: for it was a Law inviolable amongst the Romans, that no Citizen should be put to death without the decree of the Senate, Valentinian receiving the message of this Emperor julian, advertised of his will (which was to renounce his faith, or to leave his office) he did not only resign his office, but therewithal forgave the Emperor all the money he ought him for arrearages of his sernice. And because he would live with a more quiet conscience he went from Rome into a Cloister, where he banished himself for two years and a half; & for this he was highly esteemed and commended.  
For it is a good sign, That man is 
The duty of every good Christian.  a good Christian, which of his own free will renounceth worldly goods. Shortly after it happened that julian the Emperor went to conquer the Realm of Persia, where in a battle he was very sore wounded, and fell down dead in the present place. For to the mishaps of Fortune, the Emperor with all his estate and pleasures is as much subject, as is the poorest man that lieth in the streets.  
When the news came to Rome that julian was dead, by the consent of all, Valentinian was created Emperor; so that he being banished for Christ's sake, was called again, and crowned Prince of the Roman Empire.  
Let no man care to lose all that he possesseth, let no man weigh to see himself despised for Christ's sake: For in the end men cannot in a thousand years so much abase us, as God in one hour can exalt us.  
In the same year, which was from the foundation of Rome ●119 in a City called Atrobata, it reigned very fine wool, so that all the City became rich. In the same year, in the City of Constantinople, it hailed such great stones, that they killed many men, & left no herds in the fields alive. At that same time there came an Earthquake throughout Italy, and so likewise in Sicily, that many houses fell, and slew sundry persons, and above all, the sea rose in such sort, that it drowned many Cities nigh thereunto. Paulus Diaconus in the 11. book 
The description of the Emperor Valentinian  De Legibus Romanorum, sayeth, that the Emperor Valentinian was of a subtle wit, of grave countenance, eloquenr in speech, yet he spoke little stout in his affairs, and diligent in his business, in adversities patient, and a great enemy of the vicious, temperate in eating & drinking, and a friend of religious persons; so that they said, he resembled the Emperor Aurelius. For after that the Emperor Marcus Aurelius died (with whom the felicity of the Roman Empire ended) they ever used thenceforth in Rome to compare and liken the young and new come Princes to the ancient Emperors their Anrecessors. That is to say, if the Prince were courageous, they said he was like julius Caesar, if he were virtuous, they said he was an other Octavian: if he were fortunate, that he was Tiberius, if he were rash, they say the he was Caligula, if he were cruel, they compared him to Nero, if he were merciful, they said he was like to trajan, or Antoninus Pius, if he were beaucifull, they likened him to Titus, if idle they compared him to Domitian, if he were patient, they called him Vespasius, if he were temperate they likened him to Adrian, if he were devout to their gods, than he seemed Aurelianus. Finally, he that was sage and virtuous, they compared him to the good Marcus Aurelius.  
This Emperor Valentinian was a good Christian, and in all his affairs touching the Empire, very wise and circumspect, and yet he was noted for one thing very much, and that was, that he trusted and favoured his servants so much, and was so led by his Friends, that through their occasion, (they abusing his love and credit,) there arose many dissensions amongst the people.  
Seneca said once unto the Emperor Nero, I will that thou understand (Lord) that there is no patience, 
The saying of Seneca.  can suffer, that two or three absolutely command all, not for that they are most virtuous, but for that they are most in favour with thee.  
O ye Noble Princes and great Lords, if you were as I am, I know not what you would do: but if I were as you be, I would behave myself in such sort to them of my house, that they should be servants, to serve and obey me: and not to boast themselves, to be so far in favour as to command me: For that Prince is not sage, that to content a few getteth the hatred of all.  
The Emperor Valentinian died in the five and fifty year of his birth, and the eleventh year of his Empire, 
The death of the Emperor.  languishing of a long sickness, that his veins were so dried up, that they could not draw one drop of blood out of his body. And at the day of his Funerals, where the dead corpse was greatly bewailed. Saint Ambrose made an excellent Sermon, in commendation of him. For in those days, when any Noble Prince departed, that loved and succoured the Church, all the holy Bishops met together at his burial.  
The two brethren being Emperors, that is to say, Valentinian and Valent, through the desire of the Father in law of Gracian, who was father to his wife, and desirous to have one of his daughter's children, chose Valentinian to bring up, who had a son named Gracian, which was created Emperor so young, that as yet he had no beard. And truly the Senate would not have suffered it, if the Father had not been virtuous, and the child sage. But the Senate would have done this, and more also for Valentinian, because he did deserve it well of the Roman people. For it is reason in distributing of the Offices, That Princes have more repsect to the deserts of the Fathers, then to the tender age of the Children.  
This young Gracian began to be so temperate, and was so good a Christian in favouring the Church, that it 
The wisdom and discretion of young Gracian.  was much quiet, and great pleasure to the Roman people to have chosen him: and greater joy to the Father, (being alive) to have begotten him: so that he left for him after his death, an immortal memory of his life. For the child that is virtuous, is always the memory of the Father after his death.  
In the year of the Foundation of Rome, a thousand, an hundred, thirty and two, the said Gracian the younger was created sole Heir of the whole Empire, his uncle Valent and his Father being departed the world. And after Gratian came to the Empire, many Bishops which were banished in the time of his Uncle Valent, were restored to the Church again, and banished all the sect of the Arrians out of his Region.  
Truly he showed himself to be a very religious and Catholic Prince. For there is no better justice to confound human malice, then to establish the good in their estate.  
In the first year of the reign of Gracian Emperor, all the Germans and the Goths rebelled against the Roman Empire, for they would not only not obey him, but also they prepared an huge Army to invade his Empire: Imagining that sith Gracian was young, he neither had the wit, nor yet the boldness to resist them: For where the Prince is young, there oftentimes the people suffered 
The old Proverb not always true.  much wrong, and the Realm great misery,  
News came to Rome, how that the Gauls and Germans were up, the Emperor Gracian wrote to all the Catholic Bishops, that they should offer in their Churches great Sacrifices with prayers unto God, and in Rome likewise it was ordained, that generally processions should be had, to the end Almighty God should moderate his ire against his people: For good Christians first pacify God with Prayers before they resist their enemies with weapons. This good Prince showed himself to be no less warlike in his outward affairs, than a good Christian in his Religion: for God giveth victories unto Princes more through tears then through weapons.  
These things thus finished, and his affairs unto God recommended, the noble Emperor Gracian determined to march on, and himself in person to give the battle. And truly as at the first he showed himself to be a good Christian: so now he declared himself to be a valiant Emperor: For it were a great infamy and dishonour, that a Prince by negligence or cowardness should lose that which his Predecessors by force of arms had gotten. The army of the enemies exceeded far the Roman army in number, and when they met together in a place called Argentaria, the romans being inferior to their enemies in number, were afraid: For in the wars the great multitude of enemies and their puissant power, maketh oft-times the desired victory to be doubtful. This thing seen of the Romans, and by them considered, importunately they besought the Emperor not to charge the battle, for they said he had not men sufficient: And herein they had reason: For the sage Prince should not rashly hazard his person in the war: nor yet should lightly put his life in the hands of Fortune. The Emperor Gracian not changing countenance, nor stopping in his words, to all the Knights which were about him, answered in this wise.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of the godly Oration which the Emperor Gracian made to his Soldiers before he gave the battle.  
VAliant Knights & Companions in 
The Oration of the Emperor:  war, most thankfully I accept your service, in that you have sold your goods, and do offer your lives here to accompany me in the wars, and herein you show your duties: for of right you ought to lose your goods, and to venture your lives, for the defence and surety of your Country. But if I give you some thanks for your company, know you that I give much more for your good counsel which presently you give me: for in great conflicts seldom is found together, both good counsel and stout hearts. If I have enterprised this battle in hope of man's power, than you had had reason that we should not give the battle seeing the great multitude that they have, and the small number that we are; for as you say, the weighty affairs of the public weal should not unadvisedly be committed to the incertainety of Fortune.  
I have taken upon me this dangerous and perilous wars: first trusting that on my part iusticeremaineth, and sith God is the same only justice, I trust assuredly he will give me the victory in this perilous conflict: For justice availeth Princes more that they have, than the men of war do which they lead. Wherefore sith my cause is just, and that I have God the only judge thereof on my side, me thinketh if for any worldly fear I should cease to give the battle. I should both show myself to be a Prince of small faith, and also blaspheme God, saying he were of small justice. For God showeth most his power there, where the frailness of man hath least hope. Then sith I begin the war, and that by me the war is procured, and for me you are come to the war, I have determined to enter into the battle, and if I perish therein, I shall be sure it shall be for the memory of my person, and the salvation of my Soul: For to die through justice is not to die, but to change death for life. And thus doing, if I lose my life, yet therefore I lose not my honour, and all this considered I do that which for the Commonwealth I am bound, For to a Prince it were great infamy and dishonour, that the quarrel being his own, should by the blood of others be revenged. I will prove this day in battle whether I was chosen Emperor by the divine will or not: For if God this day causeth my life to be taken from me, it is a manifest token he hath a better in store for me, and if through his mercy I be preserved, it signifieth that for some other better thing he granteth me life. For in the end the sword of the enemy is but the scourge of our offences. The best that I see therefore in this matter to be done is, that till three days be passed the battle be not given, and that we confess our selves this night, & in the morning prepare our selves to receive our Redeemer, and besides this, that every man pardon his Christian brother, if he have had any wrong or injury done him: for oft times though the demand of the war be just, yet many mishaps befall therein, through the offences of those which pursue & follow the same.  
After that three days are past, & each thing according to my sayings before accomplished in every point as behoveth, then let God dispose all things as he shall see good, for now I am fully determined to adventure my life in battle▪ Wherefore my valiant and stout warriors, doubt not at all, for this day I must either vanquish mine enemies, or else suffer death: and if I die, I do that which needs I must. Wherefore I will now cease to exhort you any more, desiring you to consider that, whereunto your duties leadeth you, remembering that you are come as knights, and in the defence of your Country, you wage battle: for now we are come to that pinch, that deeds must more avail 
The duty of every good Soldier.  us then words: for peace ought to be maintained by the tongue, but wars ought to be achieved by sword. All these words then ended, and three days past, the Emperor in person gave the battle, where the conflict & slaughter on both sides was very terrible: yet in the end the Emperor Gracian had the victory over his enemies, and there died in that conflict 30. thousand Goths and Almains, and of the Romans there were not slain but five thousand: For that Army only is preserved, which to the divine will is conformable. Let all other Princes take example by this noble Prince: let them consider how it behoveth them to be good Christians, and that in great wars and conflicts they need not fear the great number of their enemies: but they ought greatly to see that the wrath of God be pacified: For the heart is more dismayed with the secret sins, than it is feared with the open enemies.   

CHAP. XXVII. That the Captain Theodosius which was Father of the Great Emperor Theodosius, died a good Christian: And of the King Hismarus, and the Bishop Silvanus. And of a Council that was celebrated, with the Laws which they made and established in the same.  
THe two brethren being Emperors, that is to say, Valentinian and Valente, in the coasts of Africa, & the realm of Mauritania, a Tyrant usurped the place of a King against the Romans, who was named 
The tyranny of Thyrmus.  Thyrmus, a man hardy in travels, and in dangers stout: For the adventurous hearts oftentimes do commit many tyrannies.  
This tyrant Thyrmus by much cruelty came possessed of the realm of Mauritania: and not contented therewith, but also by tyranny possessed a great part of Africa, and prepared as (Hannibal did) an huge army to pass into Italy, to die in challenging the Empire of Rome.  
This was a renowned Tyrant that never took pleasure in any other thing so much, as to spoil and rob others of their goods.  
The romans that in all their doings were very sage, and of the tyranny of tyrants, sufficiently monished, immediately prepared a great Army to pass into Africa, and to spoil the realm, and to destroy the Tyrant by the commandment and decree of the Senate, and that for no pact or covenant the Tyrant should live. And without doubt this commandment was just: For to him that is a destroyer of the Commonwealth, it is not punishment enough to take away his life.  
At that time there was a Knight in Rome, whose name was Theodosius, a man well strucken in years, and yet better approved in wars, but he was not the richest: howbeit he vaunted himself (as truth was) to be of the blood of trajan the great Emperor, upon which occasion, he was greatly honoured and feared in Rome, for the Commons were so noble & gracious towards their Princes, that all those which from the good and virtuous Emperor descended, were of the whole Commonwealth greatly esteemed.  
This noble Theodosius was of years so ancient, and so honoured in his old age for his grey hairs, so noble of lineage, and so approved in wars, that he was by the authority of the Emperor Valentinian, by the consent of all the Senate, and by the good wills of the whole people, chosen to to go to the conquest of Africa, & truly their reason was good: For Theodosius desired much to fight against that Tyrant Thyrmus, and all the people were glad that such a captain led the Army, So this Theodosius embarked with the Army, departed from Rome, and in few days arrived at Bona, which was a City greatly replenished with people, situated in a haven of the Sea in Africa: And as he and his Army was landed, the tyrant Thyrmus forthwith encamped his Army in the field in the face of the romans, and so all being planted in the plame, the one to assault, and the other to defend: immediately the two Armies joined, and the one assaulting the other fiercely, on both sides was great slaughter. So that those which to day were conquered, to morrow did conquer: and those which yesterday were conquerors, afterward remained conquered. For, in long wars Fortune changeth.  
In the Province of Mauritania, there was a strong City called Obelista, and as the captain Theodosius, by his force occupied all the Field, the Tyrant Thyrmus fortified himself in the City, the which valiantly being assaulted of the Captain Theodosius, and almost with his men, entering into the same: The Tyrant Thyrmus, (because he would not commit himself unto the faith of other men,) slew himself with his proper hands. For the 
The death of Thyrmus  property of proud and disdainful hearts, is rather to die in liberty, then to live in captivity.  
At that time the Emperor Valent, by the art of Necromancy, wrought secretly, to know what luck should succeed in the Roman Empire. And by chance a certain woman, (being an Enchaunteresse,) had answer of the devil, that that name which with these Letters should be written, should be successor to the Empire, and the Letters were these, T. E. O D: The Emperor Valent diligently inquired of all the names, which with these iiij. letters could be named? and they found that those signified the Theodotes, the Theodores, and the Theodoses: wherefore Valent forthwith put all those to the sword that were of that name.  
Such was the wickedness of the Emperor Valent, supposing they would have taken the Empire from him being alive. For the tyrannous Prince liveth ever in jealousy and suspicion.  
The excellent Captain Theodosius, (the Tyrant Thyrmus being dead, and having subdued all Afric to the Roman 
The wickedness of Valent.  Empire) was burdened that he was a secret Traitor to the Empire, and that he compassed to win the same by tyranny. For this cause therefore, the Emperor Valent gave sentence he should be beheaded. And this was done, he never hearing of it, and much less culpable thereof: For all Princes that are wilful in their doings, are very absolute of their sentence. This came to the ears of Theodosius, and seeing that he was condemned to be beheaded, he sent incontinent for the Bishop of Carthage, of whom he demanded the water of holy Baptism, and so being baptized, and in the Faith of Christ instructed, was by the Hangman put to execurion. Of this so grievous, outrageous, and detestable Fact, every man judged this Theodosius, to suffer as an innocent, and that the Emperor Valent had judged evil, and like a Tyrant. For the innocency of the good, is the great enemy of the evil.  
At the same time, when Theodosius demanded Baptism, (according to the saying of Prosper in his chronicle) he said unto the Bishop, which should Baptizm him, these words; O Bishop 
The death of Theodosius.  Saint Roger, I do Conjure thee, by the Creator which made us, and do desire thee for the Passion of JESV CHRIST, who redeemed us, to give me the water of Baptism: For I have made a vow to become a Christian, if GOD granted me victory, Wherefore I will accomplish my vows, for those things which necessity causeth us to promise, our own free will, aught to accomplish. I am sorry with all my heart that being a Christian, I can live no longer, and sith it is so, I offer my life for his sake, and into his merciful hands I commend my soul, I leave a Son of mine who is called Theodosius, and if the Fatherly love beguile me not, I think he will prove a virtuous and stout young man, and besides that he will be wise, and sith by thy hands he hath been baptised, I require thee holy Father, that thou through thy wisdom wilt bring him up in the true faith: for if he be a good Christian, I trust in God he will be a great man in the Empire.  
This Theodosius was the Father of the great Emperor Theodosius; so that the father was a Christian, and the son a Christian.  
Not long after the Emperor Valent had caused Theodosius (which was father to the great Emperor Theodosius) to be executed, Valent by the commandment of God was by the Goths persecuted, and in the end put to death, and truly this was the just 
The judgement of God.  judgement of God. For he of right should suffer death himself, which unjustly procureth the death of others Rufinus in the second book of his histories, saith, that after the Tyrant Thirmus was put to death by the captain Theodosius, and that the Emperor Valent had caused this Theodosius to be put to death, and that the same Valent was slain of the Goths, the romans created a king in Africa, whose name was Hismarus, called for a right Christian in that time, which was from the building of Rome, 377. There was in the City of Carthage a holy Bishop called Silunaus, a man in human and divine letters excellently well learned, and sith the King was so just, and the Bishop so holy, both the faith increased, and also the affairs of the Common weal prospered: For commonly the wars begin rather through the pride of the highest, then through disobedience in the lowest. Therefore this holy Bishop and good Christian King, being desirous in their time to give good examples to the subjects, & for the time to come to leave good precepts, they celebrated in the City of Bona a Council, with all the Bishops of Affrikce, in the which King Hismarus was in person: For in ancient Counsels the Kings were not only there in persons, but also all the Lords and high Estates of their Realms.  
Amongst many excellent things which Rufinus mentioneth that were ordained in this place, it seemed good unto me to remember here these few, to the end Christian Princes now present, may see what devout Christians those Kings were in times past.  

A collection or purport of the Counsel of Hyponense.  
THese were the things which in the sacred Council of Hyponense were ordained, where there was in person the Catholic King Hismarus, and the religious Bishop Silvanus, and in that which was ordained, the King spoke in some of them, and doth counsel in other some: because in such semblable affairs, it is both meet and requisite, that the royal pre-eminence be reverenced, and the authority of the Church not diminished.  
We ordain that from two years to two years, all the Bishops, Abbots, and 
The laws ordained by the Counsel of Hyponense.  Prelates of our Realm do assemble, and celebrate a Provincial counsel, and that in this counsel there be no temporal matters spoken of, but of the disorders and misgovernances of Churches: For the Church is not lost for the lack or scarcity of Money, but for the too great abundance of riches.  
We ordain, that all Prelates which are now and shall be hereafter, we desire that when they will call any counsel in our Realms, that before the celebration of the same they certify us, lest under that colour or cloak of a holy Counsel, there should some suspicious Assembly be had.  
We ordain that from henceforth the Princes and great Lords be bound to repair to the sacred Counsel, with all the company of the holy Bishops. For it were more meet they should come to destroy false Heretics, in winning their souls, then to fight against their Enemies, in losing their lives.  
We ordain that the Prince which cometh not to the counsels through negligence, that unto him the Sacrament of the Body of Christ be not ministered, until the next counsel be celebrated. And if perchance he refuse not to come through negligence, but through malice, we will that they proceed against him as a suspect person in the Faith of Christ, For the Christian Prince that of malice only committeth an offence is not perfit in the holy Catholic Faith.  
We ordain, that at the first assembly of the Counsel, all the Prelates together openly, and afterwards each one by himself privately shall say the Creed singing, the which thing finished, the King himself alone shall say the Creed likewise. For if the Prince be suspected of the holy Catholic Faith, it is unpossible that his people should be good Christians.  
We ordain, that in this Counsel the Prelates have liberty and authority to say unto the King that that is comely and decent: and the King likewise to say in the Counsel what he thinketh best, so that the Prelates might tell the King without fear of his little care, he hath in destroying the Heretics, and Heresies of his Realm: and likewise the King might tell the Prelates their negligence that they use in the charge of their flock. For the end and intention of Counsels ought not to be any otherwise then a scourge for offences past, and a reformation of the evils to come.  
We ordain, that all the Princes of Africa, immediately before they do any other thing in the morning, do openly and diligently come to Morning prayer. 
What is required of every true Christian.  And we will also, that there be present all his Courtiers, and private Counsellors, which with them aught to enter into counsel. For that creature cannot give any good counsel, who hath not reconciled himself unto God before  
We ordain that the Archbishops, Bishops, and abbots, continually, during the time of the counsel, do every day confess themselves to Almighty God, serving him devoutly: and that one of them do preach unto the people God's word. For if every Prelate be bound to give good example alone, then being all together, they shall give it much better.  
We ordain, that Princes (as much as lieth in them) do give unto their subjects good examples, and that on the Sabbath day in especial and other Feastivalldayes, they repair unto the Cathedral Church, to hear divine Service: and there reconciling themselves to God, that they do publicly, in the presence of the congregation, receive the holy Communion and Supper of the Lord. For it would be a great slander to Princes, which ought to reprehend others of their faults, that a man should never see them come to the Church, and be partakers of the holy Sacrament.  
We ordain, that all Easter chiefly Princes do go to the church Cathedral, and that the Metropolitan be there in person, to celebrate the holy Communion: and the Gospel being said, the Prince himself shallbe bound to say with a loud voice the Creed, confirmed in the sacred counsel of Nicene: For that good Princes ought not only in their hearts to befaithful unto JESUS CHRIST, but are also bound openly with their mouths to confess it before the people.  
We ordain, that Princes be not so hardy, to have in their Court above two Bishops: the one to give him ghostly counsel, and the other to preach unto him the word of God. And those we will that the Council assign unto him, and that they be bound to find two persons of the most ancient and virtuous, which shall remain in the Court no more but two years, and that afterwards others be placed there in their steads: For there is nothing more monstrous, then to see the Church long without Prelates    

CHAP. XXVIII. What a godly thing it is to have but one Prince to rule the public weal: for there is no greater enemy to the common weal, than he which procureth many to command therein, as by reasons following it shall be proved,  
OFt times with myself alone I consider, that sith the divine providence, which doth all 
No respect of persons with God.  things by weight & measure, and that of her, and none other all creatures are ruled and governed, and that furthermore with God, there is no exception of persons; for he maketh the one rich, and the other poor: the one sage, and the other simple: the one whole, and the other sick, the one fortunate, and the other unlucky: the one servant, and the other master: And let no man marvel though I muse thereat: for the variety of time is the beginner of dissensions among the people.  
In man's judgement it seemeth, that it were better all were alike in apparel, all equal in commanding, none greater than others in possessions, all to content themselves with one kind of meat, and that the names commanding and obeying were utterly abolished & brought to nought. So that if the miseries of the one, and prosperities of the other, were put out from that day forward, I protest there should be no envy in the World.  
Laying aside man's opinion (which ought not to be compared to the divine mystery;) I demand now what reason sufficed to think, that of two brethren (that is to say, jacob and Esau, both children of holy and devout persons) the divine providence would the one should be chosen, and the other despised, that the one should command and the other obey, the one to be disinherited being the eldest, and the other to inherit being the youngest? That which chanced to jacob with Esau, the same chanced to the children of jacob and joseph: who being partaker and chosen, God provided and ordained that to joseph being the youngest, his brethren should serve and obey him.  
This thing was repined at of all the eleven brethren, howbeit their intentions availed not: for it is unpossible for man's malice to disorder that, which the divine providence hath 
Man may purpose, but God disposeth.  appointed: we see daily nothing else but that which man decreeth in a long time God disposeth otherwise in one moment. Truly it is not evil done, but well ordained. For in the end, sith man is man, in few things he can be either certain or assured: and sith God is God, it is unpossible that in any thing he should err. It is a great benefit of the Creator, to be willing to reform and correct the words of the Creatures. For if God would suffer us to do after our own minds, we should be quite contrary to his pleasure.  
God without a great mystery did not ordain, that in one family there should be but one Father, among one people there should be but one Citizen that should command, in one Province there should be but one Governor alone, and also that one King alone should govern a proud Realm, and also that by one only Captain a puissant Army should be led.  
And furthermore and above all, he willeth that there be but one monarchial King and Lord of the World: Truly all these things are such, that we with our eyes do see them, and know them not: we hear them with our ears, and understand them not: we speak them with our tongues, and know not what we say. For truly man's understanding is so dull, that without doubt he is ignorant of more than he knoweth.  
Appolonius Thyaneus compassing the most part of Asia, Africa, and Europe: That is to say, from the bridge of Nilus, where Alexander was, unto Gades where the pillars of Hercules were, he being one day in Ephese, in the Temple of Diana, the Priests asked him, what thing he wondered at most in all the world? For it is a general rule, that men which have seen much, always do note one thing above another.  
Although the Philosopher Appolonius greatlyer esteemed the works, than the speaking of them that demanded the question, yet forthwith he made them this answer.  
I let you know Priests of Diana, that I have been throughout France, England, Spain, Germany, through the Laces 
The speech of Appolonius.  and Lydians, Hebrues & Greeks, Parthes' & Medes, Phrygians, and Corinthians, and so with the Persians, & above in all the great Realm of India: For that alone is more worth than all these Realms together. I will you understand that all these Realms in many and sundry things do differ, as in languages, persons, beasts, metals, waters, flesh, customs, Laws, Lands, buildings, in Apparel, and Forts, and above all, divers in their Gods and Temples,  
For the Language of the one differeth not so much from the language of the other, as the Gods of Europe, differ from the Gods of Asia, and the Temples and Gods of Asia and Europe, differ from them of Africa. Amongst all things which I have seen, of two only I did marvel, which is, that in all the parts of the world wherein I have travailed, I have seen quiet men troubled by seditious persons: the humble, subject to the proud: the just, obedient to the Tyrant. I have seen the cruel, commanding the merciful: the coward ruling the hardy, the ignorant teaching the wise: and above all, I saw that the most thieves did hang the innocent on the gallows.  
The other thing whereat I marveled, was this, That in all the places and 
A wort saving, 〈◊〉 worthy observation.  where I have been, I know not, neither could I find any man that was everlasting, but that all are mortal, and in the end both high and low have an end: For many are laid too night in their grave, which the next Day following thought to bè alive.  
Leave aside the divine judgement, in that he spoke, he said highly, and like a Philosopher: for it seemeth to be a pleasant thing, to see how men govern the World.  
Therefore now to the matter: It is but reason we know the cause of this so ancient a novelty, which is, That God willeth and ordaineth, that one only command all, and that all together obey one. For there is nothing that God doth (although the cause thereof be unknown unto us), that wanteth reason in his Eternal wisdom.  
In this case (speaking like a Christian, I say) that if our Father Adam had 
What we lost by the fall of Adam.  obeyed one only Commandment of Almighty GOD, which was forbidden in the Terrestrial Paradise, we had remained in liberty upon the earth, and should have been Lords and masters over all; But sith he would not then obey the LORD, we are now become the abjects and slaves of so many Lords.  
Oh wicked sin, accursed be thou, sith by thee only the World is brought into such a bondage: without tears I cannot speak that which I would, that through our first Fathers, (which submitted themselves to sin) we their children have lost the Seignoric of the world. For sith they were prisoners unto sin in their souls little availeth the liberty of their bodies.  
There was great diversity betwixt the opinions of Pythagoras, and the opinions of Socrates, for so much as those of Socrates' school said: That it were better all things should be common, and all men equal.  
The other of Pythagoras' school said 
The difference of opinions.  the contrary: And that the Commonwealth were better, wherein each one had his own proper, and all should obey one, so that the one of them did admit and grant the name of servants, and the others did despise the name of Lords,  
As Laertius in his first book of the lise of Philosophers, said: that the Philosopher Demosthenes was also of the same opinion, that to the end the people should be well governed, he would two names should be utterly abolished, and taken away: That is to say, Lords and subjects, Masters and servants: For, the one desirous to rule by fierceness, and the others not willing to obey to tyranny, would shed the blood of the innocent, and would be violent against the poor: They would destroy the renowned, and famous people, and Tyranny would wax stout, the which things should be taken away, if there were no signory, nor servitude in the world: But notwithstanding these things, the Philosopher in his first book of his Pollitiques, saith: That by four natural reasons we may prove it to be very necessary, that Princes do command, and the people obey.  
The first reason is, of the parts of the Elements, simple, and mixed. For we see by experience, that the Elements do suffer, (to the end they would be joined together) the one to have more power than all: the which is showed by experience. Forasmuch as the Element of the Fire, the Element of the Air, and the Element of the Water do obey, the Element of the Earth doth command.  
For against their nature he bringeth them all to the Earth. But if all the noble and chiefest Elements were obedient to the most vile Element, only to form a body mixed, it is a greater reason, that all obey to one virtuous person, that the Commonwealth might thereby the better be governed,  
The second reason is, of the body and the soul, in the harmony whereof the Soul is the mistress which commandeth, 
The soul mistress of the body.  and the body the servant, which obeyeth: For the body neither seeth, heareth, nor understandeth without the body.  
The sage Philosopher by this inferreth, that the sage men should naturally be Lords over others. For in the world there is nothing more monstruous, than that Fools should command, and wise men obey.  
The third reason taketh his ground on beasts: For we see by experience, that divers beasts by the only knowledge of men are governed: therefore it is but meet that many men, which are more liker Beasts than the beasts themselves, do suffer themselves to be governed and ruled by wise men. For the Commonweal is more profited by a brute beast, than it is by witless men. The 4. reason proceedeth of women: For we see, that they being created to the image of GOD, God commandeth & ordaineth, that they should be subject to man, presupposing their knowledge not to be so great, as the knowledge of men. Therefore if this thing be thus, why could not divers mortasl men (who without comparison know less than women) take themselves for happy, that one alone would command and govern them: so that such a one were a sage and virtuous person.  
Sith man is naturally politic, which is to be a friend of company: the company engendereth envy, and afterwards discord nourisheth war, and war bringeth in tyranny, and tyranny destroyeth the Commonwealth: and the Commonwealth being lost, all men think their lives in peril.  
Therefore it is very necessary, that in the Commonwealth many be governed by one alone: For to 
What is required in the government of the common wealth.  conclude, There is no Commonwealth well governed but by one alone. The great travels and inconveniences which the Ancients found in times past, were the occasision that it was ordained in the public weal, that all should obey one: Sith that in a Camp one only Captain is obeyed, and in the Sea one Pilot followed, In the Monastery all obey one Prelate, and in the Church all obey one Bishop; and since in a Hive of Bees, one Bee only leadeth all the rest: It were not reason that men should be without one King, nor the Commonwealth without a Governor.  
These men that will not have a King in a Commonwealth, are like unto drones and wasps, which without travel eat the sweat of others. And my opinion in this case should be, that every man that will not be commanded, as an abject of the common weal should be expulsed and cast out thereof: For in a commonwealth there can be no greater enemy than he that desireth that many should rule therein. In that public Weal, where one alone hath care for all, and all obey the commandments of one only, there God shall be served, the people shall profit, the good shall be esteemed, and the evil despised, and besides the Tyrants shall be suppressed. For a governance of many is not profitable, unless they refer themselves to the judgement of a few, and to the arbitrement of one alone. Oh how many people & realms (because they would not obey their Princes by justice) have since by cruel tyrants been governed with tyranny: For it is even a just plague, that they which desire the sceptres of righteous Princes, should feel and prove the scourge of cruel tyrants. Always it was, and shall be, that in the world, there was one to command, another to obey, one to govern, and another to be governed.  
In this case let no man say, I am excepted: for until this day there hath no Prince nor Knight been seen, but hath traveled under this yoke: I warn and pray, and importunately require you all, that you be loyal, and faithful servants, to the end you may deserve to have loving Lords: For the Prince that is wicked causeth his subjects to rebel, & the seditious subject maketh his Lord become a tyrant. It is a great thing to the people, their Princes be good or evil: For there are no Princes so stable, that always will disemble the evil: nor there is no governor so very a tyrant, but sometimes will acknowledge 
God suffereth evil Governors for the offences of the people.  the good. Oftentimes God suffereth that there be Emperors in the Empire, Kings in Realms, Lords in Cities, and Prelates in Churches, not all only as the Common wealth desireth, nor as the good government requireth, but as the offence of the multitude deserveth: For we see many that have the charge of souls, which deserve not to keep the sheep: That to be true, plainly appears: For such do not govern but disorder, they do not defend but offend: they do not resist the enemies, but engage and fallen the innocent: they are no judges but Tyrants: they are not gentle Pastors but cruel Hangmen: they are not encreasers of the Commonwealth, but destroyers of justice: they are not maintainers, of the Laws but inventors of tributes: their hearts wake not to good, but to invent and work all mischief. And finally, God sendeth us such Prelates and Governors, not for that they should be Ministers of his laws, but for that they should be scourgers of our offences.   

CHAP. XXIX, That in a public weal there is no greater destruction than where Princes daily consent to new orders, and change old customs.  
IN the first book of the Kings, the 8. Chapter, of the holy 
1 Reg. 8.  and sacred scripture is said: that Samuel (when he was old) in his stead placed his two sons to govern the people, whose names were johel and Abiah, for that naturally the Fathers are desirous to advance their children to honour.  
The sons of Samuel were resident and held the judgement in the City of Beersheba, which was the furthest part of judea, and the old Samuel went to dwell in the City Ramah. The honourable and most ancient men, (among the people of jerusalem) assembled together, and decreed to send Ambassadors to Samuel, which should be the wisest men of all the Synagogue: for the ancients in those days were so circumspect, that they never committed any affairs in the common wealth into the hands of young men. The Ancients then being arrived at Ramah, spoke these words unto Samuel.  
Samuel, thou art now old, and for thy years thou canst not govern the people, therefore thou like a pitiful Father hast committed the government of the people into the hands of thy children.  
Wherefore we let thee know in this case, that thy children are covetous. First, they do receive bribes of the suitors. And secondarily, they do great injury to the people: Therefore we are come to require thee to give unto us a King that may govern us, and that might lead us in battle: for we will no more judges to judge us, but Kings for to govern us.  
The aged Samuel hearing the embassage, was ashamed of that the Ancients of judea had told him: first seeing his children to be evil: Secondarily, because they would take their offices from them, And truly herein Samuel had just occasion, both to be ashamed, and also sorry.  
For the enormities, vices and wickedness of the young children 
The folly of youth.  are swords that pass through the hearts of the old and ancient Fathers. Samuel seeing that the Hebrews were determined to deprive them of their office, and government of the people, had none other remedy but even to make his moan to God of his grief, and God hearing his complaints, said unto him: Samuel. Be not sad, nor lament not, for their demanding a King (as they do) they do not mislike thy person, but they dispraise my providence, and marvel not though they forsake thy children, for they are somewhat too young, sith they have forsaken me their God, and worship false Idols. Sith they demand a King. I have determined to give them one, but first tell to them the conditions of the King, which are these.  
The King whom I will give you, shall take your Children, with your Chariots and beasts, and shall send them loaden with burdens. And yet therewith not contented, he shall make your children posts by the way, Tribunes and Centurions in his Battles, and shall make them labourers and gardeners in his gardens, he shall make them sow his seeds, & passed his bread, and furbish his harness, and Armour.  
You shall have beside both delicate and tender daughters, the which you shall little enjoy: For the King that I will give you, shall command them to keep and attend 
The power and 〈…〉 of a King.  those that are wounded in the wars, he shall make them Cooks in his Palace, and Caters of his expenses.  
The King that I will give you, if he handle your Sons and Daughters evil, much worse he will handle your goods. For on the beasts and fertile Fields that you have his Herd shall feed, he shall gather the best grapes of your vines, he shall choose of your Olive trees the best olives and oils. And if any fruit afterwards remain in your fields, he will they shall be gathered, not by you, but of his workmen: And afterwards the King that I will give you shall oppress you much more.  
For of every peck of corn, you shall give him one, of ten sheep you must needs give him one: so that of all things which you shall gather against your wills, you shall give the tenth. Of your Slaves the King shall be served sooner than you: and he shall take all your Oxen that labour, and travail in your own Possessions, and shall bring them to plough in his own ground and tenements. So that you shall pay tribute, & the King shall take his own profit, for the wealth and commodity of his Palace.  
And all this which I have rehearsed before, the King shall have whom I will give you. The History which here I have declared, is not Ovid, nor yet the Eglogges of Virgil, nor yet the feigning of Homer; but it is the sentence and the very word of God.  
O mortal ignorance, that we demand and know not why nor wherefore, to whom nor where, neither when we demand, which causeth men to run into sundry errors. For few men are so wise that they offend not in choosing, and that they can ask with reason. 
The folly of men.   
The Hebrews asked (as they think) the better, and GOD giveth them the worse, they ask one to govern them, and God giveth them a Tyrant to destroy them: they ask one that should maintain them in justice, and he threateneth them with tyranny: they require one that should give them, and he giveth them one which robbeth them: They require one to deliver them from bondage, & he ordaineth one to keep them as slaves.  
And finally, the Hebrews trusting to be delivered of their judges, which ruled not according to their appetits. God shall give them a king that shall take away their goods from them by force.  
Oh how many times ought we to pray unto GOD, to give us Princes in our Commonwealth, and Prelates in our Churches, which do know how to govern us, and minister unto us: 
How much we are bound to pray unto God for good Governors.  not according to the weight of our soul, but according to the measure of his mercy?  
Plato saith in the first book of laws, that one of the most Excellent laws which the Siciones had in their Province, was, to keep their Cities, that they should not change nor alter any thing therein.  
Truly those Barbarous were sage, in their doing: and Plato was very discreet to commend them therein; For nothing destroyeth a Commonwealth sooner than to suffer changes ofttimes therein.  
All these things seemed to be true in the Hebrues, the which in their government were very rash and undiscrete.  
For first they governed themselves by patriarchs, as Abraham was. After they were governed by Prophets, as Moses. By Captains, as josuab: by judges, as Gedeon: by Kings, as David: and after they governed themselves by Bishops, as Abdias was, and in the end the Hebrews not contented with all these, GOD suffered that they should fall into the hands of Antichus, Ptholomeus, & Herodes, all Tyrants.  
This punishment fell (according to the just judgement of God) upon them for their offences: for it was even meet, that they that would not enjoy the pleasant liberty of judea, should taste the cruel servitude of Babylon.  
The condition which chanced in the government, to the unconstant Hebrews, the same happened unto the proud Romans. The which in the beginning of their Empire were governed by Kings: afterwards by x. men: 
The government of Rome.  Then by the Consuls: so by the Dictator's: by the Censors: and afterwards, by the Tribunes, and Senators: and in the end, they came to be governed by Emperors, and tyrannous Princes. The romans invented all these alterations in their governments, for none other cause, but to see whether they could be delivered from the commandment of another. For the Romans in this case were so proud hearted, that they had rather die in liberty, then live in captivity: God had so ordained it, and their woeful case did so promise it, when they were above all other Kings and Realms of the Earth, that then the slave should be obedient to his irons, and the subject should acknowledge the homage to his Master. And though that subjects do move wars, though Kings also do win Realms, and Emperors conquer Empires: yet will they, or nill they, both great and small, should acknowledge themselves for servants.  
For during the time of our fleshly life, we can never withdraw our selue from the yoke of servitude. And say not you Princes, for that you are puissant Princes, that you are exempted from servitude of men. For without doubt it is a thing more untolerable, to have their hearts burdened with thoughts, than their necks laden with 
The care of Princes.  irons.  
If a slave be good, they take from him some irons: but to you that are Princes, the greater you are, the greater cares you have. For the prince that for his Commonwealth taketh care, hath not one moment of an hour quiet. A slave hopeth to be delivered in his life, but you cannot look to be delivered till after your death. They lay irons on the slave by weight, but thoughts burden you without measure. For the woeful hart is more burdened with one hour of care, than the body is pressed with twenty pound of iron. A slave or prisoner if he be alone, many times fileth off his irons but you Princes when you are alone, are more grievously tormented with thoughts: For solitary places are Arbours and Gardens, to woeful and heavy hearts.  
A slave hath nothing to care for but himself alone: but you that be princes have to satisfy and please all men, For the Prince should have a time for himself, and also for those which are about him.  
The divine Plato said well, that he that should have the least part of a Prince, and belonging to a Prince, aught to be the Prince himself. For to that end the Prince should be all his own, he ought to have no part in himself.  
Though a slave work & travel in the day, yet he sleeps without care in the night: but you Princes pass the time in hearing importunate suits, and the nights in fetching innumerable sighs.  
Finally, I say, that in a slave (be it well, or be it evil) all his pain is finished in one year, or is ended at his death; but what shall a woeful Prince do when he dieth. If he were good there is but a short memory of his goodness: and if he hath been evil, his infamy shall never have end.  
I have spoken these things to the end that great and small, Lords and servants should confess and acknowledge, the true Seignory to be only unto him, who for to make us Lords above, became a servant here beneath.   

CHAP. XXX. When the Tyrants began to ratgne, and upon what occasion commanding, and obeying first began. And how the authority which the Prince hath, is by the ordinance of God.  
CEasing to speak any further of the Poetical Histories, and ancient feignings, and speaking the truth, according to the divine Histories, the first that did live in this World, was our Father Adam, who did eat of the fruit forbidden, and that not so much for to trespass the commandment of one, as for not to displease his wife Eve: For many now a days, had rather suffer their conscience a long time to be infected: then one only day to see their wives displeased.  
The first homicide of the world was Cain: The first that died in the World was Abel: The first that had two wives in the World was Lamech. The first City of the World was by Enoch built in the fields of Edon: The first Musician was Tubalcaim: The first which sailed in the World, was No: The first Tyrant of the World was Nembroth: The first Priest was Melcrisedech: The first King of the World was Anraphel: The first Duke was Moses: The first which was called Emperor in the World, was julius Caesar. For until this time, they which governed, were called Consuls, Censors and Dictator's. And from julius Caesar's hitherto have been called Emperors.  
The first battle that was given in the world (as we read) was in the wild valleys, which now they call the dead and salt sea: For a great part of that, that then was the main land is now the dead sea. The holy Scriptures cannot deceive us, for it is full of all truth, and by them it is declared, that eighteen hundred years after the World began, there was no battle assembled, nor company that met to fight in the field: for at that time when they had no ambition nor covetousness, they knew not what battle meant.  
It is reason therefore that in this writing we declare the cause, why the first battle was fought in the world, to the end Princes may thereof be advertised, and the curious Reader remain therein satisfied.  
The manner was this, that Bassa being King of Sodom, Bersa King of 
The reason why wars first began.  Gomorrhe, Senaab King of Adamee Semebar King of Seboime, and Vale King of Segor, were all five Tributaries to Chodor Lanmor King of the Elamites, which five Kings conspired against him, because they would pay him no tribute, and because that they would acknowledge no homage unto him. For the realms paying tribute, have always rebelled and sowed sedition.  
This rebellion was in the 13, year of the reign of Chodor Laomor, King of the Elamites, and immediately the year following, Anraphel king of Sernaar, Arioch king of Ponte, and Aradal King of the Allotali, joined with Chodor Laomor. All which together began to make wars, to destroy Cities and Countries upon their enemies.  
For the old malice of the war is, That where they cannot have their enemies which are in the fault, they put to sack and destroy those which are innocent and guiltless.  
So the one assaulting, and the other descending, in the end all come to the field, they gave battle as two enemies, and the greatest part was overcome of the fewest, and the fewest remained victorious over the greatest, which thing God would suffer in the first battle of the world, to the end Princes might take example, that all the mishaps of the Wars come not, but because they are begun of an unjust occasion.  
If Chodor Laomor had held himself contented as his Predecessors did, and that he had not conquered Realms in making them subject, and had not caused them to pay tribute, neither they unto him would have denied reason: nor he with them would have waged battle. For thorough the covetousness of the one, and the ambition of the other, enmities grew between the people.  
This considered which we have spoken of Sygnorie, and of those which came into contentions for signories.  
Let us now see from whence the first original of servitude came, and the names of servants and Lords 
How servitude began.  which were in the old time, and whether servitude was by the discord of virtuous men, first brought into the World, or else invented by the ambition of tyrants: for when the one commandeth, and the other obeyeth, it is one of the novelties of the world, as the holy Scripture declareth unto us in this manner. The holy Patriarch Noah had three sons, which were Sam, Ham, and japhet: and the second son (which was Ham) begot Cusn, and this Cusn begot Nimrod, Nimrod made himself a Hunter of wild beasts in the woods and mountains: He was the first that began to play the Tyrant amongst men, enforcing their persons and taking their goods: and the Scripture called him Oppressor hominum, which is to say, an Oppressor 
The first tyrant that ever was.  of men: For men of evil life always commit much evil in a Commonwealth.  
He taught the Chaldeans to honour the fire, he was the first that presumed to be an absolute Lord, and the first that ever required of men homage and service.  
This cursed tyrant ended his life in the golden World, wherein all things were in common, with the Commonwealth: For the Ancients used their goods in common: but their wills only they reserved to themselves. They ought not so think in a light matter, for his person to have been a tyrant, but they ought to think it a greater matter, to have been a rebel in a Commonwealth: & much more they ought to esteem it as an evil matter in him, which hath been (as he was) a disturber of the good customs of his country: but the most unjust of all is, to leave behind him any evil custom brought into the common wealth: for if he deserve great infamy which worketh evil in his life: truly he deserveth much more, which traveleth to bring that evil in ure after his death. Eusebius seemeth to affirm, that after Nimrod had destroyed the realm of Chaldea by his plagues, came to Italy with 8. sons, & built the of Camesa, which afterwards, in Saturn's time was called Valentia, and in the time of Romulus it was called as it is at this present, Rome. And sith this thing was thus, a man ought not to marvel, that Rome in ancient time was possessed with Tyrants, and with Tyrants beaten down, since by so so famous and renowned tyrants it was founded. For even as Jerusalem was the daughter of the patient, and the mansion of the quiet Kings in Asia: so was Rome the mother of proud Princes in Europe.  
The Histories of the Gentiles, (which knew not the holy Scripture) declare in an other sort the beginning of signory and servitude, and when they came into the world: for the Idolaters not only did not know the Creator of the World, but also they were ignorant of many things which began in the world. They therefore say, that the Tyrant Nimrod (amongst the others) had a son called Belus, and that this Belus was the first that reigned in the land of Syria, and that he was the first that invented wars on the earth, and that he 
Belus the first inventor of wars  set up the first Monarch among the Assyrians, and in the end he died after he had reigned 65. years in Asia, and left the world in great wars. The first Monarchy of the world, was that of the Assyrians, and continued 132. years.  
The first King was Belus, and the last King was Sardanapalus, whom (at that time when he was slain) they found spinning with women, having a Distaff in his hand, wherewith they use to spin: and truly his vile death was too good for such a cowardly King: For the Prince ought not to defend that with the Distaff, that his Predecessors had won with the sword.  
As we have said Nimrod begat Belus, who had to wife Semiramis, which was the mother of Ninus, which Ninus succeeded his Father in tyranny, and in the Empire also: and both the Mother and the Son not contented to be tyrants, invented statues of new Gods: For man's malice pursueth rather the evil, which the wicked do invent, than the good which virtuous men begin.  
We would have showed you, how the Grandfather, and the Father, the Mother and the Son, were Idolaters and warlike, to the end Princes and great Lords might see, that they began their Empires, more for that they were ambitious persons, then for that they were good, patient, or virtuous men. Albeit that Nimrod was the first that ever committed any tyranny, and whether it be true or not that Belus was the first that invented wars, and that Chodor Laormor was the first that invented battles, and that there be others, whereof the Writings make no mention, every man taking for himself, and afterwards all together: those were occasions of evil enough in the world to agree unto those things. Our inclination is greatly to be blamed: For those which have credit for their evil, are many: and those which have power to do well, are but very few.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of the golden age in times past, and worldly misery which we have at this present.  
IN the first age, and golden world, all lived in peace, each man took care for his own lands, every one planted & sowed their trees, and corn, every one gathered his fruits, and cut his vines, knedde their bread, and brought up their children, and finally, all lived by their own proper sweat and travel; so that they all lived without the prejudice or hurt of any other.  
O worldly malice, O cursed and wicked world, that thou never sufferest things to remain in one estate, and though I call thee cursed, marvel not thereat: for when we are in most prosperity, than thou with death persecutest us most cruelly.  
Without tears, I say not that I will say, that two thousand years of the World were past before we knew what the World meant: God suffering 
The mutability of the World.  it, and worldly malice invented it, ploughs were turned into weapons, oxen to horses, goads unto lances, whips to arrows, slings to Crossbows, simplicity into malice, travel into idleness, rest to pain, peace to war, love to hatred, charity to cruelty, justice to tyranny, profit to damage, alms to theft, and above all, Faith into Idolatry.  
And finally, the sweat they had to profit in their own goods, they turned to bloodshedding, to the damage of the Commonwealth. And herein the World showeth itself to be a world: herein worldly-malice showeth itself to be malicious, in so much as the one rejoiceth, and the other lamenteth: the one rejoiceth to stumble, to the end that other may fall and break their necks, the one rejoiceth to be poor, to the end the other may not be rich: the one rejoiceth to be dispraised, to the end the other may not be honoured: the one delighteth to be sad, to the end the other should not be merry: And to conclude, we are so wicked, that we banish the good from our own house, to the end the evil might enter in at the gates of an other man.  
When the Creator created the whole World, he gave to each thing immediately his place: that is to say, he placed intelligence in the uppermost Heaven: he placed the stars in the Firmament, the planets in the orbs: the birds in the air: the earth on the Centre, the Fishes in the Water, the Serpents in the holes, the beasts in the mountains: and to all in general, he gave place to rest themselves in.  
Now let Princes and great Lords be vainglorious, saying, that they they are Lords of the earth: for truly of all that is created, God only is the true Lord thereof; because the miserable man for his part hath but the use of the fruit: for if we think it reasonable that we should enjoy the profit of that which is created: then were it more convenient we should acknowledge God to be the Lord thereof.  
I do not deny, but confess, that God created all things, to the 
God made all things for the use of man.  end they should serve man upon condition, that man should serve God likewise: but when the creature riseth against God, immediately the Creator resisteth against man.  
For it is but reason that he be disobeyed, who one only commandment will not obey.  
O what evil fortune hath the creature, only for disobeying the commandment of his Creator: for if man had kept his commandment in Paradise, God had conserved to the World the signory: but the Creatures whom he created for his service are occasion to him of great troubles: for the ingratitude of benefit heapeth great sorrow to the discreet heart. It is great pity to behold the man that was in Paradise, and that might have been in Heaven: and now to see him in the world, and above all to be interred in the entrails of the earth: For in Terrestrial Paradise he was innocent, and in heaven he had been blessed; but now he is in the world, environed with cares, and afterwards he shall be thrown into his grave, and gnawn of the Worms. Let us now see the disobedience we had in the commandment 
What man fit by Adam's fall.  of God, and what fruit we have gathered in the world. For he is very simple that dare commit any vice, taking no delight nor pleasure thereof in his body. In my opinion through the sins which our forefathers committed in Paradise, the servitude remaineth in us their children which are on the earth. For so much as if I enter into the water, I drown, if I touch the fire I burn, if I come near a dog, he biteth me, if I threaten a horse, he easteth me, if I resist the wind it bloweth me down, if I persecute the serpent, he spoileth me, if I smite the bear he destroyeth me, and to be brief I say, that the man that without pity eateth men in his life, the Worms shall eat his entrails in his life after his death.  
O Princes and great Lords, load yourselves with cloth of gold, heap up your great Treasures, assemble many Armies, invent justs and turneiss, seek pastimes and pleasures, revenge yourselves of your enemies, serve yourselves with your subjects, marry your children to mighty Kings, and set them in great estate: cause yourselves to be feared of your enemies, employ your bodies to all pleasures, leave great possessions to your heirs, raise sumptuous buildings to leave memory of your persons: I swear by him that shall judge me, that I have more compassion to see your sinful souls, than I have envy to see your vicious lives: for in the end all pastimes will vanish away, and they shall leave you for a gage to the hungry worms of the earth.  
O if Princes did consider (though they have been borne Princes, created 
A warning for all sorts of people.  and nourished in great estates) that the day they are borne, death immediately cometh to seek the end of their life, and taketh them here and there when they are sick, now tumbling, then rising; he never leaveth them one hour until their woeful burial: Therefore sith it is true, (as indeed it is) that that which Princes possess in this life is but small, & that which they hope in the other is so great: Truly I marvel why Princes, the which shall lie so strait in the grave, dare lie in such and so great largeness in their life. To be rich, to be Lords, and to have great estates, men should not thereof at all be proud, since they see how frail man's condition is: for in the end life is but lone, but death is enheritage. Death is a patrimony and heritage, which successively is inherited: but life is a right which daily is surrendered. For death counteth us so much his own, that oft times unawares, he 
Nothing so sure as death.  cometh to assault us: & life taketh us such strangers, that oft times we not doubting thereof, it vanisheth away If this thing then be true, why will Princes and great Lords presume to command a strange house, which is this life, as in their own house which is the grave? Leaving aside the said opinions, I say that for sin only servitude came to dwell in us, and entered into the world: for if there had been no sinners, we ought to believe there had been no Lords, nor servants. For as much as servitude generally entereth into this World through sin: I say that the Seignory of Princes is by the divine commandment; for he sayeth: By me the King doth govern, and by me the Prince doth minister justice.  
I conclude in this sort, with this reason: That since it is true, Princes are sent by the hands of God for to govern us, We are bound in all, and for 
The reason we have to obey our Prince.  all to obey them: for there is no greater plague in a public weal, then to be disobedient to the Prince.   

CHAP. XXXII. How King Alexander the great, after he had overcome King Datius in Asia, went to conquer the great Indea, and of that which happened unto him with the Garamantes, and how the good life hath more power than any force of war.  
IN the year of the Creation of the World, 4970. in the first age of the World, and in the 4027. years of the foundation of Rome, jado being High Priest in Hierusalew, Decius and Mamilius at Rome Consuls, in the third year of the Monarchy of the greeks, Alexander the Great (son to Philip King of Macedonia) gave the last battle to Darius' King of Persia, wherein King Alexander escaped very sore wounded, and Darius slain, so that the whole Empire of the Persians came under the government of the Greeks: For the unfortunate Princes do not only lose their lives with which they came into the world, but also the Realms which they did inherit.  
After that Darius was dead, and Alexander saw himself Lord of the field, and that the Persians and Medes were become subject to the Grecians, though many Kings and Lords died in those cruel batailes: yet it seemed to Alexander a trifle to be Governor of all Asia, wherefore he determined in person to go conquer the great India. For, Proud and stout hearts obtaining that which they desire, immediately begin to esteem it as little. All 
The pride of Alexander.  his Armies repaired, and placing governors in all the Realm of Asia, Alexander departed to conquer the great India: for he had promised & sworn to his gods, that through all the World there should be but one Empire, and that that should be his: and moreover that he would never pass thorough any strange Realm or Country, but it should give obedience unto him, or else forthwith he would destroy it: for tyrannous hearts have never any regard to the damage of another, until they have obtained their wicked desires.  
Alexander then going to conquer Realms, and destroy Provinces: by chance one said unto him, That on the other side of the mountain Riphei (towards the parts of India) was a barbarous Nation which were called Garamantes, as yet never conquered by the Persians and Medes, romans, nor greeks, neither any of them ever triumphed over them: for they had no weapons, nor esteemed them not, sith they had no riches.  
King Alexander, (who for to conquer and subdue Realms and strange countries was very diligent & hardy and to see new things very desirous,) determined, not only to send to see that country, but also to go himself in person, and in that place to leave of him some Memorial: which thing forthwith he accomplished. For he left them Altars, as Hercules left in Gades, pillars. For man's heart is so stout, that it Traveleth not only to compare with many, but also to excel all.  
The Ambassadors of Alexander were sent to Garamantes, to advertise them of the coming of King Alexander the great, & of the terrible and cruel battles, which he in the wars had overcome: and to declare unto them how the puissant K: Darius was slain, and that all Asia was under his subjection, and how every City did yield themselves: against whom he neither lifted spear nor sword, because all yielded to his commandment. With these and such other like things they would have feared them, for that words oft times maketh men more afraid, especially when they are spoken of brave stout men, then do the swords of cowards.  
Lucius Bosco saith, in his third book of the antiquityes of the Grecians, (of whom the original of this history is drawn) that after the Ambassadors of Alexander had spoken to the Garamantes, they were nothing at all troubled for the message, neither did they fly away from Alexander, nor they prepared any war, neither took they in hand any weapon, nor yet they did resist him, Yea, and the chiefest of all was, that no man of the Country ever departed out of his house.  
Finally, they neither answered the Ambassadors (of Alexander,) to their right message, nor yet spoke one word unto them, concerning their coming. And truly the Garamantes had reason therein, and did in that right wisely: For it is but mere folly for a man to persuade those men with words who enterprise any thing of will.  
It is a marvelous matter to hear reported the histories of these Garamantes, (that is to say) that all their houses were of equal height, all men were appareled alike, the one had no more authority than another, in feeding they were no glouttons, in drinking wine they were temperate, concerning pleas and debates, they were ignorant, they would suffer no idle man to live among them, they had no weapons, because they had no enemies: and generally, they spoke few words, but that which they spoke was always true.  
King Alexander being somewhat informed of those Garamantes, and their life, determined to send for them, and called them before his presence, and instantly desired them (if they had any wise men among them, to bring them unto him, and by writing or by word of mouth, to speak somewhat unto him. For Alexander was such a friend to sage men, that all the realms which he overcame, immediately he gave to his men, excepting the Sages, which he kept for his own person.  
Quintus Curtius, by king Alexander saith, that a Prince doth well spend his treasures to conquer many Realms, only to have the conversation of one wise man. And truly he had reason: for to princes it is more profit in their life to be accompanied with Sages: then after their deaths, to leave great treasures to their heirs. Certain of those Garamantes then being come before the presence of Alex: the great, one among them (as they thought the most ancientest) himself alone (the residue keeping silence,) in the name of them all spoke these words.   

CHAP. XXXIII. Of an Oration which one of the Sages of Garamantia made unto King Alexander, a goodly lesson for all ambitious men,  
IT is a custom, king Alexander, amongst us Garamantes, to speak seldom one to another, & scarcely never speak to strangers, especially if they be busy and unquiet men: For, the tongue of an evil man is no other but a plain demonstration of his envious heart.  
When they told us of thy coming into this country, immediately we determined not to go out to receive thee, nor to prepare ourselves to resist thee, neither to lift up our eyes to behold thee, nor to open our mouths to salute thee, neither to move our hands to trouble thee, nor ye to make war to offend thee. For greater is the hate that we bear to riches and honours, which thou lovest, than the love is that thou hast to destroy men, and subdue Countries, which we abhor.  
It hath pleased thee we should see thee, not desiring to see thee, and we have obeyed thee, not willing to obey thee, and that we should salute thee, not desirous to salute thee: wherewith we are contented, upon condition, that thou be patient to hear us. For that which we will say unto thee, shall tend more unto amendment of thy life, then to dissuade thee from conquering our country. For it is reason that Princes which shall come hereafter do know, why we living so little, esteem that which is our own: and why thou dying, takest such pains to possess that which is another man's.  
O Alexander, I ask thee one thing, and I doubt whether thou canst answer me thereunto or no? For those hearts which are proud, are also most commonly blinded.  
Tell me whether thou goest? from whence thou comest? what thou meanest? what thou thinkest? what thou desirest? what thou seekest? what thou demandest? what thou searchest? 
A compendious reprehension.  and what thou procurest? and further, to what Realms & Provinces thy disordinate appetite extendeth? Without a cause do I not demand thee this question, what is that thou demandest and what it is that thou seekest: For I think thou thyself knowest not what thou wouldst? For proud and ambitious hearts know not what will satisfy them. Sith thou art ambitious, honour deceiveth thee: sith thou art prodigal, covetousness beguileth thee: sith thou art young, ignorance abuseth thee: and sith thou art proud, all the world laugheth thee to scorn: in such sort, that thou followest men and not reason: thou followest thine own opinion, and not the counsel of an other, thou embracest flatterers, and repulsest virtuous men. For Princes and Noble men had rather be commended with lies, than to be reproved with truth. I cannot tell to what end you Princes live so deceived, and abused, to have & keep in your palaces more flatterers, jugglers, and fools, then wise and sage men. For in a prince's palace if there be any which extolleth their doings, there are ten thousand which abhor their tyrannies. I perceive by these deeds (Alexander) that the gods will sooner end thy life, than then wilt end thy wars. The man that is brought up in debates, dissensions, and strife, all his felicity consisteth in burning, destroying, and blood shedding: I see thee defended with weapons, I see thee accompanied with tyrants, I see thee rob the temples. I see thee without profit waste the treasures, I see thee murder the Innocent and trouble the patient, I see thee evil willed of all, and beloved of none, which is the greatest evil of all evils. Therefore how were it possible for thee to endure such and so great travels, unless thou art a fool, or else because God hath appointed it to chastise thee.  
The Gods suffer oftentimes that men being quiet. should have some weighty affairs, and that is not for that they should be honoured: at this present, but to the end they should be punished for that which is past.  
Tell me I pray thee, peradventure it is no great folly to impoverish many, to make thyself alone rich? It is not (peradventure) folly that one should command by tyranny, and that all the rest lose the possession of their Seignory. It is not folly perchance to love (to the damnation of our souls) many memories in the world of our body. It is not folly perchance that the Gods approve thy disordinate appetite alone, and condemn the will and opinion of all the World beside: peradventure it is not folly, to win with the tears of the poor, and comfortless widows) so great and bloody victories: peradventure it is no folly, willingly to wet the earth with the blood of Innocents', only to have a vain glory in this World? Thou thinkest it no folly peradventure (God having divided the World into so many people) that thou shouldest usurp them to thee alone? O Alexander, Alexander, truly such works proceed not from a creature nourished among men on the earth: but rather of one that hath been brought up among the infernal Furies of Hell: for we are not bound to judge men by the 
How we ought to judge of men.  good nature they have: but by their good and evil works which they do.  
The man is cursed (if he have not been cursed, he shallbe cursed) that liveth to the prejudice of all others in this world present, only to be counted courageous, stout, and hardy, in time to come. For the gods seldom suffered them to enjoy that quietly in peace, which they have gotten unjustly in the wars.  
I would ask thee, what insolency moved thee to revolt against the lord K. Darius? after whose death thou hast sought to conquer all the world? and thus thou dost not as a King that is an inhertitor, but as a tyrant, that is an oppressor, For him properly we call a tyrant, that without justice & reason taketh that which is another man's.  
Either thou searchest justice, or thou searchest peace, or else thou searchest riches, and our honour? Thou searchest rest, or else thou searchest favour of thy friends, or thou searchest vengeance of 
The property of a tyrant.  thine enemies. But I swear unto thee (Alex:) that thou shalt not find any of all these things, if thou seekest by this means, as thou hast begun: For the sweet Sugar is not of the nature of the bitter gumbe. How shall we believe thou searchest justice, sith against reason and justice, by Tyranny thou rulest all the earth? how shall we believe thou searchest peace, sith thou causest them to pay tribute which receive thee: and those which resist thee, thou handlest them like enemies? How can we believe that thou searchest rest, sith thou troublest all the world? How can we believe thou searchest gentiles, sith thou art the scourge and sword of humane frailness? how can we believe that thou searchest riches, sith thine own Treasures sufficeth thee not: neither that which by thee vanquished cometh into thy hands, nor that which the conque rors offer thee? How shall we believe thou searchest profit to thy friends, sith that of thy old friends, thou hast made new enemies? I let thee understand (Alex:) that the greatest ought too teach the least, & the least to obey the greatest  
And Friendship is only amongst equals. But thou, (sith thou sufferest none in the World to be equal and like unto thee, look not thou to have any Friend in the world. For Princes oftentimes by ingratitude lose faithful Friends: and by ambition win mortal enemies.  
How shall we believe thou searchest revenge of thine enemies, sith thou takest more vengeance of thyself, being alive, than thine enemies would take of thee, if they took thee prisoner? though perchance in times past they used thy Father Philip evil, and have now disobeyed thee his Son: It were far better counsel for thee to make them thy Friends by gentleness, then to confirm them Enemies by cruelty. For the Noble and pitiful hearts when they are revenged of any, make of themselves a butchery.  
We cannot with truth say, that thy Travels are well employed to win such honour, sith thy conversation and life is so unconstant? For truly honour consisteth not in that Flatterers say, but in that which Lords do. For the great Familiarity of the wicked, causeth the life to be suspected.  
Honour is not gotten by liberal giving of Treasours at his death, but by spending it well in his life: For it is a sufficient 
In what true Honour consisteth.  proof, that the man which esteemeth renown, doth little regard Money: and it is an apparent token, that man who little esteemeth Money, greatly regardeth his renown.  
A man winneth not honour by murdering Innocents', but by destroying Tyrants: for all the harmony of the good government of princes is, in the chastising 
How a Prince must win honour.  of the evil, & rewarding the good.  
Honour is not won in taking and snatching the goods of an other, but in giving and spending his own.  
For there is nothing that beautifieth the Majesty of a Prince more, then for to show his nobleness in extending mercy and favour unto his subjects, and giving gifts and rewards to the virtuous.  
And to conclude, I will let thee know who he is, that winneth true honour in this life: and also: a perpetual memory after his death: and that is not he which leadeth his life in Wars, but he that taketh his death in peace.  
O Alexander, I see thou art young, and that thou desirest honour, wherefore I let thee understand, that there is no man farther from true honour, than he which greedily procureth and desireth the same. For the ambitious men, not obtaining what they desire, remain always defamed, and in winning and getting that which they search, true honour notwithstanding will not follow them.  
Believe me in one thing Alexander, that the most truest honour ought through worthy deeds to be deserved, and by no means to be procured: For all the honour which by tyranny is won, in the end by infamy is lost.  
I am sorry for thee Alexander: For 
How true honour is won.  I see thou wantest justice, since thou lovest Tyranny: I see thou lackest peace, because thou lovest war: I see thou art not Rich, because thou hast made all the world poor: I see thou lackest rest, because thou seekest contention and debate: I see thou hast no honour, because thou winnest it by infamy: I see thou wantest friends, because thou hast made them thine enemies.  
Finally, I see thou dost not revenge thyself of thine enemies, because thou art (as they would be) the scourge to thyself.  
Then since it is so; why art thou alive in this World, sith thou lackest virtues, for the which life ought to be desired? For truly that man, which without his own profit, and to the damage of an other leadeth his life, by justice ought forthwith to lose his breath.  
For there is nothing that sooner destroyeth the Weal public, then to permit unprofitable men therein to live.  
Therefore speaking the truth, you Lords and Princes are but poor, I believe thou conquerest the World, because thou knowest not thy superior therein: and besides that, thou wilt take life from so many, to the end that by their death thou mayest win renown.  
If cruel and warlike Princes (as thou art) should inherit the lives of them whom they slay, to augment & prolong their lives, as they do inherit goods to maintain their pride, although it were unmeet, than war were tolerable,  
But what profiteth the servant to lose his life this day, and his Master's death to be differred but until the 
The property of a wise man.  morrow? O Alexander, to be desirous to command much, having respite to live but little: me thinketh it were a great folly and lack of wisdom. Presumptuous and ambitious men which measure their works not with the few days they have to live, but with the arogant and haughty thoughts they have to command: They lead their life in travel, and take their death with sorrow. And the remedy hereof is, that if the wise man cannot obtain that which he would, he should content himself with that which he may.  
I let thee to know Alexander, that the perfection of men is not to see much, to hear much, to know much, to procure much, to come to much, to travel much, to possess much, and to be able to do much: but it is to be in the favour of the Gods.  
Finally, I tell thee, that that man is perfect, who in his own opinion deserveth not that he hath, and in the opinion of another, deserveth much more than that he possesseth. We are of this opinion amongst us, that he is unworthy to have honour, who by such infamous means searcheth for it. And therefore thou, Alexander, deservest to be slave unto many, because thou thinkest to deserve the signory over all. By the immortal Gods I swear, I cannot imagine the great mischief which entered into thy breast, so unrighteously to kill King Darius (whose vassal and friend thou wast only) because thou wouldst possess the Empire of the whole World? For truly servitude in peace is more worth than Signiory in war. And he that shall speak against that I have spoken, I say he, is sick, and hath lost his taste.   

CHAP. XXXIIII. The sage Garamante continueth his Oration, showing that perpetuity of life cannot be bought with any worldly treasure. Among other notable matters he maketh mention of the seven laws which they observed.  
THou wilt not deny me Alexander, but 
What mean a wise man should use.  that thou wert more healthful when thou wast King of Macedo●●● than thou art now being Lord of all the earth: for the excessive travel bringeth men out of all order.  
Thou wilt not deny me Alexander, that the more thou gettest, the more thou desirest: for the heart which with covetousness is set on fire, cannot with wood and bows of riches, but with the earth of the grave be satisfied and quenched.  
Thou wilt not deny me (Alexander) but the abundance that thou thyself hast, seemeth unto thee little, and the little which an other man possesseth, seemeth unto thee much: For the Gods, to the ambitious, and covetous hearts gave this for penance that neither with enough, nor with too much they should content themselves.  
Thou wilt not deny me (Alexander) if in deed thy heart be covetous, that first the pleasures of life shall end before thy covetousness: for where vices have had power long time in the heart, there death, only, and none other hath authority to pluck up the roots.  
Thou wilt not deny me (Alexander) that though thou hast more than all, yet thou enjoyest least of any: for the Prince that possesseth much, is always occupied in defending it: but 
The greedy desires of man never satisfied.  the Prince that hath little, hath Time and leisure in quiet to enjoy it.  
Thou wilt not deny me (Alexander) though thou callest thyself Lord of all, yet thou hast but only the name thereof, and others thy servants and subjects have all the profits: for the greedy and covetous hearts do travel and toil to get, and in wasting that which they have gotten, they pine away.  
And finally (Alexander) thou wilt not deny me, that all that which thou hast in the long conquest gotten, is little, and that which of thy wisdom and quietness thou hast lost, is much: For the Realms which thou hast gotten are innumerable, but the cares, sighs and thoughts which thou hast heaped upon thy heart, are innumerable.  
I let thee know one thing, that you Princes are poorer than the poor Subjects: for he is not rich that hath more than he deserveth, but he that desireth to have less than possesseth. And that therefore Princes you have nothing: For though you abound in great treasures, yet notwithstanding, you are poor of good desire.  
Now Alexander, let us come to the point, and cast account, and let us see 
The man is happy that hath content.  us see to what end thy Conquest will come? Either thou art a man, or thou art a god; And if thou be any of the gods, command, or cause that we be immortal: and if thou canst do any such thing, then take us and our goods withal. For perpetuity of the life, can by no riches be bought.  
O Alexander, I let thee understand, that therefore we seek not to make war with thee: For we see that both from thee, and also from us, death will shortly take away the life. For he is a very simple man, that thinketh always to remain in another man's house as in his own.  
It thou Alexander, couldst give us, (as God) everlasting life, each man would travel to defend his own house; But sith we know we shall die shortly, we care little whether to thee or any other, our goods and riches remain. For if it be folly to dwell in an other man's house as his own, it is a greater folly to him that loseth his life, in taking thought and lamenting for his goods.  
Presuppose that thou art not god, but a man; I conjure thee then, by the immortal gods, and do require thee that thou live as a man, behave thyself as a man, and covet no more than an other man, neither desire 
How a man ought to conceive of himself.  more nor less than a man: for in the end thou shalt die as another man, and shalt be buried as another man, and thou shalt be thrown into the grave, and then there shallbe no more memory of thee.  
I told thee before that it grieved me to see thee so hardy and courageous, so apt and so young, and now it grieveth me to see thee so deceived with the world: and that which I perceive of thee is, that then thou shalt know thy folly when thou shalt not be able to find any remedy. For the proud Young man before he feeleth the wound hath already the ointment.  
You which are Grecians call us Barbarous, because we inhabit the mountains.  
But as touching this I say, that we rejoice to be barbarous in our speech and greeks in our doings: and not as you which have the Grecian tongue, and do barbarous works.  
For he that doth well, and speaketh rudely, is no barbarous man: but he which hath the tongue good, and the life evil. Sith I have begun to that end nothing remain unspoken, I will advertise thee of our laws and life, and marvel not to hear it, but desire to observe and keep it: for infinite are they which extol virtuous works, but few are they which observe the same.  
I let thee know (Alexander) that we have short life, we are few people, we have little lands, we have little goods, we have no covetousness, we have few laws, we have few houses, and we have few friends, and above all we have no enemies: for a Wise man ought to be friend to one, and enemy to none.  
Besides all this, we have amongst us great friendships, good peace, great love: much rest, and above all, we hold ourselves contented: for it is better to enjoy the quietness of the grave, then to live a discontented life.  
Our Laws are few, but in our opinions they are good, and are in seven words only included as here followeth.  
We ordain that our children make no more Laws than we their Fathers do leave unto them: for new Laws maketh them to forget good and ancient 
The laws of the Garamantes.  customs.  
We ordain that our Successors shall have no more Gods than two, of the which the one God shall be for the life, and the other for the death: for one God well served is more worth, than many not regarded  
We ordain that all be appareled with one cloth, and hosed of one sort, and that the one have no more apparel than the other: for the diversity of garments engendereth folly among the people.  
We ordain that when any woman which is married hath had three children that then she be separated from her husband, for the abundance of children causeth men to have covetous hearts. And if any woman hath brought forth any more children, than they should be sacrificed unto the Gods before her eyes.  
We ordain that all men and women speak the truth in all things, and if any be taken in a lie, committing no other fault, that immediately he be put to death for the same: For one liar is able to undo a whole multitude.  
We ordain that no woman live above forty years, and that the man live until fifty, and if they die not before that time that then they be sacrificed to the Gods: for it is a great occasion for men to be vicious, to think that they shall live many years.   

CHAP, XXXV. That Princes ought to consider, for what cause they were made Princes, and what Thales the Philosopher was, of the 12. questions asked him, and of his answer he made unto them.  
IT is a common and old saying (which many times by Aristotle the noble and virtuous Prince hath been repeated) That in the end all things are done to some purpose: for there is no work neither good nor evils but he that doth it, meaneth to some end.  
If thou demandest the Gardener to what end he watereth so oft his plants, he will answer thee, it is to get some money for his herbs. If thou demandest why the river runneth so swift, a man will answer thee, that it his to the end it should return from whence it came.  
If thou demandest why the trees bud in the spring time, they will answer, to the end they may bear fruit in harvest. If we see a traveler pass the mountains in the snow, the rivers with peril, the woods in fear, 
What gifts God bestoweth up on Princes, above other men.  to walk in extreme heat in Summer, to wander in the night time in the cold winter: and if by chance a man doth ask one of them saying: Friend, whether goest thou, wherefore takest thou such pains? And he answereth, Truly sir, I know no more than you to what end, neither can I tell why I take such pains. I ask thee now, what a wise man would answer to this innocent traveler? Truly (hearing no more) he would judge him to be a fool: for he is much infortunate, that for all his travel looketh for no reward. Therefore to our matter, a Prince which is begotten as an other man, borne as an other man, liveth as an other man, dieth as an other man: And besides all this commandeth all men, if of such a one we should demand, why God gave him signiory, and that he should answer he knoweth not, but that he was borne unto it.  
In such case let every man judge, how unworthy such a King is to have such authority. For it is unpossible for a man to minister justice, unless he knew before what justice meaneth.  
Let Princes and noble men hear this word, & imprint it in their memory, which is, that when the living God determined to make Kings and Lords in this world: he did not ordain them to eat more than others, to drink more than others, to sleep more than others, to speak more than others, nor to rejoice more than others: but he created them upon condition, that sith he had made them to command more than others, they should be more just in their lives than others.  
It is a thing most unjust, and in the Common wealth very slanderous, to see with what authority a puissant man commandeth those that be virtuous: and with how much shame, himself is bound to all vices. I know not what Lord he is that dare punish his subject for one only offence committed, seeing himself to deserve for every deed to be chastised: For it is a monstrous thing, that a blind man should take upon him to lead him that seeth.  
They demanded great Cato the Censor what a King ought to do, that he should be beloved, feared, and not despised; he answered, The good Prince should be compared to him that selleth treacle, who if the poison 
What is required in a Prince.  hurteth him not, he selleth bis treacle well, I mean thereby, that the punishment is taken in good part of the people, which is not ministered by the vicious man: For he that maketh the treacle shall never be credited, unless the proof of his treacle be openly known and tried: I mean that the good life is none other than a fine treacle to cure the Commonwealth. And to whom is he more like, which with his tongue blazeth virtues, and employeth his deeds to all vices: then unto the man, who in the one hand holdeth poison to take away life; and in the other treacle to resist death? To the end that a Lord be wholly obeyed, it is necessary that all that he commandeth be observed, first in his own person: for no Lord can nor may withdraw himself from virtuous works.  
This was the answer that Cato the Censor gave, which in mine opinion was spoken more like a Christian then any Roman.  
When the true God came into the World, he employed 30. years only in works, and spent but two years and a half in teaching: For man's heart is persuaded more with the work he seeketh, then with the word which he heareth. Those therefore which are Lords, let them learn and know of him which is the true Lord, and also let Princes learn why they are Princes: for he is not a Pilot which never sailed on the seas. In mine opinion, if a Prince will know why he is a Prince, I would say to govern well his people, to command well, and to maintain all in justice, and this should not be with words, to make them afraid, neither by works which should offend them: but by sweet words which should encourage them, and by the good works that should edify them: for the noble and gentle heart cannot resist, him, that with a loving countenance commandeth, Those which will rule and make tame, fierce, and wild beasts, do threaten and rebuke them a hundred times, before they beat them once: and if they keep them tied, they show them sundry pleasures: So that the wildness of the beast is taken away, only by the gentle and pleasant usage of the man, therefore sith we have this experience of brute & savage beasts (that is to say) that by their well doing, and by the gentle handling of them, they voluntarily suffer themselves to be governed: much more experience we reasonable men ought to have, that is to know, that being right and well governed, we should humbly, and willingly obey our sovereign Lords: for there is no man so hard hearted, but by gentle usage will humble himself.  
O Princes and noble men, I will tell you in one word, what the Lord ought to do in the government of his commonwealth.  
Every Prince that hath his mouth full of truth, his hands open to give rewards, and his ears stopped unto lies, and his heart open to mercy, such a one is happy, and the realm which hath him, may well be called prosperous, and the people may call themselves fortunate: For where as truth, liberality, and clemency ruleth in the hart of a Prince, there wrongs, injuries, & oppressions do not reign. And chose, where the Prince hath his heart fleshed in cruelty, his mouth full of tyrannies, his hands defiled with blood, and inclineth his ears to hear lies: such a Prince is unhappy, and much more the people the which by such a one is governed: for it is unpossible that there is peace and justice in the common wealth, if he which governeth it, be a lover of lies and flatteries.  
In the year 440. before the Incarnation of Christ, which was in the year 244. of the foundation of Rome: Darius the fourth being King of Persia, and Brutus and Lucius at Rome Consuls, Thales the great Philosopher flourished in Greece, who was Prince of the seven renowned Sages: by the which occasion, all the 
What time Thales the Philosopher flourished.  Realm of Greece had, and recovered renown: For Greece boasted more of the seven Sages which they had, than Rome did of all the valiant Captains she nourished.  
There was at that time much contention between the Romans and the greeks, for so much as the greeks said, they were better, because they had more Sages, and the Romans said the contrary, that they were better, because they had always more Armies.  
The greeks replied again, that there were no laws made but in Greece. And the Romans to this answered, that though they were made in Greece, yet they were observed at Rome. The greeks said, that they had great Universities to make Wise men in. And the Romans said, that they had many great temples to worship their Gods in: for that in the end they ought to esteem more one service done to the immortal Gods, than all the other commodities that might come unto men.  
A Theban Knight was demanded, what he thought of Rome and Greece: and he answered, me thinketh the Romans are no better than the greeks, nor the greeks then the Romans: For the greeks glory in their tongues, and the Romans in their Lances: but we refer it to virtuous works: For one good work is more worth, then either the long staves of the Romans, or the eloquent tongues of the greeks,  
Therefore touching my matter, this Philosopher Thales was the first that found the Pole (called the North 
Thales the first that found out the North star.  star) to sail by, and the first that found the division of the years, the quantity of the Sun and the Moon, and the first that said souls were immortal, and that the World had a soul. And above all, he would never marry; for the care to content a wife, and the thought to bring up the children, doth much dull the wits of wise men.  
This Philosopher Thales was very poor, wherefore (some disdaining him for his poverty) to declare and show that he was more rich than all they: he bought the next year all the Olives he could get: for by Astronomy he knew that in the third year there would be a great want & scarcity thereof throughout all the Country: Wherefore all were compelled to come to him for Olives, which at his own price he sold: & in this sort he showed them that mocked him, that he willingly despised riches, and lovingly embraced poverty: For, he that willingly in this world is poor, ought not to be called poor.  
This Philosopher Thales was a Mirror amongst the Sages of Greece, and was greatly reverenced of all the Kings of Asia, and highly renowned in Rome.  
And further he was so wise, and had so ready a wit, that to all sudden questions he was demanded, he gave present answer forthwith, which thing declared him to be of a marvelous wit, and truly it was a great matter: for the most part of mortal men cannot tell how to answer, nor what to demand.  
Many and divers questions we asked him, as Diogenes Laertius affirmeth, in the answering whereof he showed great wisdom, the treasure of memory, and subtlety of understanding.  
First, he was asked, What GOD was? Thales answered; Of all the most antiquities, GOD is the most ancient thing. For all the Ancients passed neither saw him take beginning, nor those which shall come, shall see him have ending. 
Questions resolved by Thaks.   
Secondarily, he was asked, What thing was most beautiful: he answered, The world: because no Artificial painting could make the like.  
Thirdly he was asked, What was the greatest thing: To that he answered, Place, wherein all things do stand. For the place which containeth all, of necessity must be greater than all.  
Fourthly, it was asked him, Who knoweth most: he answered, That no man was wiser than Time, because Time always only invented new things; and is he which reneweth the old.  
Fiftly, they asked him, What was the lightest thing? he answered, the wit of man, because that without travel and danger it passeth the Sea, to discover and compass all the whole earth.  
Sixtly, they asked him, What was the strongest thing: he said, That man that is in necessity: For necessity reviveth the understanding of the rude, and causeth the coward to be hardy in peril.  
Seventhly, they asked him, What was the hardest thing to know? he answered, for man to know himself: For there should be no contentions in the world, if man knew himself.  
Eightly, they asked him, What thing was sweetest to obtain: he answered, Desire: For the man rejoiceth to remember the pains past, and to obtain to that he desireth present.  
Ninthly, they asked him, when the envious man is quiet: he answered, when he seeth his enemy dead, or utterly undone For truly the prosperity of the enemy is a sharp knife to the envious heart.  
Tenthly, he was asked, What man should do to live uprightly? He answered, to take the counsel to himself, which he giveth to another. For the undoing of all men is, that they have plenty of counsel for others, and want for themselves.  
The eleventh question was, they asked him, What profit he hath that is not covetous? whereunto he answered: That such a one is delivered from the torments of his Avarice, and besides that he recovereth friends for his person: For riches tormenteth the Avaricious, because he spendeth them not.  
The twelfth, they asked him, What the Prince should do to govern others? he answered, he ought first to govern himself, and then afterwards to govern others. For it is unpossible the Rod should be right, where the shadow is crooked.  
By the occasion of this last answer, I did bring in here all these questions, to the end Princes and Rulers might 
Princes and Magistrates supporters of the common wealth  see, how that every one of them is as the rod of justice, and that the Commonwealth is none other but a shadow of them, which in all, and for all, aught to be right. For immediately it is perceived in the shadow of the Commonwealth, if the justice or life of him which governeth, be out of his order. Therefore concluding that all I have spoken before, if a Prince would ask me why he is a Prince: I would tell him in one word only: that he which is the High Prince, hath made you a Prince in this world, to the end you should be a destroyer of heretics, a father of orphans, a friend of Sages, a hater of malicious, a scourge of Tyrants, a rewarder of good, a defender and protector of Churches, a plague of the wicked, a only lover and friend of the Commonwealth, and above all you ought to be an upright minister of justice: beginning first with your own person and Palace: For in all things amendment is suffered, except in justice, which ought to be equal, between the Prince and Commonwealth.   

CHAP. XXXVI. What Plutarch the Philosopher was: Of the wise words he spoke to trajan the Emperor: And how the good Prince is the head of the Publike-weale.  
IN the time of Traiana the Emperor, there flourished in his Court a Philosopher named Plutarch, a man very pure, and of good life, wise in science, and well esteemed 
The description of Plutarch.  in Rome. For trajan the Emperor desired greatly to have Wise men in his company, and to make notable and sumptuous Buildings in every place where he came.  
It was he which wrote the lives of many noble greeks and Romans, and above all he made a Book entitled The doctrine of Princes, which he offered to the Emperor trajan: in the which he showeth his virtues, the zeal which he had to the Commonwealth, the highness of his eloquence, & the profoundness of his knowledge.  
For he was elegant in writing, and pleasant in speaking: and among all other things which he wrote in his book, were these words following: most worthy to be noted, and written in Golden letters; And they are such:  
I let thee to know Lord trajan, that thou and the Empire are but one mystical body, in manner and form of a lively body: For they should, and aught to be so correspondent and agreeable, that the Emperor should rejoice to have such subjects, and the Empire ought to be glad to have such a Lord.  
And to the end we may describe the mystical body, which is the Empire, in the form and shape of a natural man, you shall understand that the head which is above all, is the Prince which commandeth all: the eyes whereby we see, are the good men in the Commonwealth whom we follow: the ears that hear what we say, are the Subjects, which do what we command them: the tongue wherewith we speak, are the Sages, of whom we hear the laws and doctrines: the hairs which grow on our heads, are those which are vexed and gricued, and that demand justice of the King: The hands and arms, are the Knights, which resist the enemies: the feet which sustaineth the members, are the tylers of the ground which giveth meat to all Estates: the hard Bones that sustaineth the feeble and soft Flesh, are the Sage men, which endure the burden and travel of the Commonwealth: the Hearts which we see not outwardly, are the Privy councillors,  
Finally, the neck that knitteth the body with the Head, is the love of the King, combined with the whole Realm, which make a Commonwealth,  
All the words abovenamed spoke Plutarch the great, unto trajan the Emperor. And truly the invention and grace of him, proceeded of an high and deep understanding; For the head hath three properties, which are very necessary for the governor of the Commonwealth.  
The first is, that even as the head is of all other members of the body the highest, so the authority of the Prince exceedeth the estates of all others.  
For the Prince only hath authority to command, and all others are bound to obey,  
Admit there be many that are stout, rich, and noble men in the Commonwealth: 
The authority of Princes.  yet all aught to know and acknowledge service to the Lord of the same. For the noble and worthy Princes do daily ease many of divers services, but they will never exempt any man from their loyalty and allegiance. Those which are valiant and mighty in a Realm, should content themselves with that wherewith the battlements do upon a Castle (that is to know) that they are higher than the rampers wherein men walk on the Walls, and lower than the pinnacles which are on the top: for the wise man of high estate, ought not to regard the Prince which is the high pinnacle, but aught to look on the alleiss, which are the poor comfortless.  
I would speak a word, and it grieveth me (that is) whereas great Lords desire in the commonwealth to command, is like unto him that holdeth his arms and hands over his head: For all that I have heard, and for all 
What is most requisite in the Common wealth.  that I have read, and also for all that hath chanced in my time, I counsel, admonish, and warn all those which shall come after this time, that if they will enjoy their goods, if they will live in safeguard, and if they will be delivered from tyranny, and live quiet in the Commonwealth, that they do not agree to have in one Realm above one King and one Lord: For it is a general rule, where there are many Rulers in a Commonwealth, in the end both it and all must perish.  
We see by experience, that Nature form us with many sinews, many bones, with much flesh, with many fingers, and with many teeth: and to all this one only body had but one head: wherefore though with many estates the Commonwealth is ordained: yet with one Prince alone it ought to be ruled. If it consisted in men's hands to make a Prince they would then also have the authority to put him down: but being true, as it is most true indeed, that the Prince is constituted by God, none but God alone ought to deprive & depose him of his estate, but things that are measured by the divine judgement, man hath no power with razor to cut them. I know not what ambition the mean can have? neither what envy the lowest can have, nor what 
God the only letter up of Princes.  pride the highest can have, to command, and not to obey, since we are sure, that in this mystical body of the Commonwealth, he which is most worth, shallbe no more esteemed, than the fingers, or paring the nails, or the falling of an hair from the head.  
Let every man the fore live in peace in his commonwealth, and acknowledge obedience unto his prince: and he that will not do so, away with him: for even as the only offence proceedeth of him, so let the only pain rest upon him. For it is an old saying, That he that taketh up the sword against his Master, will shortly after lay his head at his feet. The second condition is, To compare the King to the head, because the head is the beginning of Man's life. The most part of things that ever God created, according to their natures, work their operations, as in growing high, and towards the heavens.  
We see the vapours ascend high, the Trees bud out on high, the surges of the Sea mount high, and the nature 
Man differeth from all other creatures.  of Fire is always to ascend & mount on high: only the miserable Man, groweth downwards, and is brought low, by reason of the feeble and frail flesh, which is but Earth, & cometh of earth, and liveth on earth: and in the end returneth to earth again, from whence he came.  
Aristotle saith well, That Man is as a Tree, planted with the roots upwards: whose root is the head, and the stock is the body: the branches are the arms, the bark is the Flesh, the knoties are the bones, the sap is the heart: (which with the brain, is the seat of the soul, first living, and last dying:) the rottenness is malice, the gum is love, the flowers are words: and the Fruits, are the good works.  
To make the man to go uprightly, his head should be where his feet are, and the feet where the head is, sith the head is the root, and the feet are the bows: but in this case I swear that we are correspondent to our beginning: for it our flesh be planted chose, so much more contrary we have our life ordered.  
Therefore concerning our matter, I say, that the Realm hath no less his beginning of the King, than the King of the Realm: which thing is plainly seen, for that the King giveth laws and institutions unto a Realm, and not the Realm to the King. The gifts and benefits which the King giveth, cometh to the realm and not from the Realm to the King.  
To invent wars, to take truce, to make peace, to reward the good, and to punish the evil, proceedeth from 
What benfite cometh by a good Prince.  the King to the Realm, and not to the contrary. For it appertaineth only to the Majesty of a Prince, to command and ordain: and to the common wealth to authorize and obey him.  
As in a great sumptuous building it is more dangerous, where one stone of the foundation doth fall, then when ten thousand tiles fall from the top: so he, aught more to be blamed for one only disobedience committed and done to the King, and his justice, then for five thousand offences against the common wealth: For we have seen of a little disobedience, a great slander arise in a common wealth. O it is a goodly matter for a Prince to be beloved of his subjects, and a goodly thing also for the Realm to be fearful of their King: for the king that is not loved of his Subjects, cannot live in peace or quiet: & therealm that is not fearful of their King cannot be well governed. The Realm Sicilia had always mighty Princes and Governors: for in ancient time it was governed by virtuous Princes, or else by cruel and malicious tyrants. In the time of Severus the Emperor, there raigne● in Cecil, a King called Lelius Pius, who had so many good things in him, that throughout all the Empire he was very well esteemed, and chiefly for four Laws amongst others, he ordained in that Realm, which were these following.  
We ordain, that if amongst equal 
Good laws ordained.  persons there be any injuries offered, that they be punished, or else that they be assembled: for where envy is rooted between two, it profiteth more to reconncile their good wills, then to punish their persons.  
We ordain, that if the greatest be offended by the least, that such offence be little reproved, and well punished: for the audacity and little shame, and also the disobedience of the servant to the master, ought not to be reform, but by grievous punishment.  
We ordain, that if any resist or speak against the commandment of a Prince, that presently (without delay) he suffer death before them all: for they may boldly by the way of supplication, reverently declare their griefs, and not by slander rebelliously disobey their Lords.  
We ordain, that if any raise the common wealth against the Prince, he that can first strike off his head, may lawfully without fearing any danger of punishment: for his head is justly taken from him, that would there should be many heads in the common weal.  
Of all this before spoken, Herianus is the Author, in his fourth Book of the Kings of Sieile, where he putteth many and singular Laws and Customs, which the Ancients had to the great confusion of those that be present  
For truly the Ancients did not only exceed those that be present in their works & doings: but also in speaking profound words. Therefore returning to our matter, man's life greatly traveleth always to defend the head, in such sort that a man would rather suffer his hand to be cut off, then to suffer a wound to be made in his head,  
By this comparison: I mean that a fault in a Commonwealth, is a cut which cankereth and festereth, but the disobedience to a Prince is a wound which forthwith killeth. If a man did ask me what union Princes should have with their Common wealth, I would answer them in this sort, that the wealth of the King and Realm consisteth herein. That the King should accompany with the good, and banish the evil. For it is unpossible that the King should be 
What the Prince ought to do  beloved of the Commonwealth, if the company he hath about him be reputed vicious. He should also love his Realm without dissimulation, and the Realm should serve him unfeignedly: for the Commonwealth which knoweth it to be beloved of their Prince, shall not find any thing too hard for his service.  
Further, that the King use his Subjects as his children, and that the Subjects serve him as a Father: for generally the good Father cannot suffer his children to be in danger, neither the good children will disobey their Father.  
Also the King ought to be just in his commandments, and the subjects faithful: For if it be a good thing in their services, to live under a just Law, it is much better to live under a just King.  
Also the King ought to defend his Subjects from enemies, and they ought well to pay him his tribute: For the Prince who defendeth his people from enemies and tyranny, worthily deserveth to be Lord of all their goods,  
Also the King ought to keep his Commonwealth in quiet, and ought not to be presumptuous of his person: for the Prince which is not feared, & well esteemed, shall never be obeyed in his commandment.  
Finally, I say, that the good King ought to do his Realm pleasure, and the faithful subjects ought to endeavour themselves, never to displease their King. For that Prince cannot be called unfortunate, who of his Commonwealth is loved and obeyed.   

CHAP. XXXVII. As there are two senses in the head, smelling and hearing: So likewise the Prince which is the head of the Commonweal, aught to hear the complaints of all his Subjects, and should know them all, to recompense their services.  
We have showed, how the Prince is the common wealth. 
The King compared to the Common wealth  and now we will let you understand another notable thing which is this: that as all senses are in the head, so ought all estates to be in Princes: for the virtues which are in many spread and scattered should be in one Prince found and gathered.  
The office of the feet is not to see but to go: the hands office is not to hear, but to labour: the shoulders not to feel, but to bear: All these offices are not seemly for the members, which are his Subjects, but appertaineth to the King alone to exercise them: For the head to have eyes, & no other members, meaneth nought else, but that only to the Prince, and to none other, appertaineth to know all: for julius Caesar knew all those of his Host, and named them by their proper names.  
I counsel, and admonish you, Oh ye Princes all, which shall hear, see, or read this thing, that ye do rejoice to visit, and to be visited: to see and to be seen: to talk, and to be talked with: For the things which with your eyes you see not, you cannot perfectly love. A man ought also to know that the head only hath ears to note, that to the king, and to none other, appertaineth to hear all, and to have the 
The King the only head of all  gates open for all them that have any suits: For it is no small matter to a commonwealth, to hear and obtain of the Prince easy audience.  
Helius Spartianus commendeth highly Tratan the Emperor, that when he was on horseback to go to the war, alighted again, to hear the complaint of a poor Roman. which thing was marvelously noted amongst all the Romans: for if men were not vain they should give a Prince more honour for one work of justice, then for the victory in many battles.  
Truly to a King it is no pleasure, but rather pain and grief, and also for the common people annoyance, that their Prince always should be enclosed and shut up. For the prince which shutteth his gates against his subjects. causeth them not to open their hearts willingly to obey him. How many and great slanders doth there arise in the commonwealth, only for that the prince sometime will not speak?  
julius Caesar was Emperor, and the head of all the Empire, and because he was musing of weighty matters, 
The death of julius Caesar.  and would not hearken to him which would have revealed the treason conspired against him, was the same day, with 33. wounds in the Senate murdered. The contrary is read of Marcus Aurelius the Emperor, who was so familiar with all men, that howbeit he was chief of all, and that the affairs which now are divided to many, depended then only of him: yet he never had porter of his gate, nor Chamberlain of his chamber: and for many affairs that ever he had to dye with many men (were they never so great) he was never longer than one day about them. For truly (if I may say it) a prince is not worthy to be beloved, that is scarce of his words, unto those which faithfully serve him with works: For wise princes should be quick in hearing, and grave in determining. For many come to speak with Princes, which think that their counsels shall not be accepted, nor their reuesteses granted, yet they desire importunately to be heard, and of truth the prince ought to hear them: For the heavy heart with sorrows burdened, when it is heard, is greatly lightened.  
I would feign know why the sense of smelling is only in the head, and not in the feet, nor in the hands, neither in any other part of the body? Truly it signifieth nought else, but that it appertaineth to the Prince (which is the head of all) to hear, and know all, and therefore it is necessary he be informed of all their lives. For the prince cannot govern his Commonwealth 
A Prince ought not to be sparing in words.  well, unless he knoweth the particularities thereof. It is necessary that the Prince know the good, to the end he may prefer them: For that Commonwealth is greatly slandered, wherein the evil are not punished, nor the good honoured. It is necessary that the prince know the sage, to counsel with them: For the ancient romans never admitted any for counsellors, but those which with Philosophy were adorned. It is necessary he know the evil for to correct them: for there is a great disorder in the Commonwealth, where without any shame the wickedness of the wicked is cloaked & unpunished. It is necessary the prince do know those that are able to teach, for in the court of the Roman princes, there were always Captains, which taught and showed how to handle their weapons, and wise men, which taught and instructed them Sciences,  
It is necessary the prince knew the poor of his Realm, for to aid and succour them: For the Prince should so govern the Commonwealth, that among the rich nothing should abound: nor among the poor any thing should want. It is necessary the Prince know the presumptuous and malicious, for to humble 
What is required in a Prince for the government of the Commonwealth.  them: For the poor by envy, and the rich by pride, heretofore have detstroyed great Commonwealths.  
It is necessary the prince know the peacekeepers, for to keep and maintain them in peace: For it is the duty of a prince to pluck down the stout stomachs of the proud, and to give wings of favour to the humble.  
It is necessary that the Prince know them which have done him Service, to the end they may be rewarded, according to their merits: For the stout and noble hart for little favour showed unto him, bindeth himself to accomplish great things.  
It is necessary the Prince know the Noblemen of his Kingdom, to the end that when time of need shall require, he might retain and take them into his service: For it is but meet, that that man which is adorned with virtue and Nobility, should be preferred above all others in the Commonwealth.  
Finally (I say) it is necessary, that the Prince should know the murmurers, never to credit them: and likewise to know those that tell the truth, always to love them. For none should be more familiar, than the wise man to give him counsel, & the upright man, to tell the truth. And chose, none ought to be more abhorred of the Prince, than the Flatterer and ignorant man.  
O how necessary it is for a Prince to know & understand all things in his Realm, to the end no man might deceive him, as they do now a days. For the most part of princes are deceived, for none other cause, but for that they will not be counseled, and informed by wise and discreet men. For, many crout●h unto princes with fair words, (as though they meant him good service) but their intent is contrary, by deceit to get an Office, and seek their own profit.  
Helius Spartianus saith, that Alexander Severus (the xxv. Emperor of Rome) was a man very stout, and virtuous, and amongst all other things, 
The commendations of the Emperor Alexander Scue. us.  they greatly commended him, because in his chamber he had a familiar book, wherein he had written all the Nobles of his Realm and Empire, and when any Office was void, they said nothing else to him, but that it is void: for the Emperor did not grant it to him that sought it, but (by the secrate information of his Book) to him that best deserved it.  
I will and may swear, and all other princes shall well affirm the same, that though they err in distributing their Offices, they do not err for that they would err: Yet they cannot deny, but that they err grievously, for that they will not be informed, and though they be informed, yet it were better they were not informed at all: For he shall never give the prince good nor perfect counsel, which (by that counsel) intendeth to have some proper interest. The chiefest thing for princes, is to know how to choose the best in prosperity, and how to avoid the worst in adversity, and to know how to reward the good men liberally.  
And truly in this case Noble princes should have more consideration towards them which have done them the worthiest and loyalst service, then to the importunate suits of his Familiar friends: For he shall thank the servant that procureth it, but not the Prince that giveth it.  
All that we speak is to no other purpose, but to persuade, that sith the Prince is Lord of all, it is reason, that he be informed of the state & condition of all: for otherwise he shall be deceived by a thousand malicious hearts which are in the Common wealth. Therefore to conclude I say, if the Prince be not informed of the life of all, the skin will seem flesh, the brain meat, the straw corn, the brass gold, the gall honey, and the dregs good wine: I mean in dividing his offices, thinking to hit the white, he shall oft times mil●e the butt.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the great Feast the Romans celebrated to the God janus, the first day of january, and of the bounty and liberality of the Emperor Mareus Aurelius the same day:  
AMong the solemn 
The feasts of the Romans.  feasts which the ancient Romans used, this was one to the god janus, the which they celebrated the first day of the year, which now is the first of january. for the Hebrews began their year in March, and the Romans began at januarie.  
The Romans painted this god with two faces, signifying thereby the end of the year past, and the beginning of the year present. To this god janus was dedicated in the city of Rome a sumptuous Temple, which they called the Temple of peace, and was in great reverence throughout all the City: for the Citizens on this day offered great gifts and sacrifices, because he should defend them from their enemies: For there is no Nation nor people to whom war ever succeeded so prosperously, but that they had rather live in peace then in war.  
When the Roman Emperors went to the wars, or came from the wars, first they visited the Temple of jupiter, secondarily, the Temple of the Vestal virgins, and thirdly, they visited the Temple of the god janus: because there was a Law in Rome, that the Emperor should at his going forth to the wars visit the Temple of jupiter last of all, and at his return again, the Temple of janus first. And let them that be desirous of Antiquities here know, that when the Emperor should go to the wars in the Temple of the Goddess Vesta, they put upon his shoulders the royal mantel, and in the Temple of jupiter all the Senators kissed his foot, and in the Temple of janus the Consuls kissed his arm. For since the time that the cruel Sylla caused three thousand neighbours to die which kissed his right hand, they never after kissed the hands of any Emperor in Rome: Therefore sith the Gentiles would not issue out of Rome before that first they had taken the benediction of 
The duty of every good Christian.  those vain Gods: how much more ought Christian Princes to do it, which know well that their Temples are consecrated to the true God, and ordained for his service only. For the man that forgetteth God, and committeth his affairs to men, shall see how his business will thrive at the hands of men. Therefore proceeding forth, the day wherein the Feast of the god janus was celebrated, every man left his work, and rejoiced through all the streets of Rome, no more than less than in the feasts of jupiter, Mars, Venus, Berecinthia: For the feasts of the other gods (sith they were many in number) were not celebrated, but in certain places in Rome. The Romans on that day, put on their best apparel, for they had a custom in Rome, that he which had not that day change of apparel to honour the Feast, should either go out of Rome, or else keep himself locked in his his house.  
That day they set on their houses many lights, & made great bonfires before their doors, and had sundry and many plays and pastimes: for the feasts of vain men are more to delight their bodies then to reform their minds. They watched all the night in the Temples, and also they delivered all the prisoners which were imprisoned for debt, and with the common treasures paid their debts. Furthermore, they had a custom in Rome, that they should sustain all the 
An ancient custom in Rome.  Senators (which were fallen into poverty) with the goods of the commonwealth.  
They had that day Tables set before their doors, furnished with all sorts of meats, so that that which remained and was left, was more worth than that which was eaten, For vain glorious men avant themselves more of that which in banquets and feasts is left, than they do of that which is eaten.  
They sought all that day for poor men, because they should be provided of all things: For it was an ancient law, that none should be so hardy to make any open feast, except first he had provided for all them of his street.  
The Romans thought that if they spent liberally that day, the god janus would deliver them from poverty, because he was the god of temporal goods.  
And they said further, that the god janus was a God very thankful, and acknowledged the services that were done unto him, and believed earnestly that if they spent freely for his sake, he would requite it double. In the feast of this god janus many processions were made, not altogether, but the Senate went by themselves, the Censors by themselves, the people by themselves, the Matrons by themselves, the Maidens by them▪ the Vestal Virgins by themselves, and all the strange Ambassadors went with the captives in procession, there was a custom in Rome that the same day the Emperor should 
An other custom in Rome.  wear the Imperial rob, all the captives which could touch him with their hands were delivered, and all the transgressors pardoned, exiles and outlawries were called again. For the Roman Princes were never present in any feast, but they showed some noble example of mercy, or gentleness toward the people. At this time Marcus Aurelius was Emperor of Rome, and married with the beautiful Lady Faustina, (who in the feast of janus) leaving in procession the company of the Senators, came into the procession of the Captives, the which easily touched his rob, whereby they obtained liberty, the which they so greatly desired: I say desired; for truly the Captive is contented with a small thing. And because there is no good thing by any good man done, but immediately by the wicked it is repined at: this deed was so contrary to the evil, as joyful to the good: for there is nothing be it never so good, not so well done, but forthwith it shall be contraried of them that be evil.  
Of this thing I have seen by experience (in this miserable life sundry examples) that even as among the good one only is noted to be chief: so likewise among the evil, one is noted principal above the rest. And the worst I find herein is, that the virtuous do not so much glory of their virtue, as the evil and malicious hath shame and dishonour of their vice: for virtue naturally maketh a man to be temperate and quiet, but vice maketh him to be dissolute and reckless.  
This is spoken, because in the Senate of Rome, there was a Senator called Fuluius, whose beard & hairs were very white, but in malice, he was most cankered black: so that for his years he was honoured in Rome of many, and for his malice he was hated of all.  
The Senator Fuluius made friends in the time of Adrian to succeed in the Empire, and for this cause he had always Marcus Aurelius for his competitor, and wheresoever he came he always spoke evil of him, as of his mortal enemy.  
For the envious heart can never give a man one good word. This Senator's heart was so puffed with envy that he seeing Marcus Aurelius to obtain the Empire being so young, and that he being so old could not attain thereunto: there was no good that ever Marcus Aurelius did in the Commonwealth openly, but it was 
Nothing so hurtful, as an envious tongue.  grudged at by Fuluius, who sought always to deface the same secretly. It is the nature of those which have their hearts infected with malice, to spit out their poison with words of spite. Oft times I have mused which of these two are greater, the duty the good have to speak against the evil, or else the audacity the evil have to speak against the good: For in the World there is no brute beast so hardy, as the evil man is, that hath lost his fame.  
Oh would to God the good to his desire had as much power to do good works, as the evil hath strength to his affection, to exercise wicked deeds: for the virtuous man findeth not one hand to help him in virtue to work, yet after he hath wrought it, he shall have a thousand evil tongues against his honest doings to speak.  
I would all these which read this my writing, would call to memory this word (which is) that among evil men the chiefest evil is, that after they have forgotten themselves to be men, and exiled both truth and reason, them with all their might they go against truth and virtue with their words, & against good deeds with their tongs: for though it be evil to be an evil man, yet it is worse not to suffer an other to be good, which above all things is to be abhorred, and not to be suffered. I let you know and assure you, Princes and Noble men, that you in working virtuous deeds, shall not want slanderous tongues, and though you be stout, yet you must be patient to break their malice. For the Noble heart feeleth more the envy of another, than he doth the labour of his own body. Prince's should not be dismayed, neither ought they to marvel, though they be told of the murmuring at their good works: For in the end they are men, they live with men, & cannot escape the miseries of men: For there was never Prince in the World yet so high, but he hath been subject to malicious tongues. 
Enuse an enemy to virtue.  Truly a man ought to take great pity of Princes, whether they be good or evil: for if they be evil, the good hate them, and if they be good, the evil immediately murmureth against them.  
The Emperor Octavian was very virtuous, yet greatly persecuted with envious tongues, who on a time demanded (since he did good unto all men) why he suffered a few to murmur against him? he answered: you see my friends, he that hath made Rome free from enemies, hath also set at liberty the tongues of malicious men: for it is not reason that the hard stones should be at liberty, and the tender stones tied.  
Truly, this Emperor Octavian by his words declared himself to be a Wise man, and of a noble heart, and lightly to weigh both the murmurings of the people, and also the vanities of their words, which thing truly a wise and virtuous man ought to do: For it is a general rule, that vices continually seek defenders, and virtues always getteth enemies. In the Book of Laws the divine Plato saith well, that the evil were always double evil, because they were weapons defensive, to defend their malicious purpose: and also carry weapons offensive, to blemish the good works of others.  
Virtuous men ought with much study to follow the good, and with more diligence to fly from the evil: For, a good man may command all other virtuous men with a back of his finger, but to keep himself only from one evil man, he had need both hands, feet and friends.  
Themistocles the Theban said, that he felt no greater torment in the World than this, that his proper honour should depend upon the imagination of an other: for it is a cruel thing that the life and honour of one that is good, should be measured by the tongue of an other that is evil: for as in the Forge the coals, cannot be kindled without sparks nor as corruption can not be in the sinks without ordure: so he that hath his heart free from malice, his tongue is occupied always in sweet and pleasant communication. And chose out of his mouth, whose stomach is infected with malice, proceedeth always words bitter and full of poison: for, if out of a rotten furnace the fire burneth, it is impossible that the smoke should be clear. It is but a small time, that (in profane love) he that is enamoured, is able to refrain his love, and much less time is the wrathful man able to hide his wrath: for the heavy sighs are tokens of the sorrowful heart, and the words are those that disclose the malicious man.  
Pulio sayeth in the first book of Caesar's, that the Emperor Marcus Aurelius was very virtuous in all his works, sage in knowledge, just in judgement, 
The praise of Marcus Aurelius.  merciful in punishment: but above all things he was wise in dissembling, and herein he was very discreet: for there was never patient man but prospered well in all his affairs. We see that through patience and wisdom, many evil things become reasonable, & from reasonable are brought to good, & from good to excellent. The contrary happeneth to them that are moved more than they need: for the man which is not patient, looketh not yet for any good success in his affairs, though they are just. The Emperor Marcus oft times was wont to say, that julius Caesar won the Empire by the sword, Augustus was Emperor by inheritance, Caligula came to it, because his father conquered Germany, Nero governed it with tyranny, Titus was Emperor, for that he subdued jury, the good trajan came to the Empire by his clemency and virtue: but I (sayeth he) obtained the Empire through patience only: for it is a greater patience to suffer the injuries of the malicious, then to dispute with the Sage in the University.  
And this Emperor said further, 
Patience overcometh many matters.  in the government of the Empire: I have profited more through patience, then by science: for science only profiteth for the quietness of the person, but patience profiteth the person, and the Commonwealth.  
julius Capitolinus saith that the Emperor Antoninus Pius was a prince very 
True patience described.  patient, and in such sort, that often times being in the Senate, he saw both those which loved him, and also those that were against him with the people when they did rebel: yet his patience was so great, that neither his friends for the unthankfulness of themselves, remained sad, neither his enemies for any displeasure by him done, did at any time complain. Meaning therefore in this Chapter, to join the end with the beginning: I say, that as the Emperor Marcus Aurelius put himself among the captives, and that this deed in Rome of all men was commended: The Senator Fuluius could not refrain from speaking, for that he had not the wit to endure it, wherefore as it were scoffing he spoke these words to the Emperor.  
Lord, I marvel why thou yieldest thyself to all, which thing for the reputation of the Empire cannot be suffered, for that it is not decent for thy Majesty.  
The Emperor Marcus Aurelius seeing & hearing that in the presence of them all, the Senator Fuluius spoke unto him these words, he took it patiently, & with pleasant countenance said, The Questions which the Senator Fuluius propoundeth, let it be for to morrow, because my answer may be the riper, and his choler the quieter. Therefore the next day following, the Emperor Marcus came into the High Capitol (as Pulio declareth in the life of Marcus Aurelius) and spoke these words.   

CHAP. XXXIX. Of the answer the Emperor Marcus Aurelius made to the Senator Fuluius before all the Senate, being reproved of him for his familiarity he used to all, contrary to the majesty and authority of the Roman Emperor, wherein he painteth envious men.  
Father's Conscript, and sacred Senate, I would not yesterday answer to that which the Senator Fuluius spoke unto me, because it was somewhat late, and for that we were long in sacrifices, I thought that neither time nor place was convenient to answer thereunto. For it is a sign of a little wisdom, and of great folly for a man to answer suddenly to every question. The liberty that undiscreet men have to demand, the self same privilege hath the Wise for to answer: for though the demand proceed of ignorance, yet the answer ought to proceed of Wisdom:  
Truly wise men were well at ease, if to every demand they should answer the simple and malicious: who (for the most part) demand more to vex other men, then for to profit themselves, more for to prove then to know: wherefore Wise men ought to dissemble at such demands: for the Sages ought to have their ears open to hear, and their tongue tied because they should not speak. I 
The property of a wise man.  let you know (ancient Fathers, and sacred Senate) that that little which I know, I learned in the Isle of Rhodes, in Naples, in Capua, and in Tharente. And all Tutors told me, that the intention and end of men to study, was only to know to govern themselves amongst the malicious: For science profiteth nothing else, but to know how to keep his life well ordered, and his tongue well measured. Therefore I protest to God, that which I will say before your sacred presence, I will not speak it of any malice or ill will, but only to answer unto that which toucheth the authority of my person: for the things which touch 
The reply of the Emperor.  the honour, ought first by word to be answered, and afterwards by sword to be revenged.  
Therefore now beginning my matter, and addressing my words to thee Fuluius, and to that which thou spakest unto me, ask why I show myself so to all men: I answer thee: It is because all men should give themselves to me.  
Thou knowest well Fuluius, that I have been a Consul as thou art, and thou hast not been an Emperor as I am. Therefore believe me in this case, that the Prince being despised, cannot be beloved of his people: The gods will not, nor the laws do permit, neither the Commonwealth willingly should suffer, that all Princes should be Lords of many, and that they should not communicate but with a few: For Princes which have been gentle in their lives, the Ancients have made them gods after their deaths, The Fisher, to fish for many fishes in the river, goeth not with one Boat alone, nor the Mariner to fish in the deep sea, goeth not with one net only. I mean, that the profound wills, which are deeply in the hearts, aught to be won some by gifts, other by promises, other by pleasant words, and other by gentle entertainment: For Princes should travel more to win the hearts of their Subjects, then to conquer the realms of strangers:  
The greedy and covetous hearts care not, though the prince shutteth up his heart, so that he open his coffers: but Noble and valiant men little esteem that which they lock up in their coffers, so that their hearts be open to their friends. For Love can never but with love again be requited.  
Sith Princes are Lords over many, 
How a Prince ought to behave himself.  of necessity they ought to be served with many: and being served with many, they are bound to satisfy many: and this is as generally, as particularly, they cannot dispense with their Servants. For, the Prince is no less bound to pay the service of his Servant, than the master is to pay the wages of the hired labourer.  
Therefore if this thing be true (as it is) how shall poor Princes do, which keep many Realms, and in keeping them they have great expenses, and for to defray such charges, they have but little money? For in this case, let every man do what he will, and let them take what counsel they like best.  
I would counsel all others, as myself have experimented, that is: that the Prince should be of so good a conversation, amongst those which are his,: and so affable and familiar with all, that for his good conversation only, they should think themselves well apaid. For with rewards, Princes recompense the travels of their Servants: but with gentle and fair words, they steal and rob the hearts of their subjects.  
We see by experience, that divers Merchants had rather buy dearer in one shop, because the merchant is pleasant, then to buy better cheap in an other, whereas the merchant is churlish. I mean that there are many, which had rather serve a prince to gain nothing but love only, then to serve an other prince for money. For there is no service better employed, than to him which is honest, good, and gracious: and to the contrary, none worse bestowed then on him which is unthankful and churlish.  
In Prince's Palaces there shall never want evil and wicked men, malicious 
The Court never without flatterers.  and devilish flatterers, which will seek means to put into their Lords heads how they shall raise their rents, levy Subsidies, invent tributes, and borrow money: but there are none that will tell them how they shall win the hearts and good wills of their Subjects, though they know it more profitable to be well beloved, then necessary to be enriched.  
He that heapeth treasure for his Prince, and separateth him from the love of his people: ought not to be called a faithful servant, but a mortal enemy.  
Princes and Lords ought greatly to endeavour themselves to be so conversant among their Subjects, that they had rather serve for good Will, then for the payment of money: for if money want, their service will quail: and hereof proceedeth a thousand inconveniences unto Princes, which never happen unto those that have servants, which serve more of good will then for money: for he that loveth with all his heart, is not proud in prosperity, desperate in adversity: neither complaineth he of poverty, nor is discontented being favourles: nor yet abashed with persecution: & finally, love and life are never separated, until they come unto the grave.  
We see by experience, that the rabblement of the poor Labourers of Sicill is more worth, than the money of the Knight of Rome: For the Labourer every time he goeth to the field, bringeth some profit from thence: but every time the Knight showeth himself in the market place, he returneth without money.  
By the comparison, I mean, that Princes should be affable, easy to talk with all, pleasant, merciful, benign, and stout: and above all, that they be gracious and loving, to the end that through these qualities, and and not by money, they may learn to win the hearts of their subjects. Prince's should greatly labour to be loved, specially if they will find who shall succour them in adversity, and keep them from evil will and hatred, which those Princes cannot have that are hated: but rather, every man rejoiceth at their fall and misery: for each man enjoyeth his own travel, and truly the furious and sorrowful hearts take some rest, to see that others have pity and compassion upon their griefs.  
Prince's also should endeavour themselves to be loved and well willed, because at their death they may of all their servants and friends be lamented. For Princes ought to be such, that they may be prayed for in their life, and lamented and remembered after their death. How cursed is that Prince, and also how unhappy is that Commonwealth, where the servants will not serve their Lord, but for reward: and that the Lord doth not love them but for their services: For there is never true love where there is any particular interest.  
With many stones a house is builded, and of many men and one Prince (which is the head of all) the Common wealth is made: For he that governeth the Common wealth may be called a Prince, and otherwise not: and the Commonwealth cannot be called or said a Common wealth, if it hath not a Prince which is the head thereof.  
If Geometry do not deceive me, the lime which joineth one stone with an other, suffereth well that it be mingled with sand, but the cornerstone that lieth on the top ought to be meddled, with unslaked lime. And it soundeth unto good reason: For if the nether-stones separate, the wall openeth: but if the corner 
The love of the prince to his people.  stone should slip, the building incontinently falleth.  
I suppse (Father's conscript,) you understand very well to what end I apply this comparison. The love of one neighbour with an other, may suffer to be cold but the love of a Prince to his people, should be true and pure.  
I mean that the love amongst friends may pass sometimes although it be cold: but that love between the King and his people, at all times ought to be perfect. For where there is perfect love, there is no feigned words, nor unfaithful service.  
I have seen in Rome many debates and hurlyburlyes among the people, to have been pacified in one day: and one only which between the Lord and the Commonwealth ariseth, cannot be pacified until death: For it is a dangerous thing for one to strive with many, and for many to contend against one.  
In this case, where the one is proud, and the other rebels, I will not excuse the Prince, nor yet let to condemn the people. For in the end he that thinketh himself most innocent, deserveth greatest blame. And from whence think you cometh it, that Lords now adays command unjust things by fury? and the Subjects in just matters will not obey by reason, I will tell you.  
The Lord doing of will, and not of right, would cast the wills of all in his own brain, and derive from himself all counsel. For even as Princes are of greater power than all the rest: so they think they know more than all the rest.  
The contrary happeneth to subjects, who (being provoked, I cannot tell you with what Frenzy) despising the good understanding of their Lord, will not obey that which their prince willeth, for the health of them all, but that which every man desireth particularly: For men now a days are so fond that every man thinketh the Prince should look on him alone. 
The fondness of our time.   
Truly it is a strange thing (though it be much used among men) that one man should desire that the garments of all others should be meet for him: which is as unpossible, as if one man's Armour should arm a whole multitude.  
But what shall we be (Father's conscript and sacred Senate) sith our Fathers left us this world with such folly: and that in these debates and strifes, we their children, are always in dissension and controversy, and in this wilfalnes, we shall also leave our children and heirs?  
How many Princes have I seen and read of in my time, of my predecessors, which were utterly undone, by too much pride and presumption? but I never read nor heard of any, which were destroyed for being courteous, and loving to his subjects.  
I will declare by some examples, which I have read in books, to the end that the Lords may see what they 
Pride the overthrow of great personages.  win by their good conversation, and what they lose by being too haughty.  
The Realm of the Sidonians was greater than that of the Chaldeans in weapons, and inferior in antiquity, unto that of the Assyrians,. In this Realm there was Debastia, which was called a King of Kings, that endured two hundred and xxv. years, because all these Kings were of a commendable conversation. And another of Debastia, endured no longer than forty years. And our ancients took pleasure of peace, whereof we are 〈◊〉: and were ignorant of the 〈…〉 which we now use so much.  
Always they desired to have Kings, which should be good for the Commonwealth in peace, rather than valiant and courageous in the war: as Homer in his Ilyades saith:  
The ancient Egyptians called their Kings Epiphanes, and had a custom, that Epiphanes should enter into the temples barefoot: And because it chanced the Epiphane on a time to come into their Church hoased, he was immediately for his disobedience deprived and expulsed the Realm, and in his stead an other created.  
Homer declareth here, that this king was proud, and evil conditioned, wherefore the Egyptians deprived him, and banished him the Realm, taking oceasion that he did not enter into the temple barefoot. For truly when 
Pride the fall of many great men.  Lords are evill-willed, and not beloved, for a little trifle and occasion the people will arise, and rebel against them.  
The said Homer said also, that the Parthes' called their King's Assacides, and that the sixth of that name was deprived and expulsed the Realm: for that of presumption he bade himself to the marriage of a knight, and being bidden and desired, would not go to the marriage of a poor Plebeian.  
Cicero in his Tusculans, saith, That in old time, the people persuaded their Princes to communicate with the poor, and that they should abstain & fly from the rich: For among the poor they should learn to be merciful, and with the rich they shall learn nothing but only to be proud.  
Ye know right well (Father's conscript) how this our country was first called Great Greece, afterwards it was called Latium, and then Italy.  
And when it was called Latium, they called their kings Marrani, and truly although their borders were but narrow: yet at the least their stoutness was great.  
The Annals of those times say, that after the third Silvius, succeeded a Marrine, who was proud, ambitious, and evil conditioned, in such sort, that for fear of the people, always he slept locked up: and therefore they both deprived him, and banished him the Realm: For the ancients said, That the king should lock his doors at no hour of the night against his Subjects: neither he should refuse in the day to give them audience.  
Tarquin which was the last of the seven Kings of Rome, which was very unthankful towards his Father in law, 
Tarquin noted of unthankfulness.  he was an infamy to his blood, a traitor to his country, and cruel of his person, who also enforced the Noble Lucretia, and yet notwithstanding this they do not call him unthankful, infamous, cruel, traitor, nor adulterer: but Tarquin the proud: only for that he was evil conditioned.  
By the faith of a good man, I swear unto you (Father's conscript) that if the miserable Tarquin had been beloved in Rome, he had never been deprived of the Realm, for committing adultery with Lucretia. For in the end if every light offence, which in youth is committed, should be punished within short space, there should be no Commonwealth.  
All these evils both before and after Tarquin, were committed by the ancients in the Roman Empire, which were such as these, (of this young and light prince) and were nothing in comparison 
The punishment of Tarqui  unto thee. For truly considering the youth of the one, and the experience of the other: the greatest offence of the young, is but a counterfeit to the least that the old committeth.  
julius Caesar last dictator, and first Emperor of Rome, (being a thing commendable both to Senators, to salute the Emperor on their knees, and to the Emperor, to rise against them, and resalute each one according to this order (because of presumption, and that he would not observe this ceremony,) with xxiii. wounds they dispatched him of his life.  
Tiberius was an Emperor, whom they blame for drunkenness. Caligula was an Emperor also, whom they accuse of Incest with his Sisters, Nero was an Emperor, who (for that he slew his Mother, and his master Seneca:) hath for ever been named cruel.  
Sergius Galba was a devouring and a gluttonous Emperor, for that he caused for one only Banquet, seven thousand Bynds to be killed, Domitian was an Emperor, who was greatly noted of all evils. For all evils which in many 
The miserable end of evil Governors.  were scattered, in him alone were found. All these miserable Princes in the end were betrayed, hanged, and beheaded. And I swear unto ye (Fathers conscript) that they died not for their vices, but because they were proud and evil conditioned. For finally, the Prince for one vice only, cannot much endamage the people: but for being too haughty and presumptuous, and of evil conditions, they may destroy a Commonwealth:  
Let Princes and great Lords be assured, that if they give many occasions of evil example, afterwards one onely-suffiseth, to stir their subjects to destroy them. For if the Lord show not his hatred, it is for that he will not, but if the subject do not revenge, it is for that he cannot.  
Believe me (father's conscript, & sacred Senate,) that even as the Physician with a little treacle purgeth many evil humours of the body, so the sage Princes, with very little benevolence, draw out of their Subjects, much rancour and inward filthiness of heart: diverting their evil wills into true and faithful love.  
And because the members should be agreeable with the head, in mine opinion it behoveth the people to obey the commandments of their Prince and to do honour, and to reverence his person: and the good Prince to be just and equal to all in general, and gentle in conversation with every one.  
O happy commonwealth, wherein the Prince findeth obedience in the people and the people in like manner love in the Prince, For the love of the Lord, springeth obedience in the subject: and of the obodience of the Subjects, springeth love in the Lord.  
The Emperor in Rome; is, as the Spider in the midst of her Cobweb: 
The true pattern of a virtuous Prince.  the which being touched with the needle's point, by one of the threads of the same (be it never so little) immediately the spider feeleth it.  
I mean, that all the work which the Emperor doth in Rome, are immediately published throughout all the country. For in fine, since princes are the mirror of all, they can not well cloak their vices.  
I see (Fathers conscript) that I have been judged here of worldly malice, because I accompanied the captives in procession, and also, because I suffered myself to be touched with them, to the end they might enjoy the privilege of their liberty: and in this case I render most humble thanks unto the immortal Gods, because they made me a merciful Emperor: to set those at Liberty, that were in prison: and that they made me not a cruel tyrant, to set those in prison, which were at liberty. For the proverb saith, that with one bean, a man may take 2. pigeons: even so chanced the like herein yesterday. For the benefit was done for those miserable Captives: but the example of humanity was showed to all strange nations. And know ye not, that when the prince unloseth the irons from the feet of the captives, he bindeth the hearts, goods, and lands of his subjects? Concluding therefore I say, that to the Princes it were more safety, and to the Common wealth more profit, to be served in their Palaces by free hearts with love: then by subjects which are kept under by fear.   

CHAP. XL. Of a Letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent to his friend Pulio, declaring the opinion of certain Philosophers concerning the felicity of man.  
MArcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, tribune of the people, high Bishop, second Consul and Monarch of all the Roman Empire, wisheth to thee Pulio his old friend, health to thy person, and prosperity against thy evil fortune. The letter that thou wrotest unto me from Capua, I received here at Bethinia, and if thou didst write it with a good heart, I did read it with willing eyes: whereof thou oughtest somewhat to content thee: For it is an old saying of Homer, That that which is well viewed with the eyes, is tenderly beloved of 
A true saying of Homer.  the heart. I protest unto thee by the faith of the immortal gods, that I do not write unto thee as a Roman Emperor, that is to say, from the Lord to the servant: for in this sort, I should write unto thee brief, and touching the purpose: which thing ought not to be done to the peculiar friend: For the Letters of grave men should never begin, and the Letters of us friends should never end. I write unto thee my friend Pulio, as to a private friend, to an old companion of mine, and as to him, which is a faithful secretary of my desires, and in whose company I was never displeased, in whose mouth I never found lie, and in whose promise there was never breach made. And the thing being thus. I should commit treason in the law of friendship, if I keep secret from thee any of my inward conceits: for all the griefs which lie buried in the woeful heart, ought not to be communicated but with a faithful friend.  
Dost thou think Pulio, that the Roman Emperor hath little travel to write unto thee as Emperor, to speak as Emperor, to walk as Emperor, 
A description of a perfect friend.  and to eat as Emperor: and finally, to be as Emperor indeed: Certes I do not marvel hereat. For truly the life of the virtuous Emperor, is but a Dial which ordereth or disordereth the Commonwealth: and that whereof I marvel, is of the folly of Rome, and vanity of the Common wealth. For as much as all say, that the Prince (if he will seem grave, and be well esteemed of the people) ought to go softly, to speak little, & to write briefly: so that for writing of letters they will he be brief, and for conquering of strange Realms, they do not rebuke him although he be long.  
Wise men should desire that their Princes be of gentle condition, to the end they fall not to tyranny, That they have their mind uncorrupted to minister to all equal justice, that their thought be good, not to desire strange Realms, that they have their hearts void from wrath, that they be sound within to pardon injuries, that they love their Subjects to be served of them, that they know the good to honour them, and that they know the evil to punish them: and as for the surplus, we little regard whether the King go fast, whether he eat much, or write brief. For the danger is not in that which is in the lack of his own person: but it is in the negligence that he useth in the commonwealth.  
I have received (my Friend Pulio) great comfort of thy letter, but yet much more I should have received of thy presence: for the letters of ancient friends, are but as a remembrance of times past.  
It is a great pleasure to the Mariner, to talk of the perils past (being in the haven, and to the Captain to glory of the battle, after the victory.)  
I mean above all pleasures this is the 
What pleasure it is to remember dangers past.  greatest to men, being now faithful friends, to talk of the travels & dangers which they had passed, when they were young men. Believe me in one thing, & do not doubt thereof: There is no man that knoweth to speak, that knoweth to possess, nor that can judge or take any pleasure, neither that well knoweth how to keep the goods which the gods have given him, unless it be he that hath bought it dearly, with great travel. For with all our hearts we love that thing, which with our own proper labour and travel we have gotten.  
I ask thee one thing: who is he that oweth most to the Gods, or that is most esteemed amongst men? of trajan the just, which was brought up in the Wars of Dace, Germany, and Spain? or of Nero the cruel, which was nourished in all the deliciousness of Rome. Truly the one was none other than a Rose among briars, and the other, was but a Nettle amongst flowers. I spoke this, because the good trajan hath governed his life in such sort, that always they will smell the Rose by the pleasant savour: but the cruel Nero hath left the sting the nettle of his infamy. I will not speak all, because many are, and were made good, but for the most part the princes which were brought up deliciously; gave every man occasion that all should be offended, for the evil governance of their lives in their Realms: and because they never experimented any kind of travel in themselves, they do little esteem the pains of another.  
I will not that thou think my friend Pulio, that I have forgotten the time that is past, though the Gods brought me to the Empire present. For though we together were tossed with the torments of youth, yet now we may repose ourselves in the calms of our age. I do remember, that thou and I did study in Rhodes in letters, and after we had sown weapons in Capua, it hath pleased the gods that the seeds of my Fortunes should ripen here in Rome: and to thee, and to others better than I, Fortune would not give one only ear. I do not give thee licence, that thy thought be suspicious of me, sith thou of my hart art made a faithful Friend: for if unconstant Fortune doth trust me, to gather with travel the grape, know thou that here in my palace, thou shalt not want of the wine. The Gods will not suffer, that now in this moment, thou shouldst find my heart shut from thee, whose gates 
Two good properties of Marcus Aurelius.  I found always (for the space of twenty years) open unto me. Sith that my Fortunes wrought me to the Empire, I have always had two things things before mine eyes: that is to say, not to revenge myself of mine enemies, neither to be unthankful to my friends: For I pray to the Gods daily, rather than hereafter, through unthankfulness my renown should be defamed: that even now with forgetfulness my body should be buried.  
Let a man offer to the Gods what sacrifices he will, let him do as much service to men as he can: yet if he be unthankful to his friend, he ought in all, and for all, to be utterly condemned. Because thou shouldest see my friend Pulio, how greatly the ancient friend ought to be esteemed, I will declare thee an example of a Philosopher, the which to hear, thou wilt somewhat rejoice.  
The ancient Histories of the Grecians declare, that among the seven Sages of Greece, there was one named Periander, who was Prince & Governor a great while: and he had in him such liveliness of Spirit on the one side, and such covetousness of worldly goods on the other side, that the Historiographers are in doubt, whether was the greater, the Philosophy that he taught reading in the Schools, or the tyranny that he used in robbing the Commonwealth: for truly the science which is not grounded of truth, bringeth great damages to the person.  
In the second year of my Empire, I was in the City of Corinth, where I saw the Grave which contained the bones of Periander, where about was engraven in Greek verses and old letter this Epitaph.  
Within the compass of this narrow grave,  
Wretched Periander, enclosed lies,  
Whose cruel facts, could Greece alone not have  
So small a soil his hunger could suffice. 
The Epitaph of Periander.   
Here lodgeth oak, lo Periander dead,  
His filthy flesh, the hungry worms do eat,  
And living he, with Orphelines good was fed  
His greedy guts did crave such dainty meat.  
The Tyrant Periander stayeth here,  
Whose life was built, to hinder all the rest,  
And eke whose death, such profit large did bear  
As brought relief to him that had the least.  
Here wicked Periander, resteth now,  
His life did cause great peopled realms decay:  
His death that forced, his living spirit to how,  
assured them life, that stood in brittle stay.  
The cursed Periander here doth lie,  
Whose life did shed the poor and simple blood:  
And eke that clomb, to riches rule so high,  
By others sweat, they sought for wasting good.  
Of Corinth lo, here Periander rest,  
To seem for just, that equal Laws did frame  
Yet flitting from the square that they possessed,  
By virtues doom, deserved a Tyrant's name,  
The Caitiff Periander sleepeth here,  
That finished hath his 80. years with shame,  
And though his life that thousands bought so deer  
Be faded thus, yet bloometh still his blame.  
There was more letters on the grave, but because it was alone in the field, the great waters had worn it, so that scarcely the letters could be road: and truly it was very old, & in his time it seemed to be a sumptuous thing, but the negligence of reparation lost it quite: and it is not to be maruelleed at, for in the end time is of such power, that it causeth renowned men to be forgotten and all the sumptuousbuildings to decay and fall to the earth.  
If thou wilt know, my friend Pulio, in what time the tyrant this Philosopher was, I will thou know, that when Catania the renowned City was builded in Cicilia, near the Mount Ethna, and when Perdica was the 4. King of Macedonia, and that Cardiced was the third King of the Medes, and when Candare was fifth king of the Libeans, and that Assaradoche was ninth King of the Assyrians, and when Merodache was twelfth King of the Caldeaus, and that Numa Pompilius reigned second King of the Romans: and in the time of those so good Kings, Periander reigned amongst the Assyrians.  
And it is meet thou know an other thing also which is this, That this Periander was a Tyrant, not only in deed, but also in renown: so that they spoke of no other thing thorough Greece, but it tended hereunto: Though he had evil works, he had good words, and procured that the affairs of the Commonwealth should be well redressed. For generally, There is no man so good, but a man may find somewhat in him to be reproved: neither any man so evil, but he hath some thing in him to be commended.  
I do yet remember (of my age, being neither too young, nor too old) that I saw the Emperor trajan my Lord, sup once in Agrippine: and it so chanced, that words were moved to speak of good and evil Princes in times past, as well of the greeks as of the Romans, that all those which were present there, commended greatly the Emperor Octavian, and they all blamed the cruel Nero: for it is an ancient custom to flatter the princes 
An usual custom among all Nations.  that are present and to murmur at Princes that are past.  
When the good Emperor trajan was at dinner, and when he prayed in the Temple, it was marvel if any man saw him speak any word: and that day, since he saw that they excessinely praised the Emperor Octavian, and that the others charged the Emperor Nero with more than needed: the good trajan spoke unto them these words. I am glad you commend the Emperor Octavian, but I am angry you should in my presence speak evil of the Emperor NERO, and of none other: for it is great infamy to a Prince being alive, to hear in his presence any Prince evil reported after his death. Truly the Emperor Octavian was very good, but ye will not deny me but he might have been better: and the Emperor Nero was very evil: but you will grant me he might have been worse. I speak this, because Nero in his first five years was the best of all, and the other nine following he was the worst of all: so that there is both cause to dispraise him, and also cause to commend him.  
When a virtuous man will speak of Princes that are dead before Princes which are alive, he is bound to praise only one of their virtues that they had, and hath no licence to reveal the vices whereof they were noted: for the good deserveth reward, because he endeavoureth himself to follow virtue: and the evil likewise deserveth pardon, because through frailty he hath consented to vice.  
All these words the Emperor trajan spoke, I being present, & they were spoken with such fierceness, that all those which were there present both changed their colour, and also refrained their tongues. For truly the shameless man feeleth not so much a great stripe of correction, as the gentle heart doth a sharp word of admonition.  
I was willing to show thee these things, my friend Pulio, because that since trajan spoke for Nero, and that he found in him some praise, I do think no less of the tyrant Periander, whom though for his evil works he did, we do condemn: yet for his good words that he spoke, and for the good laws which he made, we do praise: For in the man that is evil, there is nothing more easier than to give good counsel, and there is nothing more harder than to work well,  
Periander made divers laws for the Common wealth of the Corinthians, whereof here following, I will declare some.  
We ordain and command, that if any by multiplying of words kill another (so that it were not by treason) 
divers laws made by to Periander the tyrant.  that he be not therefore condemned to die, but that they make him slave perpetual to the brother of him that is slain, or to the next of his kin or friends: for a short death is a less pain than a long servitude.  
We ordain and command, that if any thief be taken, he shall not die, but with a hot iron shall be marked on the forehead to be known for a thief: for to shameless men long infamy is more pain than a short life.  
we ordain and command, that the man or woman, which to the prejudice of an other shall tell any lie, shall for the space of a month carry a stone in their mouth: for it is not meet that he which is wont to lie, should álwayes be authorized for to speak.  
We ordain and command, that every man or woman, that is a quarreler and seditious person in the common wealth, be with great reproach banished from the people: for it is unpossible that he should be in favour with the gods, which is an enemy to his neighbour.  
We ordain and command, that if there be any in the Common wealth, that have received of an other a benefit, and that afterwards it is proved he was unthankful, that in such case they put 
The punishment of ingratitude.  him to death: for the man that of benefits received is unthankful, ought not to live in the world among men.  
Behold therefore my friend Pulio, the antiquity which I declared unto thee, and how merciful the Corinthians were to murderers, thieves and Pirates: And contrary, how severe they were to unthankful people, whom they commanded forthwith to be put to death.  
And truly in mine opinion the Corinthians had reason, for there is nothing troubleth a wise man more, then to see him unthankful to him, whom heo hath showed pleasure unto. I was willing to tell thee this history of Periander for non other cause but to the end thou shouldest see and know, that for as much as I do greatly blame the vice of unthankfulness, I will labour not to be noted of the same: For he that reproveth vice, is not noted to be virtuous: but he which utterly flieth it.  
Count upon this my word that I tell thee, which thou shalt not think to be feigned, that though I be the Roman Emperor, I will be thy faithful friend, and will not fail to be thankful towards thee. For I esteem it no less glory to know how to keep a friend by wisdom: then to come to the estate of an Emperor by Philosophy.  
By the letter thou sentest, thou requiredst me of one thing to answer thee: for the which I am at my wits end: For I had rather open my treasure to thy necessities, then to open the books to answer to thy demands, although it be to my cost. I confess thy request to be reasonable, and thou deservest worthy praise: for in the end it is more worth to know, how to procure a secret of Antiquities past, then to heap up treasures for the necessities in time to come.  
As the Philosopher maketh Philosophy his treasure of knowledge to live in peace, and to hope, and to look for death with honour, so the covetous (being such a one as he is) maketh his treasure of worldly goods for to keep and preserve life in this world in perpetual wars, and to end his life, and take his death with infamy. Herein I swear unto thee, that one day employed in Philosophy is 
The commendation of Philosophy.  more worth, than ten thousand which are spent in heaping riches: For the life of a peaceable man is none other than a sweet peregrination: and the life of seditious persons is none other but a long death.  
Thou requirest me, my friend Pulio, that I write unto thee wherein the Ancients in times past had their felicity: know thou that their desires were so divers, that some dispraised life, others desired it: some prolonged it, others did shorten it: some did not desire pleasure but travels, others in travels did not seek but pleasures: that which variety did not proceed, but of divers ends, for the tastes were divers, and sundry men desired to taste divers meats. By the immortal gods I swear unto thee, that this thy request maketh me muse of thy life, to see that my Philosophy answereth thee not sufficiently therein: For if thou ask to prove me, thou thinkest me presumptuous: if thou demand in mirth, thou countest me to be too light, if thou demandest it not in good earnest, thou takest me to be simple: if thou demandest me for to show it thee, be thou assured I am ready to learn it: if thou demandest it for to know it, I confess I cannot teach it thee: if thou demandest it because thou mayest be asked it, be thou assured that none will be satisfied with my answer: and if perchance thou dost ask it, because sleeping haste dreamt it, seeing that now thou art awake, thou oughtest not to believe a dream: for all that the fantasy in the night doth imagine, the tongue doth publish it in the morning.  
O my friend Pulio, I have reason to complain of thee, for so much as thou dost not regard the authority of my person, nor the credit of thy Philosophy, wherefore I fear lest they will judge thee too curious in demanding, and me too simple in answering: all this notwithstanding, I determine to answer thee, not as I ought, but as I can, not according to the great thou demandest, but according to the little I know, And partly I do it to accomplish thy request, and also to fulfil my desire. And now I think that all which shall read this letter, will be cruel judges of my ignorance.  

Of the Philosopher Epicurius.  
IN the olympiad: 103. Serges being King of Perses, and 
The battle between the Athenians and Lysander.  the cruel tyrant Lysander Captain of the Peloponenses, a famous battle was fought between the Athenians and Lysander, upon the great River of Aegeon, whereof Lysander had the victory: and truly unless the histories deceive us, the Athenians took this conflict grievously, because the battle was lost more through negligence of their Captains then through the great number of their enemies.  
For truly many win victories more through the cowardliness that some have, then for the hardiness that others have. The Philosopher Epicurus at that time flourished, who was of a lively wit, but of a mean stature, and had memory fresh, being meanly learned in Philosophy, but he was of much eloquence and for to encourage and counsel the Athenians, he was sent to the wars: For when the Ancients took upon them any wars, they chose first Sages to give counsel, than Captains to lead the soldiers. And amongst the Prisoners the Philosopher Epicurus was taken, to whom the tyrant Lysander gave good entertainment and honoured him above all other: and after he was taken, he never went from him, but read Philosophy unto him, and declared unto him histories of times past, and of the strength and virtues of many greeks and Troyans'. The tyrant Lysander rejoiced greatly at these things: For truly tyrants take great pleasure to hear the prowess and virtues of Ancients passed, and to follow the wickedness and vices of them that are present.  
Lysander therefore taking the triumph, and having a Navy by sea, and a great Army by land, upon the river of Aegeon, he and his Captains forgot the danger of the wars, and gave the bridle to the flothfull flesh, so that to the great prejudice of the Common wealth they led a dissolute and idle life. For the manner of tyrannous Princes is, to leave off their ownt travel, and to enjoy that of other men's.  
The Philosopher Epicurus was always brought up in the excellent University of Athens, whereas the Philosophers lived in so great poverty, that naked they slept on the ground: 
The poverty of the Philosophers of Athens.  their drink was cold water, none amongst them had any house proper: they despised riches as pestilence, and laboured to make peace where discord was, they were only defenders of the Common wealth, they never spoke any idle word, and it was a sacrilege amongst them to hear a lie: and finally, it was a Law inviolable amongst them, that the Philosopher that should be idle should be banished, and he that was vicious should be put to death.  
The wicked Epicurius forgetting the doctrine of his Master, and not esteeming gravity (whereunto the Sages are bound) gave himself wholly both in words and deeds unto a voluptuous & beastly kind of life wherein he put his whole felicity. For he said, There was no other felicity for slothful men, then to sleep in soft beds: for delicate persons to feel neither hot nor cold: for fleshly men to have at their pleasure amorous Dames: for drunkards not to want any pleasant wines, and gluttons to have their fills of all delicate meats: for herein he affirmed to consist all worldly felicity.  
I do not marvel at the multitude of his Scholars which he had, hath, and shall have in the world. For at this day there are very few in Rome, that suffer not themselves to be mastered with vices: and the multitude of those which live at their own wills and sensuality, are infinite. And to tell the truth, my friend Pulio, I do not marvel that there hath been virtuous, neither do I muse that there hath been vicious: for the virtuous hopeth to rest himself with the Gods in an other World by his well doing: and if the vicious be vicious, I do not marvel, though he will go and engage himself to the vices of this world, since he doth not hope, neither to have pleasure in this, not yet to enjoy rest with the gods in the other. For truly the unsteadfast belief of an other life (after this) wherein the wicked shall be punished, and the good 
The small hope of the wicked.  rewarded causeth that now a days the victous and vices reign so as they do.   

Of the Philosopher Eschilus'.  
ARtabanus being the sixth king of Persians, and Quintus Concinatus the husbandman 
The Philosopher Aeschilus' described.  being only Dictator of the Romans, in the Province of Tharse, there was a Philosopher named Aeschilus', who was evil favoured of countenance, deformed of body, fierce in his looks, and of a very gross understanding, but he was fortunate of credit: for he had no less credit amongst the Tharses, than Homer had among the greeks: They say, that though this Philosopher was of a rude knowledge, yet otherwise he had a very good natural wit, and was very diligent in hard things, and very patient with these that did him wrong, he was exceeding courageous in adversity, and moderate in prosperities. And the thing that I most of all delighted in him was, that he was courteous and gentle in his conversation, and both pithy and eloquent in his communication. For that man only is happy, where all men praise his life, and no man reproveth his tongue.  
The ancient greeks declare in their Histories, that this Philosopher Aeschilus' was the first that invented 
Aeschilus' the first inventor of Tragedies.  Tragedies, and that got money to represent them: and sith the invention was new and pleasant, many did not only follow him, but they gave him much of their goods.  
And marvel not thereat my friend Pulio, for the lightness of the Common people is such, that to see vain things all will run: and to hear the excellency of virtues, there is not one will go.  
After this Philosopher Aeschylus had written many books specially of Tragedies, and that he had afterward traveled through many Countries & Realms, at the last he ended the residue of his life, near the Isles which are adjoining unto the Lake of Meatts.  
For as the divine Plato saveth, when the ancient Philosophers were young, they studied, when they came to be men they traveled, and then when they were old they retired home.  
In mine opinion this Philosopher was wise to do as he did, and no less shall men now a days be that will imitate him. For the Fathers of wisdom are Science and Experience: and in this consisteth true knowledge when the man at the last returneth home from the troubles of the World.  
Tell me, my friend Pulio, I pray thee, what doth it profit him that hath learned much, that hath heatd much, that hath known much, that hath seen much, that hath been far, that hath bought much, that hath suffered much, and hath proved much, that had much, if after great travel he doth not retire to repose himself a little: truly he cannot be counted wise but a fool that willingly offereth himself to travel, & hath not the wit to procure himself rest: for in mine opinion, the life without rest, is a long death.  
By chance as this ancient Philosopher was sleeping by the lake Meatis, a Hunter had a Hare with him in a Cage of wood to take other Hares by: whereon the Eagle seized, which took the Cage with the Hare on high: and seeing he could not eat it, he cast it down again, which fell on the head of this Philosopher, and killed him.  
This Philosopher Aeschylus was demanded in his life time, wherein the felicity of this life consisted? he answered, that in this opinion it consisted in sleeping, and his reason was 
Aeschilus' his opinion, wherein the felicity of this life consisted.  this, that when we sleep the enticements of the flesh do not provoke us, nor the enemy persecute us, neither the friends do importune us, nor the cold winter oppress us, nor the heat of long Summer doth annoy us, nor yet we are not angry for any thing we see, nor we take any care for any thing we hear.  
Finally, when we sleep, we feel not the anguishs of the body: neither suffer the passion of the mind to come.  
To this end ye must understand that when they were troubled, he gave them drinks, which caused them immediately to sleep, so that so soon as the man did drink it, so soon he was a sleep.  
Finally, all the study wherein the Epicurians exercised themselves, was in eating and seeking meats: and the chief study of this Aeschilus' was in sleeping, and having soft beds,   

Of the Philosopher Pindarus.  
IN the year of the foundation of the City of Rome, 262. Darius' the second of that name, King of Persia, who was the son of Histapsie, and in the lineage of Kings, the fourth King of Persia, junius Brutus, and Lucius Collatinus being Consuls in Rome which were the first Consuls that were in Rome.  
There was in the great City of Thebes in Egypt, a Philosopher named Pindarus, who was Prince of that Realm. They write of this Philosopher, that in Philosophy he excelled all those of his time, and also in teaching, singing, and playing of Music, he was more excellent than any of all his Predecessors: for the Thebans affirmed, that there was never any seen of such aptness in speaking and so excellent delivering of his fingers in playing, as Pindarus was: and moreover he was a great Moral Philosopher, but not so excellent in natural Philosophy: For he was a quiet and virtuous man, & could better work than reach, which thing is contrary now a days in our Sages of Rome. For they know little, and speak much: and worst of all in their words they are circumspect, and in their deeds very negligent. The divine Plato in his book that he made of Laws, mentioneth this Philosopher, and junius Rusticus in his Thebaide showeth one thing of him, and that is, that an Ambassador of Lides being in Thebes, seeing Pindarus to be of a virtuous life, and very disagreeable in his words, he spoke unto him in such words.  
O Pindarus, If thy words were so limed before men, as thy works are pure before the Gods, I swear unto thee by those Gods that are immortal, that thou shouldest be as much esteemed in Life, as Promotheus was; and shouldest leave as much memory of thee after thy death in Egypt, as the great Homer left of his life in Greece.  
They demanded of this Pindarus wherein felicity consisted? he answered: In such sort ye ought to 
Wherein true felicity consisteth.  know, that the inward school followeth in many things (for the most part) the outward body: the which thing presupposed I say, that he that feeleth no grief in his body, may well be called happy: For truly if the flesh be not well, the heart can have no rest.  
Therefore according to the counsel of Pindarus, the Thebans were above all other Nations and people most diligent to cure the diseases of their bodies. Annius Severus saith, that they were let blood every month for the great abundance of blood in their bodies. They used every week unmitations for the full stomachs.  
They continued the baths for to avoid oppilations. They carried sweet favours about them against the evil and infected airs. And finally, they studied nought else in Thebes, but to preserve and keep their bodies as deliciously as they could invent.   

Of the Philosopher Zeno.  
IN the olympiad 133. Cneus Seruillus, and Caius Brisius then Consuls 
Of the Philosopher Zeno.  in Rome, which were appointed against the Artikes in the month of january, immediately after they were chosen: and in the 29. year of the reign of Ptolomeus Philadelphus, this great Prince Ptolomeus built in the coast of Alexandry a great Tower which he named Pharo, for the love of a lover of his named Pharo Dolovina. This Tower was built upon four engines of glass, it was large and high, made four square, & the stones of the Tower were as bright and shining as glass, so that the Tower being twenty foot of breadth, if a candle burned within, those without might see the light thereof.  
I let thee know my friend Pulio, that the ancient Historiograpers did so much esteem his building, that they compared it to one of the seven buildings of the World.  
At that time when these things flourished, there was in Egypt a Philosopher called Zeno, by whose counsel and industry Ptolomeus built that so famous a Tower, and governed his land. For in the old time the Princes that in their life were not governed by Sages, were recorded after their death in the Register of fools.  
As this Tower was strong, so he had great joy of the same, because he kept his dearly beloved Pharo Dolovina therein enclosed, to the end she should be well kept, and also well contented. He had his wives in Alexandria, but for the most part he continued with Pharo Dolovina. For in the old time, the Perses, Siconians, and the Chaldeans did not marry, but to have children to inherit their goods: and the residue of their life, (for the most part) to lead with their Concubines in pleasure and delight: The Egyptians had it in great estimation that were great Wrestlers, especially, if they were wise men, and above all things, they made great defiance against strangers: and all the multitude of wrestlers was continually great: so there were notable Masters among them. For truly he that daily useth one thing, shall at the last be excellent therein.  
The matter was thus: That one day amongst them, there were many Egyptians, there was one that would not be overthrown, nor cast by any man unto the earth.  
This Philosopher Zeno perceiving the strength and courage of this great Wrestler: thought it much for his estimation if he might throw him in wrestling, and in proving he threw 
The strength of Zeno.  him dead to the earth, who of none other could ever be cast.  
This victory of Zeno was so greatly to the contentation of his person, that he spoke with his tongue, and wrote with his pen, that there was none other joy or felicity, then to know how to have the strength of the Arms to cast down others at his feet. The reason of this Philosopher was, that he said it was a greater kind of victory to overthrow one to the earth, then to overthrow many in the wars: For in the wars one only wrongfully taketh the victory, since there be many that do win it: but in wresiling, as the victory is to one alone, so let the only victory and glory remain to him, and therefore in this thing felicity consisteth: for what can be more, than the contention of the heart. Truly we call him in this world happy that hath his heart content, and his body in health. 
Wherein felicity consisteth.    

Of the Philosopher Anacharsis.  
WHen the King Heritaches reigned among the Medes, and that Tarquin Priscus reigned in Rome, there was in the coasts of Scythia a Philosopher called Anacharsis, who was borne in the City of Epimenides. Cicero greatly commended the doctrine of this Philosopher, and that he cannot tell which of these two things were greater in him, that is to say, the profoundness of Knowledge that the Gods had given him, or the cruel malice wherewith he persecuted his enemies. For truly as Pythagoras saith. Those which of men are most evil willed, of the gods are best beloved.  
This Philosopher Anacharsis then being as he was of Scythia (which nation amongst the Romans was esteemed Barbarous) it chanced, that a malicious Roman sought to displease the Philosopher in words: and truly he was moved thereunto, more through malice then thorough simplicity: For the outward malicious words are a manifest token of the inward malicious hart.  
This Roman therefore said to the Philosopher: It is unpossible Anacharsis that thou shouldest be a Scythian born: for a man of such eloquence cannot be of such a Barbarous Nation? To whom Anacharsis answered:  
Thou hast said well, and herein I assent to thy words, howbeit I do not allow thy intention: for as by reason thou mayest dispraise me to be of a barbarous Country, and commend me for a good life: so I may justly accuse thee of a wicked life, and praise thee of a good Country.  
And herein be thou judge of both, which of us two shall have the most praise in the World to come: neither thou that art borne a Roman, and leadest a barbarous 
No respect of persons with God.  life: or I that am borne a Scythian, and lead the life of a Roman: For in the end, in the Garden of this life I had rather be a green Appletree and bear fruit, then to be a dry Liban drawn on the ground.  
After that Anacharsis had been in Rome a long time, and in Greece, he determined for the love of his Country (now being aged) to return home to Scythia, whereof a brother of his named Cadmus was King, who had the name of a King, but in deed he was a tyrant,  
Since this good Philosopher saw his brother exercise the works of a Tyrant, and seeing also the people so desolate, he determined to give his brother the best counsel he could, to ordain laws to the people, and in good order to govern them: which thing being seen of the Barbarous, by the consent of them all, as a man, who invented new devices to live in the World, before them all, openly was put to death.  
For I will thou know O my friend Pulio, that there is no greater token that the whole Common wealth is full of vice: then when they kill or banish those which are virtuous therein: so therefore as they led this Philosopher to death, he said he was unwilling to take his death, and loath to lose his life: wherefore one said unto him these words: Tell me Anacharsis, sith thou art a man so virtuous, so sage, and so old, me thinketh it should not grieve thee to leave this miserable life: For the virtuous man should desire the company of the virtuous men, the which this world wanteth: The Sage aught to desire to live with other Sages; whereof the world is destitute: and the old man ought little to esteem the loss of his life, since by true experience he knoweth in what travels he passed his days: For truly it is a kind of folly for a man which hath traveled and finished a dangerous and long journey, to lament to see himself now in the end thereof,  
Anacharsis answered him. Thou speakest very good words my friend, and I would that thy life were as thy counsel is: but it grieveth me that in this conflict I have neither understanding, nor yet sense to taste, not that I have time enough to thank thee: For I let thee know, that there is no tongue can express the grief which a man feeleth, when he ought forthwith to die. I die, and as thou seest they kill me only for that I am virtuous, I feel nothing that tormenteth my heart so much, as King Cadmus my brother doth, for that I cannot be revenged: For in my opinion the chief felicity of man consisteth in knowing, and being able to revenge the injury done without reason, before a man doth end his life.  
It is a commendable thing that the Philosopher pardon injuries (as 
The opinion of Anacharsis.  the virtuous Philosophers have accustomed to do) but it should be also just, that the injuries which we forgive, the Gods should therewith be charged to see revengement: For it is a hard thing to see a tyrant put a virtuous man to death, and never to see the Tyrant to come to the like,  
Me thinketh my friend Pulio, that this Philosopher put all his felicity in revenging an injury, during the like in this world.   

Of the Sarmates.  
THe Mount Caucasus as the Cosmographers say, doth divide in the midst great Asia, the which beginneth in Indea, and endeth in Scythia, and according to the variety of the people which inhabit the villages, hath this mount divers names, and those which dwell towards the Indians differ much from the others. For the more the Country is full of mountains, so much the more the people are Barbarous. Amongst all the other Cities which are adjacent unto the same, there is a kind of people called Sarmates, and that is the Country of Sarmatia, which standeth upon the river of Tanays'. There grow no vines in the Province, because of the great cold: and it is true, that among all the Oriental nations there are no people, which more desire Wine than they do: For the thing which we lack is commonly most desired.  
These people of Sarmatia are good men of War, though they are unarmed, they esteem not much delicate meats, nor sumptuous 
The felicity of the Sarmatians.  apparel: for all their felicity consisteth in knowing how they might fill themselves with Wine.  
In the year of the foundation of Rome, p 318. our ancient Fathers determined to wage battle against those people, and other Barbabarous Nations, and appointed a Consul called Lucius Pius. And sith in that wars fortune was variable, they made a Truce, and afterwards all their Captains yielded themselves and their country into the subjection of the Roman Empire, only because the Consul Lucius Pius in a banquet (that he made) filled them with Wine.  

Within this tomb Lucius Pius lies, 
The Epitaph of Lucius Pius.   
That whilom was a Consul great in Rome,  
And daunted eke (as shame his slander cries)  
The Sarmates stern not by Mavors his doom.   

But by reproof, and shame of Roman arms,  
He vanquished hath, not as the Romans use,  
But as the bloody tyrants, that with swarms  
Of huge deceits, the fierce assaults refuse.   

Not in the wars by biting weapons stroke,  
But at the board with sweet delighting food,  
Not in the hazard fight he did them yoke.  
But feeding all in rest, he stole their blood.   

Nor yet with mighty Mars, in open field,  
He rest their lives with sharp ypersing spears,  
But with the push of drunken Bacchus' shield,  
Home to high Rome, the triumph lo he bears.   
The sacred Senate set this Epitaph here, because all Roman Captains, should take example of him: For the Majesty of the Romans consisteth not in vanquishing their enemies by vices and deliciousness, but by weapons and prayers,  
The Romans were very sore grieved with the and a city of this Consul Lucius Pius, and not contented to have beheaded him, and to have set on his grave so defamous a title: but made proclamation forthwith thorough out all Rome by the sound of a Trumpet, how all that Lucius Pius had done, the sacred Senate condemned for nothing, and should stand to no 
An ancient custom in Rome.  effect: For there was an ancient Law in Rome, when they beheaded any by justice, they should also take away the authority he had in Rome.  
After the wars were ended, and all the land of Sarmatia subject, the Consul Lucius Pius came to Rome, & for reward of his travel, required the accustomed triumph: the which was not only denied him, but also in recompense of his fact, he was openly beheaded, and by the decree of all the Senate, about his grave was written this Epitaph.  
And not contented with these things the sacred Senate wrote to the Sarmates, that they did release them of their homage, making themselves subjects of the Romans: wherefore they restored them again to their liberty.  
They did this thing because the custom among the stout and valiant Romans was, not to get nor win Realms in making their enemies drunk with delicate Wines, but in shedding their proper blood in plain field.  
I have told thee this my friend Pulio, because the Consul Lucius Pius did perceive that the Sarmates put all their felicity to ingorge themselves with wine.   

Of the Philosopher Chylo.  
IN the 15. Dinastia of the Lacedæmonians, and Deodeus being King of Medes, Gigion being king of Lides, Argeus being king among the Macedonians, and Tullius Hostilius king of the romans: in the olympiad 27. there was in Athens a Philosopher borne in Greece, whose name was Chylo: one of the seven Sages, which the greeks had in their treasury.  
In that time there was great wars between the Athenians, and the Corinthians, as we may perceive by the Greeks histories which we see written.  
Since Troy was ruinated and destroyed, there was never peace in Greece, for the wars betwixt the 
Wars in Greece, ever since the destruction of Troy.  Greeks and Trojans was never so great as that which afterwards they made among themselves.  
Sith the greeks were now wise men, they did divide the offices of the Commonwealth, according to the ability of every person, that is to know, that to the stout and hardy men they gave the government: to the sage they recommended the Embasies of of strange countries.  
And upon this occasion the Athenians sent the Philosopher Chilo to the Corinthians to treat of peace, who came unto the city of Corinth.  
By chance on that day there was celebrated a great Feast, wherefore he found all men playing at dice, the women solacing themselves in their gardens: the priests short with their crossbows in the Temples: the Senators played in the consistory at tables: the masters of Fence played in the streets: And to conclude, he found them all playing.  
The Philosopher seeing these things, without speaking to any man, or lighting off from his horse, returned to his country, without declaring his message: and when the Corinthians went after him, and asked him why he did not declare the cause of his coming, he answered:  
Friends, I am come from Athens to Corinth, not without great travel, and now I return from Corinth to Athens not lattle offended: and ye might have seen it, because I spoke never a word to any of you of Corinth: For I have no commission to treat of peace with unthrifty players, but with sage governors. Those of Athens commanded me not to keep 
Idleness and pastimes hated by the philosopher  company with those that have their hands occupied with Dice: but with those that have their bodies laden with harness, and with those which have their Eyes dazzled with Books. For those men which have wars with the Dice, it is unpossible they should have peace with their Neighbours.  
After he had spoken these words, he returned to Athens. I let thee understand my friend Pulio, that the Corinthians think it to be the greatest felicity in the world to occupy days and nights in plays: and marvel not hereat, neither laugh thou them to scorn. For it was told me by a Greek being in Antioch, that a Corinthian esteemed it more felicity to win a game, than the Roman Captain did to win a Triumph.  
As they say the Corinthians were wise and temperate men, unless it were in Plays, in the which thing they were too vicious. Me think my friend Pulio, that I answer thee more amply than thou requirest, or that my health suffereth, that which is little: so that both thou shalt be troubled to read it, and I here shall have pain to write it.  
I will make thee a brief sum of all the others which now come to my remembrance, the which in diversethings have put their joy and chiefest felicities.   

Of Crates the Philosopher.  
CRates the Philosopher put his felicity to have good fortune in prosperous navigation, saying, that 
Crates the Philosopher  he which saileth by sea, can never have perfect joy at his his heart, so long as he considereth that between death and life there is but one board: Wherefore the heart never feeleth so great joy, as when in the Haven he remembreth the perils which he hath escaped on the sea.   

Of Estilpho the Philosopher.  
EStilpho the Philosopher put all his felicity to be of great power, 
Estilpho.  saying, that the man which can do little, is worth little, and he that hath little, the gods do him wrong to let him live so long: For he only is happy which hath power to oppress his enemies, and hath wherewithal to succour himself, and reward his friends.   

Of Simonides the Philosopher.  
SImonides the Philosopher put all his felicity to be well beloved 
Simonides.  of the people, saying, That churlish men and evil conditioned, should be sent to the mountains amongst brute beasts, For there is no greater happiness or felicity in this life, then to be beloved of all in the Commonwealth.   

Of Archita the Philosopher.  
ARchita the Philosopher, had all his felicity in conquering a Bartell, 
Archita.  saying that naturally man is so much friend to himself, and desireth so much to come to the chief of his enterprise: that though for little trifles he played, yet he would not be overcome: For the heart willingly suffereth all the travels of the life, in hope afterwards to win the victory.   

Of Gorgias the Philosopher.  
GOrgias the Philosopher put all his felicity to hear a thing which 
Gorgias.  pleased him, saying, That the body feeleth not so much a great wound, as the heart doth an evil word: For truly there is no music that soundeth so sweet to the ears, as the pleasant words are savoury to the heart.   

Of Chrysippus the Philosopher,  
CHrysippus the Philosopher had all his felicity in this World, 
Chrysippus.  in making great buildings, saying, that those which of themselves left no memory, both in their life, and after their death deserved infacny: For great and sumptuous buildings, are perpetual monuments of noble courages.   

Of Antisthenes the Philosopher.  
Antisthenes' the Philosopher put all his felicity in renown after his 
Antisthenes.  death. For sayeth he, there is no loss but of life, that flitteth without fame: For the Wise man needeth not fear to die: so he leave a memory of his virtuous life behind him.   

Of Sophocles the Philosopher.  
SOphocles had all his joy in having children, which should possess the inheritance of their Father: 
Sophocles.  saying that the graft of him, that hath no children, surmounteth above all other sorrows: for the greatest felicity in this life is to have honour & riches, and afterwards to leave children which shall inherit them.   

Of Euripides the Philosopher.  
Euripides the Philosopher had all his joy in keeping a fair woman, 
Euripides.  saying his tongue with words could not express the grief which the hart endureth, that is accumbered with a foul woman: therefore of of truth, he which happeneth of a good & virtuous woman, aught of right in his life to desire no more pleasure.   

Of Palemon the Philosopher.  
PAlemon put the felicity of men in 
Palemon.  eloquenee, saying and swearing that the man that cannot reason of all things, is not so like a reasonable man, as he is a brute beast: for according to the opinions of many, there is no greater felicity in this wretched world, then to be a man of a pleasant tongue, and of an honest life.   

Of Themistocles the Philosopher.  
THemistocles put all his felicity, 
Themistocles.  in descending from a Noble lineage, saying, that the man which is come of a mean stock, is not bound to make of a renowned fame: for truly the virtues and prowesses of them that are past, are not but an example to move them to take great enterprises which are present.   

Of Aristides the Philosopher.  
ARistides the Philosopher put all his felicity in keeping temporal goods saying, that the man 
Aristides.  which hath not wherewith to eat, nor to sustain his life, it were better counsel for him, of his free will to go into the grave, then to do any other thing: For he only shall be called happy in this world, who hath no need to enter into an other man's house.   

Of Heraclitus the Philosopher.  
HEraclitus put all his felicity in heaping 
Heraclitus.  up treasure, saying that the prodigal man, the more begetteth, the more he spendeth, but he hath the respect of a wise man, who can keep a secret treasure for the necessity to come. Thou hast now sufficiently understood my friend Pulio that 7. months since, I have been taken with the fever quartain, and I swear unto thee by the immortal Gods, that at this present instant writing unto thee, my hand shaketh which is an evident token, that the cold doth take me, wherefore I am constrained to conclude this matter which thou demandest me although not according to my desire: For amongst true friends, though the works do cease wherewith they serve: yet therefore the inward parts ought not to quail, wherewith they love.  
If thou dost ask me my friend Pulio, what I think of all that is above spoken, and to which of those I do stick: I answer thee: That in this 
No perfect felicity in this world.  World I do not grant any to be happy, and if there be any, the gods have them with them: because on the one side, choosing the plain and dry way without clay, and on the other side all stony and miry, we may rather call this life the precipitation of the evil, than the safeguard of the good.  
I will speak but one word only, but mark well what thereby I mean which is, that amongst the mishaps of fortune we dare say, that there is no felicity in the World: And he only is happy from whom wisdom hath plucked envious adversity, and that afterwards is brought by wisdom to the highest felicity. And though I would, I cannot endure any longer, but that the immortal Gods have thee in their custody, and that they preserve us from evil fortune: Sith thou art retired now unto Bethinie, I know well thou wouldst I should write thee some news from Rome, and at this present there are none, but that the Carpentines and Lusitaines are in great strife & dissension in Spain.  
I received letters how that the barbarous were quiet, though the Host that was in Ilium were in good case: yet notwithstanding the Army is somewhat fearful and timorous. For in all the coast and borders, there hath been a great plague.  
Pardon me my friend Pulio, for that I am so sickly, that yet I am not come to myself: for the fever quartane is so cruel a disease, that he which hath it, contenteth himself with nothing, neither taketh pleasure in any thing. I send thee two of the best horses that can be found in all Spain: and also I send thee two cups of gold of the richest that can be found in Alexandria. And by the law of a good man I swear unto thee, that I desire to send thee two or three hours of those which trouble me in my fever quartane.  
My wife Faustine saluteth thee and of her part, and mine also to Cassia thy old mother, and noble Widow we have commended. Marcus the Roman Emperor with his own hand writeth this, and again commendeth him unto his dear friend Pulio.    

CHAP. XLI. That Princes and great Lords ought not to esteem themselves for being fair, and well proportioned,  
IN the time that joshua triumphed amongst the Hebrews, and that Dardanus passed from great Greece to Samotratia, and when the sons of Egenor were seeking their sister Europe, and in the time that Siculus reigned in Scicil, in great Asia, in the realm of Egypt, was builded a great City called Thebes, the which K. Busiris built, of whom Diodorus Siculus at large mentioneth. Pliny in the 36. Chapter of his natural history, and Homer in the second of his Iliads, & Statius in all the book of his Thebiade do declare great marvels of this City of Thebes, which thing ought greatly to be esteemed, for a man ought not to think that feigned which so excellent authors have written. 
A description of the City of Thebes.   
For a truth they say, that Thebes was in circuit forty miles, and that the walls were thirty stades high and in breadth six.  
They say also that the City had a hundred gates very sumptuous and strong, and in every gate two hundred Horsemen watched.  
Through the midst of Thebes passed a great river, the which by mills and fish did greatly profit the City.  
When Thebes was in his prosperity, they say, that there was two hundred thousand fires, and besides all this, all the Kings of Egypt were buried in that place.  
As Strabo sayeth, De situ orbis, when Thebes was destroyed with enemies, they found therein seventy seven 
Strabo de situ orbis.  Tombs of Kings which had been buried there.  
And here is to be noted, that all those tombs were of virtuous kings: for among the Egyptians it was a law 
A Law among the Egyptians  inviolable, that the King which had been wicked in his life should not be buried after his death: Before the noble and worthy Numantia was founded in Europe, the rich Carthage in Africa, and the hardy Rome in Italy, the goodly Capua in campaign, and the great Argentine in Germany, and the holy Helia in Palestine: Thebes only was the most renowned of all the World: For the Thebans amongst all Nations were renowned, as well for their riches, as for their buildings, and also because in their laws and customs they had many notable and severe things, and all the men were severe in their works, although they would not be known by their extreme doings. Homer saith that the Thebans had five customs, wherein they were more extreme than any other Nation.  
1 The first was, that the children drawing to five years of age, were marked in the forehead with a hot Iron, because in what places soever they came they should be known for Thebans by the mark.  
2 The second was, that they should accustom their children to travail always on soot. And the occasion why they did this was, because the Egyptians kept their beasts for their Gods: and therefore whensoever they traveled, they never rid on horseback, because they should not seem to sit upon their god.  
3 The third was that none of the Citizens of Thebes should marry with any of strange nations, but rather caused than to marry parents with parents, because the friends marrying with friends they thought the friendship and love should be more sure.  
4 The fourth custom was, that no Theban should in any wise make a house for himself to dwell in, but first 
By the example of the Thebans is showed the duty of every Christian.  he should make his grave wherein he should be buried.  
● Me thinketh that in this point the Thebans were not too extreme, nor excessive, but that they did like sage and wise men: yea and by the law of verity I swear, that they were sager than we are. For if at least we did employ our thought but two hours in the week to make our grave: It is unpossible but that we should correct every day our life,  
3 The fifth custom was, that all the boys which were exceeding fair in their face, should be by them strangled in the cradle: and all the girls which were extreme foul, were by them killed and sacrificed to the Gods. Saying, that the Gods forgot themselves, when they made the men fair, and the women foul: For the man which is very fair, is but an unperfect woman: and the woman which is extreme foul, is but a savage and wild beast.  
The greatest God of the Thebans, was Isis who was a red bull nourished in the river of Nile, and they had a custom, that all those which had red hair immediate should be sacrificed. The contrary they did to the beasts, for sith their God was a Bull of tawny colour, none durst be so bold to kill any beasts of the same colour. In such form and manner, that it was lawful to kill both men and women, and not the brute beasts.  
I do not say this well done of the 
An in human custom among the Thebans.  Thebans to slay their children, nor yet I do say that it was well done to sacrifice men and women, which had red or tawny hair, nor I think it a thing reasonable, that they should do reverence to the beasts of that colour: but I wonder why they should so much despise foul women and fair men, sith all the world is peopled both with with fair and foul. Then sith those barbarous (living as they did under a false law) did put him to death, whom the gods had adorned with any beauty: we than which are Christians by reason ought much less to esteem the beauty of the body: knowing that most commonly thereupon ensueth the uncleanness of the soul.  
Under the Crystal stone lieth oft-times a dangerous worm, in the fair wall is nourished the venomous Coluler, within the middle of the white tooth is engendered great pain to the gums, in the finest cloth the moths do most hurt, and the most fruitful tree by worms is soon perished. I mean, that under the clean bodies and fair countenances, are hid many and abominable vices. Truly not only to children which are not wise, but to all other which are light and frail, beauty is nothing else but the mother of many vices, and the hinderer of all virtues. Let Princes and great Lords believe me, which think to be fair and well disposed, that where there is great abundance of corporal goods 
Beauty the mother of vices.  and graces, there ought to be great bones of virtues to be able to bear them. For the most high trees by great winds are shaken: I say, that it is vanity to be vain glorious in any thing of this world be it never so perfect: and also I say that it is a great vanity to be proud, of corporal beauty. For among all the acceptable gifts that nature gave to the mortals, there is nothing more superfluous in man, and less necessary, than the beauty of the body. For truly whether be we fair or foul, we are nothing the better beloved of God, neither thereby the more hated of men, O blindness of the world! O life which never liveth! O death which never shall end! I know not why man through the accident of this beauty should or durst take upon him any vain glory or presumption: sith he knoweth that all the fairest, and most perfitest of flesh, must be sacrificed to the worms in the grave. And know also, that all the properness of the members shall be forfeited to the hungry worms which are in the earth.  
Let the great scorn the little as much as they will, the fair mock the foul at their pleasure, the whole disdain the sick, the well made envy the deformed, the white hate the black, and the Giants despise the Dwarves: yet in the end all shall have an end. Truly in my opinion, the trees bear 
Time the consumer of all things  not the more fruit, for that they are strait only, nor for being high, neither for giving great shadow, nor for being beautiful, nor yet for being great. By this comparison I mean, that though a noble and stout man be proper of person, and noble of lineage, shadowing of favour, comely in countenance, in renown very high, and in the commonwealth puissant, that therefore he is not the better in this life.  
For truly the common wealths are not altered by the simple labourers which travel in the fields: but by the vicious men which take great ease in their lives. Unless I be deceived, the Swine and other beasts are fed under 
The smallest creatures profitable in the commonwealth.  the Oaks with the Acorns, and among the pricking briars and thorns the sweet Roses do grow, the sharp Beech giveth us the savoury chestnuts. I mean, that deformed and little creatures oft times are most profitable in the commonwealth. For the little and sharp countenances, are signs of valiant and stout hearts.  
Let us cease to speak of men which are fleshly, being eftsoons rotten and gone, and let us talk of sumptuous buildings which are of stone, which if we should go to see what they were, we may know the greatness and the height of them. Then we shall not know the manner of their beauty: and that which seemed to be perpetual, in short space we see it end, and lose the renown, in such sort that there is never memory of them hereafter.  
Let us all leave the ancient buildings & come to the buildings now a days, and none shall see that there is no man that maketh a house, be it never so strong nor fair, but (living a little while) he shall see the beauty thereof decay. For there are a great number of ancient men, which have seen both the tops of famous and strong buildings made, and the foundation and ground thereof decayed. And that this is true it appeareth manifestly, for that if the top decay, or the walls fall, or else if the timber be weak, or the joints open, or the windows wax rotten, or the gates do break, the buildings forthwith decay.  
What shall we say of goodly halls & galleries well appointed, the which within short space, by coals or candles of children, or by torches of pages, or smoke of attorneys, by cobwebs of spiders, become as dry and foul, as before they were fresh and fair.  
Then if that be true which I have said of these things, I would now gladly know, what hope man can have of the countenance of his beauty, since we see the like destruction of corporal beauty, as of stones, wood, brick and clay.  
O unprofitable Princes, O children too foolish hardy, do you not remember that all your health is subject to sickness, as in the pain of the stomach, in the heat of the liver, the inflammation of the feet, in the distemperance of humours, in the motions of the air, in the conjunctions of the Moon in the Eclipse of the Sun: I say do you not know that you are subject to the tedious Summer, and untolerable Winter? Of a truth I cannot tell how you can be (among so many imperfections and corruptions) so full of vain glory, by your beauty, seeing & knowing that a little fever doth not only deface and man the beauty, but also maketh and coloureth the face all yellow, be it never so well favoured.  
I have marveled at one thing, that is to say, that all men are desirous to have all things about their body clean their gowns brushed, their coats neat, their table handsome, and the bed fine, and only they suffer their souls to be foul, spotted and filthy. I durst say, and in the faith of a Christian affirm, that it is a great lack of wisdom, and a superfluity of folly, for a man to his have house clean, & to 
What folly it is for man not to regard his own soul.  suffer his soul to be corrupted. I would know what pre-eminence they have which are fair, above others to whom nature hath denied beauty.  
Peradventure the beautiful man hath two souls, and the deformed creature but one? peradventure the most fairest are the most healthful, and the most deformed are the most sickliest: peraduènture the most fairest are the wisest, and the most deformed the most innocent: peradventure the fairest are most stout, and the deformed most cowards: peradventure the fair are most fortunate, and the fool most unluckiest: peradventure the fair only are accepted from vice, and the foul deprived from virtue: peradventure those which are fair, of right have perpetual life, and those which are foul, are bound to replenish the grave: I say no certainly.  
Then if this be true, why do the great mock the little, the fair the foul, the right the crooked, and the white the black, since they know that the vain glory which they have, and their beauty also, shall have an end to day or tomorrow.  
A man that is fair and well proportioned, is therefore nothing the more virtuous: and he that is deformed and evil shapen, is nothing therefore the more vicious: so that virtue dependeth not at all of the shape of body, neither yet vice proceedeth of the deformity of the face. For daily we see the deformity of the body to be beautified with the virtues of the 
The virtue of the mind beautifieth the whole body.  mind: and the virtues of the mind, to be defaced with the vice of the body in his works. For truly he that in the usage of his life hath any botch or imperfection, is worse than he that hath four botches in the shoulders.  
Also I say, that though a man be great, yet it is not true that therefore he is strong: so that it is not a general rule, that the big body hath always a valiant courageous heart nor the man which is of little person, should be of a vile and false heart. For we see by experience, the greatest men, the most cowards: and the least of parsonage, the most stout and hardy of heart.  
The holy Scripture speaketh of king David, that he was red in his countenance, and not big of body, but of a mean stature, yet notwithstanding as he and the mighty Giant Goliath were in camp, David killed Goliath with a sling, and with his own sword cut of his head.  
We ought not marvel, that a little shepherd should slay so valiant and mighty a Giant. For ofttimes of a little spark cometh a great light: & contrariwise by a great torcha man can searcely see to do any thing: This king David did more, that he being little of body, and tender of years, killed the Lions, and recoured the lambs out of the wolves throats: & besides this, in one day in a battle with his own hands, he slew to the number of 800. men. Though we cannot find the like in our time, we may well imagine, that of the 800. which he slew, there were at least 300. of them as noble of lineage as he, as rich in goods, as fair in countenance, & as high of stature: but none of these had so much force and courage, since he escaped alive, and they remained in the field dead. Though julius Caesar was big enough of body, yet notwithstanding he was 
The deformity of julius Caesar.  evil proportioned: For he had his head all bald, his nose very sharp, one hand more shorter than the other. And albeit he was young, he had his face riveled, his colour somewhat yellow, and above all he went somewhat crooked, and his girdle was half undone. For men of good wits do not employ themselves to the setting out of their bodies. julius Caesar was so unhandsome in his body, that after the battle of Pharsalique, a neighbour of Rome said unto the great Orator Tullius.  
Tell me Tullius, why hast thou followed the partialities of Pompeius since thou art so wise, knowest thou not that julius Caesar ought to be Lord & Monarch of all the world? Tullius' answered. I tell thee true my friend, that I seeing julius Caesar in his youth so evil and unseemly girded, judged never to have seen that, that is seen of him, and did never greatly regard him. But the old Sylla knew him better. For he seeing julius Caesar so uncomely, and so slovenly appareled in his youth, oftentimes said unto the Senate: beware of this young man so evil marked. For if you do not watch well his proceeding, it is he that shall hereafter destroy the Roman people, as Suetonius Tranquillus affirmeth in the book of Caesar.  
Albeit that julius Caesar was uncomely in his behaviour, yet in naming only his name he was so feared through the world, as if by chance any king or Princes did talk of him at their table as after supper, for fear they could not sleep that night until the next day. As in Gallia Gotica where julius Caesar gave battle, by chance a French knight took a Caesarian knight prisoner, who being led prisoner by the Frenchmen, said Chaos Caesar, which is to say: Let Caesar alone. Which the Gaulloys hearing the name of Caesar, let the prisoner escape, and without any other occasion he fell beside his horse.  
Now then let Princes and great Lords see, how little it availeth the valiant man to be fair or foul, sith that julius Caesar being deformed, only with naming his name, caused all men to fear to change their countenance, Hannibal the adventurous captain of Carthage is called monstruous not only for his deeds he did in the world: but also for the evil proportion of his body. For of his two eyes he lacked the right, and of his two feet he had the left foot crooked, and above all, he was little of body, and very fierce and cruel of countenance.  
The deeds and conquests which Hannibal did among the people of Rome, Titus Livius declareth at large: yet I will recite one thing which an 
The valiant deeds of Hannibal.  Historiographer declareth, and it is this.  
Frontine in the book of stoutness of the Penians declareth, that in seventeen years that Hannibal warred with the romans, he slew so great a number that if the men had been converted into Kine, and that the blood which was shed had been turned into Wine, it had been sufficient to have filled and satisfied his whole army being four score thousand footmen, and seventeen thousand horsemen in his camp.  
I demand now, how many were at that time fairer and more beautiful of their bodies and countenance, than he was, whose beauty at this day is forgotten, whereas his valiantness shall endure for ever.  
For there was never any Prince that left of him eternal memory, only for being beautiful of countenance: but for enterprising great things with the sword in the hand.  
The great Alexander was no fairer nor better shapen then another man. For the Chronicles declare of him, 
The description of Alexander.  that he had a little throat, a great head a black face, his eyes somewhat troubled, the body little, and the members not well proportioned, and with all his deformity he destroyed Darius, king of the Perses and Medes, and he subdued all the tyrants: he made himself Lord of all the Castles, and took many kings, and disherited and slew mighty Lords of great estate, he searched all their riches, and peeled all their treasures, and above all things all the earth trembled before him, not having the audacity to speak one word against him.   

Of a letter the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote to his Nephew, worthy to be noted of all young Gentlemen. CHAP. XLII.  
SExtus Cheronensis, in his second book of the life of Marcus Aurelius declared, that this good Marcus Aurelius had a sister called Annia Melena, the which had a son named Epesipus, who was not only nephew, but also Disciple to Marcus Aurelius. And after he was created Emperor, he sent his nephew into Greece to study the Greek tongue, and to banish him from the vices of Rome.  
This young Epesipus was of a good and clear judgement, well made of his body, and fair of countenance: and sith in his youth he esteemed his beauty more than his learning, the Emperor his uncle wrote him a letter 
The letter of Marcus Aurelius.  in Greek, which said thus.  
Marcus Aurelius the Roman Emperor, first Tribune of the people, and Bishop, wisheth to thee Epesipus his Nephew and Scholar, health and doctrine.  
In the third Calends of December came thy cousin Annius Verus, at whose coming all our parentage rejoiced, and so much the more because that he brought us news out of Grecia,  
For truly when the heart hath the absence of that he loveth, it is no minute of an hour without suspicion. After that thy cousin Annius Verus had spoken in generally to all, bringing news from their friends and children, we talked together, and he gave me a letter of thine, which is contrary to that which was written me out of Greece, because thou writest to me, that I should send thee money to continue thee in study, and they did also write unto me from thence, that thou art more youthful, and given more to the pleasures of the world, then becometh thee.  
Thou art my blood, thou art my Nephew, thou wert my Scholar, and thou shalt be my son if thou art good. But God will never that thou be my Nephew, nor that I shall call thee my son, during the time that thou shalt be young, fond, light and frail For no good man should have parentage with the vicious.  
I cannot deny but that I love thee from the bottom of my stomach, and so likewikewise thy unthriftiness grieveth me with all my heart. For when I read the letters of thy follies. I will content myself.  
For the sage wise men, though (against their wills) they hear of such things past, yet it pleaseth them to redress other things that may come hereafter.  
I know well that thou canst not call it to mind, though perhaps thou hast it, that when thy unlucky mother and my sister Annia Melena died, she was then young enough, for she was no more but eighteen years of age, and thou hadst not then four hours.  
For thou wert borne in the morning, and she died just at noontide: so when the wicked child possessed his life. than the good mother tasted death.  
I can tell thee that thou hast lost such a mother, and that I have lost such a sister, that I believe there was no better in Rome.  
For she was sage, honest, and fair, the which things are seldom seen now a days. For so much as thy mother was my sister, and that I had brought her up and married her, I read then Rhetoric at Rhodes, because my poverty was extreme, that I had no other thing but that which by reading Rhetoric I did get.  
When news came unto me of the death of thy mother, and my sister Annia Milena, all comfort laid on side sorrow oppressed my heart in such wise, that all members trembled, the bones shivered, my eyes without rest did lament, the heavy sighs overcame me, at every minute my heart vanished away, from the bottom of my heart I inwardly lamented, and bewailed thy virtuous mother and my dear sister.  
Finally sorrow executing his privilege on me, the joyful company grieved me, and only with the lovely care I quieted myself, I know not nor cannot express unto thee how, and in what sort I took the death of my sister Annia Milena thy mother: for in sleeping I dreamt of her, and dreaming I saw her, when I was awake she represented herself before me, remembering that she lived, I was sorry to remember her death. Life was so grievous unto me, that I would have rejoiced to have been put in the grave with her. For truly he feeleth assuredly the death of another, which always is sorrowful, and lamenting his own life.  
Remembering therefore the great love which my sister Milena bore unto me in her life, and thinking wherein I might requite the same after her death: I imagined that I could not by any means do any thing that was more acceptable for her, then to bring thee up, thou which art her child, and left an Orphan so young.  
For of all travels to a woman, this is the chiefest: to leave behind her children to bring up. My sister being dead, the first thing I did was, that I came to Rome, and then sent thee to Capua to be brought up there, in the which place, hard at my nose, they gave thee suck two years.  
For thou knowest right well, that the money which by reading Rhetoric I gate, scarcely satisfied for thy daily feeding: but that in the night I read some extraordinare lecture, and with that I paid for the milk, which thou suckedst on the dug, so that thy bringing up depended upon the labour of my life.  
After that thou wert weaned and and brought from the teat, I sent thee to Bietro, to a friend and kinsman of mine named Lucius Valerius, with whom thou remainedst until five years were fully accomplished, where I found both him and thee all things necessary. For he was in great poverty, and a great blabber of his tongue, in such sort that he troubled 
What offence comes by much talk.  all men, and angered me much. For truly a man should as willingly give money to cause him to be silent, which is talkative: as to give a wise man to hear him to speak.  
The five years accomplished, I sent thee to Toringue, a city of Campaignia, to a Master which taught children there, called Emilius Torquates, of whom, to the end he should teach thee to read and to write three years: I took a son of his, whom he gave me to read to him Greek four years, so that thou couldst not have any profit in thee, without the increase of great travel, and augmenting pain to my heart.  
And after thou wert seven years old, that thou couldst read and write well, I sent thee to study, in the famous city of Tareth where I kept thee four years paying to the masters a great sum of money: Because now a days through our evil fortunes, there is none that will teach without great stipend. Without lamenting I do not tell thee, that in the time that Cincinos (which were after the death of Quintus Cincinatus, until Cyna and Catulus) the philosopher and masters were by the sacred Senate paid, and none ceased to study for lack of money.  
For in those days they which would apply themselves to virtue and sciences, were by the common treasure maintained. As our fathers were 
Learning well regarin ancient times.  well ordered in their things: so they did not divide offices by order only but also by order they paid their money in such sort that they paid first with the common treasure, the priests of the Temples, Secondly, the masters of schools and studies. Thirdly, the poor widows and Orphans. Fourthly, the strange knights, which of their own free wills voluntarily were made citizens of Rome. Fiftly, all the old souldiesr, which had served 35. years continually in the wars. For those which were retired home to their own houses, were honourably found of the commonwealth,  
The twelve years passed I myself was in Tarenthe, and carried thee to Rome, where I read unto thee Rhetoric, Logic and philosophy, and also the Mathematical sciences, keeping thee in my house, in my company, at my table, and in my bed, and further more I had the in my heart, and in my mind. The which thing thou shouldest esteem more, then if I gave thee my house and all my goods. For the true benefits is that only which is done without any respect of profit or interest,  
I kept thee with means in this sort in Laurence, in Rhodes, in Naples, and in Capua, until such time as the gods created me Emperor of Rome. And then I determined to send thee to Greece, because thou shouldest learn the Greek tongue, and also to the end thou shouldest accustom thyself to work that which true philosophy requireth. For the true and virtuous philosophers ought to conform their works to that they say, and publish their words with their deeds.  
There is nothing more infamous then to presume to be sage, and to be desirous to be counted virtuous: principally for him that speaketh much, and worketh little. For the man of a pleasant tongue, and evil life, is he which with impostumes undoth the commonwealth. When I sent thee to 
An evil man a wicked member in a commonwealth.  Greece, and withdrew thee from Rome, it was not to exile thee out of my company, so that thou having tasted of my poverty; shouldest not rejoice at my prosperity: but it was that considering thy youthful disposition and lightness, I was afraid to undo thee in the palace, chiefly lest thou wouldst have presumed to have been too bold and familiar, because thou wert my nephew. For truly Princes which take pleasure that their children be familiar with them, they give occasion that men shall not count them wise, and cause also the young men to be esteemed for light, I have told thee that I did for thee in Italy.  
I will now let thee know what thou hast done, and dost in Greece, so that I will show thee to be notorious, that is to know that thou taking and esteeming thyself to be well disposed in thy youth, thou hast forsaken thy study, and despised my counsels, thou art accompanied with vain and light men, and hast most viciously employed the money which I had sent thee to buy books. All the which things to thee being hurtful, are to me no less dishonour & shame.  
For it is a general rule, when the child is foolish and ill taught, and 
How children should be brought  the blame and fault is laid on the master's neck, who hath taught him, and brought him up. It grieveth me not for that he brought thee up, neither for that I have taught thee to read, and cause thee to study, neither likewise to have kept thee in my house, to have set thee at my table, nor also to have suffered thee to lie with me in my bed, neither it grieveth me to have consumed so much on thee: but with all my heart it grieveth me, that thou hast not given me occasion to do thee good. For there is nothing that grieveth a noble Prince more, than not to find persons able of capacity, to do them any good. They tell me that thou art well made of thy body, and fair in countenance, and that thou presumest also in those things: wherefore to enjoy the pleasures of thy person, thou hast forsaken Philosophy, wherewith I am not contentented. For in the end the corporal beauty, carely or sat, perisheth in the grave: but virtue & science, makes men to be of immortal memory. The gods never commanded it, neither the studies and universities of Italy suffered it, to have the body fine and trim, the visage fair and clear, and the heart full of Philosophy: for the true Philosopher, of all other things esteemeth lest the setting forth of the body. For that the demonstrations and tokens of a true & perfect philosopher is to have his eres troubled, his eye bries burnt, and the head bald, the ball of his eyes sunk into his head, the face yellow, the body lean and feeble, the flesh dry, the so●te unhosed, the garment poor, the eating little, and the watching great. Finally he ought to live as a Lacedaemonian, and speak as a Grecian. The tokens of a valiant & renowned captain, are his wounds and hurts, and the sign of a studious philosopher, is the despising of the world. For the wise man ought to think himself as much dishonoured, if they call him stout, and sturdy: as a captain when they call him a coward and negligent. I like well that the philosopher study the ancient antiquities of his forefathers, that wrote the profound things for the time to come, that he teach profitable & wholesome doctrines to those which are now alive, that he diligently inquire of the motion of the stars, that he consider what causeth the alteration of the elements. But I swear unto thee Epesipus, that never sage of Rome came to those things, nor philosopher of Greece likewise, but in searching the quietness of the soul, & despising the pleasures of the body: Touching the body I am like to beasts, but concerning the spirit I am partly like to the gods, sith that following the things of the flesh I am made less than myself, and in following the motions of the spirit, I am made more than I am. For truly sensuality maketh us inferior to beasts, and reason maketh us superior unto men. The worldly malice & presumption naturally desireth, rather to mount then to descend: and to command, rather than to be commanded. And since it is so, why do we by vices abase ourselves to do less than beasts being possible for us by virtues to do more than men. Amongst all the members, which men can have, there is nothing more tender to break, nor any thing more easy to corrupt, then is the handsomeness of the body, where we are so proud. For in mine opinion, to esteem himself to be a handsome and proper person, is no other thing, but to esteem ourselves that dreaming we shall be rich and mighty, and afterwards awaking we find ourselves to be poor and miserable. And me thinks th●s thing to be true, because I will declare, what it is to see a young 
The description of a young man.  man in his first age. the head little, the hair yellow, the brow long, the eyes green, the cheeks whit, the nose sharp the lips coloured, the beard forked, the face lively, the neck small, the body of good proportion, the arm little, the fingers long, and to conclude, so well proportioned in his members, that men's eyes should always desire to behold him, and the hearts always seek to love him.  
If this young man so fair and well proportioned, remained long time in his beauty and disposition, it were good to desire it, to procure it, to keep it, to pay s● it, and to love it well: for in the end if we love the beauty in beasts and buildings, by greater reason we should desire it in ourselves. But what shall we say, that when we do not watch, this little flower which yesterday flourished on the tree, fair and whole, without suspicion to be lost, one little hoary frost suddenly wasteth and consumeth it, the vehement wind overthrows it, the knife of envy cutteth it, the water of adversity undoth it, and the heat of persecutions pineth it: and finally the worm of short life gnaweth it, and the putrefaction of death decayeth and bringeth it down to the ground. O man's life that art always cursed, I count fortune cruel, and thee unhappy, since she will that thou tarriest on her, which dreaming giveth thee pleasures, and waking worketh the displeasures: which giveth into thy hands travel to taste, and suffereth thee not only to listen after quire: which will thou prove adversity, and agree that thou have prosperity but at her will: finally she giveth their life by ounces, and death without measure.  
The wicked and vicious say, that it is a great pleasure to live in ease: but I protest unto them, that there was never any mortal man had so much pleasure in vices, but that he remained in great pain after that they were banished from him.  
For the heart, which of long time 
The of the wicked.  hath been rooted in vice, incontinently is subject to some great alteration, I would all would open their eyes to see how we live deceived: for all the pleasures which delight the body, make us believe that they come to abide with us continually, but they vanish away with sorrows immediately. And on the contrary part the infirmities and sorrows that blind the soul say, that they come only to lodge as guests, and ramaine with us continually as householders.  
I marvel of thee Epesipus, why thou dost not consider what shall become of the beauty of thy body hereafter, sith thou least presently the beauty of those departed interred in the grave? By the diversity of fruits man doth know the diversity of trees in the orchard, that is to say, the Oak by the Acorns, the Date tree by the Dates, and the Vines by the Grapes: but when the root is dry, the body cut, the fruit gathered, the leaf fallen and when the tree is laid on fire and become ashes, I would now know if this ashes could be known of what tree it was, or how a man might know the difference of the one from the other? By this comparison I mean to say that for so much as the life of this death & the death of this life cometh to seek us out, we are all as trees in the Orchard, whereby some are known by the roots of their predecessors, others by the leaves of their words, others by the branches of their friends, some in the flowers of their beauty, and other some by the bark of their foul skin. The one in their mercifulness, the other in their stoutness, other in their hardiness being aged, others in their hastiness of their youth, others in their barrenness by their poverty, others by their fruitfulness in riches. Finally, in one only thing we are all alike, that is to say, that all universally go to the grave, not one remaining.  
I ask now when death hath done his office, executing all earthly men 
The office of death.  in the later days: what difference is there then between the fair and the foul, which lie both in the narrow grave? certainly, there is none, and if there be any difference, it shall be in the making of their graves, which vain men invented. And I do not repent me for calling them vain, since there is no vanity nor fondness comparable to this, for they are, not contented to be vain in their lives but will also after their drathes enterprise their vanities in sumptuous and stately sepulchers.  
The coal of the Cedar (in mine opinion) that is high and fair, is nothing more whether when it is burnt, than the coal of the oak which is little and crooked: I mean oftentimes the Gods do permit, that the bones of a poor Philosopher are more honoured than the bones of Princes.  
With death I will threaten thee no longer, for sith thou art given to the vices of this life, thou wouldst not as yet that with a word it should destroy thee: but I will tell thee on ● word more, though it grieve thee to hear it: which is that God created thee to die, women bore thee to die, and thou camest into the world for to die: and to conclude I say, some are borne to day, on condition they die, tomorrow ●●d give their places to others.  
When the great and fearful Trees begin to bud by the roots, it signifieth that time draweth on for them to cut the dry & withered branches. mean that to see hildrens borne in Ihe House is no other, but to cite the Grandfathers and Fathers to the grave.  
If a man would ask me what death is? I would say a miserable lake wherein all worldly men are taken: for those that most safely think to pass it over, remain therein most subtly deceived. I have always read of the 
What death is.  Ancients passed, and have seen of the young men present, and I suppose, that the self same will be to come hereafter: that when life most sweetest seemeth to any man, then suddenly, death entereth in at their doors.  
O immortal Gods, I cannot tell if I may call you cruel, I know not if I may call you merciful, because you gave us flesh, bones, honour, goods, friends, and also you give us pleasure; finally ye give to men all that they want, save only, the cup of life, which to yourselves you did reserve. Since I may not that I would, I will that I may: but if it were referred 
The miserable estate of man.  to my will, I would rather one only day of life, than all the riches of Rome: for what availeth it to toil and take pains to increase honour and worldly good, since life daily diminisheth.  
Returning therefore to my first purpose, thou must know that thou esteemest thyself, and glorifiest in thy parsonage and beauty: I would gladly know of thee, and of others, which are young and fair, if you do not remember that once ye must come to be old and rotten: for if you think you shall live but a little, than reason would you should not esteem your hearties much: for by reason it as a strange thing that lise should abate us, and folly train us.  
If you think to become aged, ye ought to remember, and always to think, that the steel of the knife, which doth much service, at length decayeth, and is lost for lack of looking to.  
Truly the young man is but a new knife, the which in process of time cankereth in the edge: For on one day he breaketh the point of understanding, another, he looseth the edge of cutting, and to morrow the rust of diseases taketh him, and afterwards by adversity he is writhe, and by infirmities he is diseased, by riches he is whetted, by poverty he is dulled again: and finally, oftentimes it chanceth that the more sharp he is whetted, so much the more the life is put in hazard.  
It is a true thing, that the feet and hands are necessary to climb to the vanities of youth: and that afterwards stumbling a little, immediately rolling the head downwards, we descend into the misery of age: For (to our seeming) yesterday we knew one that was young and beautiful, and within short time after, we hear that he is dead and rotten.  
When I consider many men as well friends as enemies, which were (not long ago) flourishing in beauty and youth ' and presently I see them to be old and dry, sick and foul, truly I think that as than I dreamt of them, or that they be not now as they were then.  
What thing is more fearful, or more credible, then to see a man become miserable in short space, that the fashion of his visage should change, the beauty of the face should be lost, the beard wax white, the head bold, the cheeks and forehead full of wrinkles, the teeth (as white as ivory) become black, the light feet by the gout to seem crepeled, and and afterward waxeth heavy, the palsy weakenneth the strong arm, the fine smooth throat with wrinkles is playted, & the body that was strait and upright, waxeth weak and crooked.  
Above all that I have spoken, I say to thee Epesipus, which presumest to be fair, that he which through his properness in youth was the mirror of all, becometh to be such a one, that he doubteth whether he be the self same now in his age (that he was in his youth, Do what thou wilt, praise and glorify thy beauty as much as thou thinkest good, yet in the end the beauty of men is none other: but as a veil to cover their eyes, a pair of fetters for the feet, manacles for the hands, a lime rod for the wings, a thief of time, an occasion of danger, a provoker of trouble, a place of lechery, a sink of all evil, and finally, it is an inventor of debates, and a scourge of the affectioned man.  
Since thou hast forsaken thy study, I am not bound to send thee any thing, chiefly wasting thy money in childish and youthful to yes: but not withanding all those things, I send thee by Aulus Vegenus two thousand crowns for thy apparel, and truelle thou shalt be very unthankful, if thou dost not know the benefit done unto thee: for a man ought to give more thanks for that which is done of courtesy, then for that which is offered of necessity,  
I cannot tell what to let thee understand in these parts, but that thy sister Anania Salaria is married, who saith she is content. I pray God it be so, for with money men may be holpen to marriages, but it lieth in the gods to content the parties. If thou wilt know of Toring thy cofin, thou shalt understand she is embarked in the fleet which went to Spain, & indeed I never thought otherwise wise on her, after she had been three days hid in the way of Salaria: For maids that will betimes gather their grapes, it is a token that they will go on warfare with Soldiers.  
Of Annius Rufus thy friend and companion, I certify thee that he is gone into the Isle of Hellespont, and he goeth by the authority of the Senate, to understand the government thereof: and albeit he be young, yet he is wise, and therefore I suppose he will render a good account of his commission: for of these two extremities the aged that do decline, or the young that are wise: I had rather hold myself to the wisdom of the young, then to the white beards of the aged.  
My wife Faustine saluteth thee, and be thou assured that in thy affairs (at the least in my seeming) she is very favourable unto thee, and daily she instantly requireth me not to be angry with thee saying, that Sage men ought not to esteem the lightness of youth, and that there is no old man that is sage, but he which in all things was light and youthful. I say no more to thee in this case, but if thou wilt be good, I cannot deny that thou art not my Nephew my old Scholar and servant: for if in thee I see amendment, I will withdraw mine ire, For truly among the loving hearts there is nothing that plucketh up the evil will unless it be the good life. At the request of my wife Faustine I have written thee this word, and I say no more but of her part and mine thou commend us to all the University. The Gods have thee in their custody, to whom it may please to give thee amendment of life. Marcus Aurelius the Roman Emperor, to thee Annius Epesius writeth with his own hand.   

CHAP. XLIII. How Princes and great Lords in old time were lovers of wise men.  
ONe of the chiefest things that wan reputation and eternal memory to the 
The counsel of wise men ever respected among the Ancients.  ancient Princes and Governors, was that they sought wise men to be always conversant about them, whose grave counsel their Realms always observed and obeyed. It profiteth a King little to lead with him a great number of Sages to govern him and his Realm: if his Subjects are armed: with malice not to obey him. Let Princes know, which esteem not the counsel of Sages, that their commandment of other shall not be regarded: for the Law which by will is made, and not of right ordained, deserveth not to be obeyed.  
We which turn and toss the leaves of the ancient Histories cannot deny, but that the romans naturally were proud. Yet we must confess, that as they have been stout in things touching wars; so they have showed themselves temperate, in the affairs of the public weal. And truly herein Rome declared her wisdom, and might, for as by hardy and stout Captains the enemies were destroyed in war: so by Sage and Wise men the common wealth was governed and maintained in peace.  
Oft times with myself I muse, whereupon all these discords grew between Lords and subjects Princes and vassals, and my count being made, I find that they have both reason: for the subjects complain of the little love of their Lord: and the Lords complain of the great disobedience of their subjects: for to say the truth, disobedience is so much augmented, & the desire of commandment is become so licentious, that it seemeth to the Subjects, that the weight of a feather is lead: and on the contrary, it seemeth to Princes, that for the flying of a fly, they should draw their swords.  
All this evil and damage cometh not, but because that Princes have not with them wise men which may counsel them: for there was never any good Prince that credited evil counsel.  
There are two things in Princes and Prelates which govern the soul: the one is the dignity of the office, and the other is the nature of the person. 
What is required of every Magistrate.  It may well be that one may be good in his person, and evil in his government: and the contrary, he may be evil of his person, and good in government. And therefore Tullius Cicero saith, that there never was, nor shall be, such a julius Caesar in his person, nor so evil a Governor as he was for the Commonwealth. It is a great grace in a man to be good; but it is much more that he be a good Prince. And for the contrary, it is a great evil for a man to be evil; but it is much worse for him to be an evil Prince. For the evil man is only evil to himself, but the evil Prince endamageth all others: for the more the poison is scattered through the body, in so much more danger he is of his life. I mean, the more power a man hath over the Commonwealth: so much the more evil and damage he doth if his life be evil, I marvel why Princes & great Lords should be so curious to search the best medicines to cure their bodies: and that they are so slack and slow in seeking sage persons to govern their Common wealth. For without comparison, it is greater damage that the Common wealth be evil governed, then if the Prince and Governor thereof should be sick in his person. Hitherto we have neither read nor seen that any Prince hath perished for lack of physic, but for lack of counsellors: We have seen and read of infinite Kings and Realms that have been destroyed, and utterly undone.  
The lack of a Physician may cause danger in man's person: but the lack 
What hurt cometh by evil Counsellors  of a wise man may set discord among the people: for where there is any tumult amongst the people, a ripe counsel of a● Wise man profiteth more, than a hundred purgations of rhubarb.  
Isidorus in the fourth book of his Etimologies affirmeth, that the Romans were four hundred years without Physicians: For Esculapius the son of Apollo was the last Physician in Greece. And in the Temple of the same Esculapius, they set by the Image of Archabuto, a man very notable in Surgery: For the Romans were so beneficial to virtuous persons, that to every one that exceeded other in any kind of virtue, they rewarded him with money, they set up a Statue of him for memory, or else they made him free in the common wealth. And then when the Surgeon Archabuto was become ancient and very rich, and when by occasion of great and dangerous wounds he did cut off the arms and legs of certain Romans, thought him a cruel and an unnatural man: Wherefore they drove him out of his house, and killed him with stones in the field of Mars.  
And let no man man marvel thereat, for oftentimes men suffer less harm in enduring the pain, then to tarry for the cruel remedies the Surgians apply unto it.  
Some will say, that when Rome was without Surgeons, the Romans were discomfited and half lost. To this I will answer, that they never had a more prosperous time, then in the four hundred years when they were without Surgeons: for than was Rome undone, when they received Surgeons, for at that time they drove Philosophers out of Rome. I do not speak this as a prejudice to any Surgeon: for me thinketh that Princes cannot be without some among them: For as the flesh is seeble and delicate, so daily needeth it remedies to comfort it. The sage Surgeons giveth us none but good and healthful counsels: for they do not persuade us to any other thing, but that we be sober and continent in eating, drinking, sleeping, traveling, and working, and that in all things we should be temperate.  
The end why I speak these things is, to persuade princes, prelate's, and great Lords, that the great diligence they have to seek Surgeons, and the sum of money they waste to maintain and content them, they should spend part of that to seek wise men to counsel their persons: for if men knew what it were to keep a wise 
What benefit proceedeth from good Councillors  man, to command in their house, they would give for one only wise man all their goods: ye ought for to have pity and compassion upon those princes and great Lords, which lose so many days in the month, and so many hours in the day, in speaking of wars, buildings, weapons, meats, beasts, of hunt and medicines, & oftentimes of other men's doings, and of other vain things, not necessary for man's life. And this communication they use with those that are neither virtuous nor wise: the which can neither wisely talk, nor yet answer directly unto that which is asked. Oftentimes it chanceth that a prince at random moveth a matter, which they never saw written before, nor with their ears they never heard the like, neither in all their life time they had knowledge thereof, and yet they will seem to give judgement of it (or better to say) obstinately to contend, as if all the days of their life they had studied it: which thing proceedeth of great shame, and evil bringing up: For the privy Council may speak before their princes, but be they never so privy, with licence or without licence it is not lawful for them to contend. Helius Spartianus in the life of Alexander Severus sayeth, that the Emperor Severus was demanded onceby an Ambassador of Greece, What thing was most painful to him in Rome? whereunto the Emperor answered, There is nothing grieveth me more, than when I am merry, that my servants should raise any strife or debate: I am not displeased that matters should be debated, but this grieveth me, when one will obstinately strive, that hath no ground of that he speaketh, he cannot otherwise but be called obstinate.  
Theodosius the Emperor was once demanded What a Prince ought to do to be good? whereunto he answered, The virtuous Prince when he goeth abroad, aught to have grave and wise men in his company to discourse withal, when he is at his meat, to have wise men at his board disputing, and when he withdraweth himself a part to be reading with wise men: and finally at all vacant times he ought to be found with sage men counseling: for the Knight which entereth into battle without weapons, is as hardy as the prince which will govern the common wealth without the counsel of wise men.  
Lampridius in the book of the Roman gests saith, that the Emperor Marcus Aurelius neither at his meat, at his going to bed, at his uprising, in his travel openly, nor secretly, suffered at any time that fools should sing or communicate with him, but only wise and virtuous men, whom always he most entirely loved.  
Of truth he had reason, for there is nothing, be it in jest or in earnest, but it is better liked of a wise man than of a fool, If a Prince be sad, cannot a wise man peraduentur by the saying of the holy Scripture counsel him better, than a fool by foolish words? If a Prince be prosperous, shall it not be better (to keep him in the same property) to associate himself with a wise man, rather than to put his trust in a fool and malicious person? If a Prince be destitute of money, cannot perchance a wise man find him better means to get it, than a fool which doth nothing but ask? If a Prince will pass the time away, shall not he be more comforted with a wise man that reckoneth unto him the savoury histories done in times past, then hearkening a fool speak foolishly, and declaring things dishonestly, with the sayings of the malicious of the time present? That that I speak of Surgians, the self same I speak of fools: For I do not say that they keep them for their pastime, though truly we might better say to lose their time, then to pass their time: for that may justly be called time lost, which is spent without 
Time best spent in the service of God.  the service of God, and profit of their neighbours.  
That which I most marvel at is, not so much for the great authority that fools have in the Palaces of Princes and great Lords, as for the little succour and credit which wise men have among them: For it is a great injury that fools should enter into the palace of princes, even unto their bed's side, and that one wise man may not, nor dare not enter into the hall: So that to the one there is no door shut, and to the other, there is no gate open.  
We which are at this present, of right do commend those that were before us, for no other cause, but that in times past, though the Sages were few in number, and the world was replenished with barbarous people: yet the Sages of those barbarous people were greatly esteemed, and had in reverence.  
And this custom endured long time in Greece, that when a Philosopher passed by a Greek, he rose and spoke unto him: and he might not sit: for the contrary, all those which shall live hereafter will reprove us, which are at this present. Forasmuch as we have so great a multitude of Sages, and do not live amongst barbarous, but amongst Christians: and it is a grief to see, and shame to write how little wise men are esteemed: for at this day (through our offences) not those which have most science: but those which have most riches, in the common wealth do command: I know not whether the divine wisdom hath deprived them, or that the worldly malice hath lost the taste of them. For now a days there is no sage that liveth all alone to be wise, but it is necessary for him to travel how to gain his living: for necessity enforceth him to violate the rules of true Philosophy.  
O world, world, I know not how to escape thy hands, nor how the simple man and idiot defendeth himself 
How little wisdom now a days is regarded.  out of thy snares, when the Sage and wise men (yea with all their wisdom) can scarcely set their foot sure on the ground. For all that Wise men of this World know, is little enough to defend them from the malicious.  
Reading that which I read of time past, and seeing that which I see of time present: I am in doubt which was greater, the care that virtuous Princes had in seeking out Sages to counsel them, or the great covetousness that others have at this present, to discover mines and treasures.  
Speaking therefore in this matter, as I think: I desire that those which have the charge of governments (whether he be Prince, Prelate, or private person I pass not) that they once may have about them sage men, that be wise in deed, and that they would love them above all the treasure they had heaped. For in the end, of good counsel there cometh profit: and much treasure, is a token of great danger.  
In the old time when virtuous Princes died, and that they left their children for Successors in their Realms, and besides that, forasmuch as they saw their children young, and evil instructed in the affairs of their Realms, they committed them to Tutors, that should teach them good works and doctrine, rather than they would give them Suruayors, which should increase and augment their Coffers and Rents: For truly if the Commonwealth be defended with great treasures, it is not governed with good counsels.  
The princes which are young, accustomely are given to vices: for in the one part youth reigneth, and on the other part honesty wanteth.  
And to such, truly vices are very dangerous, specially if they want Sages to counsel them, to keep them 
Youth subject to many vices.  from evil company. For the courageous youth will not be bridled, nor their great liberty can be chastised.  
Princes without doubt have more need of wise and stayed men about them, to profit them in their counsels, than any of all their other Subjects: for since they are in the view of all, they have less licence to commit vice then any of all: For if you behold all, and that they have authority to judge all, will they, nill they, they are beholden and judged of all.  
Prince's ought to be circumspect whom they trust with the government of their Realms, and to whom they commit the leading of their Armies, whom they send as Ambassadors into strange Countries, and whom they trust to receive and keep their treasures: but much more they ought to be circumspect in examining of those whom they choose to be their counsellors: For look what is he that counseleth the prince 
How circumspect Princes ought to be  at home in his palace: so likewise shall his renown be in strange countries, and in his own Commonwealth.  
Why should they not then willingly examine and correct their own proper palace? Let Princes know, if they do not know, that of the honesty of their servants, of the providence of their Counsels, of the sageness of their persons, and of the order of their house, dependeth the welfare of the Commonwealth: for it is impossible that the branches of that tree, whose roots are dried up, should be seen to bear green leaves.   

CHAP. XLIIII. How the Emperor Theodosius provided ●ise men at the hour of his death, for the edification of his two sons, Archadius and Honorius.  
I Gnatius the Historian in the book that he made of the two Theodosijs, of the 2. Archadij, and of the 4. Honorii, declareth 
〈…〉 Theodosius.  that the first & great Theodosius being ●0. years old, and having governed the empire 11. years lying on his death bed, called Archadius and Honorius his two sons, and committed them to Estilconius, and Ruff●nus to be instructed, and ordained them likewise for governors of their estates and signiories. Before that the father died, he had now created his children Caesar's, being then of the age of 17. years. Therefore the Father seeing them not as yet ripe, nor able to govern their Realms and Signiories: he committed them unto masters and tutors. It is not always a general rule, though one be of 25. years of age, that he hath more discretion to govern realms then another of fifteen: for daily we see, that we allow and commend the ten years of one, and reprove the forty years of an other.  
There are many Princes tender of years, but ripe in counsels: and for the contrary there are other Princes old in years, and young in counsels. When the good Emperor Vespasian died, they determined to put his son Titus in the government of the Empire, or some other aged Senator, because they said Titus was too young,  
And as they were in controversy of the matter, the Senator Rogerus Patroclus said unto the Senate: For my part I require rather a Prince which is young and sage: then I do a Prince which is old and foolish.  
Therefore now as touching the children of Theodosius, one day Estiltorius the tutor of Archadius speaking to a Greek Philosopher, very sage, whose name was Epimundus, said thus unto him.  
Thou and I long time have been acquainted together in the Palace of the Emperor Theodose my Lord, who is dead, and we are alive: thou knowest it had been better that we two had died, and that he had lived: for there be many to be servants of Princes, but there are few to be good Princes I feel no greater grief in this world, then to know many Princes in one Realm. For the man which hath seen many Princes in his life, hath seen many novelties and alterations in the common wealth. Thou knowest well that when Theodosius my master died, he spoke to me these words, the which were not spoken without great sighs and multiplying of tears. O Estilconus, I die, and am going into an other world, wherein I shall give a straight account of the Realms and Seignories which I had under my charge: and therefore 
The duty of every good Christian.  when I think of mine offences I am marvelously afraid: But when I remember the mercy of God, than I receive some comfort and hope.  
As it is but meet we should trust in the greatness of his mercy: so likewise is it reason we should fear the rigour of his justice. For truly, in the christian law they are not suffered to live (as we which are Princes that live in delights of this world, & without repentance to go to Paradise: Then when I think of the great benefits which I have received of God, and of the great offences which I have committed, and when I think of the long time I have lived, and of the little which I have profited, and also that unprofitably I have spent my time: On the one part I am loath to die, for that I am afraid to come before the tribunal seat of jesus Christ: and on the other part I would live no longer, because I do not profit.  
The man of an evil life, why doth he desire to live any longer? My life is now finished, and the time is short to make amends. And sith God demandeth nought else but a contrite heart, with all my heart I do repent, and appeal to his justice, of mercy, from his justice to his mercy, because it may please him to receive me into his house, and to give me perpetual glory, to the confusion of all my fins and offences. And I protest I die in the holy catholic faith, and commend my soul to God and my body to the earth: and to you, Estilconus and Ruffinus my faithful servants, I recommend my dear beloved children: for hereby the lone of the children is seen, in that the Father forgetteth them not at the hour of his death.  
In this case of one only thing I do warn you, one only thinger require 
The love of a master to his servants  you, one thing I desire you, and one only thing I command you, and that is, that you occupy not your minds in augmenting the realms and seignories of my children: but only that you have due respect to give them good education and virtuous servants: for it was only the wise men which I had about me, that thus long have maintained me in this great authority. It is a goodly thing for a Prince to have stout captains for the wars: but without comparison it is better to keep and have wise men in his palace: for in the end, the victory of the battle consisteth in the force of many: but the government of the commonwealth oftentimes is put under the advise of one alone.  
These so doleful and pitiful words my Lord and Master Theodosius spoke unto me. Now tell me, Epimundus, what I shall do at this present to fulfil his commendement? For at his heart he had nothing that troubled him so much as to think whether his children would undo, or increase the Common wealth. Thou Epimundus, thou art a Grecian, thou art a Philosopher, thou hast understanding, thou art an old servant, thou art my faithful friend: therefore for all these things thou art bound to give me good and healthful counsel: For many times I have heard Theodosius my master say, That he is not accounted sage which hath turned the leaves of many books: but he which knoweth, and can give good and healthful counsel: Epimundus the philosopher answered to these words; Thou knowest well, Lord Estilconus, that the ancients and great Philosophers ought to be brief in words, and very perfect in their works: for otherwise to speak much, and work little, seemeth rather to be done like a tyrant, then like a Greek Philosopher. The Emperor Theodosius was thy Lord, and my friend. I say friend, because it is the liberty of a Greek Philosopher, to acknowledge no homage nor service to a superior: for he in his heart can have no true licence: that to rebuke the vicious keepeth his mouth shut. In one thing I content myself in Theodosius above all other Princes, which were in the Roman Empire, and that is, that he knew and talked wisely of all his affairs, and also was diligent to execute the same: for all 
The fault of many Princes.  the fault of princes is, that they are apt & bold to talk of virtues, & in executing them, they are very slack and fearful. For such Princes cannot continue in the virtue, which they do commend: not yet resist the vice which they do dispraise.  
I grant that Theodosius was an executor of justice, merciful, stout, sober valiant, true, loving, thankful, and virtuous: and finally, in all things, and at all times he was fortunate: for Fortune oftentimes bringeth that to princes, which they will and desire: yea many times better than they look for. Presupose it be true (as it is most true) that the time was always prosperous to the Emperor Theodosius: yet I doubt whether this prosperity will continue in the succession of his children For worldly prosperity is so mutable, that with one only man in a moment, she maketh a thousand shrewd turns: and so much the 
The inconstancy of the world.  more it is hard to continue steadfast in the second hour.  
Of slow and dull horses, come oftentimes courageous and fierce colts: and even so of vertuousfathers come children evil brought up: For the wicked children inherit the worst of the Father, which is riches, and are dishenherited of the best, which are virtues. That which I perceyne in this matter, as well of the father which is dead, as of the children which are alive, is that Theodose was virtuous in deed, and the children are capable to follow both good and evil, and therefore it is requisite that you now go about it: for the Prince which is young is in great peril, when in his youth he beginneth not to follow the steps of virtue.  
To speak particularly of Archadius & Honorious, I let thee know Estilconus, that it is a thing superfluous to talk of it; for I should lose my time, because the things of princes are very delicate, and though we have licence to praise their virtues, yet we are bound to dissemble their faults.  
As a sage father, Theodose, I desire thee to give his children good doctrine, and always to accompany them: But I as a friend do counsel thee that thou keep them from evil: for in the end all is evil to accompany with the evil, and forsake the good: but the worst evil pursueth us, rather by the presence of the evil, then by the absence of the good. It may well be that one being alone, & without the company of the good, may yet notwithstanding be good: but for one that is accompanied with evil men, to be good of this I greatly doubt: for the same day that a man accompanieth himself with the vicious, the self same day he is bound to be subject to vice. O Estilconus, since thou so much desirest to accomplish the commandment of thy Lord and master Theodose, if thou canst not cause that Archadius & Honorius (which are young princes) do accompany with the good: yet at the least withdraw them from the company of the evil: for in the courts of princes vicious men are none other but solicitors in this world to tempt others to be vicious: how many and what solicitors have we seen, thou and I in Rome, the which forgetting the affairs of their Lords, did solicit for themselves vices and pleasures. I will not tell what servants of princes have 
The younger sort must accompany with the virtuous.  been in times past, but what they were, and what they are, every man may easily see. I will tell thee only, not of those which ought to be counsellors to princes: but also of those which ought not to live in their courts: For the counsellors and officers of princes ought to be so just: that shears cannot find what to cut away intheir lives nor that there needeth any needle or thread to amend their fame. If thou Estilconus hast heard what I have said, mark now what I will say, and keep it in memory, for it may profit thee one day.  
In the Courts of Princes proud men ought to have no familiarity nor entertainment. For it is unseemly that those which are not gentle in 
Proud and ambitious men ought not to govern.  words should command: and those that have not their hearts ready to obey, should be familiar with the Prince.  
In the Courts of Princes, there ought not to be of Counsel, and much less familiar, envious men: for if envy reign amongst Princes and counsellors there shall always be dissensions in the commonwealth. In the Courts of Princes hasty men ought not to have familiarity: for oftentimes it chanceth that the impatience of counsellors, causeth the people to be evil content with their Princes.  
In the Courts of Princes there ought not to be familiar, nor of counsel, greedy nor covetous men, for the Princes give great occasion to the people to be hated, because their servants have always their hands open to receive bribes,  
In the Courts of Princes there ought not to be familiar fleshly men: for the vice of the flesh hath in it so little profit, that he that is wholly overcome therewith, is, or aught to be to the Prince always suspected.  
In the Palace of a King, there ought not to be drunkards or gluttons: for whereas the familiars ought principally to serve their Princes with good counsel, in mine opinion a man being full & surcharged with excess is more like to bleach and break wind after his surfeit, then able to give any profitable counsel in the Common wealth.  
In the Palace of Princes, ought not to be resiant nor familiar blasphemers: for the man which is a servant and openly dare blaspheme his Creator, will not spare in secret to speak evil of the Lord.  
In the palace of Princes ought not to be of counsel nor familiar the negligent and delicate persons: for there is nothing (next unto the divine providence) that helpeth Princes more to be puissant and mighty then when their servants are faithful and diligent.  
In the palace of Princes, defamed men ought not to have familiarity: for the Prince cannot excuse himself to be thought culpable, when they do rebuke him, if in his house he maintain servants, which openly are defamed.  
In the palace of princes they ought not to suffer Idiots and fools: for the realms are not lost for that the Princes are young, uncircumspect, and vicious: but for that their counsellors are simple and malicious.  
Woe, woe be to the land, where the Lord is vicious, the subject seditious, the servant covetous, and the Counsellor simple and malicious: for then the common wealth perisheth when ignorance and malice reigneth in the prince and governor of the same,  
Those words passed between the noble Knight Estilconus, and the wise Philosopher Epimundus, upon the bringing up of those two princes Archadius and Honorius, And because that princes and prelate's might see, (which now have the charge to govern people) how much the Ancients did desire to have sage men about them notwithstanding that I have spoken, I will show you here some notable and ancient examples.   

CHAP. XLV. How Croesus' King of Lydia was a great friend and lover of Sages. Of a letter the same Croesus wrote to the Philosopher Anacharsis. And of an other letter of the Philosophers answer to the King.  
IN the year of the Creation of the World, 4355. and in the third age, Sardanapulus being king of the Assyrians, Ozias King of the Hebrews, and Elchias being high Bishop of the holy temple, at that time when Rea the mother of Romulus lived, in the second year of the first olympiad, the great and renowned Realm of Lydes had beginning: as Pliny in 
Plin lib. de nat. hist.  the fifth book of the Natural History saith. Lydia is in Asia minor, and first was called Meonia, & afterwards was called Lydia, and now is called Morea. This Realm of Lydes had many worthy Cities, that is to say, Ephese, Colose, Aclasomena, and Phorea. The first King of Lydes was Ardisius, a man of great courage, and a Grecian borne, and reigned 36. years. The second, was Aliaces, who reigned 14, years. The third was Meleus, and he reigned 12. years. The fourth was Candale, and reigned 4. years. The fifth was Ginginus, and reigned 5. years. The sixth was Cerdus, and reigned 6. years. The 7. was Sadiates, and reigned 15. years. The eight was Allates, and he reigned 49. years, and the ninth was Croesus, and reigned 15. years: and of this King Croesus, Zenophon declareth, that he was more valiant in feats of war, then comely of parsonage: for though he was lame of one foot, blemished of one eye, lacking one ear, and of body not much bigger than a dwarf: yet for all this he was a just man, very constant, stout, merciful, 
The description of Croesus.  courageous, and above all he was a great enemy to the ignorant; and a special friend to the Sage.  
Of this king Croesus, Seneca speaketh in his book of Clemency: and sayeth, that the Sages were so entirely beloved of him, that the greeks (which had the fountain of eloquence) did not call him a lover, but entitled him the love of Sages: for never no man did so much to attain to the love of his Lady, as he did to draw to him, and to his Country sage men.  
This king Croesus therefore being Lord of many barbarous nations (the which loved better to drink the blood of the innocent, then to learn the science of the wise) like an excellent prince determined for the comfort of his person, and remedy of his Common wealth, to search out the greatest Sages that were in Greece. At that time flourished the famous and renowned Philosopher Anacharsis, who though he was born and brought up amongst the Seythians, yet he was always resident notwithstanding in Athens: For the University of Athens did not despise those that were Barbarians, but those that were vicious.  
The King Croesus sent an Ambassador in great authority with riches, to the Philosopher Anacharsis, to persuade and desire him, and with those gifts and presents to present him, to the end it might please him to come and see his person, and to set an order in his Common wealth.  
Croesus not contented to send him gifts which the Ambassador carried, 
The godly mind of Croesus.  but for to let him understand why he did so: wrote him a letter with his own hand, as hereafter followeth.  
The letter of King Croesus, to Anacharfis the Philosopher.  
Cresus' King of Lydes, wisheth Anacharsis great Philosopher, which remainest in Athens, health to thy person, and increase of 
The letter of king Croesus.  virtue. Thou shalt know how well I love thee, in that I never saw thee, nor knew thee, to write unto thee a letter. For the things which with the eyes have never been seen: seldomtimes with the heart are truly beloved. Thou dost esteem little (as truth is) these my small gifts, and presents which I send thee: yet I pray thee greatly esteem the will and heart wherewith. I do visit thee. For noble hearts receive more thankfully that which a man desireth to give them: then that which they do give them in deed. I desire to correct this my Realm, and to see amendment in the commonwealth.  
I desire good order for my person, and to take order touching the government of my palace. I desire to communicate with Sages, somethings of my life, and none of these things can be done without thy presence: for there was never any good thing made but by the mean of wisdom. 
The description of Croesus.  I am lame, I am crooked, I am bald, I am a counterfeit, I am black, and also I am broken, finally, amongst all other men I am a monster. But all these imperfections are nothing to those that remain, that is to say, I am so unfortunate, that I have not a Philosopher with me. For in the world there is no greater shame, than not to have a wise man about him to be conversant with all.  
I count myself to be dead, though to the simple fools I seem to be a live. And the cause of death is, because I have not with me some wise person. For truly he is only alive amongst the living: who is accompanied with the Sages.  
I desire thee greatly to come, and by the immortal gods I conjure thee that thou make no excuse: and if thou wilt not at my desire, do it for that thou art bound. For many men oft-times condescend to do that which they would not: more for virtues sake then to satisfy the demand of any other.  
Thou shalt take that which my Ambassador shall give, and believe that which he shall tell in my behalf, and by this my letter I do promise thee, that when thou shalt arrive here, I will make thee treasurer of my coffers, only counsellor of mine affairs, secretary of my counsel, father of my children, reformer of my Realm, master of my person, and Governor of my Commonwealth: finally, Anacharsis shall be Croesus, because Croesus may be 
The liberal mind of Croesus.  Anacharsis. I say no more, but the gods have thee in their custody, to whom I pray that they may hasten thy coming.  
The Ambassador departed to go to Athens, bearing with him this letter and many sewels and bags of gold: and by chance Anacharsis was reading in the University at the arrival of the Ambassadors of Athens. Who only said and did his message to Anacharsis, presenting unto him the gifts and the letter. Of which thing all those of the University marveled, for the barbarous Princes were not accustomed to seek Philosophers, to govern their commonwealth: but to put them to death, and take from them their lives. After the great Philosopher Anacharsis had heard the embassage, seen the gifts, and received the lerter, with out altering his countenance, or elation of his person, impediment in his tongue, or desire of the riches immediately before the phisophers, said these words, which hereafter are written.  
The letter of the Philosopher Anacharsis to the king Croesus.  
ANacharsis the least of the Philosophers, which to thee Croesus, most mighty and puissant king of Lides, the health which thou wishest 
The answer of the Philosopher Anacharsis.  him, and the increase of virtue which thou sendest him. They have told us many things here in these parts, as well of thy Realm, as of thy person, and there in those parts they say many things, as well of our University, as of myself. For the heart taketh great pleasure, to know the conditions and lives of all those in the world.  
It is well done to desire and procure to know all the lives of the evil, to amend our own. It is well done to procure and know the lives of the good for to follow them: but what shall we do? since now a days the evil do not desire to know the lives of the evil, but for to cover them and keep them secret, and do not desire to know the lives of the good for to follow them.  
I let thee know, king Croesus, that the Philosophers of Greece felt not so much pain to be virtuous, as they felt in defending them from the vicious, For if a man once behold virtue, immediately she suffereth to be taken: but the evil for any good that any man can do unto them, never suffers themselves to be vanquished. I believe well that tyranny of the Realm is not so great as they talk of here, neither oughtest thou likewise to believe that I am so virtuous, as they report me to be here. For in mine opinion those which declare news of strange countries, are as the poor which wear their garments all patched and peeced, whereof the pieces that were sown on a new, are in more quantity of cloth: then the old which before they had, when they were first made,  
Beware (king Croesus) and be not as the barbarous Princes are, which use good words, to cover the infamy of their cruel deeds.  
Marvel not though we Philosophers, readers in schools, desire not to live with princes and governors of realms: For evil Princes for none other intent seek the company of wise men, but only because they would through them excuse their faults. For doing as thou dost, of will, and not of right, you will that the vulgar people think you do it by the counsel of a wise man. I let thee understand, king Croesus, that the prince which desireth to govern his people well, ought not to be content to have one only Sage in his Palace. For it is not meet that the government of many do consist in the advise of one alone.  
The Ambassador hath said by word, and the self same thy letter testifieth, that thou art certified that I am counted for Sage throughout all Greece, & that this presupposed, I would come to thee to govern thy commonwealth.  
And for the contrary, thou doing thus as thou dost, condemnest me to be an Idiot, for thou thinking that I would take thy gold, is nothing else, but for to rail upon me as a fool.  
The chief point wherein true philosophy is known, is when he despiseth the things of the world: for there never agreeth together the liberty of the soul, and the care of the goods in this life,  
O king Croesus, I let thee understand that he which knoweth most the 
Wherein consisteth true philosophy.  cause of the Element is not called Sage: but it is he which least knoweth the vices of this world. For the true philosopher profiteth more by not knowing the evil, then by learning the good.  
I let thee understand I am threescore and seven years old, and yet never before this time there reigned ire in me, but when thy embassage was presented to me, and that I saw laid at my feet such treasures and riches. For upon this deed I gather, that either wisdom lacketh in thee, or that great covetousness aboundeth in me.  
I do send thee thy gold again which thou sendest me, and rhy Ambassador shall declare (as witness of sight) how greatly it hath slandered all Greece. For it was never seen nor heard of, that in any wise they should suffer gold to enter into the University 
How little the philosophers desire riches.  of Athens. For it should not only be a dishonour to the Philosophers of Greece to have riches, but also it would turn them to great infamy to desire them.  
O King Croesus, if thou knowest it not, it is but reason thou know it, that in the Schools of Greece we learn not to command, but to obey: not to speak, but to be silent: not to resist, but to humble ourselves: not to get much, but to content us with little: not to revenge offences, but to pardon injuries: not to take from others, but to give our own: not to be honoured, but to travail to be virtuous: finally, we learn to despise that which other men love: and to love that which other men despise, which is poverty. Thou thoughtest that I would accept thy gold, or else that I would not. If thou thoughtest I would have taken it, than thou hadst had reason not to have received me afterwards into thy Palace: for it is a great infamy, that the covetous man should be acceptable to a Prince. If thou thoughtst that I would none of it, thou wert not wise to take the pains to send it: for Princes ought never to take upon them things, wherein (as they think) that subjects should lose their honesty in receiving them.  
Seeking Croesus and behold that by diligence it little availeth to search for the physician, and afterwards to do nothing of that which by him is ordained.  
I mean that it shall not profit, but rather it shall be harm, that I come into thy commonwealth, and that afterwards thou wilt not do that which I shall ordain therein, for great dangers ensue to alter the humours with siropes: unless they take afterwards a purgation to purge away the same. For to redress thy barbarous realm, and to satisfy thy good desire, I am determined to condescend unto thy request, and to accomplish thy commandment, upon condition, that thou shalt ensure me of these things following.  
For the labourer ought not to sow his seed before the ground be ploughed and tilled.  
The first, thou shalt for sake the evil 
Certain points required to be performed by the physopher.  custom which ye barbarous kings douse, that is to say, to heap up treasures, and not to spend them. For every Prince which is covetous of treasures, is scarcely of capacity to receive good counsel:  
The second, thou shalt not only banish out of thy palace: but also out of thy court all flatterers, for the Prince that is a friend to flatterers of necessity must be an enemy of the truth.  
The 3. thou shalt end the wars that thou (at this present) dost maintain against the people of Corinth, for every Prince that loveth foreign wars, must needs hate the peace of his commonwealth.  
The fourth, thou shalt banish from thy house all jugglers, comediants and ministrels. For the Prince which occupieth himself to hear vain and trifling things, in time of necessity shall not apply himself to those which be of weight and importance.  
Fiftly, thou shalt provide that all loiterers and vacabonds be expulsed from thy person, and banished thy palace: for iidlenesse and negligence are cruel enemies of wisdom.  
Sixtly, thou shalt banish from thy court and palace, and liars all seditious men: for when liars are suffered in the Palace of Princes, it is a sign that the king and the realm falleth into utter destruction.  
The seventh, thou shalt promise that in the days of thy life thou shalt not press me to receive any thing of thee: for the day that thou shalt corrupt me with gifts it is necessary that I corrupt thee with evil counsels. For there is no counsel that is good, but that which proceedeth from the man that is not covetous.  
If on these conditions the king Croesus desireth the Philosopher Anacharsis, the Philosopher Anacharsis desireth the king Croesus: and if not, I had rather be a disciple of sage philosophers, than a king of the barbarous people. Vale felix Rex. Sith this letter doth declare it, it is needless for my pen to write it, that is to say, what was the humanity and goodness of king Croesus, to write unto a poor Philosopher: and how great the courage of a philosopher was to despise the gold, and to say (as he did) in this behalf. Therefore let princes note hear, that such aught the Sages to be they should choose, and let Sages note here also upon what conditions they ought to enter into the palace of princes. For this is such a bargain, that it seldom times chanceth, but that one of the parties are deceived.   

CHAP XLVI. Of the wisdom and sentences of Phalaris the tyrant, and how he put an Artisan to death for inventing new torments.  
IN the last year of the Latins, and in the first year of the romans Ezechias being king of the jews, and Azaria great Bishop of the holy temple, Abacuk Prophet in jewrie, and Merodach being king in Babylon, and when the Lacedæmonians built Byzance (which now is Constantinople,) Phalaris the famous Tyrant was then living.  
Of this Phalaris, Ovid saith, that he was deformed in his face, poor 
The description of Phalaris.  blind of his eyes, and exceeding covetous of riches, and never observed any thing that he promised. He was thankful to his friends, and cruel to his enemies: finally, he was such a one, that tyrannies which severally were scattered in others, in him alone were altogether assembled.  
Amongst all the iniquities that he invented, and amongst the tyrannies that he committed, he had one virtue very great, which was, that even as he was head of all tyrannies, so was he chief lover and friends of all philosophers and sage men.  
And in all those six and thirty years which he governed the Realm by tyranny, they never found that any man touched his beard, nor that any man sat at his table with him, spoke unto him, or slept in his bed, nor that any man saw in his countenance any mirth, unless it were some Philosopher or Sage man, with whom, and to whom he liberally put his body in trust.  
The Prince that absenteth himself from Sage men, and accompanieth with fools: I say unto him, though he be a Prince of his commonwealth, he is a cruel person. For it is a greater pain to live among fools, then to die amongst Sages. Pulio in his first book, Degestis Romanorum saith, that a worthy and excellent painter presented a table to Octavian the Emperor, wherein were drawn all the virtuous Princes, and for their Chieftain, Octavian the Emperor was drawn: at the foot of this table were all the tyrannous princes painted, of the which Phalaris was chief and Captain. This table viewed by Octavian the Emperor, he commendeth the work, but he disallowed the intention thereof, saying, 
The speech 〈…〉.  Me thinks not meet that I being a live, should be set chief and principal of all the virtuous men that are dead. For during the time of this wicked life, we real subject to the vices of weak & feeble flesh. Also it seemeth unto me an unjust doing, that they should put Phalaris for principal and Captain of all the tyrants: since he was a scourge and enemy to fools and ignorant men: and so earnest a lover and friend of Sages, and wise Philosophers The fame of this cruel Phalaris being known, and his extreme cruelties he used, spread through all Greece.  
A neighbour and Artificer of Athens called Perillus (a man very excellent in mettles, and a great worker in works of fountains,) came to Phalaris the tyrant, saying, that he would make such a kind of torment, that his heart should remain revenged, and the offender well punished. The matter was, that this workman made a Bull of Brass, wherein there was a gate by the which they put the offender, and in putting the fire under the Bull, it roared, and cried, in manner as it had been alive: which thing was not only a horrible and cruel torment to the miserable creature that endured it, but also it was terrible to him or those that saw it.  
Let us not marvel neither at the one, nor at the orhet: for truly the pitiful heart (which is not fleshed in in cruelty) hath as much pity to see another man suffer, as of the sorrow and torment which he himself feeleth.  
Phalaris therefore seeing the invenuention of this torment, (whereof the inventor hoped for great reward) provided, that the inventor of the same should be put within the Bull, and that the cruelty of the torment should be experimented in none, save only on the inventor.  
Truly in this case Phalaris showed himself not a cruel tyrant, but rather a merciful Prince and a Sage Philosopher: for nothing can be more just, then that the invention of the mance be executed on the frail flesh the inventor.  
Now because Phalaris was a great friend of Sages, the Philosophers of Greece came oftentimes to see him, which were very gently received of him. Though to say the truth they profited more with his goods, than he did with their Philosophy.  
This tyrant Phalaris was not only a friend of Sages: but also he was very well learned, and deeply seen in moral Philosophy: the which thing appeareth well in the Epistles which he wrote with his own hand, I can not tell wherein he showed himself greater, either in the sentences and doctrines which he wrote with his pen: or in the slaughter and cruelties which he did with his sword.  
O how many companions had Phalaris the tyrant, in this case in times past, and that (as I would) there were none also at this time present, which in their pleasant words 
The frailty of the flesh.  did resemble the Emperor Nero.  
I never read other thing of those that are gone, neither have I seen otherwise of those that are present, but many they are that blaze virtues, and infinite which run after vices. For of truth we are very light of tongue and too feeble of flesh.  
The Epistles which this Phalaris wrote are known to all men, I mean of those which know Greek, or Latin: and for those that know them not, I was willing to draw these that are present, and to put them in our vulgar tongue for two causes.  
The one to the end Princes might see how good a thing it is to be Sage, and how tyrants ●were praised for being Sages, and giving good counsel.  
The other, to the end the people might see how easy it is to speak well and how hard it is to work well. For there is nothing better cheap in the world than counsel. The sententences therefore of the Epistles of Phalaris are these which follow, in such sort as I could most briefly gather them, to reduce them in good and profitable style to write them.  
The particular love which princes show to one more than to another, breedeth oftentimes much envy in their realms For the one being loved and the other hated, of this cometh hatred, and of hatred comes evil thoughts, of evil thoughts proceedeth malice, and of malice cometh evil words, the which break out into worse deeds.  
Finally, when a Prince showeth not to equals his favour indifferently, he setteth fire in his commonwealth. Prince's ought to forbid, and sages ought to consent, that rebels and quarrelers should trouble those which are quiet and peace makers: for when the people rise, immediately covetousness 
Covetousness the over throw of justice.  is awaked. When covetousness groweth, justice falleth, force and violence ruleth, snatching reigneth, lechery is at liberty, the evil have power, and the good are oppressed: finally all do rejoice one to live to the prejudice of another, and every man to seek his own private commodity. Many vain men do raise dissensions and quarrels amongst the people, thinking that in troubled water, they should augment their estates, who in short space do not only lose the hope of that they sought: but also are put out of that they possessed. For it is not only reasonable, but also most just, that those by experience feel that, which their blind malice will not suffer them to know.  
It is much good for the people that the governors be not unfortunate, but that of their nature they were happy. For to lucky prince's fortune giveth many things even as they demand, yea and giveth them better than they lock for. 
What princes ought to do.   
The noble and valiant Princes, when they see themselves with other princes, or that they are present in great acts, aught to show the freeness of their hearts, the greatness of their realm, the pre-eminence of their person, the love of their commonwealth, and above all the discipline of their court, and the gravity of their counsel and palace. For the Sage and curious men should not behold the prince in the apparel, which he weareth: but the men which he hath to counsel him.  
The Sage men, and those that be not covetous, if they do employ their forces to heap up treasures, aught to remember in their hearts, how to employ themselves to spend their money well: Sith fortune is Mistress in all things, and that to her they do impute both good and evil works, he alone may be called a princely man, who for no contrariety of fortune is overcome: For truly that man is of a stout courage, whose heart is not vanquished by the force of Fortune: Though we praise one for valiant with the sword, we will not therefore praise him for excellent with the pen. Although he be excellent with his pen, he is not therefore excellent with his tongue: Though he have a good tongue, he is not therefore well learned: And though he be learned, he hath not therefore a good renown, And though he hath a good renown he is not therefore of a good life: For we are bound to receive the doctrine, of many which write: but we are not bound to follow the lives which they do lead. There is no worse office amongst men, then for to take the charge to punish the vices of another, and therefore a man ought to fly from it, as for the pestilence: for in correcting vices, hatred is more sure to the corrector, than amendment of life is to the offender. He hath & possesseth much that hath good friends: for many aid their friends when they would have holpen them more if they could. For the true love is not wearied to love, nor ceaseth not to profit. Though Sage men have lost much, they ought not therefore to despair, but that they shall come to it again in time. For in the end time doth not cease to do his accustomed alterations, nor perfect friends cease not to do that which they ought.  
The proud & disdainful man (for the most part) always falleth into some evil chance: therefore it is a commendable medicine some times to be perseecuted, for adversity maketh a wise man live more safely, & to walk in less danger. For so much as we do excuse him which committeth the fault, there is neither the offender, nor the offence but deserveth pain. For such a one that committeth the fault through sudden anger, did evil: and if he did commit it by deliberation, he did much worse. To desire to do all things by reason is good, and likewise to lay them all in order is good, but it is very hard: For temperate men have such respect in compassing their doings, and by weight to cast all the inconveniences, that scarcely they ever determine to go about it.  
To the man which hath government two things are dangerous, that is to say, too soon, or too late: But of those two, the worst is too soon. For if by determining late, a man looseth that which he might have gotten: by determining too soon, that is lost, which is now gained, and that which a man might have gained.  
To men which are too hasty, chance daily many evils and dangers, as saith the old proverb, The hasty man never wanteth woe: For the man being unpatient, and having his understanding 
Two things requisite in every man.  high, afterwards come quarrels and brawlings, displeasures, varieties, and also vanities, which loseth their goods, and putteth their persons in danger. Sith all naturally desire to be happy, he alone amongst all others may be called happy, of whom they may truly say: He gave good doctrine to live & lest good example to die.  
These and many other sentences of Phalaris the Tyrant, wrote in his Letters, whereof Cicero profited much in his works, and Seneca also in his Epistles, and many other writers beside. For this Tyrant was very brief in words, and compendious in Sentences.  
This Phalaris being in his City of Agrigentine, a Philosopher of Greece wrote him a taunting Letter, charging him with Tyranny: to which he made answer with this Letter following.  
The Letter of Phalaris the Tyrant, to Popharco the Philosopher.  
PHalaris Agrigentine, wisheth unto 
The letter of Phalaris.  thee Popharco the Philosopher, health and consolation, through the comfortable Gods. I received thy Letter here in Agrigentine, and though it savoured somewhat Satyr-like, I was not aggrieved therewith: For of Phylysophers and Sages, (as thou art,) we should not be grieved with the sharp words you tell us, but only to consider the intention whereupon you speak them. quarrelers & malicious persons, will have the words by weight and measute, but the virtuous and patient men do not regard but the intentions. For if we should go about to examine every word they speak unto us, we should give ourselves to much pain, and we should always set in the Commonwealth debate. I am a Tyrant, and as yet am in tyranny: but I swear unto the immortal gods, whether the words were good or bad, I never altered it. For if a good man tell it me, I take it for my pastime. Thou writest unto me that all Greece is offended with me there: but I let thee understand, that all Agrigentine is all edified with thee here. And thereof thou mayst praise me. For if the Tyrants were not so much dispraised, the Philosophers should not be so well loved. Thou art counted for good, and art good: and I am counted for evil, and am evil: But in mine opinion thou shouldst not be proud for the one, neither I should despair for the other. For the day of the life is long, and therein Fortune doth many things: and it may well be, that from a tyrant I shall be a Philosopher: and thou from a philosopher shalt be a tyrant. See my Friend, that the long time maketh oftentimes the Earth to be turned to silver: and the silver and Gold becometh nothing worth. I mean, that there never was a tyrant in any realm, but that first he had been brought up in the study of Greece. I will not deny, that all the renowned Tyrants have not been nourished in Scictle: but also thou shalt not deny me, that they were not borne in Greece. Therefore see and behold to whom the fault is: from the mother which bore them, or from the Nurse which gave them suck. I do not say that it shall be, but I say that it may well be, that if I were there in Greece, I should be a better philosopher than thou: and if thou wert here in Agrigentine, thou wouldst be a worse Tyrant than I. I would thou shouldest think, that thou mightest be better in Greece where thou art: & that I might be worse in Agrigentine, where I am. For that thou dost not so much good as thou mightest do: and I do not so much evil as I may do. The cunning man Perillus came into these parts and hath made a Bull, wherein he hath put a kind of torment, the most fearfullest in the world: and truly I caused, that that which his malice had invented, should be of none other than of himself experimented. For there is no juster 
Cruelty well rewarded.  law, that when any workman hath invented Engines, to make other men die, then to put them to the torments by them invented, to know the experience in themselves. I beseech thee heartily to come & see me, and be thou assured thou shalt make me good. For it is a good sign for the sick, when he acknowledgeth his sickness to the physician. I say no more to thee, but that once again I return to solicit thee, that thou failest not to come see me, for in the end, if I do not profit of thee, I am sure thou shalt profit by me, & if thou winnest, I cannot lose.   

CHAP. XLVII. How Philip K: of Macedon, Alexander the great, the K: Ptolomeus, the K: Antigonus, the K: Archelaus, & Pirrus K: of the Epirotes, were all great lovers and friends of the Sages,  
IF Quintus Curtius deceive me not, the great Alexander, son to k. Philip of Macedon, did not deserve to be called great, for that he was accompanied 
The praise of Alexander the great.  with thousands of men of War, but only he wan the renown of Great, for that he had more Philosophers on his Counsel then all other Princes had.  
This great Prince never took upon him Wars, but that first the order of executing the same should before his presence be examined of the 
The praise of Alexander the Great.  Sages, and wise Philosophers. And truly he had reason: for in affairs where good counsels have proceeded, they may always look for a good end.  
These Historiographers which wrote of great Alexander (as well the Grecians as the Latins,) know not whether the fierceness wherewith he struck his Enemies was greater, or the humanity wherewith he embraced his counsel. Though the sage philosophers which so accompanied the great Alexander, were many in number: yet notwithstanding amongst all those, Aristotle, Anaxarcus, and Onesichrates, were his most familiars. And herein Alexander showed himself very wise. For wise Princes ought to take the counsel of many, but they ought to determine and conclude upon the opinion of few.  
The great Alexander did not content himself to have Sages with him, neither to send only to desire those which were not his: but oftentimes himself in person would go see them, visit them, and counsel with them, Saying: That the Princes which are the servants of Sages, come to be made Masters and Lords over all.  
In the time of Alexander Magnus, Diogenes the philosopher lived, who neither for entreaty, nor yet for any promises that were made, would come for to see Alexander the Great. Wherefore Alexander the Great went for to see him, and when he had desired him that he would go with him, and accompany him, Diogenes answered.  
O Alexander, since that thou 
The saying of Diogenes.  wilt win honour in keeping of men in thy company: it is not reason then that I should lose it, to forsake my study. For in following of thee, I shall not follow myself: and being thine, I shall cease to be mine.  
Thou art come to have the name of the Great Alexander, for conquering the world, and I have attained to come to renown of a good Philosopher, in flying the world. And if thou dost imagine that thou hast gotten and won: I think I have not erred nor lost. And since thou wilt be no less in authority then a King, do not think that I will lose the estimation of a Philosopher. For in the world there is no greater loss unto a man, then when he looseth his proper liberty.  
When he had spoken these words, Alexander said unto them that were about him with a loud voice: By 
The saying of Alexander.  the immortal Gods I swear, and as god Mars rule my hands in Battle, if I were not Alexander the Great, I would be Diogenes the Philosopher.  
And he said further, In mine opinion there is no other Felicity upon the earth then to be King Alexander. who commandeth all, or to be Diogenes to command Great Alexander: who commandeth all,  
As king Alexander was more familiar with some Philosophers, then with others: so he esteemed some books more than others. And they say he read oftentimes in the Iliads of Homer, which is a book where the story of the destruction of Troy is: and that when he slept, he laid under his head upon a bolster his sword, and also his book.  
When the great King Alexander was borne, his father Philip king of Macedonia did two notable things. The first was, that he sent many 
Two notable things of K. Philip of Macedon.  and very rich gifts into the I'll of Delphos, where the Oracle of Apollo was, to the end to present them with him, and to pray him, that it would please him for to preserve his son.  
The other thing that he did was, that immediately he wrote a letter to the great Philosopher Aristotle, wherein he said these words.  
The letter of King Philip to Aristotle the Philosopher,  
PHilip King of Macedonia wishes health and peace, to the philosopher Aristotle which readeth in the University of Greece, I let the understand that Olympias my wife is brought to bed of a goodly man child, whereof both she and I, and all Macedonia do rejoice: For kings and Realms ought to have great joy, when that there is borne a son sueccssour of the natural prince of the province. I render thanks unto the immortal gods, and have sent many great gifts to the Temples, and it was not so much for that I have a son, as for that they have givenhim unto me, in the time of so great and excellent Philosopher. I hope that thou wilt bring him up, & teach him in such sort that by heritage he shall be Lord of my patrimony of Macedonia, and by desert he shall be Lord of Asia: to that they should call him my son, and thee his father. Vale foelix, iterumque vale.  
Ptolomeus father in law, who was the eight king of the Egyptians, did greatly love the Sages as well of Caldea, as of Greece, and this thing was esteemed for a great virtue in king Ptolemy: For there was as much envy between the philosophers of Greece, and the Sages of Egypt: as between the Captains of Rome, and the Captains of Carthage.  
This Ptolemy was very wise, and did desire greatly to be accompanied 
The praise of Ptolemy  with Philosophers: and after this he learned the letters of the Latins, calls, and Hebrues: for the which cause, though the kings named Ptolemy were eleven in number, and all warlike men: yet they put this for the Chief, and Captain of all, not for battles which he wan, but for the sentences which he learned.  
This king Ptolomeus had for his familiar, a Philosopher called Estilpho Magarense, who was so entirely beloved of this Prince, that (laying aside gentleness and benefits which he showed him) he did not only eat with the king at his table: but oftentimes the king made him drink of his own cup.  
And as the savours which Princes show to their servants, are but as a watch to prove the malicious: it chanced, that when this king gave the philosopher to drink that which remained in his cup, an Egyptian knight moved with envy, said unto King Ptolemy. I think Lord how thou art never satisfied with drinking, to leave that which remaineth in the cup, for the Philosopher to drink after thee. To whom the king answered. Thou sayst well, that the Philosopher Estilpho is never filled with that which I do give him: For that which remaineth in my cup, doth not profit him so much to drink: as the Philosophy which remaineth in him should profit thee, if thou wouldst take it.  
The king Antigonus was one of the most renowned servants that king Alexander the great ever had, who after his death enherired a great part of his 
Alexander unhappy in his death.  Empire: for how much happy the king Alexander was in his life, so much he was unhappy at the time of his death: because he had no children which might inherit his goods, and that he had such servants as spoiled him of his renown.  
This king Antigonus was an unthrist, and excessive in all vices: But for all he loved greatly the philosophers, which thing remained unto him from king Alexander, whose palace was a school of all the good philosophers of the world. Of this ensample they may see what great profit ensueth, of bringing up of them that be young, for there is none that ever was so wicked or inclined unto evil: but that in long continuance may profit somwehat in his youth.  
This king Antigonus loved two philosophers greatly, the which flourished in that time, that is to say, Amenedius, and Abio, of which two Abio was well learned, and very poor: For in that time no philosopher durst openly read philosophy, as if he were worth any thing in temporal goods.  
As Laertius saith, and as Pulio declares it better, in the book of the rulers and noble men of the greeks.  
The Schools of the Vuiversitie were so correct, that the philosopher which knew most, had least goods: so that they did not glorify of any thing else, but to have poverty, 
Pholosophers only rejoice in poverty.  and to know much of philosophy. The case was such, that the philosopher Abio was sick, and with that sickness he was so vexed, that they might almost see the bones of his weak body. The king Antigonus sent to visit him by his own son, by whom he sent him much money to help him withal. For he lived in extreme poverty, as it behoved the professors of philosophy. Abio was sore sick being aged, and crooked, and though he had made himself so lean with sickness: yet notwithstanding he burned always upon the week of good life. I mean that he had no less courage to despise those gifts: then the king Antigonus had nobles to send them.  
This Philosopher not contented to have despised those gifts in such sort, said unto the son of Antigonus who brought them: Tell king Antigonus that I give him great thanks, for the good entertainment he gave me always in my life, and for the gifts he sends me now at my death.  
For one friend can do more to another, then to offer him his person, to depart with his proper goods. Tell the king thy father, that I marvel what he should mean, that I now being four score years of age, and have walked all my life time naked in this world, should now be laden with vestures and money, since I 
A custom among the Egyptians.  must pass so great a gulf in the Sea, to go out of this world, The Egyptians have a custom to lighten the burden of their Camels when they pass the Deserts of Arabia, which is much better than to overcharge them. I mean, that he only passeth without travel the dangers of the life, which banisheth from him that thought of temporal goods of this world.  
Thirdly, thou shalt say to the King thy Father, that from hence forth when any man will die, he do not succour nor help him with Money, Gold, nor Riches, but with good and ripe counsel. For Gold will make him leave his life with sorrow, and good Counsel will move him to take his death with patience.  
The fifth king of the Macedonians was called Archelaus, who they say to be the grandfather of king Philip, father of the great Alexander. This king boasteth himself to descend from Menelaus' King of the Grecians, and principal Captain which was at the destruction of Troy. This king Archelaus was a great friend to the Sages, and amongst others there was a Poet with him called Euripides, who at that time had no less glory in his kind of Poetry: then Archelaus in his king doom being king of Macedonia. For now a days, we esteem more the Sages for the books which they wrote than we do exalt kings for the Realms which they ruled, or the battles which they overcame.  
The familiarity which Euripides had with the king Archelaus was so great, that in the Realm of Macedon nothing was done, but first it was examined by the hands of this Philosopher.  
And as the simple and ignorant would not naturally be subject to the 
The miserable death of Euripdes.  Sage: it chanced that one night Euripides was talking a long time with the King, declaring unto him the ancient Histories: and when the poor Poet would depart to go home to his house, his enemies espied him, and let the hungry dogs fly upon him: the which did not only tear him in pieces, but also eat him every morsel. So that the entrails of the dogs, were the woeful grave of the most miserable Poet.  
The King Archelaus being certified of this woeful case, immediately (as soon as they told him) was so chafed, that almost he was bereft of his senses. And hereat marvel not at all: For gentle hearts do alter greatly, when they are advertised of any sudden mishap. As the love which the King had to Euripides in his life was much, so likewise the sorrow which he felt at his death was very great: for he shed many tears from his eyes, he cut the hairs off his head, he rounded his beard, he changed his apparel which he ware, and above all, he made as solemn a funeral to Euripides, as if they had buried Ulysses. And not contented with all these things he was never merry, until such time he had done cruel execution of the malefactors: for truly the injury or death which is done unto him whom we love: is no other but as a bath and token of our own good wills. After justice was executed of those homicides, and that some of the bones (all gnawn of the dogs) were buried, a Grecian Knight said unto King Archelaus, I let the know (excellent king) that all Macedonta is offended with thee because that for so small a loss thou hast showed so great sorrow.  
To whom king Archelaus answered, Among Sages it is a thing sufficiently 
The worthy saying of Archelaus.  often tried, that noble hearts ought not to show themselves sad for mishaps and sudden chances: for the king being sad his Realm cannot, (and though it might, it ought not) show itself merry. I have heard my father say once, that Princes should never shed tears, unless it were for one of these causes.  
1 The first, the Prince should bewail the loss & danger of his common wealth: for the good Prince ought to pardon the injuries done to his person, but to revenge the least act done to the Commonwealth, he ought to hazard himself.  
2 The second, the good Prince ought to lament, if any man have touched his honour in any wise: for the prince which weary not drops of blood for the things touching his honour, deserveth to be buried quick in his grave.  
3 The third, the good Prince ought to bewail those which can little, and suffer much: For the Prince which bewaileth not the calamities of the poor, in vain, and without profit liveth on the earth.  
4 The fourth, the good Prince ought to bewail the glory and prosperity wherein the tyrants are: For that Prince which with tyranny of the evil is not displeased, with the hearts of the good is unworthy to be beloved.  
5 The fifth, the good Prince ought to bewail the death of Wise men: For to a Prince there can come no greater loss, then when a wise man dieth in his Common wealth.  
These were the words, which the King Archelaus answered the Grecian Knight, who reproved him because he had wept for the death of Euirpides the Philosopher.  
The ancient Historiographers can say no more, of the estimation which the Philosophers and wise men had, 
A saying worthy observation.  as well the greeks as the Latins: but I will tell you one thing worthy of noting. It is well known through all the world, that Scipio the Ethnic, was one of the worthiest that ever was in Rome: for by his name, and by his occasion, Rome got such a memory as shall endure.  
And this was not only for that he conquered Africa, but for the great worthiness of his person. Men ought not to esteem a little these two gifts in one man, that is to say to be happy and adventurous: For many of the Ancients in times past wan glory by their swords, and after lost it by their evil lives. The Roman Historiographers say, that the first that wrote in Heroical meeter in the Latin tongue, was Ennius the Poet, the works of whom was so esteemed of Scipio the Ethnic, that when this adventurous and so lucky Roman died, he commanded in his will and testament, that they should hang the image of this Ennius the Poet over his grave.  
By that the great Scipio did at his death, we may well conjecture how great a friend he was of Sages in his life: since he had rather for his honour, see the Statue of Ennius on his grave: then the banner wherewith he won and conquered Africa.  
In the time of Pirrus (which was King of the Epirotes, and great enemy of the Romans) flourished a Philosopher named Cinas, borne in Thessaly. who (as they say, was the Disciple of Demosthenes. The Historiographers at that time did so much esteem this Cinas, that they said he was the Master and measure of man's eloquence: for he was very pleasant in words and profound sentences. This Cinas served for three offices in the Palace of king Pirrus.  
1 First he made pastime at his Table in that he did declare: for he had a good 
Sentences of Cinna.  grace in things of laughter.  
2 Secondarily, he wrote the valiant deeds of his history: for in his style he had great eloquence, and to write the truth he was a witness of sight.  
3 Totrdly, he went for Ambassadouring at affairs of great importance: for he was naturally subtle and witty, and in dispatching business he was very fortunate. He used so many means in his business, and had so great persuasion in his words, that he never took upon him to speak of things of war: but either he set a long truce, or else he made a perpetual peace. The King Pirrus said to this Cinas. O Cinas for 3. things I thank to the immortal Gods.  
1 The first, for that they created me a King, and not a servant: for the greatest good that mortal men have, is to have liberty to command many, and not be bound to obey any,  
2 The second, I thank the immortal gods for that they naturally made me stout of heart: for the man which with every trifle is abashed, it were better for him to leave his life.  
3 The third, I give the immortal gods thanks for that in the government of my commonwealth, and for the great affairs and business of my realm (as well in wars as in other things) they gave me such a man (as thou art) in my company: For by thy gentle speech, I have conquered and abstained many Cities, which by my cruel sword I could never win nor attain. These were the words which Pyrrus said unto his friend Cinas the Poet. Let every Prince know now, how great lovers of wise men those were in times past: and as upon a sudden I have recited these few examples, so with small study I have heaped infinite Histories.   
The end of the first Book.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE DIAL OF PRINCE'S. WHEREIN THE AUTHOR TREATETH HOW NOBLE Princes and great Lords should behave themselves towards their Wives: And how they ought to nourish and bring up their Children.  

CHAP. ay, ay Of what excellency Marriage is, and whereas common people marry of free will, Princes and Noblemen ought to marry of necessity.  
AMong all the friendships & companies of this life, there is none so natural as that between the 
No love comparable to that of man and wife.  husband & the wife living in one house: For all other companies are caused by free will only, but this proceedeth both by will and necessity. There is at this day no Lion so fierce, no Serpent so venomous, no Viper so infective, no Aspic so mortal, neither any beast so terrible, but at the least both male and female do once in the year meet and conjoin: and although that in brute beasts there lacketh reason, yet notwithstanding they have a natural instinction to assemble themselves for the conservation of their kind.  
In this case men deserve no less reproach than Beasts merit praise: For after that the Females by generation are big, they never agree that the Males should accompany with them. According to the diversity of Nations, so among themselves they differ the one from the other, in Laws, Languages, Ceremonies, & customs: but in the end all agree in one thing, for that they enforce themselves to celebrate marriage. As the Scripture teacheth us, Since the world was created, there hath nothing been more ancient, than the Sacrament of Marriage: For that day that Man was form, the self same day he celebrated marriage with a Woman, in the terrestrial Paradise.  
The ancient Historiographers (aswell Greeks as Latines) wrote many great things in the praise of Marriage: but they could not say nor write so much, as continual experience doth show us. Therefore leaving the superfluous, 
Five things follow marriage.  and taking the most necessary, we say that five commodities follow the Sage man, who hath taken the yoke of Matrimony.  
The first is, the memory which remaineth to the children, as successors and heirs of their Fathers. For as the Philosopher Pythagoras sayeth: When a father passeth out of this present life, and leaveth behind him a Child being his Heir, they cannot say unto him that he dieth, but that he waxeth young in his Child, since the child doth inherit the Flesh, the Goods, and the memory of the Father.  
Among the ancients it was a common proverb, that the taste of all tastes is Bread, the savour of all savours is Salt, and the greatest love of all Loves is from the Fathers to their children. And though perchance we see the Father show some rigour to their children, we ought not therefore to say that they hate them, and despise them: for the tender love of the Father to the Son is such, that he cannot endure him to do any thing amiss, or worthy of rebuke. Not only 
The love of the Father to the child.  men of reason and brute beasts, but also the Hedge and Garden-trees, to their possibility, procure to continue their kind: and it is plainly seen, in that before the fruits and herbs were form to be eaten, the seeds and kernels were made to be kept. Men naturally desire honour in their life, and memory after their death. Therefore (I say) that they come to honour by High, and Noble, and Heroical facts, but the Memory is left by the good and Legitimate children: For the children which are borne in adultery, are begotten in sin, and with great care are nourished.  
The second benefit of Marriage is, that they avoid adultery, and it is no small matter to avoid this vice. For the Adulterers are not only taken in the Christian religion for offenders: but even amongst the Gentiles also, they are counted infamous.  
The sage Solon in the laws that he gave unto the Athenians, commanded upon straight precepts that they 
The saying of Solon.  should Marry, to avoid adultery, upon pain that the child borne in adultery, should be made the common slave of the City. The Romans (as men foreseeing all things,) ordained in the tables of their Laws, that the children which were born in adultery should not be heirs of the Goods of their Fathers. When the Orator Eschynes was banished out of Athens, as he came by the Rhodes, he took no such pains in any one thing as he did in persuading the Rhodians to marry, and not to live in adultery: For among those barbarous, Matrimony was not common, but only among them which were Officers of the Commonwealth.  
Cicero in a familiar Epistle, saith: that the great Roman Marcus Porcio, being governor in the Commonwealth, never agreed that an Uncle of his should be master of the Roman chivalry, unless he were married: which office was promised him by the Senate. His name was Rufus, a stout and valiant man of war: this notwithstanding Marcus Porcio said, that that praise which Rufus deserved for being valiant, and hardy: he lost again for living in adultery. And that he would never grant his voice, nor be in place where they committed any charge in the wars to a man that had not a lawful wife.  
I say therefore, that if the Gentiles and Infidels esteemed Marriage so much, and despised the deeds of the adulterers so greatly: much more true Christians should be in this case wary and circumspect. For the gentiles feared nothing but only infamy: but all true Christians ought to fear both infamy, and also pain. Since that of necessity man's seed must increase, and that we see men suffer themselves to be overcome with the flesh: it were much better that they should maintain a good Household, and live uprightly with a wife, then to waste their goods, and burden their conscience with a Concubine. For it is oftentimes seen, that that which a Gentleman consumeth abroad upon an Harlot with shame, would keep his Wife and Children at home with honesty.  
The third commodity of Marriage 
A third commodity of Marriage.  is, the laudable and loving company, the which is, or aught to be between them that are Married: The ancient Philophers defining what Man was, said; That he was a creature, the which by nature was sociable communicable, & reasonable: whereof it followeth, that the man being solitary and close in his conditions, cannot be in his stomach but envious. We that are men love the good inclination, and do also commend the same in beasts: for all that the seditious man and the resty horse eat, we think it evil spent. A sad man, a sole man, a man shut in, and solitary, what profit can he do to the people? For if every man should be locked up in his house, the Commonwealth should forthwith perish.  
My intention is to speak against the Vacabonds, which without taking upon them any craft or faculty, pass the age of forty, of fifty years, and would not, nor will not marry yet, because they would be vicious all the days of their life. It is a great shame and conscience to many men, that never determine with themselves to take upon them any estate, neither to be Married, chaste, secular, or Ecclesiastical: but as the cork upon the water they swim, whether their Sensuality leadeth them.  
One of the most laudable and holy companies which is in this life, is the company of the Man and the Woman, in especially if the woman be virtuous: For the noble and virtuous wife withdraweth all the sorrows from the heart of her Husband, and accomplisheth his desires, whereby he liveth at rest. When the wife is virtuous, and the husband wise, we ought to believe that between them two is the true love: For the one not being suspect with the other, and having children in the midst, it is unpossible but that they should live in concord. For all that I have read & seen, I would say, that if the man & the wife do live quietly together, a man may not only call them good married folks, (but also holy persons) for to speak the truth the yoke of matrimony is so great, that it cannot be accomplished without much merit. The contrary aught and may be said of those which are evil married: whom we will not 
What inconenience so loveth them that are not married in the fear of the Lord.  call a company of saints, but rather a company of devils. For the wise that hath an evil husband, may say, she hath a devil in her house: and the Husband that hath an evil Wife, let him make account that he hath a Hell itself in his house. For the evil wives are worse than infernal Furies. Because in hell there are none tormented but the evil only: but the evil woman tormenteth both the good and the evil.  
Concluding therefore this matter, (I say also and affirm) that betwixt the Husband and the wife which are well married, is the true and very love: and they only and no others, may be called perfect and perpetual friends. The other Parents and Friends, if they do love and praise us in our presence, they hate and despise us in our absence. If they give us fair words, they bear us evil hearts: Finally, they love us in our prosperity, and forsake us in our adversity: but it is not so amongst the Noble and virtuous married persons: For they love both within and without the house, in prosperity, and in adversity, in poverty and in riches, in absence, and in presence, seeing themselves merry, and perceiving themselves sad: and if they do it not, truly they ought to do it: For when the Husband is troubled in his foot, the wife ought to be grieved at her heart.  
The fourth commodity of Marriage is, that the men and women married, 
The fourth commodity belonging to marriage.  have more authority and gravity than the others. The laws which were made in old time in the favour Marriage, were many and divers: For Capharoneus, in the laws that he gave to the Egyptians, commanded and ordained upon grievous pains, that the man that was not married, should not have any office of government in the Commonwealth. And he said further, that he that hath not learned to govern his house, can evil govern a commonwealth.  
According to the Laws that he gave to the Athenians, he persuaded all those of the Commonwealth to marry themselves voluntarily: but to the heads and Captains, which govern the affairs of war, he commanded to marry of necessity, saying: That to men which are lecherous, God seldom giveth victories.  
Lycurgus' the renowned governor and giver of the laws to the Lacedæmonians, commanded that all Captains of the armies, and the Priests of the temples should be married: saying, That the sacrifices of Married men were more acceptable to the Gods, 
The worthy sayings of Lycurgus.  than those of any other. As Pliny saith, in an Epistle that he sent to Falconius his friend, rebuking him for that he was not married: where he declareth that the romans in old time had a law, that the dictator, and the Praetor, the Censor and the Questour, and all the Knights should of necessity be married: For the man that hath not a wife and children Legitimate in his house, cannot have nor hold great authority in the Commonwealth.  
plutarch, in the book that he made of the praise of Marriage, saith: that the Priests of the romans did not agree to them that were unmarried, to come and sit down in the temples: so that the young-Maydens prayed without at the Church door, and the young men prayed on their knees in the Temple, only the married men were permitted to sit or stand.  
Plynie in an Epistle that he wrote to Fabarus his father in law, saith, that the Emperor Augustus had a custom, that he never suffered any young man in his presence to sit, nor permitted any man Married, to tell his tale on 
The praise of marriage  foot. Plutarch, in the book that he made in the praise of women, saith: that since the Realm of Corinth was peopled more with Bachelors then with Married men, they ordained, amongst them, that the man or woman that had not been married, and also that had not kept Children and House, (if they lived after a certain age) after their deaths should not be buried.   

CHAP. II. ¶ The Author following his purpose, declareth that by means of Marriage, many mortal enemies have been made good and perfit Friends.  
BY sundry examples that we have declared, and by all that which remaineth to declare, a man may know well enough, of what excellency Matrimony is: not only for the charge of Conscience, but also for the things touching honour: for to say the truth, the men that in the Commonwealth are married, give small occasion to be slandered, and have more cause to be honoured. We cannot deny, but that Matrimony is trouble some and chargeable to them that be married for two causes: The one is, in bringing up their children: and the other, 
The cares incident to ma●●age.  in suffering the importunities of their Mothers. Yet in fine, we cannot deny, but that the good and virtuous wife is she that setteth a stay in the house, and keepeth her husband in estimation in the Commonwealth: for in the public affairs, they give more faith and credit unto those that are charged with children, then unto others that are loaden with years.  
The fifth commodity that ensueth Matrimony, is the peace and reconciliations that are made between the enemies by means of Marriage. Men in this age are so covetous, so importune, and malicious, that there are very few but have enemies, whereby groweth contention and debate: for by our weakness we fall daily into a thousand occasions of enmities; and scarcely we can find one to bring us again into friendship. Considering what men desire, what things they procure, and whereunto they aspire, I marvel not that they have so few friends: but I much muse that they have no more enemies. For in things of weight, they mark not who have been their friends, they consider not they are their neighbours, neither they regard that they are Christians: but their conscience laid a part, and honesty set a side, every man seeketh for himself and his own affairs, though it be to the prejudice of all his neighbours. What friendship can there be amongst proud men, since the one will go before, and the other disdaineth to come behind? What friendship can there be amongst envious men, since the one purchaseth, & the other possesseth? What love can there be between two covetous men, since the one dare not spend, & the other is never satisfied to hoard & heap up? For all that we can read, see, go, and travel, & for all that we may do, we shall never see nor hear tell of men that have lacked enemies: for either they be vicious or virtuous. If they be evil and vicious, they are always hated of 
No man content with his own estate.  the good: and if they be good & virtuous, they are continually persecuted of the evil.  
Many of the ancient Philosophers spent a great part of their time, and lost much of their goods, to search for remedies and means to reconcile them that were at debate & contention, and to make them by gentleness good friends & lovers. Some said that it was good & profitable to forget the enmities for a time: for many things are pardoned in time, which by reason could never take end. Others said that for to appease the enemies it was good to offer money, because money doth not only break the feminate & tender hearts, but also the hard and craggy rocks: others said, that the best remedy was, to set good men to be mediators between them, in especially if they were sage & wise men: for the honest faces and stout hearts are ashamed when they are proserred money, & the good do humble themselves by entreaty. These means well considered, and the remedies well sought out to make friends, there are none so ready and so true as Marriage: for the marriage done Sacramentally is of such and so great excellency, that between some it causeth perfect friendship, and between others it appeaseth great injuries.  
During the time that julius Caesar 
Marriage the cause of love and amity.  kept him elf as father-in-law to the great Pompeius, and that Pompeius held himself his son in law, there was never evil will nor quarrels between them: but after that Pompeius was divorced from the house of Caesar, hatred, envy, and enmities engendered between them, in such sort that they contended in such, and so cruel wars, that Pompeius against his will lost his head, and also julius Caesar shortened his life. When those that dwelled in Rome ravished and robbed the daughters of the Sabines, i● after they had not changed their counsel, and of thieves to become husbands, without doubt the Romans bade been all destroyed: for the Sabines had made an oath to adventure both their goods and their lives, for to revenge the injuries done unto them, their daughters and wives: but by the means of Marriage they were conferred in great amity and love. For the Romans received in marriage the daughters of the Sabines whom before they had ravished. Greater enmity there cannot be, then that of God towards men, through the sin of Adam: notwithstanding there never was, nor never shall be greater friendship than that, which was made by the godly marriage: and for greater authority to 
Marriage a means of Peace between God and man.  confirm marriage, the Son of God would that his Mother should be married; and afterward he himself was present at a Marriage, where he turned the Water into Wine, though now adays the evil married men do turn the wine into water. He doth not speak here of Religious persons, nor men of the Church, neither of those which are closed in devout places: for those (fleeing the occasions of the world, and choosing the ways less dangerous) have offered their souls to GOD, and with their bodies have done him acceptable Sacrifices: for there is difference between the Religion of Christ, and the sinful Synagogue of the jews; for they offered Kids and Muttons, but here are not offered but tears and sighs. Leaving therefore all those secrets apart which men ought to leave to God: I say and affirm, that it is a holy and commendable counsel to use his profit with the Sacrament of Marriage, the which, though it be taken of all voluntarily, yet Princes and great Lords ought to take it necessarily: For that Prince that hath no wife nor children shall have in his Realm much grudging and displeasure. Plutarch in the Book he made of Marriage saith, that amongst the Lydians there was a law well observed and kept, that of necessity their Kings and Governors should be married; and they had such respect to this thing, and were so circumspect in this matter, that if a Prince died, and left his Heir an infant, they would not suffer him to govern the Realm until he were married. And they greatly lamented the day of the departing of their Queen out of this life; for with her death the government ceased, the Royal authority remained void, and the Commonwealth without government, so long time as the King deferred to take another wife: and so they 
What is required of every virtuous Prince.  were sometimes without King or government. For Princes are, or aught to be, the mirror and example of all, to live honest and temperate, the which cannot well be done unless they be married, or that they see themselves to be conquerors of the flesh, and being so, they are satisfied: but if they be not married, and the flesh doth assault them, than they live immediately conuered. Wherefore of necessity they must go by their Neighbour's houses, or else by some other dishonest places, scattered abroad, to the reproach and dishonour of them and their kindred: and oftentimes to the great peril and danger of their Persons.   

CHAP. III. Of sundry and divers Laws which the Ancients had in Contracting Matrimony, not only in the choice of Women, but also in the manner of celebrating Marriage.  
IN all Nations, and in all the Realms of the World, Marriage hath always been accepted, and marvelously commended: for otherwise the world had not been peopled, nor yet the number of men multiplied.  
The ancients never disagreed one from another in the approbation and acception of Marriage: but there was amongst them great difference and strife, upon the contracts, ceremonies, and usages of the same. For they used as much difference in contracting Matrimony, and choosing their wives: as these Epicures do desire the variety of sundry delicate meats. The divine Plato, in his Book he made of the Commonwealth, did counsel, that all things should be common, and that not only in bruit beasts, in movables, and heritage's; but also that women should be common: for he said, that if these two words, thine, and mine, were abolished and out of use, there should not be debates nor quarrels in this world. They call Plato, Divine for many good things which he spoke: but now they may call him Worldly, for the counsel profane which he gave. I cannot tell what beastliness it may be called, nor what greater rudeness may be thought that the apparel should be proper, and the wives common. The bruit beast doth not know that which came out of her belly, longer than it sucketh of her breasts. And in this sort it would chance to men, yea, and worse too, if women were common in the Commonwealth: for though one should know the Mother, which hath borne him, he should not know the Father, which hath begotten him. The Tharentines (which were well renowned amongst the ancients, and 
A law among the Tharentines.  not a little feared of the Romans) had in their City of Tharente a law and custom to marry themselves with a legitimate wife, & to beget children: but besides her a man might yet choose two others for his secret pleasures. Spartianus said, that the Emperor Hellus Verus, as touching women, was very dissolute: and since his wife was young and fair, and that she did complain of him, because he led no honest life with her, he spoke these words unto her: My wife, thou hast no cause to complain of me, since I remain with thee until such time as thou art quick with child: for the residue of the time, we husbands have licence and privilege to seek our pastimes with other women. For this name of a wife containeth in it honour: but for the residue, it is a grievous burden and painful office.  
The like matter came to Ptolomeus King of Egypt, of whom the Queen his wife did greatly complain. Admit that all the greeks have been esteemed to be very wise, amongst all those, the Athenians were esteemed of most excellent virtue: for the Sages that governed the Commonwealth, remained in Athens with the Philosophers which taught the Sciences. The Sages of Athens ordained 
A law among the Athenians.  that all the neighbours and inhabitants might keep two lawful wives, and furthermore, upon pain of grievous punishments, did command, that none should presume, nor be so hardy to maintain any concubine; for they said, when men haunt the company of light women, commonly they misuse their lawful Wives. As Plutarch saith in his Politics, the cause why the greeks made this law was, considering that man could not, nor ought not to live without the company of a woman, and therefore they would that a man should marry with two wines. For if the one were diseased and lay in, yet the other might serve in bed, wait at the Table, and do other businesses in the house.  
Those of Athens had another great respect and consideration to make this law, which was this, that if it chanced the one to be barren, the other should bring forth children in the Commonwealth: and in such case, she that brought forth Children, should be esteemed for Mistress, and the other that was barren, should be taken for a servant.  
When this law was made, Socrates was married to Xantippa, and to accomplish the law, he took another called Mirra, which was the daughter of the Philosopher Aristides: and sith those two women had great quarrels and debates together, and that thereby they slandered their Neighbours, Socrates said unto them: My wives, ye see right well that my eyes are hollow, my legs are withered, my hands 
A worthy saying of Socrates.  are wrinkled, my head is bald, my body is little, and the hairs are white: Why do ye then that are so fair, stand in contention and strife for me, that am so deformed? Though Socrates said these words (as it were in jest) yet such words were occasion, that the quarrels and strifes between them ceased.  
The Lacedæmonians (than in the time of peace and war, were always contrary to the Athenians) observed it for an inviolable law, not that one man should marry with two wives, but that one woman should marry with two husbands: and the reason was, that when one Husband should go to the war, the other should tarry at home. For they said, that a man in no wise should agree to leave his Wife alone in the commonwealth.  
Pliny writing an Epistle unto his friend Locratius, and Saint Hierome, writing to a Friar called Rusticus saith: That the Atbenians did use to marry brethren with the Sisters: but they did not permit the Aunts to marry with their Nephews, neither the Uncles with their Nieces. For they said, that brothers and sisters to marry together, was to marry with their semblables: but for uncles to marry Nieces, & Aunts with Nephews, was as of fathers to daughters, and of mothers to sons.  
Melciades which was a man of great renown amongst the Grecians, had a son called Cimonius, who was married to his own sister called Pinicea, and being demanded of one why he took his sister in marriage: he answered: My sister is fair, sage, rich, 
The speech of Cimonius.  and made to my appetite, and her Father and mine did recommend her unto me: and since by the commandment of the Gods, a man ought to accomplish the behests and requests of Fathers, I have determined (since Nature hath given me her for my sister) willingly to take her for my lawful Wife.  
Dyodorus Siculus saith, that before the Egyptians received any Laws, every man had as many Wives as he would: and this was at the liberty of both parties, for as much as if she would go, she went liberally, and forsook the man, and likewise he left her when she displeased him: For they said that it was unpossible for Men and Women to live long together, without much trouble, contentions, and brawls.  
Dyodorus Siculus said one thing, (where he speaketh of this matter,) which as yet I never read in any book, nor heard of the ancients past, which was that amongst the Egyptians there was no difference in Children: For they accounted them as legitimate, though they were children of slaves. For they said, that the principal doer of the generation was the Father and not the mother, and that therefore the Children which were borne among them, took only the flesh of the mother, but they did inherit their honour and dignity of the part of the Father.  
julius Caesar in his Commentaries saith, that (in Great Britain, now called England,) the Britons had an use, that one Woman was married unto five men, the which beastliness is not read to have been in any Nation of times past: For if it be slander for 
A beastly custom in old time. in England.  one man to have divers Wives, why should it not also be a slanderous and shameful thing, for one woman to have many Husbands? The noble and virtuous Women ought to be married for two causes.  
The first is, to the end God should give them children, and benediction, to whom they may leave their goods, and their memory. The second, to the end they should live every one in their own house, accompanied and honoured with their husbands. For otherwise (I say for a truth) that the woman that is not contented and satisfied with her own proper husband, will not be contented nor satisfied, with all men in the world.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms saith, that the Cymbres did use to marry with their proper and natural daughters: the which custom was taken from them by the Consul Marius, after that he did overcome them in Germany, and that of them he had triumphed at Rome. For the Child which was borne of such Marriage, was Son of the Daughter of one sole Father, and was Son and Brother of one only Mother, and they were also Cousins, Nephews, & Brothers of one only Father and mother.  
Truly such custom proceedeth rather of wild beasts, then of reasonable creatures: For many, or the more part of brute Beasts, (after the females have brought forth males) within one year after, they do accompany with their dams, which brought them forth.  
Strabo in the situation of the world, and Seneca in an Epistle, say: That the Lydes and the Armenians had a custom, to send their Daughters to the Rivers and Havens of the Sea, to get their Marriages, selling their bodies to strangers: so that those which would Marry, were first forced to sell heir virginity.  
The romans (which in all their affairs and businesses were more Sage and modest, than other Nations) used 
An ancient custom among the Romans.  much circumspection in all their marriages: For they kept it as an ancient law, and use accustomed, that every Roman should marry with one woman, and no more: For even as to keep two wives among the Christians, is a great charge of conscience, so was it deemed amongst the romans much infamy.  
Amongst the ancient and renowned Orators of Rome, one was called Metellus Numidicus, the which one day making his Oration to the Senate, said these words;  
Worthy Senators, I let you understand, that I have greatly fludyed what the counsels should be, that I ought to give ye touching marriage? For the counsel rashand sudden, oftentimes is not profitable. I do not persuade you at all to marry, neither yet do say that ye shall not marry: but it is true, that if ye can live without a woman, ye shall be free from many troubles. But what shall we do, O yea Romans? since that Nature hath made us such, that to keep women it is a great trouble: and to live without them, it is more danger? I dare say (if in this case my opinion might be accepted) that it should not be evil done to resist the lust since it cometh by fits, and not to take Wives, which are continual troubles. These were the words which Metellus Numidicus spoke, the which were not very acceptable, nor pleasant to the Father's being in the Senate: for they would not that he should have spoken such words against Marriage. For there is no estate in this life, wherein Fortune showeth her force more, then in this state of Matrimony. A man may prove them in this sort, that if the fashions and usages of the ancients were divers, as concerning ordinance: truly there was no less contrariety in their contracts and ceremonies.  
Boccace the Florentine, in a Book that he made of the Marriages of the ancients, reciteth many and sundry customs, that they used in making the Marriages, whereof he telleth some, not for to follow, or maintain them: but to reprove and condemn them. For the writers did never write the vices of some, but only to make the virtues of others more clearly to be known.  
The Cymbres had a custom, that when they would Marry, (after the 
A law among the Cymbrians.  marriage was agreed upon) he that was made sure should pair his nails, and send them to his wife that should be: and she in like sort sent hers unto him. And then when she of him, and he of her, had received the nails the one of the other, they betook themselves Married for ever: and did afterwards live together, as man and wife.  
The Theutonians had a ceremony, that the man that was sure, rounded the hair of her to whom he was made sure, and she did the like unto him: and when the one suffered the other to do so, immediately they celebrated Marriage. The Armenians had a law, that the Bridegroom should pinch the right ear of the Bride, and the Bride should likewise pinch the 
The law of the Armenians.  left ear of the Bridegroom: and then they took themselves married for ever.  
The Elamites had a custom, that both parties which were made sure, pricked one the others little finger, until they bled: the which blood they did suck naturally, & this done they were married. The Numidians used, that the Brydegroome and the Bride should gather together a piece of Earth, and with their spittle they tempered it, and therewith the one anointed the forehead of the other: so that the Marriage between them, was to anoint the one and the other with a little clay. When those of Dace would be married, the Bridegroom and the Bride, each one of themselves, were brought in Charryots, the one meeting the other: and when they came together, the Brydegroome gave a new name to the Bride, and she likewise to him, and from that time forwards they lived as in lawful Matrimony.  
When they of Hungary would marry, the one sent unto the other a familiar 
A custom among the Hungarians  god made of silver, whom they called Lar, and when they had received the God of each other, the marriage was finished, and they lived as man and wife. The Siconians had a custom and law, that when they should marry, the one sent to the other a shoe: and that received of both, they agreed to the marriage.  
The Tharentines had a custom, that when they did marry, they set themselves at the table to eat, and the one did feed the other: so that if by mishap, the one should chance to feed himself, that marriage was not esteemed for constant nor good.  
The Scythians had a custom, and they kept it as a law, that when men and women should Marry: as now they touch the hands the one of the other, so did they touch with their 
The custom of the Scythians  feet, afterwards they set together their knees, than they touched with their hands, and then they set their buttocks together, and so their heads, and in the end they embraced the one the other. All these ceremonies done, the Marriages were assured, and sufficiently confirmed: and so we might say of many others, but to avoid tediousness, we will follow our matter:   

CHAP. FOUR How Princesses and great Ladies ought to love their Husbands, and that love ought not by Conjurations and Enchantments to be procured: but by wisdom, honesty, and virtue desired.  
ALl men that desire to achieve and obtain any worthy thing in this life, invent and search many means to come thereunto: for men by good provision and circumspection compass sundry things, which otherwise they should lose: unless they would by force take them. As in the marriages of our Christian Religion, wherein we do not suffer, that the man and the wife be parents, and nigh of blood: leaving apart that the one is a man, and the other a woman: that the one is strong, and the other weak: oft times it chanceth, that there is between the man and the wife more contrariety in conditions, than diversity in Lineage: I would say therefore (for healthful counsel, and necessary advise) to the great Dames, and Princesses, and to all other wives, since they must needs eat and drink with their husbands, that they must sleep, treat, be conversant, 
Good counsel for all sorts of women.  and talk, and finally, live and die with their Husbands, that they use much diligence to bear with their conditions: For to say the troth, the wife ought in all things to follow the conditions of her husband: and the husband in some things to bear with the conditions of his wife. So that she by her patience, aught to suffer the imperfections of him, and he likewise by his wisdom ought to dissemble the importunities of her: and in such sort they ought to agree & love together, that all those of the Commonwealth should rejoice at their behaviours. For married men, which are quarrelers and seditious persons, the Neighbours in stead of weeping and wailing, for the deprivation of their life, demand gifts the one of the other, for bringing news of their death. Admit that the Husband be covetous, and unthrifty, that he be deformed in his body, that he be rude in condition, base of lineage, rash in his speech, in adversities fearful, in prosperities careless, in the end being (as he is) Husband, we cannot deny, but in the house he ought to be chief master. For the which it is also necessary, that we give now unto the Wives some healthful counsel, whereby they may bear and suffer quietly such great troubles. For at this day there is no Husband so loving, nor so virtuous, in whom the wife shall not find some evil conditions.  
First of all, wives ought to endeavour themselves to love their husband's unfamedly, if they desire their husbands should love them without dissimulation: for as we see by experience, Marriage is seldom broken through poverty, nor yet continued with riches. For the evil married folks through debate and strife, be separated in one week, whereas by good & true love they are preserved all the days of their life.  
To eat dry and unsavoury meats, they use to take salt for to amend it. I mean that the burdens of matrimony are many, and troublesome, the which all with love only may be endured. For as Plato the divine Philosopher sayeth: One thing ought not to be called more painful than another for the labour we thereunto employbut for the great or small love that thereunto we have. Though some sundry things be troublesome and tedious, yet when with love it is begun, it is easily followed, and joyfully achieved: For that travel is nothing noisome, where love is the mediator.  
I know right well and do confess, that the counsel which I give to women is sharp, that is: for an honest woman to love a dissolute man, for a sage wife to love a foolish husband, for a virtuous wife, to love a vicious husband. 
Women bound to love their Husbands.  For as daily experience showeth, there are some men of so foolish conditions, and other women of so noble conversation, that by reason apparent they ought to take them for Mistresses, rather than they should accept them for Husbands.  
Although this, in some particular cases is true, I say and affirm, that generally, all women are bound to love their Husbands, since that willingly, and not by compulsion they were not enforced to take them: For in like manner, if the Marriage pleased not the Woman, she hath not so much cause to complain of her Husband, for ask her: as she hath reason to complain of her own self, that accepted him. For the misfortunes that by our own folly do chance, although we have cause to lament them, we ought also to have reason to dissemble them. Be the man never so wild and evil brought up, it is impossible, if the wife love him, but he must needs love her again. And though perchance he cannot force his evil conditions to love her, yet at the least he shall have no occasion to hate her. The which ought not to be little esteemed: For there are many wives not only of the Plebeians, but also of the noble Dames, that could be content to forgive their Husbands all the pleasures they should do them, and also all the love that they ought to show: if they would refrain their Tongues, from speaking injurious words, and keep their hands from dealing loathsome stripes. We have many notable examples in histories, of mane Noble and stout Ladies (as well Greeks as romans:) which after 
The tongue cause of debate.  they were married, had so great faithfulness, and bore such loyalty to their husbands, that they not only followed them in their travels, but also delivered them in their dangers.  
Plutarch in the book of the noble women, declareth, that the Lacedæmonians, keeping many Nobles of the Athenians prisoners (which at that time were their cruel & mortal enemies) and being judged to die, their wives concluded to go to the prison where they lay, and in the end they obtained 
The love of women towards their Husbands.  of the Jailor thereof, that they might go in, and talk with their husbands: for indeed the tears were many, that were shed, and the gifts were not few which unto them were offered. The Wives therefore entering into the prison, did not only change their apparel with their Husbands, but also the liberty of their persons: for they went out as women, & the women in their steads, remained there as men. And when they brought out these Innocent wives from prison, to execute justice, supposing they were men, the Lacedæmonians understanding the faith fullness of the women, determived that they should not only be pardoned, but also that they should be greatly rewarded and honoured, for the good examples of other women to whom they were married. The ancient and great renowned Panthea, when news was brought her that her husband was dead in battle, she her own self determined to go seek him out, with hope, that as yet he was not utterly dead; and finding him dead, with the blood of him she washed all her body, and likewise her face, striking with a knife herself to the heart, and embracing her husband, she yielded up the ghost, and so together they were carried to the grave. Porcia, 
The praise of Women.  the daughter of Marcus Porcia the great, when she heard that her husband Brutus was taken and slain, she felt for that news so great sorrow, that all her friends seeing her take the matter so grievously, hid from her all Iron wherewith she might kill herself: and did labour to keep and preserve her from danger, wherein she might fall and shorten her life. For she was so excellent a Roman, and so necessary to the Commonwealth, that if they had lamented the death of Brutus her husband, with tears of their eyes, they ought to bewail the loss of his wife Porcia, with drops of blood in their hearts. Porcia therefore feeling in herself a woeful and afflicted heart, for the death of her entirely beloved husband, to declare that that which she did was nor feigned, nor for to please the people, but to satisfy her great and marvelous love: since she found neither sword nor knife to kill herself, nor cord to hang herself, neither well to drown her in, she went to the fire, and with as great pleasure did eat the hot fiery coals, as an other would have eaten any delicate meats. We may say that such kind of death was very strange and new, which the Roman found to increase, augment, and manifest her love: Yet we cannot deny, but that she wan to the posterity of her name a perpetual memory: For as a Noble Dame she would quench with coals of fire her burning heart, that inflamed was with fiery brands of love. As Diodorus Seculus saith, it was a law and custom amongst the Lydians, 
The Law amongst the Lidian's  to marry themselves with many wives: and when by chance their husbands died, the wives which they had, met together, and fought in some plain place. And the women which remained only alive, and of the conflict had the victory, cast themselves into the grave of their husband: so that those women then fought for to die, as men now fight for to live.   

CHAP. V. Of the revenge a woman of Greece took of him that had killed her husband, in hope to have her in marriage.  
PLutarch in the Book that he made of the Noble and worthy Women, declareth a thing worthy of rchearsall, and to be had in memory.  
In the City of Galacia were two renowned Citizens, whose names were Sinatus and Sinoris, which were by blood Cousins, and in familiarity friends: and for the love of a greeks daughter, being very Noble, beautiful, and exceeding gracious, they both strived to have her in marriage: and for to attain to their desires, they both served her, they both followed her, they both loved her, and for her, both of them desired to die. For the dart of love is as a stroke with a clod of earth, the which being thrown amongst a company, doth hurt the one, and blind the others. And as the fatal destinies had ordained it: Sinatus served this Lady called Camma in ●uch sort, that in the end he obtained her in marriage for his lawful wife: which thing when Sinoris perceived, he was ashamed of his doings, and was also wounded in his hart. For he lost not only that, which of so long time he had sought, loved, and served: but also the hope to attain to that, which chiefly in his life he desired. Sinatus therefore seeing that his wife Camma was noble, meek, gracious, fair, and loving, and that in all things she was comely and well taught: decreed to offer her to the Goddess Diana, to the end that she would preserve her from peril, and keep her from infamy. Truly we cannot reprove the knight Sinatus for that he did, nor we ought to note him for rash in his council: for he saw that his wife was very fair, and therefore much desired. For with great difficulty that is kept, which of many is desired. Though Camma was 
The love of Sinoris & Comma  now married and that she was in the protection of the goddess Diana: yet notwithstanding her old friend Sinoris died for her sake, and by all means possible he served her, continually he importuned her, daily he followed her, and hourly he required her. And all this he did, upon certain hope he had, that such diligent service should suffice to make her change her sacred mind: and as she had chosen Sinatus for her husband openly, so he thought she should take him for her friend secretly. For many women are as men without taste through sickness, the which eat more of that that is hurtful and forbidden: then of that which is healthsome, and commanded. Not without a cause Camma was greatly renowned throughout all Galatia for her beauty: and much more among the virtuous esteemed for her honesty. The which evidently in this was seen, that after she was married, Sinoris could never cause her to receive any jewel, 
How good women ought to behave themselves.  or other gift, nor that she would hear him speak any word, nor that she would show herself in the window, either to him, or to any other, to the end to be seen in the face. For it is not sufficient for Ladies to be pure good; but also to give no occasion for men to judge (that if they durst) they would be evil. As it is true indeed, that the heart which is entangled with love, dare boldly adventure himself in many kind of dangers to accomplish that which he desired: so Sinoris seeing that with fair words he could not flatter her, nor with any gifts win her, determined to kill Sinatus her husband, upon hope, that when she should be widow, he might easily obtain her in matrimony. For he thought, although Camma was not evil, it was not for that she wanted desire to do it, but because she had no commodious place to accomplish it. And, to be short, Sinoris would needs execute and bring to effect his devilish and damnable intent: so that soon after he vilely slew his said companion Sinatus. After whose death the Noble Lady Camma was of Sinoris greatly desired, and by his Parents much importuned, that she would condescend to take and marry him, and that she would forgive him the death of her husband Sinatus, which then was buried. And as she was in all her doings such a Princely woman, she imagined with herself, that unper the pretence of marriage, she might have opportunity to accomplish her desires: wherefore she answered unto his Parents, that she did accept their counsel; and said to Sinoris, that she did choose him for her husband, speaking these words more for to comfort him, then with intent to pardon him. And as amongst those of Galatia there was a custom, that the new married folks should eat together in one dish, and drink in one cup: the day that the marriage was celebrated, Camma determined to prepare a cup with poison, and alsso a lute, wherewith she began to play, and sing with her prober voice before the Goddess Diana in this manner.  

TO thee Diana, whose endless reign doth stretch,  
Above the bonds of all the heavenly rout:  
And eke whose aid with royal hand to retch,  
Chief of all Gods, is most proclaimed out.   

I swear, and with unspotted faith protest,  
That though till now I have reserved my breath:  
For no intent it was, but thus distressed,  
With wailful end to wreak Sinatus death.   

¶ And if in mind I had not thus decreed,  
Whereto should I my pensive days have spent  
With longer dole: for that forepast deed,  
Whose oft record new sorrows still hath bend.   

But oh sinee him their kindled spite hath slain,  
With tender love whom I have weighed so dear:  
Since he by fate is rest from fortune's rain,  
For whose decay I dreadless perish here.   

Since him by whom my only life I led,  
Through wretched hands the gaping earth now have:  
Ought I by wish to live in any stead,  
But closed with him together in the grave.   

O bright Diana, since senseless him I see,  
And Makeles I, here to remain alone:  
Since he is graude where greedy worms now be,  
And I survive surmounted with my fone.   

Since he is priest with lumps of wretched soil,  
And I thus charged with flame of frozen care:  
Thou know'st Diana, how hard with restless toil  
Of hot abhorring mind my life I spare.   

For how can this unquiet breast reserve,  
The fainting breath that strives to draw his last:  
Since that even then, my dying heart did starve,  
When my dead Fere in swallowing earth was cast.   

The first black day my husband sleptin grave,  
By cruel sword my life I thought to spend:  
And since a thousand times I thought to have,  
A stretched cord my sorrows wrath to end.   

And if till now to waste my pining days,  
I have deferred by slaughter of my hand:  
It was but lo, a fitter cause to raise,  
Whereon his sharp revenge might justly stand.   

Now since I may in full suffising wise,  
Redeem his breath (if wayward will would let)  
More deep offence by not revenge might rise,  
Then Sinoris erst by guiltless blood did get.   

Thee therefore mighty jove jiustly crave,  
And eke thy daughter chaste in thankful sort:  
That lo the offering which of myself ye have.  
Ye will vouchsafe into your heavenly fort.   

Since Sinatus with soon inflamed eyes,  
Amongst the Acaian routs, me chiefly viewed,  
And eke amidst the press of greeks likewise,  
Chose for his fere, when sweetly he had sewed.   

Since at my will the froth of wasting wealth,  
With gladsome mind he trained was to spend,  
Since that his youth, which slippeth lo by stealth,  
To wait on me he freely did commend.   

Since he such heaps of lingering harms did waste,  
Ay to content my wanton youthful will,  
And that his breath to fade did pass so fast,  
To glut their thirst, that thus his blood did spill.   

Though great the duty be, which that I owe  
Unto his graved ghost and cindred mould:  
Yet lo me seems, my duty well I show,  
Performing that, my feeble power could.   

For since for me untwined was his thread  
Of guiltless life, that aught to purchase breath:  
Can reasons doom conclude, I ought to dread,  
For his decay to climb the steps of death.   

In wretched earth my father graved lies,  
My dear mother hath run her race of life,  
The pride of love no more can daunt mine eyes,  
My wasted goods are shrunk by fortune's strife.   

My honour soon eclipsed is by fate,  
My young delight is lo for done by chance,  
My broken life these passed haps so hate,  
As can my grieved heart no more advance.   

And now remains to duty with my fere,  
No more but refuse lo, my irksome life  
With willing mind, followed eke with drere,  
Which I resign, as fitteth for a wife.   

And thou Sinoris, which junos' yoke dost crave,  
To press my corpse, to feed thy liking lust,  
The rout of Homer's gods, thee grant to have,  
In stead of royal feats, a throne of dust.   

In change of costly robes and rich array,  
A simple winding sheet they dign thee give,  
And eke in stead of honest wedlock's stay,  
They sing thy dirge, and not vouchsafe thee live.   

In place of Hymen's high unfiled bed,  
They lay thee up in closure of thy grave:  
In stead with precious meats for to be fed,  
They make the Worms, for fitter prey thee have.   

In stead of song, and Musics tuned sown,  
They wait on thee, with loud lamenting voice,  
In change of joyful life, and high renown,  
Thy cruel death may spread with wretched noise.   

For you, great gods, that stalled be on high,  
Should not be just, ne yet such titles claim,  
Unless this wretch, ye ruthless cause to die,  
That liveth now, to slander of your name.   

And thou Diana, that haunted Courts dost shun,  
knowst with what great delight this life I leave:  
And when the race of spending breath is done,  
Will pierce the soil that did my fere receive.   

¶ And if perchance the paled ghosts despise  
Such fatal fine, with grudge of thankless mind:  
Yet at the least, the shamefast living eyes  
Shall have a Glass, rare wisely gifts to find,  
Wherein I will that Lucrece sect shall gaze,  
But none that live, like Helen's line inblaze.   
ANd when the prayer was ended, that this fair and virtuous Camma 
The death of Sinoris and Camma.  made, she drank, and gave to drink to Sinoris of this cup of poison, who thought to drink no other but good wine and water: and the case was such, that he died at noon days, and she likewise in the evening after. And truly, her death of all Greece, with as great sorrow, was lamented: as her life of all men was desired.  
Princesses and great Ladies may most evidently perceive by the examples herein contained, how honest and Honourable it is for them to love and endeavour themselves to be beloved of their husbands: and that not only in their life, but also after their death: For, the wife to serve her husband in his life, seemeth ofttimes to proceed of fear: but to love and honour him in his grave, proceedeth of love. Princesses and great Ladies ought not to do that which many other women of the common people do, that is to say, to seek some drinks, and invent some shameful sorceries to be beloved of their husbands: for albeit it is a great burden of conscience, and lack of shame in like manner to use such superstitions; yet it should be a thing too unjust, and very slanderous, that for to be beloved of their husbands, they should procure to be hated of God. Truly, to love, to serve, and content God, it is not hurtful to the woman, for that she should be the better beloved of her husband: but yet God hath suffered, and doth permit oftimes, that the women being feeble, deformed, poor, and negligent, should be better beloved of their husbands, than the diligent, fair and rich. And this is not for the services they do to their husbands, but for the good intention they have to serve and love GOD, which showeth them this special favour: for otherwise God doth not suffer, that he being with her displeased, she should live with her husband contented. If women would take this counsel that I give them in this case, I will teach them furthermore a notable enchantment, to obtain the love of their husbands, which is, that they be quiet, meek, patient, solitary, and honest, with which fine herbs they may make a confection, the which neither seen nor tasted of 
Good counsel for women.  their husbands, shall not only cause them to be beloved, but also honoured: For women ought to know, that for their beauty they are desired; but for their virtue only they are beloved.   

CHAP. VI That Princesses and great Ladies ought to be obedient to their Husbands; and that it is a great shame to the Husband that his wife should command him.  
MAny ancient Historiographers travailed greatly, & consumed long time in writng, to declare what authority the man ought to have over the woman, and what servitude the woman oweth to the man: and some, for to advance the dignity of the man, and others to excuse the frailty of the woman, alleged such vain things, that it had been more honour for them not to have written at all, then in such sort as they did: for it is not possible but the Writers should err, which write not as reason teacheth, but rather as their fantasy leadeth.  
Those that defend the frailty of the woman said, that the woman hath a body as a man, she hath a soul as a man, she hath reason as a man, dieth as a man, and was as necessary for generation as man, she liveth as a man, and therefore they thought it not meet that she should be more subject to man, than man to her: for it is not reason that that which nature hath made free, should by any laws of man be made bond. They said furthermore, that God created not the creatures, but to augment the generation of mankind, and that in this case the woman was more necessary than the man: for the man engendereth without pain or travail, but the woman is delivered with peril and danger, and with pain and travail nourisheth up the child. Wherefore it seemeth great unkindness and cruelty, 
The great dangers women sustain.  that the women (which are delivered with peril and danger of their lives, and bring up their children with labour and toil of their bodies) should be used of their husbands as slaves.  
They said further, that men are those that curse, that move seditions, that make wars, that maintain enmity, that wear weapons, that shed man's blood, and commit sundry other mischiefs, which the women do not: but in stead of kill men, shedding blood, and other notorious evils, that men do, they employ themselves to increase men. And since it is so, than women, rather than men, aught to have dominion and command in the Commonwealth: for women increase the Commonwealth, and men diminish it: for neither divine nor human law commandeth, that the foolish man should be free, and govern: and that the wise woman should be bond, and serve.  
Those of Achaia affirmed this opinion, and groundeth themselves upon 
The custom of the Achaians.  this reason, and observed it as a custom, That the husbands should obey, and the wives command. And so they did, as Plutarch saith in the Book of Consolation: for the husband swept & made clean the house, made the bed, washed the buck, covered the table, dressed the dinner, and went for water: And of the contrary part, his wife governed the goods, answered the affairs, kept the money; and if she were angry, she gave him not only foul words, but also oftimes laid her hands on him to revenge her anger. And hereof came this ancient Proverb, the which of many is read, and of few understood: that is to say, Vita Achaiae; The life of an Achaean. When in Rome the husband suffered to be ruled and commanded of his wife, the neighbours would say unto him in manner of a reproach, Vita Achaia: which is as much as if a man would say, Go, go as thou art, since thou livest after the law of Achaia, where men have so little discretion, that they suffer themselves to be governed (be it well or evil) of their Wives, and that every woman commandeth her Husband.  
Pliny, in an Epistle that he wrote, reproved greatly his friend Fabatus, for that he kept in his house a wife, the which in all his doings ruled and commanded him: wherein he told him, that he durst do nothing without her commandment. And to make the matter to seem more heinous, in the latter end of his Epistle he said these words, Me valde poenitet quod tu solus Rome poles vita Achaia: which is, It grieveth me much, that thou alone in Rome shouldest lead the life of one of Achaia.  
julius Capitolinus saith, that Antonius Caracalla, being in love with a fair Lady of Persia, and seeing that he could not enjoy her, nor obtain his desire, promised to marry her according to the law of Achaia: and truly she showed herself more wise in her answer, than he did in his demand, telling him, that she would not, nor might not marry; for because she had promised herself to the goddess Vesta, and that she had rather be a servant of the gods, than a Mistress of men. The Parthes' had 
The Law of the Parthians.  a law contrary to them, and likewise those of Thrace, the which so little esteemed women, that their husbands used them none otherwise then like servants. And in this case men had so great liberty, or to say better, lightness, that after a woman had borne and brought forth twelve children, the children remained in the house, and the husbands sold their wives to them that would give most, or else they changed them for others that were more young.  
And the children agreed to the selling of their own mother, to the intent that their father might refresh himself with another that was more young: and the old and barren woman, should either be buried quick, or else serve as a slave.  
Dionysius Halicarnaseus saith, that the Lides had a law, and the Numiaians in like manner, that the woman 
The Law of the Lideans  should command things without the house, and the man should provide for those that were within: but according to my poor judgement, I cannot tell how this law was kept, nor how they could fulfil it; for by reason, the wife should not go out of the house but very little: and therefore me thinks that they ought not to command any thing abroad, nor the husband should enter into an other man's house, for to command there.  
Lycurgus in the laws that he gave to the Lacedæmonians saith, that the husbands should provide abroad, see all things necessary for the house: and that the wives should keep and dispose them within: So that this good Philosopher divided the travail between the man and the woman: but yet notwithstanding he reserved the rule and authority to the man: For to say the truth, it is a monstrons' thing that the wife should command the husband in his house.  
Under our Christian Religion there is neither Divine, nor humane Laws, but will prefer Man above all other things: and though some Philosophers would dispute to the contrary, and that many men would have followed them, yet me thinks that a man should not praise nor commend them for their opinions: for there can be nothing more vain nor light, then by man's law to give that authority to woman, which by nature is denied her.  
We see by experience, that women 
Women weak of nature.  of nature are all weak, frail, fearful, and tender: and finally, in matters of weight not very wise. Then if matters of government require not only science and experience, but also strength and courage to enterprise doubtful things, wisdom for to know them, force to execute them, diligence for to follow them, patience for to suffer them, means to endure them: and above all, great strength and hope to compass them: why then will they take from man the government, in whom all these things abound, and give it to the woman, in whom all these things do want? The end why I speak these things before, is to require, to counsel, to admonish, and to persuade Princcsses and great Ladies, that they think it spoken (if they will be happy in marriage) to the end they should be obedient to their husbands: for speaking the truth, in that house, where the wife commandeth the husband, we may call her a masculine woman, and him a feminine man.  
Many women are deceived, in thinking, that in commanding their husbands they live more honourably, and be better esteemed: but truly it is not so; for all those that see, and perceive it, accounteth the woman for vain, and the man in like manner for foolish 
The foolish opinion of some women. .  
I know, and can tell right well, that there are some husbands so excessive in spending, and so wanton in living, that it were not only good that their wives should rule them, but also chastise them: but in the end, I say, that notwithstanding all this, it is better, and more tolerable, that all the goods be lost, then between them any malice, hate or dissension should rise. If a woman's children die, she may bring forth others: if she lose her goods, she may get them again: if her servants go from her she may find others: if she see herself sad, GOD may comfort her: if she be sick, she may be healed: but if she be at debate with her husband, I cannot tell what she shall do: for the wife that forsaketh the friendship of her husband, giveth to all men occasion to speak of her folly.  
Sith women naturally are all jealous, and that of jealousy proceedeth suspicion, I counsel them, if they will not that their husbands commit a fault, that they do not anger nor chafe them; for if in gage she have his heart, no other woman shall have his body, from that which he would not abstain for conscience, he will restrain for shame.  
Oftentimes the husbands come home chafed, troubled, wrathful, angry, and vexed, and then women ought to take heed that they overthwart them not; for if they do, it cannot be otherwise, but that they shall have either evil words with his tongue, or else suffer sore blows with his fists. Truly it is not meet, neither in any case profitable, that Princesses and great Dames should overthwart their husbands with froward words, nor that they should use to strive against them; but rather that the wise in all cases should be obedient and loving to her husband: for it may happen, & daily it doth chance, that they begin to argue in jest, and afterward they end in earnest. The woman which is sage, wise, & virtuous, aught to weigh with herself, that either her Husband hath occasion so to taunt her, or else peradventure he doth it of a will. I say that in this case if he have occasion, she ought to suffer and endure him: if he doth it of will, she ought to dissemble with him. For otherwise, it might so take her in the head, that she would burden him with many evil words: so that he beginning, than the debate should remain excused, and she being without fault at the beginning, might in the end be condemned.  
There is nothing wherein a Woman showeth her, wisdom more than to endure a rash Husband. A Woman in nothing showeth her sageness more, then to dissemble with a foolish Husband. Her honesty in nothing can be showed more, then in suffering a wanton Husband. She can show her worthiness in nothing so much, as in bearing with an unworthy Husband. I mean, though she understood that her husband hath little, that he knoweth little, and that he were worth little: yet she should make men believe that he hath much, that he knoweth enough, and can do 
A property of a wise & discreet Husband.  much. For all the honour which she shall so give to her Husband, shall wholly again redound on herself.  
It is an evil thing (me thinketh) that Women should be so bold to speak against their Husbands: For they cannot speak evil of them, but that they must witness dishonour of themselves. For if her Husband be a drunkard, they will say that she is a drunkard wife: and if he be a fool, than she is the wife of a Fool, and what more? When the Husband shall come to amend, and to moderate himself, the woman in the end shallbe blamed. For if she burden him with evil words, he acquitteth her with sharp stripes. But if she toucheth his honour, it may chance he taketh away her life. If perhaps the Husband should command the wife any unjust thing, I would be of opinion that she should obey him, but not resist him: and after that his raging fury were passed, and his choler qualilified, than she might say unto him, that he was very rash to command, & she very wise to obey. For if she be quick of tongue to answer to every word that he shall speak, without doubt they will not live one day in concord: Reading therefore that which I have read, hearing that which I have heard, and having seen also that I have seen, I would counsel women that they should not presume to command 
Good counsel for Women.  their Husbands: and I would admonish Husbands that they would not suffer their Wives to rule them; For in doing the contrary, it is none otherwise, then to eat with the feet, and travel with the hands, to go with the fingers, and to feed themselves with their toes.  
My mind is not here to speak against the women, nor against the Princesses and great Ladies, which of their patrimony and heritage possess many Towns and Cities: for to such I will not take away the services, which are due unto them by their Subjects, but I do persuade them to the obedience which they ought to bear to their Husbands. It is not marvel, though that women of mean estate have sometimes quarreled with their Husbands: For they have small Riches to lose, and less honour to adventure, than the Princesses and great Dames have, the which since they do adventure to command many: why will not they humble themselves to obey one? speaking with due reverence.  
It is for abundance of folly, and want of wisdom, that a Woman should have presumption to govern a whole Realm, and that she hath not grace to obey one Husband.  
Seneca in a Tragedy, saith thus: that in the time of the war of Mithridates, it chanced in Rome that the Consuls sent to the old Knights, and commanded that they should all be in a readiness to go with Silla the 
The saying of 〈…〉.  Consul into the wars. And it happened, that when they came into one's house in Rome to publish the Edict, to warn him to be ready, they found not the husband, but the wife, who made answer, and said, That her husband ought not, nor could not go to the wars; and though he would, he should not, neither would see give him licence: for he was an old and ancient Knight, and therefore he ought to be exempted from the wars.  
With this answer, those that heard it were greatly abashed, and the whole Senate no less offended: wherefore they commanded, that the husband should be banished Rome, and the wife to be carried to the Prison Mamortine, not for that he excused himself for going to the wars: but because she commanded her husband, and because he suffered himself to be commanded of her.  
The Senate did this, to that end, that from that time forwards no woman should presume or contend with her husband: and that no husband should give his wife any occasion to be bold with him.   

CHAP. VII. That Women, and especially Princesses and great Ladies, should be very circumspect in going abroad out of their houses, and that through the resort of them that cometh to their houses, they be not evil spokenof.  
AMong all the counsels that may or aught to be given to Princesses and great Ladies, this is the first; that they do what they can to have rest in their houses, and that they go not as strays to the mansions of other men: for if such Ladies are good, they get much reputation; and if perchance they be evil, they take from men all occasion. Whether the husband be present or absent, it is a most necessary and honest thing that the wife be for the most part in the house: for by this means the household shall be well governed, and from the heart of the husband shall be withdrawn all kind of suspicions.  
Sithence the office of the husband is to gather goods and riches, and 
The office of the Husband, and duty of the wife.  the office of a wife to keep and preserve them: the hour that she goeth out of the house, she ought to think that her Maidens will stray abroad, the Children will run out to play, the Varlats and Servants will be out of order, the Neighbours will take occasions to speak evil, and that which is worst of all, some will steal the goods out of the house, and the others will speak evil of the reeowne of the wife.  
Oh, God giveth a goodly gift and grace to that man which hath such & so good a wife, that of her own nature loveth to keep herself within the house. And truly, I say, that such a one doth excuse many griefs, and saveth much money: for she spendeth not the goods in Apparel, nor giveth occasion to men to judge evil of her person. The greatest debate that is between man and wife is, for that he desireth to get and keep his goods to bring up his children, and to maintain his family: and on the other part, that she desireth to spend all upon apparel: for women in this case are so curious in loving of themselves, that they would abstain from meats that should maintain their life, only to buy a new Gown to set out their pride. Women naturally do love to keep, and will not spend any thing, except it be in apparel: for every hour (that is in the day and the night) they desire to have a new Gown to change.  
My intention is not to speak of Apparel only, but to persuade Princesses and great Ladies, that they would keep themselves in their houses; and in so doing, they should excuse these superfluous wastes and expenses: for her neighbour seeing her better appareled than she is, looketh upon her husband, as she were a Lyon. It chanceth oftentimes (I would to God I had no cause to speak it) that if by chance there cometh any great or solemn Feast or Marriage, she will never look lovingly on his face, before he hath given her a new gown to her back: and when the poor Gentleman hath no money to pay, of necessity he must run in credit.  
And when the vanity of the woman is past, than the time of payment draweth near, and they come to arrest all his goods: so that they have cause to lament one whole year, for that which they have spent in one hour.  
Women seldom contend for that one is fairer, more nobler of lineage, better married, or more virtuous than another: but only that another goeth better appareled than she. For touching apparel, there is no woman can endure that another meaner woman should make comparison with her, nor that in like manner her equal should excel her.  
Lycurgus' in the laws that he gave 
The law of Lycurgus.  to the Lacedæmonians, commanded that their Wives should not go out of their houses, but at divers solemn Feasts in the year. For he said, that the women ought to be making their prayers in the Temples to the Gods, or else in their houses, bringing up their children. For it is not honest nor commendable, that the wife should pass her time abroad, trotting from street to street, as common women. I say that the Princesses and great Ladies are much more bound to keep themselves at home in their Houses, than other women of meaner degree: and without a cause I speak it not, for thereby they shall get them more reputation. For there is no virtue whereby the woman winneth more reputation in the Commonwealth, than always to be seen resident in her house. I say also that a Wife ought the most part of her time to keep her house, because she hath less occasion than others have to go abroad. For if the poor wife (the Plebeian) go out of her house, she goeth for no other cause but for to seek meat: but if the rich and Noble-woman goeth out of her house, it is for nothing but to take her pleasure.  
Let not Princess' marvel, nor let not great ladies wonder, if they dispose their feet to trot, and occupy their eyes to behold, though their enemies and neighbours with cankered hearts do judge them, and with evil tongues defame them: For the fond deeds that women do, maketh men to be rash of judgement. I like it well that the husbands should love their wives, that they should comfort them, and make much of them, and that they should put their trust in them: but I do discommend that the women should go gadding abroad in visitation, from house to house, and that their husbands dare not gain say 
The property of good Housewives.  them. For admit that they be good in their persons, yet in this doing, they give occasion for men to esteem them vain and light.  
Seneca saith in an Epistle, that the great Roman Cato the Censor ordained that no woman should go out of her house being alone, and if perhaps it were in the night, she should not go alone without company, and that the company should not be such as she would choose, but such as her Husband or Parent would assign: So that with the same countenance we behold now a common woman, with the self same looks than we beheld her that went out of her house. 
What inconvenience cometh by gadding abroad   
Noble Ladies (which love their honour) ought greatly to consider and weigh the many inconveniences that ensue by often gadding abroad: For they spend much to Apparel them, they lose much precious time in trimming them, they keep gentlewomen to wait upon them, they will strive with their Husbands to go, and whiles she is out of the doors, the house shall be evil kept, and all the enemies, and friends thereby have matter whereupon to talk.  
Finally I say, that the woman that goeth out of her house, doth not weigh the loss of her honour so much as she doth the pleasure she taketh abroad. Presuming (as I presume) to write with gravity, I say, that I am ashamed to speak it, yet for all that I will not refrain to write of the walks of these Dames that visit and desire to be visited: amongst whom there is moved oftentimes such vain communication, that it causeth their Husbands to become enemies: and on the other part they remember more the Gossip that they have to go unto, than the heavy burden of their sins, which they ought to lament.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the commodities and discommodities which follow Princesses & great Ladies that go abroad to visit, or abide in the house.  
LVcretia by the consent of all, was counted the chiefest of all other Matrons of Rome, and not for that that she was more fair, more wise, of greater parentage, or more noble, but because she did withdraw herself from company, and abode solitary: 
The commendations of Lucretia.  For she was such a one, that in the heroical virtues there could be nothing more desired: nor in women's weakness there was nothing in her to be amended.  
The history of the chaste Lucretia is evident in Titus Livius, that when the husbands of divers Romans came home from the wars to their houses, they found their wives in such fort that some were gaping out at the windows, others devising vainly at their doors, others in the Fields wandering, others in their gardens banqueting, others in the market being, and others in the streets, here and there gadding: but the famous Lucretia was found in her house alone, weaving of silk: So that she flying company, for that she would not be seen, made herself in her Honour and renown better to be known.  
I will give another counsel to Princesses & great Ladies, the which as I am willing to give, so I wish they would be as desirous to receive, that is to say, if they will be esteemed and counted for honest women, that they must keep themselves from evil company: for though the stinking carrion doth no harm, because we eat it not; yet the unsavoury sent thereof annoyeth us by smelling. The honour of women is so delicate a thing, that if we give them licence to go abroad to visit women, we must also give them leave to be visited of men: for, that one Dame should visit another, it seemeth much charity; that men should visit women, I cannot but think it much dishonesty. In the presence of their husbands and near kinsfolks, they may be visited and talked withal, and this is to be understood of approved and honest persons; Notwithstanding I say, if the Husband be not at home, I would it should be counted Sacrilege, if any man pass the threshold of the door to visit the wife.  
Plutarch saith in the book of the praises of Women, that the wives of the Numidians, when their Husbands were gone out of their houses, kept 
The praises of the wives of Numidia  their Gates shut, and locked themselves in their houses: and they had a Law, that whatsoever he were that knocked at the door being shut, without calling, he should have his right hand cut off.  
Cicero in the book of his Laws saith: That amongst the Romans, there was an ancient Law, and much used: that if perchance any woman did owe any Money to any man, and that the Husband (being the debtor) were out of his house, the Creditor should not ask the wife the debt, because that under the colour of recovering the goods, he should not dishonour her in her fame.  
I would say therefore, that if the Creditor was not permitted in Rome to recover his goods, for that the wife was not of her husband accompanied, much less they would give licence to visit a Woman alone. For it were more reason that the creditor should enter, for to recover his goods, than thou shouldest enter only for thy pastime.  
The divine Plato in the books of the Commonwealth saith, and by profound reasons persuadeth the Wives of Greece, that they have no secret Friends, but that every one keep this saying in memory, for a principle: That the Woman ought not to have any other Friend then her Husband. For women ought not to have licence to make Friends, nor conditions to make enemies. Princesses and great Dames ought to consider, that every one of them giveth their bodies, their goods, and their liberty to their Husbands.  
Then since it is so I say, that with the liberty, she ought also to give him her will. For it little availeth the man and the wife that their goods be common, if their wills be private. For to the end that God be served, and the people edified, both aught in one house to abide at one Table together to eat, in one Bed to sleep, and besides this, they both aught one thing to love. For if the man and the wife in love do differ, in their lives they shall never be quiet.  
I admonish, desire, and counsel all all women, if they will be well married; 
Where love wanteth, discord resteth.  that they think it good, that their husband's will, that they praise all that he praiseth, that they prove all that he proveth, that they content themselves with that wherewith their husbands are contented, and above all, that they love no more than their husbands shall love: For otherwise it might be that the wife should set her eyes upon one, and the Husband engage his heart to another.  
plutarch in the book of his politics, saith: That a woman after she is married, hath nothing proper: For the day that she contracteth Marriage, she maketh her Husband the only Lord of her goods, her liberty, and of her person.  
So that if the wife willeth any other thing, then that which her Husband willeth, if she would love any other thing then that her Husband loveth, we will not call her a truelover, but an open thief: for thieves do not so much harm to rob the husband of his money, as the wife doth in withdrawing from him her heart.  
If the woman will live in peace with her Husband, she ought to observe whereunto he is inclined: for so much 
A property of a good woman.  as if he be merry, she ought to rejoice, and if he be sad, she must temper herself: if he be covetous, she should keep: if he be Prodigal, she should spend: if he be unpatient, she should dissemble. For the Woman which is wise and sage, if she cannot as she would, she ought to will what she may. Well, whether the Husband bes evil inclined, or in his conditions well mannered, I swear he cannot suffer that his wife should have any other lovers: For though the man be of a mean stock, he had rather always that his Wife should love him alone, than the best of the nobility in the town.  
One thing I cannot dissemble, because I see that God is therewith offended. Which is, that main Ladies make their excuses through sickness, because they would not pass once in the week come to hear Service, and yet we see them busy daily, trotting about to visit their Friends: and the worst of all is, that in the morning for cold they will not rise, to go the Churches, and yet afterwards in the heat of the day, they go a gadding from house to house, whereas they are oftentimes until night.  
I would that the Ladies would but consider with themselves, before they go out of their houses on visitation, to what end they go abroad: And if perchance they go abroad to be looked on? let them know for a surety, that there be few that will praise their beauty, but there be many that will discommend their gadding.  
And wherefore do these Dames assemble together? for some grave matter I warrant you: Shall I tell ye; It is either to banquet with some dainty dishes, to talk of their Petigrees, to devise of their Husbands, to see who hath the best Gown, to note who is evil attired, to flatter the fair, to laugh to scorn the Fowl, to murmur at their Neighbours, and that which is the worst of all, that even they themselves which speak evil of them that are absent, do gnaw the one the other with envy.  
Seldom times it chanceth that the Dames chide not with their Husbands, after that in this sort they have been together: for so much as the one noteth the evil Apparel, the other babbling, they note the one to be a Fool, and the other to be simple, so 
The quality of naughty Housewives.  that it seemeth not that they are meet to visit the one the other: but to look, and accuse the one the other.  
It is a strange thing for the sage woman to think that sheee should take pleasure abroad, since she hath her Husband at home, to whom she may talk: and hath her children to learn, her Daughters to teach, her Family to order, and her goods to govern: she hath her house to keep, and her Parents whom she ought to please: then since she hath within her house such pastime, why do they accept the company of strange men?  
That Married women should have private friends, and love to be visited: it followeth oftentimes that GOD is offended, the Husband injuried, and the people slandered: and the woman that is married, taketh little profit, and it hindereth the marriage of her that is to marry. For in such a case although some desire her for her Riches, yet more will forsake her for her evil fame.   

CHAP. IX. That Women great with child, specially the Princesses and great Ladies ought to be very circumspect, for the danger of the creatures, wherein is showed many misfortunes happened to Women with child in the old time, for suffering them to have their wills,  
ONe of the most necessary things for him that taketh in hand any great journey, over any dangerous Count eyes is, that at the beginning he ought to learn the way which he undertaketh to go: For it is a thing no less troublesome, then perilous, that when he should come to rest, of necessity he should be enforced to travel.  
None can deny, but that man's life is a long and tedious journey: the which beginneth at our birth, and endeth at our death; For in the end to have a long or short life, is none other, but to come sooner or later to the grave. The chiefest folly of all (in mine opinion) is this, that some in their own conceits think they have counsel enough for others, and to all others it seemeth that they want for 
The Folly of man.  themselves. For of right he may be called a fool, that condemneth all others for Fools: and advanceth himself to be wise. Every man ought to let his neighbour live in peace, and though he do esteem himself to be wise, yet he ought not to think his neighbour a Fool: for there is none so wise, but that he may occupy it all. For we never yet saw any man so wise of himself, but that he needed the counsel of an other. And if this want be in those that be very old, truly it is much more in them that be young: whose flesh is not dry, but green, the blood not cold, but hot, no deadly heat, but very lively, the bestial motions not mortified, but quickened, and hereof ensueth, that young men love their own rash advise and opinions, and despise the grave counsels of others.  
When the Trees are tender, they bind them together, because they may grow right, they bridle the horse when as yet they are but colts, to the end they may be easy hereafter to the bridle. They take the Hawks in the nest, to make them more familiar: and when the beasts are little, they take them to teach them. I mean that a man ought to instruct his children, to the end they may grow to live well hereafter. I admonish, and tell the Mothers that have Daughters, that there is no remedy to reform the evil inclination of their children, but to teach them, and to bring them up well in their youth: For there is no wound but is dangerous if in time the plaster be not laid thereunto.  
Returning now to our purpose, since 
How the man child ought to be brought up.  that in all things there is order and measure: We will declare presently how the Male Child ought to be taught: and first of all we will treat, how a man ought to provide when the infant is begotten, and when as yet it is alive in the Mother's womb: To the intent Princesses and great Ladies should live very circumspectly, when they know they are conceived with child.  
I should be excused to speak of this matter, since it is not my profession, and that as yet I was never married, but by that I have read of some, and by that I have heard of others, I will and dare be so bold to say one word. For the Sage oft times giveth better account of that he hath read, than the simple doth of that he hath proved. This thing seemeth to be true, between the Physician and the Patient: For where the patient suffereth the evil, he oft times demandeth the physician what his sickness is, and where it holdeth him, and what it is called, and what remedy there is for his disease: So the Physician knoweth more by his science, than the patient doth by his experience.  
A man ought not to deny, that the women and in especially great Ladies know not by experience, how they are altered when they are quick, and the great pains they suffer when they are delivered: we could not deny but that there is great danger in the one, and great peril in the other, but they shall never know from whence all cometh, and from whence all proceedeth, and what remedy is necessary. For there are many which complain of robberies, but yet they know not what the thieves are that have robbed them. First, according to my judgement & opinion, that which the woman quick with child ought to do is, that they go softly and quietly, and that they eschew running, either in coming or going: for though she little esteem the health of her person, yet she ought greatly to regard the life of the creature. The more precious the liquor is, and the more weaker the vessel is which containeth it: so much the more they ought to fear the danger, lest the liquor shed, and 
How women ought to carry themselves in the time they go with child.  the vessel break. I mean, that the complexion of Women (being with Child) is very delicate, and that the soul of the creature is more precious: and therefore it ought with great diligence to be preserved: For all the treasure of the Indies is not equal in value, to that which the woman beareth in her bowels,  
When a man planteth a vineyard, forthwith he maketh a ditch, or some Fence for it, to the end that Beasts should not crop it whiles it is young: nor that travelers should gather the Grapes when they are ripe. And if the Labourer doth this thing for to get a little wine only, the which for the soul and body is not always profitable: How much more circumspection ought the woman to have, to preserve her child, since she shall render an accosit to the Creator of her creature; unto the Church of a christian, and unto her Husband of a child?  
In mine opinion, where the account at the hour of death is so straight, it is requisite for her, that in the time of her life she be very circumspect: For GOD knoweth every thing so well in our life, that there is none that can beguile him, in rendering his account at his death. There is no wight can suffer, nor hart dissemble, to see a man have his desire: that is to say, to have his Wife great with chllde, and ready to bring forth good fruit, and afterwards to see the woeful Mother, by or through some sudden accident perish, & the innocent babe not to be borne.  
When the Woman is healthful, and big with child, she is worthy of great reproach, if either by running, leaping, or dancing, any mischance hap unto her. And truly the Husband hath great cause to lament this case: For without doubt the Gardener feeleth great grief in his heart, when in the Prime-time the tree is laden with blossoms, and yet by reason of some sharp and bitter Frost, it never beareth fruit. It is not only evil that women should run and leap when they are big and great with child, but it is also dishonest, & specially for great Ladies: For always women that are common dancers, are esteemed as light housewives.  
The Wives in general, Princesses and great Ladies in particular, aught to go temperately, and to be modest in their movings: For the modest gate argueth discreetness in the person. All women naturally desire to be honoured, and reverenced: and touching 
The desire of Women.  that I let them know, that there is nothing which in a commonwealth is more honour for a woman, then to be wise and wary in speaking, moderate and quiet in going. For it is unpossible but that the woman which is light in her going, and malicious in her talking, should be despised and abhorred.  
In the year of the Foundation of Rome, 466. the romans sent Curius Dentatus, to make war against King Pyrrus, who kept the city of Tharent, and did much harm to the people in Rome: For the romans had a great courage to conquer strange Realms, and therefore they could have no patience to suffer any stranger to invade theirs.  
This Curius Dentatus was he which in the end overcame King Pyrrus, and was the first that brought the Elephants to Rome in his triumph, wherefore the fierceness of those Beasts astonished the Roman people much: for they weighed little the sight of the Kings laden with irons, but to see the Elephants as they did, they wondered much.  
Curius Dentatus had one only Sister, the which he entirely loved. They were seven children, two of the which died in the wars, and other three by pestilence: So that there were none left him but that sister, wherefore he loved her with all his heart. For the death of unthrifty children, is but as a watch for children unprovided of favours. This sister of Curius Dentatus was married to a Roman Consul, and was conceived, and gone 7. months with child: and the day that her brother Triumphed, (for joy of her Brother's honour) she leapt and danced so much, that in the same place she was delivered, and so unluckily, that the Mother took her death, and the Child never lived: whereupon the feast of the Triumph ceased, and the Father of the infant with sorrow lost his speech, For the heart which suddenly feeleth grief incontinently loseth understanding.  
Tibullus the Grecian, in the 3. book De casibus Triumphi, declareth the history in good style, how, and in what sort it chanced. Nine years after 
Tibullus de casibus triumphi.  that the Kings of Rome were banished for the rape that Tarquin did, to the chaste Lucretia, the romans created a dignity, which they called Dictatura, and the Dictator that had this office, was above all other Lord and chief: For the romans perceived that the Commonwealth could not be governed, but by one head alone. And because the dictator had so great authority, as the Emperor hath at this present, and to the end they should not become Tyrants: they provided that the office of the Dictatorship should last no longer than vi. months in the year, the which past and expired, they chose another. Truly it was a good order that that office dured but 6. months. For oft times Princes thinking to have perpetual authority, become negligent in using justice.  
The first Dictator in Rome, was Largius Mamillus, who was sent against the Volces, the which at that time were 
The first Dictator in Rome.  the greatest enemies to the romans: For Rome was founded in such a sign, that always it was beloved of few, and abhorred of many.  
As Titus Livius saith, this Largius Mamillus vanquished the Volces, and triumphed over them, and in the end of that war destroyed their mighty city called Curiola, and also destroyed and overthrew many places and Fortresses in that Province: for the cruel hearts do not only destroy the persons, but also take vengeance of the stones. The hurts which L: Mamillus did in the Country of the Volces, were marvelous, and the men which he slew were many, and the treasories he robbed were infinite, and the captives which he had in his Triumph were a great number: amongst whom in especial he brought captive a Noble man's daughter, a beautiful gentlewoman, the which he kept in his house, for the recreation of his person: For the ancient romans gave to the people all the treasures to maintain the war, and they took to themselves all the vicious things to keep in their houses. The case was, that this damsel being with child, Largius Mamillus brought her to solace herself in the orchard, where were sundry young fruits, and as than not ripe to eat, whereof with so great affection she did eat, that forthwith she was delivered in the same place of a creature: so that on the one part she was delivered, and on the other part the child died.  
This thing chanced in the gardens of Vulcan, two days after the triumph of Largius Mamilius, a rueful and lamentable case to declare, forasmuch as both the child that was borne, the Mother that was delivered, and also the Father that begat it, the selfsame day died, and were buried all in one grave: and this thing was not without great wailing and lamenting throughout all Rome: For if with tears their lives might have been restored, without doubt none of them should have been buried.  
The first Son of Rome, which rebelled against Rome, was Tarquin the proud. The second that withstood Rome (beeeing as yet in Lucanta,) was 
The first rebel in Rome.  Quintus Marcius. The third that went against Rome, was the cruel Sylla. The damages which these three did to their Mother Rome, were such and so great, that the three several wars of Africa were nothing to be compared to these three evil children: for those enemies could scarcely see the walls of Rome, but these unnatural children had almost not left one stone upon another.  
A man ought not greatly to esteem those buildings which those Tyrants three we to the ground, nor the buildings which they destroyed, neither the men that they slew, nor the women that they forced, nor yet the Orphans which they made: but above all things we ought to lament for that which they brought into Rome. For the Commonwealth is not destroyed for lack of wealth, riches, and sumptuous buildings, but even because all vices abound, and virtues are wanting.  
Of these three romans, he whose name was Quintus Marcius had been Consul thrice, once Dictator, and four times Censor, and in the end he was with much shame banished from Rome, wherewith to revenge this injury, he came with a great power and Army against Rome: For the proud hart wounded with injury, is never quiet in his life time, unill he see his enemies destroyed, or that on them he hath taken vengeance.  
Quintus Marcius being very nigh to the Gates of Rome, was most instantly required that he would not destroy his Mother Rome: but he took no regard, nor would condescend to any request, until such time that his Mother issued, with a Niece of his, whom he loved entirely. At whose intercession & tears he left his anger, and raised his siege from Rome. For many are sooner overcome with tears, then with importunate and reasonable requests.  
The Ladies of Rome used much to have their hairs long and yellow, and to wear their wastes high & straight. 
An ancient custom used by the Ladies in Rome.  And as the Niece of Quintus Marcius was great and big with child, the day that the peace was made between Q: Marcius and Rome, lacing herself too hard in her attire, to seem more proper and comely, she long before her time was delivered of a creature: and the case was so woeful and unfortunate, that the creature delivered died: the Mother lost her life, and the mother losing her life, suddenly her grandmother fell dead to the ground; through which occasion all the joy and mirth was turned into sorrow & sadness. For it is commonly seen, when the World is in the greatest joy, than Fortune suddenly turneth it into sorrow. The Authors hereof are Tibulus and Porphyrius, both Grecians.   

CHAP. X. ¶ The Author followeth and declareth other inconuemences, and unlucky chances which have happened to Women with Child.  
THe wars of Tarent being ended, immediately begun the wars of Carthage, of which so long and tedious war, the possession of the Isles of Maiorica and Minorica were occasion: Forsomuch as the one would take it, and the other defend it. This war endured well nigh the space of 40, years: for oft times the wastes and damages which are done in the Wars are greater, than the profit for which they contend.  
The first Captain in this War of the romans, was Gaius Duellus, and the first of the Carthaginians, was Hammon, the which with their Ships fought on the Sea of Scicile the which was very cruel: for there they feared both the fury of the Sea, and also the cruelty of the Pike, the which two things, put man's life in great danger.  
Of this cruel Battle the Roman Captain remained victorious, forasmuch as he drowned 14. Sips, and took other 30. he slew three thousand men, and brought three thousand 
The first victory the romans obtained by Sea.  Carthaginians prisoners: and this was the first victory that the romans had by Sea. And that that the romans most rejoiced at was, that by Sea also they remained conquerors.  
The Captain Gaius Duellus departing from Scicile came to Rome, where he had a Sister no less virtuous, then rich and beautiful: in whose house he lodged, where he made a most costly Supper to all the Senators of Rome, and to all the Captains which came with him from the wars: for the vicious men knew not wherein to show their love to their Friends, but by inviting them to costly Banquets. The Sister of the Captain Gaius Duellus, for joy of his coming, and for the pleasure of the Banquet and Feast which was made in her house, did eat more than she was accustomed, and also more than it behoved one in her case, so that in the presence of all, she began to annnoy the bidden Guests: For she not only vomited out the meat of her stomach, but also the blood of her veins, and therewithal most unluckily brought forth her fruit which she had in her entrails, wherewith immediately after the Soul departed from the body, and so died.  
Truly this case was no less to be lamented then the other, for so much as Gaius lost his Sister, the Husband lost his Wife and his Child, and the wife and the child lost their lives: and for that that Rome lost so Noble and excellent a Roman, and above all for that it chanced in such a time of so great joy and pleasure. For there can come no unluckier news, then in the time of much mirth to hear tell of any great mischance. Of this matter mention is made in Blandus, in the book of the declination of the Empire.  
The second war of Africa, which was between Rome and Carthage, was in the 540. years after the Foundation of Rome, wherein were Captains Paulus Emilius, and Publius Varro: the which two Consuls fought the great and famous bloody Battle of Cannae, in the Province of Apulia: I say famous; because Rome never lost such Nobility and Roman youth, as she lost in that day.  
Of these two consuls, Paulus Emilius in the Battle was slain, and Publius Varro was overcome, and the most courageous Hannibal remained conqueror of the Field, wherein died thirty. Senators, and 300. officers of the Senate, and above xl. thousand footmen, and three thousand horsemen. Finally, the end of all the Roman people had been that day, if Hannibal had had the wit to have followed so noble a victory, as he had the courage to give so cruel a Battle.  
A little before that Publius Varro departed to go to the wars, he was married to a fair and young Roman called Sophia, and within seven months she was quick; and as news was brought her, that Paulus Aemilius was dead, and her husband overcome she died suddenly, the creature remaining alive in her body. This case above all was very pitiful, in that that after he himself was vanquished, and 
The death of Sophia,  and that he had seen his companion the Consul Emilius slain, with so great a number of the Roman people, Fortune would that with his own eyes he should behold the entrails of his wife cut, to take out the Child, and likeewise to see the Earth opened, to bury his wife.  
Titus Livius saith, that Publius Varro remained so sorrowful in his heart, 
Titus Livius  to see himself overcome of his enemies, and to see his wife so suddenly, and so unluckily stricken with death, that all the time that his life endured, he neither combed his beard, slept in bed, nor dined at the Table: and hereat we ought not to marvel: for a man in his hart may be so wounded in one hour, that he shall never rejoice all the days of his life. If we put no doubts in Titus Livius, the romans had long and tedious wars against the Samnites, which endured for the space of lxiii. years contivally, until such time as the Consul Ancus Rutilius (who was a virtuous man) did set a good appointment of peace between the Samnites and the Romans: For the noble & stout hearts ought always by virtue to bring their enemies to peace These wars therefore being so cruel and obstinate, Titus Venurius, and Spurius Posthuminus (which were Roman Captains) were overcome by Pontius the valiant Captain of the Samnites: who after the victory did a thing never seen nor heard of before. That is to say, that all the Roman prisoners whom he took, he put about their necks a yoke, wherein was written, In spite of Rome, the romans shall be subtects to the yoke of the Samnites. Wherewith indeed the Romans were greatly injuried, wherefore they sought stoutto be revenged of the Samnites: for the hearts that are haughty & proud, cannot suffer that others have their minds lofty and high. The romans therefore created to be Captain of the War, one named Lucius Papirius, who had Commission to go against the Samnites. This Lucius was more Fortunate in his doings, then comely of his person, for he was deformed of his face: notwithstanding, he did so good service in the war, and Fortune favoured him so well, that he did not only overcome and vanquish, but also destroyed them: and though the injury which the Samnites did to the romans was great, yet truly the injury which the romans did to the Samnites was much greater. For Fortune is so variable, that those which 
The mutability of Fortune.  yesterday we saw in most prosperity, too day we see in greatest adversity. This Lucius Papirius therefore did not only vanquish the Samnites, kept them prisoners, and made yokes for their necks, but also he bound them with cords together, in such sort, that they made them plough the ground, drawing two and two a plough. And yet not herewith contented, but with gads, they pricked and tormented them.  
If the Samnites had had pity of the romans being overcome, the romans likewise would have taken compassion of them when they were Conquerors. And therefore the prosperous have as much need of good counsel, as the miserable have need of remedy. For the man which is not merciful in his prosperity, he ought not to marvel though he find no friends in his necessity.  
This Lucius Papirius had a Daughter married to a Senator of Rome, who was called Torquatus, and she was called Ypolita, And about that time that she should have been delivered, she went forth to receive her Father, the which she ought not to have done: for the throng of the people in receiving him being great, and she herself being great with child, by a most heavy chance, as she would have passed in at a narrow gate, she was so priest in 
The death of Ypolita.  the throng, that she changed her life for death, and her Father turned his m●th and joy into sorrow and sadness. For he took the death of his daughter very heavily: and so much the more, because it was so suddenly.  
I say, he took it heavily, since he was so stout a man, and so Sage withal, that all Rome thought much that any such sudden chance should have dismayed so worthy a man, that of his wisdom he could take no benefit: but hereat let no man marvel: For there are many that have hearts to shed the blood of their enemies, and yet cannot withhold the tears of their eyes.  
Annius Severus, in the third book De infelieitate Fortuna, saith: that the day that this woeful mishap chanced to Lucius Papirius, he lift up his eyes to the Heavens, and weeping said:  
Oh Fortune, deceiver of all mortal men, thou madest me to conquer in war, to the intent to overcome me in peace. My mind was to declare unto you all these ancients histories, to the end that all may know, how tender women with child are: and how diligent their Husbands ought to be to preserve them: since there is nothing so tender to be kept, nor any glass so easy to be broken. For there is much glass, that though it fall to the ground yet it doth not break, but a woman 
The dangs● of women with child.  with Child, only for treading her foot awry, we see with danger to be delivered.   

CHAP. XI. That Women great with child, and especially Princesses & great ladies, aught to be gently used of their Husbands.  
IF we understand the Chapter before we shall find that women with child have been in great dangers, some through leaping, some by dancing, others by eaung, others by banqueting, others through gadding, others by strait lacing: and all this proceedeth through their own follies, that seek to be destroyers of their own bodies. Truly herein Princesses and great Ladies are worthy of much rebuke, when through their own follies they are not safely delivered of their creatures. And I would gladly they took example, not only of reasonable men, but also of brute beasts: for there is no beast so brute in the wild mountains, but escheweth that which to his life and death will be hurtful.  
The Bears, the lioness, and the Wolves, never issue out of their caves and dens so long as they be big, and this they do to avoid the dangers of the Hunters, because at that time they would not be coursed.  
Then seeing these things are done by the brute beasts, (whose younglings are always hurtful unto men,) to the intent their ravening greedy Whealpes might safely be brought forth to devour our innocent cattle: How much more than ought the Woman to be careful for her fruit, which is the increase of christian congregation? If Women brought not forth, and Children were not borne, though there be earth, yet there should be none to people it: For GOD created all things to serve the creature, and created the creatures to serve their Creator.  
Let Women that are with child take example by the Chessenuts and Wal-nuts, how and in what sort they defend their fruit, after that of their blossoms they are deprived: for the chessenuttree defendeth his fruit with a rough and hard husk, the walnut keepeth her fruit with a thick shalt in like manner, so that the water cannot wet them, nor the wind shake them.  
Now since that the Trees (which 
A good warning for women with child.  have but a vegetative life, and the Beasts but a Sensitive life, take such heed to themselves, when they feel them ready to bring forth their fruit, much more women with child ought to take heed to themselves, since they have reason and understanding, lest through their negligence the creature should perish. Let every man judge how little he loseth, when he loseth nuts and chessenuts: and for the contrary, let every men judge what the Church looseth, when the women with child do not bring forth their fruit, into the light of baptism. For our mother the holy Church bewaileth not for that the vines are frozen: but for the souls that are lost.  
To the end that the man may see fruitful blessing which he desireth, & that the woman with child may see herself well delivered, the Husband ought to beware that he enforceth her not much to labour, and the woman likewise aught to be circumspect that she take not too much idleness. For in women with child this is a general rule, that too much travel causeth them before their time to deliver: and too much idleness putteth them in danger. The man is cruel that will have his Wife travel, and take as much pains when she is big, as he would at another time when she is not with child: for the man which is clothed, can not run so swift, as he that is naked.  
Aristotle in the sixth book de Animalibus, saith: When the lioness is big with whelp, the Lion doth not only hunt for her himself: but also both night & day he wandereth continually to watch her.  
I mean that Princesses and great 
Aristotle de Animalibus  Ladies, when they be with Child, should be of their Husbands both tended and served: For the man cannot do the woman so great a pleasure before her lying down, as she doth to him when she bringeth forth a son  
Considering the danger that the woman abideth in her deliverance, and beholding the pains that the Husband taketh in her service: without comparison that is greater which she suffereth, then that which he endureth. For when the woman delivereth, she doth more than her power, and the Husband (though he serveth her well, doth less than his duty. The gentle and loving Husband ought not one moment to forsake his wife, specially when he seeth she is great: For in the law of a good Husband it is written, that he should set his eyes to behold her, his hands to serve her, he should spend his goods to cherish her, and should give his heart 
The property of a good Husband.  to content her. Let not men think it pains to serve their wives when they are with child, for their labour consisteth in their strength, but the travel of their wives is in their entrails. And that which is most pitiful is, that when the sorrowful women will discharge their burden on the earth, they often times bring themselves unto the grave.  
The mean women of the Plebians ought no less to be reproved, for that when they are with child they would be exempted from all business of the house: the which neither they themselves ought to desire, nor yet their husbands to suffer: for idleness is not only an occasion not to deserve heaven: but also it is a cause whereby women oft times have ill success in their travail: for considering both the dainty Lady with child, that hath her pleasure, and doth little; and on the other side, the poor man's wife, which moderately laboureth, you shall see, that the great Ladies, for all their pleasures, abideth more danger than the other doth with all her labour.  
The husband ought to keep his wife from taking too much pains; for so ought he to do: and the wife likewise ought to flee too much pleasure, for it behoveth her.  
For the mean travel is no other but occasion of a safe delivery. The women with child also aught to take heed to themselves, and in especially noble & great ladies, that they be not too greedy & hasty in eating. For the woman being with child ought to be sober: and the woman which is a great eater, with great pains shall live chaste. Women with child oft times do disorder themselves in eating liquorous meats: and under the colour of feeding themselves & their infant, they take too excessively; which is not only unwholesome for the Child, but also dishonour for their mothers. For truly by the excess of the Mother (being with child) cometh many diseases to the infant when it liveth.  
The Husbands also ought neither to displease nor grieve their Wives, especially when they see them great with child: for of truth oftentimes she delivereth with more danger, by reason of the offences that men do unto them, then by the abundance of meats which they do eat.  
Though the Woman when she is with Child, in some things doth offend her Husband, yet he like a wise man ought to forbear her, having respect to the child, wherewith she is great, and not to the injuries that she hath committed: For in the end, the 
Reasonable Creatures may take example by the unreasonable.  Mother cannot be so great an offender, but the child is much more innocent. For the proof of this, it needeth not books to read, but only our eyes to see: how the brute Beasts for the most part (when their females are big) do not touch them, nor yet the Females suffer them to be touched. I mean, that the Noble and high Estates ought to absent themselves from their wives carnally, being great with child: and he that in this case shall show himself most temperate, shall of all men be deemed most virtuous.  
I do not speak this to the end it should bind a man, or that it were an offence then to use the company of his wife, but unto men that are virtuous I give it as a counsel. For some 
A custom among the Mauritanians.  things ought to be done of necessity, and others ought to be eschewed for honesty.  
Dyodorus Siculus saith, that in the Realm of Mauritania there were so few men, and so many women, that every man had five wives: where there was a law among them, that no man should marry under three wives: furthermore they had a wonderful and foolish custom, that when any Husband died, one of those women should cast herself quick into the grave, and be buried with him. And if that within a month she did it not, or that she died not, by justice she was openly put to death: saying, that it is more honesty to be in company with her Husband in the grave, than it is to be alone in her house.  
In the Isles of Baleares the contrary is seen, for there increase so many men, and so few women, that for one woman there was seven men: and so they had a custom, especially amongst the poor, that one woman should be married with five men. For the rich men sent to seek for women in other strange Realms, wherefore then Merchants came heavy loaden with women, as now they do with merchandise to sell. Upon which occasion there was a custom in those Isles, that (for as much as there were so few women) when any woman with child drew near the seven months, they were separated from their husbands, and shut and locked up in the Temples, where they gave them such things as were necessary for them of the common treasure. For the ancients had their Gods in such veneration, that they would not permit any person to eat that which he brought; but of that which unto the Gods of the Temple was offered. At that time the Barbarous kept their wives locked in the Church, because the Gods having them in their Temples, should be more merciful unto them in their delivery, and also to cause them to avoid the dangers at that time: and besides that, because they took it for a great villainy, that the women, during that time, should remain with their husbands.  
The famous and renowned Philosopher, Pulio, in the fifth Book, De moribus antiquorum, said, That in the Realm of Pannonia, (which now is Hungary) the women that were great 
A custom in Hungary  with child were so highly esteemed, that when any went out of her house, all those which met with her were bound to return back with her; and in such sort as we at this present do reverence the holy Communion, so did these Barbarous than the women with child.  
The women of Carthage, being with child (when Carthage was Carthage) had as great privileges, as now our Sanctuaries have for the safeguard of misdoers: for, in times past, all such offenders as could enter into the house where a woman lay in childbed, should have been free from correction of justice.  
As Fronto saith, in his Book of the Veneration of the Gods, the Gallois Transalpins' did not only honour & reverence the women with child; but also with much care and diligence watched her delivery: for it little availeth the Ship to have passed safe the dangerous Seas, if at the Shore she be cast away.  
The case was in this sort, that all the ancient Gentiles honoured some gods in their Temples, and kept other in 
The false opinion of the Heathen.  their houses, the which were called Lares and Penates: and when any woman began to labour, each neighbour brought his familiar god unto her, to present her with all, because they thought, that the more gods there were, of so much more power they were to keep her from perils.  
Speaking like a Christian; Truly, those gods were of small value, since they could not help the woman safely to be delivered that was in travail.   

CHAP. XII. What the Philosopher Pisto was: and of the Rules he gave concerning women with child.  
IN the time of Octavian the Emperor, was a Philosopher called Pisto, which was of the sect of Pythagoras; and when Rome flourished, he was very familiar with the Emperor Octavian, and well beloved of all the people, which ought not to be a little esteemed: for he which of the Prince is most favoured, commonly of the people is much hated.  
This Emperor Octavian was a 
The Commendation of the Emperor Octavian.  Prince very desirous of all virtuous things; so that when he dined with his Captains, he spoke of War; when he supped with the Sages, he reasoned of the Sciences; and he that uttered any dishonest or idle word in his presence, he always afterward took him as his enemy.  
This Pisto was very grave in weighty affairs, very pleasant in slents and jests; and oft times he was demanded many questions of the Emperor, whereof the answers of some (according to the demands and questions) here followeth.  
The Emperor said to Pisto, Of all 
The saying of Pisto.  these that liveth, whom takest thou to be most Fool? To whom the Philosopher answered. In my opinion, I take him to be most fool, of whose word there cometh no profit: for truly, he is not so very a fool that flingeth stones into the wind, as he that uttereth vain words.  
Tell me, Pisto, Whom ought we of right to desire to speak, & whom of right to command to be silent? He answered; It is good when speech doth profit, and good to keep silence when speech is hurtful: for the one desiring to maintain the good, and the other to defend the evil, wars begin throughout all the world.  
Tell me, Pisto, from what thing ought the fathers most to keep their children? He said, In my opinion, parents ought in nothing to watch so much, as to keep them from being vicious: for the father ought rather to have his son die well, then to live evil.  
Tell me, Pisto, What shall man do if he be brought to this extremity, That if he speak truth, he condemneth himself: and if he make a lie, he saveth himself? The virtuous man (said he) ought rather to choose to be overcome by truth, then to overcome by lies: for it is unpossible, that a man which is a liar should continue long in prosperity.  
Tell me, Pisto, What shall men do to obtain rest? He answered, As I think, the man cannot have rest, unless he forsake worldly affairs: for the men that are occupied with weighty affairs, cannot be without great cares, or always accompanied of great troubles.  
Tell me, Pisto, wherein a man showeth himself to be most wise? He answered. There is no greater proof to know a wise man, then if he be patient to suffer the ignorant: for in suffering an injury, the heart is more holpen by wisdom then by knowledge.  
Tell me, Pisto, What is that thing that the virtuous man may lawfully desire? He answered, All that is good (so that it be not to the prejudice of any other) may honestly be desired: but in my opinion, that only ought to be desired, which openly without shame may be demanded.  
Tell me, Pisto, What shall men do with their wives when they are great with child, to cause that the child in safety may be delivered? He answered, In the world there is nothing more perilous, iben to have the charge of a woman with child: for if the husband serve her, he hath pain and travail: and if perchance he do not content her, she is in danger.  
In this case the wives of Rome, and their husbands also, aught to be very diligent, and to the things following more careful, the which I show them more for counsel then for commandment: for good counsel ought to have as much authority in the virtuous, as the commandment hath in the vicious.  
Thou Octavian, as thou art a merciful and a pitiful Emperor, and 
How good counsel ought to be regarded.  that thou keepest thy Niece Collucia great with child, I know thou desirest that she had presently good and lucky delivery, and that she were delivered of her pain: all the which thou shalt see, if thou dost mark these things that I will show thee here following.  
First, the woman ought to beware of dancing, leaping, and running: for leaping 
What is required of women with child.  oftentimes maketh man to lose his speech, and women with child to lose their life, wherefore it is not reason that the folly of the mother should be permitted to put in hazard the life of the child.  
The second, the woman being with child, aught to beware that she be not so hardy, to enter into Gardens where there is much fruit, and that for eating too many she be not ill delivered: for it is no reason, that the lycorousnes of the mother be punished with the death of the child.  
The third, the woman with child ought to beware of over hard lacing herself about the middle: for many Roman Dames, for to seem proper, do wear their Gowns so strait, that it is an occasion to kill their creatures, which is a heinous matter, that the young babe should lose his life, because his mother should seem pretty.  
The fourth, the women with child ought to beware of eating in a great Banquet: for oft times there cometh a sudden deliverance, only through eating without measure: and it is not meet, that for tasting a thing of little value, the mother and the child should both lose their lives.  
The fifth, the woman being with child ought to beware that she giveth no ear to any sudden news: for she is in more danger for hearing a thing that grieveth her, then for suffering long sickness that paineth her: and it were unjust, that for knowing of a trifling matter, the mother that is to be delivered, and the child that is to be borne, should both in one moment perish.  
The sixth, the woman with child ought to beware that she go not by any means to any Feasts, where there shall be any great assembly of people: for oft times the woman with child, seeing her to be much thrust and priest, being not able to say, I am here, may immediately die in the place: and it is not reason, but an unjust thing, that the woman, for the desire to see the children of others, should make of her own Orphans.  
The seventh, the husband ought to beware, that she being with child, be not deneyd any honest thing that she doth mind; for ingranting her it cannot cost him much; but in denying her, he may lose much: and it would not be just, that since in her bringing forth she honoureth and increaseth the Commonwealth of Rome, that Rome should condescend that any woman with child should receive any hurt or dishonour.  
These be the answers that Pisto made the Emperor Octavian, the which he gave as Rules to women with child, which being so kept, I do assure you, that the great Ladies should deliver themselves from many perils, & the husbands also should escape from many sorrows.  
Concluding therefore that which above all is spoken, I say, that Princesses and great Ladies, when they are with child, aught to be more wary and circumspect than other mean women: for where man hopeth to have most profit, there ought he most to be careful.  
The Author of this is Pulio, in 
Pulio de moribus antiq:  his third Book De moribus antiquorun, & Sextus Cheronsnsis in his fifth book De legibus domesticis.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Of three Counsels which Lucius Seneca gave unto a Secretary his friend, who served the Emperor Nero: and how the Emperor Marcus Aurelius disposed all the hours of the day.  
THe Emperor Nero had a Secretary called Emilius Varro, the which being in Rome builded a sumptuous house joining unto the Gate of Salaria, whereunto he invited one day Lucius Seneca to a banquet, to the end the house might be more fortunate: for the Romans had a prophecy, That according to the good or ill luck of him that first entered into a new house, so should it continually be lucky, or unlucky. Lucius Seneca granted to the request of his friend Emilius Varro: and when they had well eaten, they went both to see this new building, showing unto Lucius Seneca all things: at the last the Secretary said thus unto Seneca: Those between both, are for Guests: those halls, are for Merchants & Suitors: these Secrets, are for Women: those Chambers, are for Knights: those Galleries, which are covered, are to avoid the Sun: this lowest part here, is for Horses: the Sellers, are for the Buttery: in the end he showed him the whole house, for the furnishing whereof they lacked not one jot.  
After the Secretary Emilius Varro had showed him all his house, he looked when his Guest Seneca would greatly praise and commend it; but he, as though he knew nothing, said unto Emilius Varro, as he went out of the doors, Whose house is this? Whereunto Emilius answered: How now, Seneca! canst thou not tell? I have employed all my goods in building this house, and have led thee all about to see it, and I have told thee that it is mine; and yet dost thou ask me again whose it is?  
Lucius Seneca answered: Thou hast showed us the house for strangers, the house for sleeves, the house for women, the house for horses; and in all this house thou hast not showed me one little part for thyself, but that another man doth enter into it: for if thou hast any interest therein, they have the best thereof, which is the possession. I account thee a wise man, I do account thee a man of understanding, and also I know, that with all thy heart, thou art my friend: and since I have been bidden to day by the, it is but reason, that for to reward that which thou hast done to me, I do some service unto thee, which shall be to give unto thee some good counsel: for strangers use to pay for the feast with money, and vain men with telling lies, babblers by counting vain tales, children by flatteries; but virtuous men ought to pay by giving good Counsels. This house hath cost thee much pain, great griefs, and much money, and if it cost thee so much, it is but reason that thou enjoy the same: take therefore these my three counsels, and it may be thou wilt find thyself better contented with those, then with money of strangers: for many have wherewithal to build a house, but they have not understanding to govern the same.  
The first counsel is, Though that 
Lucius Seneca his counsel.  thou love thy friend very well, or thy wife as well, yet that thou never discover all the secrets of thy heart neither to thy friend, nor to thy wife: but that thou always reserve some particular unto thyself: for Plato saith, to whom a man committeth his secrets, to him also he giveth his liberty.  
The second counsel is, That neither in private business, nor in public affairs, thou occupy thyself so much, but at the least thou dost reserve three hours in the day for thine own rest.  
The third counsel is, That thou have in thy house some secret place, whereof thou alone shalt have the key, and therein thou shalt have Books, where thou mayst study of thy affairs, and also talk with thy friends. Finally, this place shall be a secretary of thy counsels, and a rest for thy travels.  
These were the words that Lucius Seneca spoke to his friend Emilius Varro, which words were such as he himself was, that is to say, of a sage and excellent parsonage: and though the Banquet was rich, yet the payment of Lucius Seneca was much more worth: for the mind feeleth more taste in the good and ripe counsel, than the body doth in savoury and delicate meats.  
I have told you this example of Lucius Seneca, for to tell another that happened to the Emperor Marcus Aurclius, with his wife Faustine. And to the end, that the order of the matter be not turned without breaking our History, first we will declare here the order which this Emperor observed in his life: for the Commonwealth shall never be well governed, but where the Prince governeth well his life. Princes of necessity ought to be well ordered in this life, because 
How virtuous Princes ought to be.  they may profit the affairs of the Empire, with the particulars of their house: and because they should use the particulars of their house to the recreation of their Person: and all these things ought to be divided according to time: for a good Prince ought to lack no time to do that thing well which he hath to do, nor ought he to have any time vacant to employ himself to vice.  
The worldly call that time good, the which is, or was prosperous unto them: they call that time evil, which is, or hath been contrary and unfortunate unto them.  
The Creator will never that this sentence be approved by my pen: but I call that time good, which is employed in virtues; and that time evil, that is lost in vices: for the times are always as one; but men do turn from vice to virtue, from virtue to vice.  
The good Emperor, Marcus Aurelius, did divide the time, by time: so, that though he had time for himself, he had time likewise to dispatch his own and others affairs: for the man that is willing, in a small time dispatcheth much business: and the man which is negligent, in along time doth little.  
This was the order that the Emperor Marcus Aurelius took in spending his time: He slept seven hours in the night, and one hour rested 
How the Emperor Marcus Aurclius spent his time.  himself in the day. In dining and supping, he consumed only two hours; and it was not for that he took great pleasure to belong in eating; but because the Philosophers, which disputed before his Presence, were occasion to prolong the time: for in seventeen years they never saw him at meat, but one or other read unto him some Book, or else the Philosophers reasoned before him Philosophy. As he had many Realms and Provinces, so he appointed one hour for the affairs of Asia, for Africa one hour, and Europe another hour: and for the conversation of his wife, children, and family, he appointed other two hours of time: he had another hour for extraordinary affairs; as, to hear the complaints of the grieved, the quarrels of the poor, the complaints of the widows, and the robberies done to the orphans: for the merciful Prince giveth no less care unto the poor, which for want can do little; then to the rich, which for abundance can do much. He occupied all the residue of the day and night to read Books, write works: to make meeter, and in studying of other Antiquities, to practise with the Sage, & to dispute with the Philosophers: and finally, he took no taste of any thing so much, as he did to talk of Science: Unless the cruel wars did let him, or such like affairs troubled him, ordinarily in Winter he went to bed at nine of the clock, and awaked at four: and because he would not be idle, he had always a Book under his bed's head, and the residue of the day he bestowed in reading.  
The Romans had an ancient custom to bear fire before them: that is to say, a Torch light in the day, and 
A custom among the Romans.  a Lamp burning in the night in their Chambers: so that waking, they burned Wax; and sleeping, they burned Oil. And the cause why the Romans ordained that the Oil should be made of Olive, and the Wax made of Bees (which was used to be borne before the Princes) was to the end they should remember, that they ought to be as gentle and loving as the Oil of Olive is sweet: and as profitable to the Commonwealth, as the Bees are.  
He did rise at six of the clock, and made himself ready openly; and with a gentle countenance he asked them that were about him, wherein they had spent all the night, and declared unto them then what he had dreamt, what he had thought, and what he had read. When he was ready, he washed his face with odoriferous waters, and loved very well sweet savours: for he had so quick a scent, that he was much offended when he passed through any stinking place.  
In the morning he used to eat two morsels of a Lectuary made of Sticades, and drank three spoonfuls of Maluesey, or else two drops of Aqua vita, because he had a cold stomach, for that he gave himself so much to study in times past. We see it by experience, that the great Students are persecuted more with sickness than any others: for in the sweetness of the Science, they know not how their life consumeth.  
If it were in the Summer season, he went in the morning to recreate himself to the River of Tiberi, and walked there a foot for two hours; and in this place they talked with him that had business: and truly it was a great policy; for, where as the Prince doth not sit, the suitor always abridgeth his talk. And when the day began to wax hot, he went to the high Capitol, where all the Senate tarried for him: and from thence he went to the Coliseo, where the Ambassadors of the Provinces were, and there remained a great part of the day. Afterwards he went to the Chapel of the Vestal Virgins, and there he heard every Nation by itself, according to the order which was prescribed. He did eat but one meal in the day, and it was very late; but he did eat well: not of many and divers sorts of meat, but of few and good: for the abundance of divers & strange meats breedeth sundry diseases.  
They saw him once a week go through Rome, and if he went any more, it was a wonder: at the which time he was always without company, both of his own, and also of strangers, to the intent all poor men might talk with him of their business, or complain of his Officers: for it is unpossible to reform the Commonwealth, if he which ought to remedy it, be not informed of the injuries done in the same. He was so gentle in conversation, so pleasant in words, so Noble amongst the Great, so equal with the least, so reasonable in that he did ask, so perfect in that he did work, so patient in injuries, so thankful of benefits, so good to the good, and so severe to the evil, that all loved him for being good, and all the evil feared him for being just. A man ought not little to esteem the love that the people bore to this so good a Prince and Noble Emperor, for so much as the Romans have been thus: that for the felicity of their estate, they offered to their Gods greater Sacrifice, than they did in any other Provinces.  
And Sextus Cheronensis saith, that the Romans offered more Sacrifices to the Gods, because they should lengthen the life of the Emperor, than they did offer for the profit of the Commonwealth. Truly their reason was good; for the Prince that leadeth a good life, is the heart of the Commonwealth. But I do not marvel, that the Emperor was so well willed, and beloved of the Roman Empire: for he had never Porter to his Chamber, but the two hours which he remained with his wife Faustine.  
All this being past, the good Emperor wet into his house, into the secretest place he had (according to the counsel of Lucius Seneca) the key whereof he alone had in his custody, and never trusted any man therewith, until the hour of his death; and then he gave it to an old ancient man called Pompeianus, saying unto him these words:  
Thou knowest right well, Pompeianus, that, thou being base, I exalted thee 
The speech of Marcus Aurelius at his death.  to honour: thou being poor, I gave thee riches: thou being persecuted, I drew thee to my Palace: I being absent, committed my whole honour to thy trust: thou being old, I married thee with my daughter, and do presently give thee this Key.  
Behold, that in giving thee it, I give thee my heart and life: for, I will thou know, that death grieveth me not so much, nor the loss of my wife and children, as that I cannot carry my Books into the grave. If the Gods had given me the choice, I had rather choose to be in the grave environed with Books, then to live accompanied with fools: for, if the dead do read, I take them to be aline; but if the living do not read, I take them to be dead.  
Under this key which I give thee, remaineth many Greek, Hebrew, Latin, and Romame Books: and above all, under this key remaineth all my pains, sweat, and travels, all my watchings, and labours, where also thou shalt find Books by me compiled: so that though the worms of the earth do eat my body; yet men shall find my heart whole amongst these Books.  
Once again I do require thee, and say, that thou oughtest not a little to esteem the key which I give thee: for wise men at the hour of their death, always recommend that which they best love, to them which in their lives they have most loved.  
I do confess, that in my Study thou shalt find many things with mine own hand written and well ordered: and also I confess, that thou shalt find many things by me left unperfect. In this case, I think, that though thou couldst not write them, yet thou shalt work them well notwithstanding; and by these means thou shalt get reward of the Gods for working them.  
Consider, Pompeian, that I have been thy Lord, I have been thy Father-in-law, I have been thy Father, I have been thy Advocate, and above all, that I have been thy special friend, which is most of all: for a man ought to esteem more a faithful friend, than all the Parents of the world.  
Therefore in the faith of that friendship I require, that thou keep this in memory, that even as I have recommended to others my Wife, my Children, my Goods, and Riches: So I do leave unto thee in singular recommendation my Honour: for Princes leave of themselves no greater memory, then by the good learning that they have written.  
I have been eighteen years Emperor of Rome; and it is threescore and three years that I have remained in this woeful life, during which time I have overcome many Battles, I have slain many Pirates, I have exalted many good, I have punished many evil, I have won many Realms, and I have destroyed many Tyrants: but what shall I do, woeful man that I am, sith all my companions, which were witnesses with me of all these worthy feats, shall be companions in the grave with the greedy worms?  
A thousand years hence, when those that are now alive shall then be dead, what is he that shall say, I saw Marcus Aurelius triumph over the Parthians: I saw him make the buildings in Auentino: I saw him well beloved of the people: I saw him father of the Orphans: I saw him the scourge of Tyrants? Truly if all these things had not been declared by my Books, or of my friends, the dead would never have risen again to have declared them.  
What is it for to see a Prince (from the time he is borne, until the time he come to die) to see the poverty he passeth, the perils he endureth, the evil that he suffereth, the shame that he dissembleth, the friendship that he feigneth, the tears which he sheddeth, the sighs that he fetcheth, the promises that he maketh, and doth not endure for any other cause the miseries of this life: but only to leave a memory of him after his death.  
There is no Prince in the world that desireth not to keep a good house, to keep a good table, to apparel himself richly, and to pay those that serve him in his house: but by this vain honour, they suffer the water to pass through their lips, not drinking thereof.  
As one that hath proved it, it is reason that I be beloved in this case, and that is, That the intent of Princes to conquer strange Realms, and to permit their own to suffer wrongs, is for no other thing, but because that the commendations which they speak of the Princes past, they should likewise talk the same of them that be to come.  
Concluding therefore my mind, and declaring my intention, I say, that the Prince that is Noble, and desireth to leave off himself from fame, let him consider, and see what it is that those can write of him which write his history: for it profiteth little, that he achieve great affairs by the sword, if there be no Writer to set them forth with the pen, and afterwards to exalt them with the tongue.  
These words thus spoken by the Noble Emperor Marcus Aurelius, he gave the key of his Study to the Honourable old man Pompeianus, that took all the Writings, and put them in the high Capitol, where the Romans honoured them, as the Christians the holy Scriptures. All these Writings, besides many others, perished in Rome, when by the barbarous it was destroyed: for the Goths (utterly to extinguish the name of Rome) destroyed not only the walls 
Rome destroyed by the Goths.  thereof, but also the Books that were therein: And truly in this case the Goths showed more cruelty to the Romans, then if they had slain the children of their bodies, or beat down the walls of their Cities: For, without doubt, the lively Letter is a more sweeter witness of renown, that always speaketh; then either the Lime, Sand, or Stone, wherewith Fortresses are builded.   

CHAP. XIIII. Of the importunate suit of the Empress Faustine, to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, concerning the Key of his Closet.  
WE have declared, how the Emperor Marcus Aurelius had his Study in the secretest place of all the Palace, and how that he himself did keep the key. It is to be understood, that he would never let his wife, his children, nor any other of his familiar friends come into it: for he said, I had rather suffer that they should take from me my treasures, then that any man should turn the leaves of my Books.  
It chanced, that on a day the Empress Faustine, being great with child, importuned the Emperor much, by all the means she could, that he would be so favourable unto her, as to give her the key of his Study: and it is no marvel, for naturally women despise that which is given them, & lust for that that is denied them.  
Faustine instantly besought him, not once, but many times, not only with fair words, but with abundant tears, alleging unto him these reasons: I have required thee sundry times, that thou wouldst give me the key of thy chamber, and thou hast by jesting made frustrate my request, the which thou (my Lord) oughtest not to have done, considering that I am with child: for oftentimes it chanceth, that that wherefore the husband rejoiceth this day, to morrow he doth lament.  
Thou oughtest to remember that I am that Faustine the renowned, the which in thy eyes am the fairest, and of thy tongue have been most commended, of thy person I was best beloved, and of thy heart I am most desired: then since it is true, that thou hast me so deeply in heart, why then doubtest thou to show me the Writings of thy Study. Thou dost communicate with me the secrets of the Empire, and thou hidest from me the books of thy study. Thou hast given me thy tender heart of flesh, and now thou deniest me the hard key of iron: now I must needs think that thy love was feigned, that thy words were double, and that thy thoughts, were others than they seemed: for if they had been otherwise, it had been unpossible thou shouldest have denied me the key that I do ask thee; for where love is unfeigned, though the request be merrily asked, yet it is willingly granted.  
It is a common custom, that you men use to deceive us simple women, you present us with great gifts, you give many fair words, you make us fair promises, you say you will do marvels, but in the end you do nothing but deceive us: for we are persecuted more of you, than of any others.  
When men in such wise importune the women, if the women had 
The importunity of the Empress.  power to deny and withstand, we should in short space bring ye under the yoke, and lead you by the noses: but when we suffer ourselves to be overcome, than you begin to forsake us, and despise us. Let me therefore (my Lord) see thy Chamber, consider I am with child, and that I die unless I see it. If thou dost not to do me pleasure, yet do it, at least, because I may no more importune thee: for if I come in danger through this my longing, I shall but lose my life: but thou shalt lose the child that should be borne, and the mother also that aught to bear it.  
I know not why thou shouldest put thy noble heart into such a dangerous fortune, whereby both thou & I at one time shuldperish; I dying so young, and thou in losing so loving a wife.  
By the immortal Gods I do beseech thee, and by the mother Berecinthia I conjure thee, that thou give me the key, or that thou let me enter into the Study; and stick not with me thy wife in this my small request, but change thy opinion: for all that which without consideration is ordained, by importunate suit may be revoked. We see daily that men by reading in Books, love their children; but I never saw heart of man fall in such sort, that by reading and looking in Books, he should despise his children: for in the end, Books are by the words of others made; but children are with their own proper blood begotten.  
Before that any thing of wisdom is begun, they always regard the inconveniences that may follow: therefore if thou wilt not give me this key, and that thou art determined to be stubborn still in thy will, thou shalt lose thy Faustine, thou shalt lose so loving a wife, thou shalt lose the creature wherewith she is big, thou shalt lose the authority of thy Palace, thou shalt give occasion to all Rome to speak of thy wickedness, and this grief shall never depart from thy heart: for the heart shall never be comforted, that knoweth, that he only is the occasion of his own grief. If the Gods do suffer it by their secret judgements, and if my woeful mishaps deserve it, and if thou (my Lord) desirest it for no other cause, but even to do after thy will, for denying me this key, I should die: I would willingly die. But of that, I think, thou wilt repent: for it chanceth often times to wise men, That when remedy is gone, the repentance cometh suddenly: and then it is to late (as they say) to shut the Stable door, when the Steed is stolen.  
I marvel much at thee (my Lord) why thou shouldest show thyself so froward in this case, since thou knowest, that all the time we have been together, thy will and mine hath always been one! If thou wilt not give me thy key, for that I am thy well-beloved Faustine: if thou wilt not let me have it, since I am thy dear beloved wife: if thou wilt not give it me, for that I am great with child, I beseech thee give it me in virtue of the ancient law: for thou knowest it is an inviolate law among the Romans, that a man cannot deny his wife with child 
A law a-among the Roman.  her desires. I have seen sundry times with mine eyes, many women sue their husbands at the law in this behalf: and thou (my Lord) commandest, that a man should not break the privileges of women.  
Then if this thing be true (as it is true indeed) why wilt thou that the laws of strange children should be kept, and that they should be broken to thine own children? Speaking according to the reverence that I owe unto thee, though thou wouldst, I will not; though thou dost it, I will not agree thereunto: & though thou dost command it, in this case I will not obey thee: for if the husband do not accept the just request of his wife, the wife is not bound to obey the unjust commandment of her husband.  
You husbands desire that your wives should serve you, you desire that your wives should obey you in all, and ye will condescend to nothing that they desire. You men say, that we women have no certainty in our love: but indeed you have no love at all: For by this it appeareth, that your love is feigned, in that it no longer continueth then your desires are satisfied.  
You say furthermore, that the women are suspicious, and that is true in you all, men may see, and not in us: for none other cause there are are so many evil married in Rome, but because their husbands have of them such evil opinions.  
There is a great difference between the suspicion of the woman, and the jealousy of the man: for a man will understand the suspicion of the woman; it is no other thing, but to show to her husband that she loveth him with all her heart: for the innocent women know no others, desire no others but their husbands only; and they would that their husbands should know none others, nor search for any others, nor love any others, nor will any others, but them only: for the heart that is bend to love one only, would not that into that house should euter any other.  
But you men know so many means, and use so many subtleties, that you praise yourselves for to offend them, you vaunt yourselves to deceive them, and that it is true, a man can in nothing so much show his nobleness, as to sustain and favour a Courtesan.  
The husbands please their wives speaking unto them some merry words, and immediately, their backs being turned, to another they give both their bodies and their goods. I swear unto thee (my Lord) that if women had the liberty and authority over men, as men have over women, they should find more malice, deceitfulness and craft by them committed in one day, than they should find in the women all the days of their life.  
You men say, that women are evil speakers, it is true indeed that your tongues are none other, but the stings of Serpents: for ye do condemn the good men, and defame the Roman women. And think not (if you speak evil of other women) to excuse your own: for the man that by his tongue dishonoureth strange 
What evil cometh by the tongue.  women, doth not so much evil, as he doth by defaming his own wife by suspicion: for the husband that suspecteth his wife, giveth all men licence to account her for nought.  
Sith we women go little out of the house, we travail not far: and sith we see few things, though we would, we cannot be evil tongued: But you men hear much, you see much, you know much, you wander abroad much, and continually you murmur.  
All the evil that we silly women can do, is to listen to our friends when they are vexed, to chide our servants when they are negligent, to envy our neighbours if they be fair, and to curse those that do us injury: finally, though we speak evil, we cannot murmur, but at those that dwell in the same Street where we dwell. But you men defame your wives by suspicion, you dishonour your neighbours in your words, you speak against strangers with cruelty, you neither keep faith nor promise to your wives, you show yourselves extreme against your enemies, you murmur both at those that be present, and also at them that be absent: finally, on the one part you are so double, and on the other part you are so unthankful, that to those whom you desire, you make fair promises, and those, whose bodies you have enjoyed, you little esteem.  
I confess that the woman is not so good as she ought to be, and that it is necessary that she should be kept 
What is required in a Woman.  in the house, and so she shall lead a good life; and being of good life, she shall have good renown; and having good renown, she shall be well willed: but if chance any of those do want in her, yet for all that she ought not to be rejected of her husband: For the frailness that men find in women is but little: but the evils that women taste in men is very great.  
I have talked longer than I thought, and have said more boldly than I ought, but pardon me (my Lord) for my intention was not to vex thee, but to persuade thee: for in the end he is a fool that taketh that for injury, which passeth between the man and the wife in secret.  
I stick always to my first point, & if it need, once again I require thee that thou wilt give me the Key of thy study: and if thou do otherwise, (as thou mayest) thou shalt do such a thing, as thou oughtest not to do. I am not angry so much for that thou dost, as for the occasion thou givest me.  
Therefore to avoid the peril of my delivery, and to take from me all suspicion, I pray thee (my Lord) deliver me the key of thy study: for otherwise I cannot be persuaded in my hart, but that you have a woman locked in your study. For men that in their youth have been unconstant, though the apparel that they have be not worn, yet notwithstanding they desire to have new. Therefore once again to preserve me from peril in my delivery, and to lighten my heart of this thought, it shall be well done that you let me enter into your study.   

CHAP. XV. xv. The Answer of the Emperor to Faustine, concerning her demand of the key of the Study.  
THe Emperor hearing the words of Faustine, and seeing that she spoke them so earnestly, that she bathed her woeful words with bitter tears, determined also to answer her as earnestly, and said unto her these words.  
Wife Faustine, thou hast told me all that thou wouldst, and I have heard all 
The emperors answer.  thy complaint. Therefore I desire thee now to have as much patience to hear my answer, as I have had pain to hear thy demand. And prepare thy ears to hear my words, as I have listened mine to hear thy Follie. For in like matter, when the tongue doth apply itself to speak any word, the ears ought immediately to prepare them to hear it, for to make answer. For this is most sure, that he that speaketh what he would, shall hear what he would not. Before I tell thee what thou art, and what thou oughtest to be, I will first tell thee what I am, and what I ought to be: For I will thou understand Faustine, that I am so evil, that that the which mine enemies do report of me is but a trifle in respect of that which my Familiars and Friends would say if they knew me. To the end the Prince be good, he ought not to be covetous of Tributes, neither proud in commandments, nor 
What is required of every Man,  unthankful of services, nor to be forgetful of the Temples: he ought not to be deaf to hear griefs, complaints, and quarrels, nor cruel to Orphans, nor yet negligent in affairs. And the man that shall want these vices, shallbe both beloved of men, and favoured of the Gods.  
I confess first of all that I have been covetous. For indeed those which with many troubles annoy Princes least, and with Money serve them most, are of all other men best beloved.  
Secondarily, I confess that I am proud: For there is no Prince at this day in the world so brought under, but when Fortune is most lowest, he hath his heart very hanghtie.  
Thirdly, I confess that I am unthankful: for amongst us that are Princes, the services that they do unto us are great, and the rewards that we give unto them are small.  
Fourthly, I do confess that I am an evil founder of Temples: for amongst us that are Princes, we do not Sacrifice unto the Gods very often, unless it be when we see ourselves to be environed with enemies.  
Fiftly, I confess that I am negligent to hear the plaints of the oppressed: for the Flatterers have towards they Princes more easy audience by their Flattery, than the poor, pleading to declare their complaints by truth.  
Sixtly, I confess that I am careless for the Orphans: For in the Courts and Palaces of Princes the Rich and mighty are most familiar; but the miserable and poor Orphans are scarcely heard.  
Seventhly, I confess that I am negligent in dispatching Poor men's causes: For the Princes oft times, not providing in time for their affairs, many great perils ensue to their Realms.  
Now mark here Faustine: how I have told thee, what (according to reason) I ought to be, and what according to the sensuality I am: and marvel not although I confess mine error. For the man that acknowledgeth his fault, giveth hope of amendment. And let us come to talk of thee, and by that I have spoken of me, thou mayest judge of thyself: For we men are so evil conditioned, that we behold the uttermost the offences of an another, but we will not hear the faults of ourselves. It is a true thing my wife Faustine, that when a woman is merry, she always speaketh more with her tongue, than she knoweth in her heart. For women light of tongue speak many things in company, the which they do lament after when they are alone. All the contrary cometh to woeful men, for they do not speak the half of their griefs: because their heavy and woeful hearts commandeth their eyes to weep, and tongs to be silent.  
Vain and foolish men, by vain and foolish words do publish their vain 
What hurt cometh by not governing the tongue.  and light pleasures: and the wise men by wise words, do dissemble their grievous sorrows. For though they feal the troubles of this life, they dissemble them as men. Amongst the Sages he is most wisest, that presumeth to know least: and amongst the simple he is most ignorant, that thinketh to know most. For if there be found one that knoweth much, yet always there is found another that knoweth more.  
This is one difference whereby the wise men are known from those that be simple, that is to say: That the wise man to one that asketh him a Question, answereth slowly and gravely, and the simple man (though he be not asked) answereth quick and lightly. For in the house where Nobleness and wisdom are, they give riches without measure, but they give words by ounces. I have told thee all this Faustines, because thy words have wounded me in such sort, thy tears in such wise have compelled me, and thy vain judgements have wearied me so much, that I cannot say what I would, nor I think thou canst perceive what I say? Those which wrote of Marriage, wrote many things, but they wrote not so many troubles in all their books, as one woman causeth her Husband to feel in one day.  
The ancients spoke well, when they reasoned of Marriages: for at all times when they talked of Marriage, at the beginning they put these words 
Crosses incident to Marriage.  Onus Matrimonij: That is to say, the yoke of Marriage. For truly if the man be not well married, all the troubles that may happen unto him, in all the time of his life, are but small in respect to be matched one day with an evil wife.  
Dost thou think Faustine, that it is a small trouble for the Husband to suffer this brawlings of his wife? to endure her vain words? to bear with her fond words? to give her what she requireth? to seek that she desireth? and to dissemble with all her vanities? Truly it is so unpatient a trouble, that I would not desire any greater revengement of my enemy, then to see him married with a brawling wife.  
If the Husband be proud, you do humble him: For there is no proud man, whatsoever he be, but a fierce woman will make him stoop. If the Husband be foolish, you restore him to his senses again: For there is no greater wisdom in the World, then to know how to endure a brawling woman. If the Husband be wild, you make him tame: For the time is so much that you occupy in brawling that he can have no time to speak. If the husband be slow, you make him run: for he desireth so much your contentation in heart, that the woeful man cannot eat in quiet, nor sleep in rest. If the Husband be a talker, you make him dumb: for the flouts and mocks that you give him at every word are so many in number, that he hath none other remedy, but to refrain his tongue.  
If the Husband be suspicious, you make him change his mind: For the Trifles that you ask at every hour are such, and so many, and you therewith so self-willed, that he dare not tell what he seeth in his own house. If the husband be a wanderer abroad, you make him forthwith a bider at home: for you look so ill unto the house and goods, that he findeth no other remedy but to be always at home. If the Husband be vicious, you restrain him immediately: for you burden his heart with so many thoughts, that his body hath no delight to use any pleasure. Finally, (I say) that if the husband be peaceable, within short space you make him unquiet: for your pains are such, so many, and so continual, that there is no heart can wholly dissemble them, nor Tongue that utterly can keep them secret.  
Naturally women have in all things the spirit of contradiction, for so 
What women naturally are inclined unto.  much as if the Husbands will speak, they will hold their peace. If he go forth, they will tarry at home: if he will laugh, they will weep: if he will take pleasure they will vex him. If he be sorrowful, they will be merry. If he desire peace, they would have war. If he would eat, they will fast, if he would fast, they would eat. If he would sleep, they will watch: and if he will watch, they will sleep. Finally I say, that they are of so evil a condition, that they love all that we despise, and despise all that we love.  
In mine opinion, the men that are wise, and will obtain that which they desire of their wives: Let them not demand of them that which they would obtain, if they will come to obtain their desire. For unto them which are diseased, the letting of Blood is most profitable, when the vain in the contrary side is opened. It is no other thing to be let blood in the contrary side, but to ask of the woman with his mouth, the contrary of that which he desireth with his heart: for otherwise, neither by fair words of his mouth, nor by the bitter tears of his eyes, he shall never obtain that which his heart desireth.  
I confess Faustine, it is a pleasant sport to behold the young babes, and thou canst not deny me, but it is a cruel torment to endure the importunities of their Mothers. Children now and then minister unto us occasions of pleasures, but you that are their Mothers never do any thing, but that which turneth us to trouble.  
It is much pleasure to the Husband when he cometh home to find the house clean swept, to find the Table covered, and to find the meat ready dressed: this is to be understood, if all other things be well.  
But what shall we say when he seeth the contrary: and that he findeth his children weeping, his, neighbours offended, his Servants troubled, and above all, when he findeth his Wife brawling? Truly it is better to the woeful Husband, to go his way fasting: then to tarry and eat at home with brawling. I durst take upon me to cause that all married men would be content to forbeareal the pleasures of the Children, with condition that they might be Free from the annoyance of the Mothers: for in the end the pleasures of the children endeth quickly with laughter, but the griefs of the mothers endureth all their life with sorrow. I have seen one thing in Rome, wherein I was never deceived, which is, that though men commit great offences in this World, yet God deferreth the punishment thereof until another: But if for any woman's pleasure we commit any fault, God permitteth that by the same woman, in this world we shall suffer the pain. There is no crueler enemy to to man, nor more troublessome to live withal, than the woman is that he keepeth in his house: for if he suffer her once to have her own will, then let him be assured never after to bring her unto obedience.  
The young men of Rome follow the Ladies of Capua, but they may well repent them: For there was never man that haunted of any long time the company of women, but in the end to their procurement, either by death or with infamy he was defaced. For the Gods esteem the Honour above all things, and as they suffer the wickedness of the evil men, so we see the sharp punishments that they ordain for them.  
I am well assured Faustine of one thing (and I do not speak it by hear say,) but because continually I have proved it, and it is, that the Husband which condiscendeth to all that the Wife desireth, causeth his wife to do nothing of that her husband commandeth. For there is nothing that keepeth a woman more under obedience to her Husband, then when oftentimes he denieth with sharp words, her unlawful request.  
In my opinion it is much cruelty of the barbarous, to keep (as they do) their wives like slaves: but it is much more folly of the romans, to keep them (as they do,) like Ladies. The flesh ought not to be so lean that it be in eating dry, nor yet so fat that there be no lean: but it would participate both of the fat and of the lean, to the intent it might give the more nourishment. I mean, that the man of understanding ought not to keep his Wife so short, that she should seem to be his servant, nor yet to give her so much liberty, that she becometh his Mistress. For the Husband that suffereth his Wife to command more than she ought, is the cause why he himself afterwards is not esteemed as he should be.  
I Behold Faustine, you women are in all things so extreme, that for a little favour you wax proud: and for a little displeasure you become great enemies.  
There is no Woman that willingly 
Women can not endure to have superiors.  can suffer to have any superior, nor yet scarcely can endure to have any equal: for we see that you love not the highest, nor desire to be loved of the lowest. For where the lovers be not equal, there their love cannot be perfect. I know well Faustine, that thou dost not understand me, therefore hearken what I do tell thee more than thou thinkest, and more than thou wouldst.  
O what and how many women have I seen in Rome, the which though they had two thousand pound of Rent in their heads, yet they had three thousand follies in their heads: and the worst of all is, that oft times her Husband dieth, and she looseth her Rent, yet for all that ceaseth not her folly. Now listen Faustine, and I will tell thee more. All women will speak, and they will that others be silent. All will command, and will not that they be commanded, and they will that all be captives to them. All will govern, and will not be governed.  
Finally, they all in this one thing agree, and that is, that they will cherish them that they love, & revenge them of those that they hate. Of that which before is said it may be gathered, that they make Fools and Slaves of the young and vain men which follow them, and persecute the Wise men, as enemies that fly them. For in the end where they love us most, their love may be measured: but where as they hate us least, their hate exceedeth reason.  
In the Annals of Pompeius I remember I have read, and do note one thing worthy of knowledge, that 
Annals of pompeius.  when Pompeius the Great passed first into Asia, as by chance he came by the mountains of Rypheos, he found in those places a Barbarous nation, that lived in the sharp mountains as wild beasts: and do not marvel that I do call them beastly, that live in those mountains. For as the sheep and Cows that feed on the fine grass, have their wool soft and fine, so the men who are brought up in the sharp and wild mountains, use themselves after a rude behaviour.  
These Barbarous had therefore a law among them, that every neighbour had in those mountains two Caves: for the sharpness of the hills permitted 
A Law among the Barbarians.  not that they should have any Houses. Therefore in one cave the Husbands, the Sons, and the Servants were: and in the other his Wife, his daughters, and his handmaid's abode: they did eat together twice in the week, they slept together other twice in the week, and all the residue of the time they were separate the one from the other. The great pompeius asked them what was the cause why they lived so? sith it was so, that in all the world there was never seen nor read of such extreme law, nor so strange a custom.  
The history saith in that place, that an ancient man answered him, saying: Behold Pompeius, that the gods have given short life unto us that be present, in respect of that which he gave to our Fathers that are past: and since we live but forty or fifty years at the uttermost, we desire to enjoy those days in peace: For the life is so short, and our trouble so long that we have small time to rejoice in peace after we return from the wars.  
It is true that amongst you romans which enjoy pleasures and riches, life seemeth too short, but unto us that have toil with poverty, life seemeth too long: For throughout all the year we never keep such solemn Feasts, as when one passeth out of his life.  
Consider Pompeius that if men lived many years, there should be time to laugh and weep, to be good and to be evil, to be poor and to be rich, to be merry and sad, to live in peace and war: but why will men seek contention in their life, since it is so short?  
In keeping with us (as you do) our own wives, in living we should die, for the nights should pass in hearing their complaints, and the days in suffering their brawlings: but keeping them as we do, we see not their heavy countenance, we hear not the crying of our children, we hear not their grievous complaints, nor listen unto their sorrowful words, neither we are troubled with their importunate suits, and yet the Children are nourished in peace, & the father followeth the wars: so that they are well, and we are better. This was the answer that this old man gave, at the request of the great Pompeius,  
Truly Faustine I say, that though we call the Messagetes Barbarous, in this case they know more than the Latins. For he that is free from a brawling woman, hath escaped no small pestilence.  
I ask thee now Faustine, since those barbarous could not agree, nor would not have their wives with them in those sharp mountains, how shall we other agree and please you that live in these pleasures in Rome? One thing I will tell thee Faustine, and I beseech the Gods that thou mayest understand it, which is. If the beastly motions of the Flesh did not-force men to will, and also to desire women, I doubt whether there should be any woman in the world beloved or suffered. For though nature giveth them gifts worthy to be beloved: yet they through their small discretion cause themselves to be hated. If the gods had made this love voluntary, as they made it natural, so that we might have loved as we would, and left again at our pleasure: that man ought worthily to have been punished, which for the love of any woman would put his life in danger. The Gods have kept this great secret unto themselves, and the misery that they gave unto men is very great: since that unto so weak Flesh, he gave so strong a heart, the which doth procure that which doth us harm, and followeth that which we ought to abhor.  
This is an other secret, that all men know when they offend, but I see no man that seeketh amendment: for I hear all complain of the flesh, and yet I see all like Butchers follow the flesh: and when it can do least good, than it is most greedy. I envy not the Gods living, nor the men that be dead, save only for two things, which be these.  
First, I envy the Gods, because they live without fear of the malicious: Secondarily, I envy the dead, for that they live without need of Women. For Women are so corrupt, that the corrupt all: and they be such mortal plagues, that both flesh and heart by them are brought to end.  
O Faustine, the love of the flesh is so natural to the flesh, that when from you the body flieth in sport, we then leave our hearts engaged to you in earnest. And though reason as reason putteth desire to flight, yet the flesh flesh, yieldeth itself as prisoner.   

CHAP. XXVI. ¶ The Emperor following his matter admonisheth men of the great dangers which ensue unto them by excessive haunting the company of women. And reciteth certain rules for Married men, which (if they observe) may cause them to live in peace with their Wives.  
I Remember that in my youth, as I was of Flesh, I trembled for sear of the flesh, with mind never to return again, and I do confess that oft times I revolved in my heart, many holy and chaste meditations: but yet notwithstanding, I gave my body immediately to sundry filthy vices.  
It is a natural thing, that when man hath committed any vice, forthwith he repenteth him of his deed: and 
The frailty of man.  so again after his new repentance, he turneth to his old vices.  
For during the time that we live in this frail flesh, Sensuality beareth so great a rule, that she will not suffer Reason to enter in, at the gate. There is no man in Rome, (if a man doth ask him) but will maruelto declare with his tongue the thoughts that he hath had in his heart, in especially to be chaste, to be true, to be patient, and to be virtuous, and peradventure ye talk with those that somewhat communicate with them, and let a man inquire of his neighbours ' they shall find that he is a deeyuer' a liar, and a blasphemer. Finally, they deceive men by their fair words, and offended the Gods, by their evil works.  
It profiteth little to Blaze virtues with words, if the hand be negligent to work them in deed: For a man is not called just, only desiring to be good in name, but for to labour to be virtuous in works.  
The traitorous World in no one thing beguileth worldlings so much, as by feeding them with vain hope: saying, That they shall have time enough to be virtuous; So that these 
The cause why men ought to endeavour to be virtuous  blind men, when they are once deeply rooted in vices, and whilst they hope for this light of amendment, then suddenly assaulteth them the dreadful dart of death.  
Oh how many have promised unto men, and vowed unto the Gods, and determined with themselves, that before so many days they would begin to be virtuous? whom in short space after we have seen to engage themselves to the hungry worms of the earth? The God's will that we be virtuous: and for the contrary, the world and the flesh willeth that we be vicious.  
Me thinketh that it is better to obey the Gods, then to do that which the World and the Flesh desireth: for the praise of virtue is honour, and the pain of vice is infamy. If thou dost consider Faustine, thou shalt see that the Gods are on the one part, which procureth us to virtues, and on the other part is the world and the flesh, which enticeth us unto vices. My opinion is we should say unto the Gods that we desire to be verivous, and that we should say to the world and the flesh, that from henceforth we will give ourselves no more to be vicious.  
We ought in such case to satisfy the Gods with works, & to entertain the world and the flesh with words: that 
How we ought to to spend our time.  we employ so much time in leading a good life, that we have no time vacant to speak an idle word.  
I let thee know Faustine, that all that I have told thee, I have spoken it against myself: for always from my youth I had a good mind, & yet for all that I have been overthrown with vices  
Oh how many times in my youth I knew women, I accompanied with women, I talked with women, and believed women: the which in the end have deceived me, misused me, and defamed me? At the last I withdrew myself and forsook them: but I do confess, that if reason kept me from their houses x. days, sensuality kept me with them x. weeks.  
Oh cruel Gods, oh wicked world, oh frail flesh, tell me what it meaneth 
Reason leadeth to virtue, Sensuality to vice.  that reason leadeth me voluntarily to virtues, and that Sensuality against my will, draweth me to vices?  
Dost thou not think Faustine, that I consider what a great good it is for to be good, and what an evil it is to be evil? But what shall I do woeful man, since at this day there is not so cruel a scourge of my honour, nor so great an enemy of my renown, as mine own flesh is, the which against me doth make such cruel wars? wherefore I beseech the immortal Gods, sith my being here is against my will, that they do defend me in this so cruel war. The frail flesh is somewhat to blame, but much more is the foolish and light woman in fault. For if men were certain that women were chaste, shamefast, & solitary, they would not dispose their hearts, their bodies, nor bend their Bows to shoot at their Butts: they would not consume their time to follow them, lose their goods to serve them, neither would they suffer so many shames to slander them. For where the heart hath no hope to obtain, there he will give over his suit.  
But what shall we do now Faustine (I pray thee tell me) since thou knowest better than I, that the shame of the Roman women is now gone, and the women of Italy are so dissolute, that though men do not regard them yet they do entice them: If men fly, they call them: if men go back, they approach: if men are sad, they make them merry: if men are silent, they force them to speak: and finally, men begin their love in sport, and they temper it in such sort, that they turn it all into earnest.  
I let thee know Faustine, that the means whereby Nature worketh in man is very strange: but the shame which the Gods put in Women, is more marvelous. And if it be true, (as it is true indeed) that the men do lose the sting of the Flesh, and that the Women do not lose the shame of the visage: I think it is impossible that there should be a chaste or virtuous woman in Rome. For there is no Commonwealth more undone, then that where the women have lost their shame.  
O women, what reason have they which fly from you, which are weary of you, which forsake you, which forget you, which make themselves strangers, and furthermore, which are dead and buried.  
For the hungry worms gnaw in in the graves only, the frail and slimy flesh of the dead: but you women destroy the goods, honour, and life of the living.  
Oh if the Noble heart knew what evil doth follow them, for dallying with women, I swear unto them, that they would not serve them continually as they do serve them, but also they would have no lust, nor desire to behold them.  
What wilt thou (I say any more to thee Faustine) but that some scape out of your hands for effeminate & slandered, others hurt by your tongues, others persecuted with your works, others deceived with your contenances, others despised through your hatred, others desperate through your inconstancy, others condemned by your light judgements, others troubled thoroughly our unkindness: Finally, those that escape best, are of your hearts abhorred, and through your follies destroyed.  
Then since the man knoweth that he must pass all these dangers, I can not tell what fool he is, that will either love or serve you? For the brute Beast that once hath felt the sharp teeth of the dogs, will unwillingly evermore after come near unto the stake.  
Oh unto what peril doth he offer himself, which continually doth haunt the company of women? For as much as if he love them not, they despise him, and take him for a Foole. If he doth love them, they account him for light.  
If he forsake them, they esteem him for no body. If he follow them, 
What dangers are incident to men by following women.  he is accounted lost. If he serve them, they do not regard him. If he do not serve them, they despise him. If he will have them, they will not. If he will not, they persecute him. If he do advance himself forth, they call him importunate. If he fly, they say he is a coward. If he speak, they say he is a bragger. If he hold his peace, they say he is a dissarde. If he laugh, they say he is a fool. If he laugh not, they say he is solemn. If he giveth them any thing, they say it is little worth: and he that giveth them nothing, he is a pinche-purse. Finally, he that haunteth them, is by them slandered: and he that doth not frequent them, is esteemed less than a man.  
These things so seen, heard, and so known, what shall the poor and miserable men do, in especially, if he be a man of understanding? For though he would absent himself from women, the flesh doth not give him licence: and though he would follow Women, wisdom will not condescend.  
Now some men suppose in all their thoughts, that by services and pleasures they may content women. But I let them know (if they know it not) that the woman is never contented, 
Women never contented.  though man doth what he can, as a maid, and that he do all that he ought to do as a husband: though he taketh painesfor her sake above his force, and though with the sweat of his brows he relieveth her need: though every hour he putteth himself in danger, yet in the end she will give him no thanks, but will say that he loveth another, and how he doth that but to please and satisfy her. It is a long time since I desired to tell thee this Faustines, but I have deferred it until this present hour, hoping thou wouldst not give occasion to tell it thee: For amongst wise men those words ought chiefly to be esteemed, which fitly to the purpose are declared.  
I remember that it is six years passed since Antonius Pius (thy Father) chose me to be his Son in law, and that thou choosest me for thy Husband, and I thee for my wife: all the which things were done, my woeful adventures permitting it, and Adrian (my Lord) commanding it.  
The good Antonius Pius gave his only daughter in marriage unto me, and gave me likewise his Noble Empire with great treasures: He gave me also the gardens of Vulcanali, to pass the time therein. But I think on both sides we were deceived: He in choosing me for his Son in law, and I, in taking thee for my wife.  
Oh Fanstine, thy Father, and my Father in law, was called Anthontus Pius, because to all he was merciful, save only to me, unto whom he was most cruel: For with a little flesh he gave me many bones. And I confess the truth unto thee, that now I have no more teeth to bite, nor heat in my stomach to digest: and the worst of all is, that many times I have thought to rage on myself. I will tell thee one word, though it doth displease thee, (which is) that for thy beauty thou art desired of many, and for thy evil conditions, thou art despised of all. For the fair women are like unto 
Women compared to golden pills.  the golden pills: the which in sight are very pleasant, and in eating very noisome.  
Thou knowest well Faustine, and I also, that we saw on a day Drusio, and Braxille his Wife, which were our neighbours, and as they were brawling together, I spoke unto Drusio such words;  
What meaneth this, (my Lord Drusio?) that being now the Feast of Berecinthia, and being as we are adioyving to her house, and present before so honourable an assembly, & furthermore, thy wife being so fair as she is, How is it possible there should be any strife between you?  
Men which are married to deformed persons, to the end that they might kill them quickly, should always fall out with their Wives: but those that are married to fair women, they ought always to live together, in joy and pleasure, to the end they may live long.  
For when a fair woman dieth, although she have lived an hundred years, yet she dieth too soon, and on the contrary, though a deformed woman liveth but a small time, yet notwithstanding she dieth too late.  
Drusio as a man being vexed, lifting up his eyes unto the heavens, fetching a grievous sigh from the bottom of his hart, said these words as followeth  
The Mother Berecinthia pardon me, and her holy house also, and all the company beside, forgive me: for by the immortal 
The speech of Drusio,  gods I swear unto thee, that I had rather have been Married with a Moor of Chalde that is so fowl, then being married as I am, with a Roman being very fair: For she is not so fair and white, as my life is woeful and black.  
Thou knowest well Faustine, that when Drusio spoke these words, I did wipe the tears from his eyes, and I gave him a word in his ear, that he should proceed no further in this matter: For such women ought to be chastened in secret, and afterwards to be honoured openly.  
Oh thou art most unfortunate Faustine, and the Gods have evil divided with thee, giving thee beauty and riches to undo thyself: and denying thee the best, which is wisdom and good conditions to keep thy honour. O what evil luck cometh unto a man, when God sendeth him a fair daughter, unless furthermore the Gods do permit that she be sage, and honest: for the woman which is young, foolish, and fair, destroyeth the Commonwealth, & defameth all her parentage.  
I say unto thee again Faustine, that the gods were very cruel against thee since they swallow thee up by the gulfs, where all the evil perisheth, and took from thee all the sails and 
What inconvenience follow those that are discontented in marriage.  owers, whereby the good do escape. I remained xxxviij. years unmarried, and these vi. years only which I have been married, me thinketh I have passed vi. hundredth years of my life: for nothing can be called a torment, but the evil that man doth suffer, that is evil married. I will assure thee of one thing Faustine, that if I had known before, that which now I know, and that I had felt that which now I feel, though the Gods had commanded me, and the Emperor Adrian my Lord desired me, I had not changed my poverty for thy riches, neither my rest for thy Empire: But since it is fallen to thine and mine evil fortunes, I am contented to speak little, and to suffer much.  
I have so much dissembled with thee Faustine, that I can no more: but I confess unto thee, that no Husband doth suffer his wife so much, but that he is bound to suffer her more, considering that he is a man, and that she is a woman. For the man which willingly goeth into the briars, he must think before to endure the pricks.  
The Woman is too bold that doth contend with her Husband: but that Husband is more fool, which openly quarreleth with his wife. For if she be good, he ought to favour her, to the end that she may be better: if she be unhappy, he ought to suffer her, to the end she be not worse. Truly when the woman thinketh that her husband taketh her for eulll, it is a great occasion to make her to be worse: For women are so ambitious, that those who commonly are evil, will make us believe that they are better than the others. 
How every man & woman ought to behave themselves.   
Believe me Faustine, that if the fear of the gods, the infamy of the person, & the speech of men, do not restrain the woman, all the chastisements of the world, will not make her refrain from vice: for all things suffereth chastisement and correction, the woman only except, the which must be won by entreaty.  
The heart of the man is very noble, and that of the woman very delicate, because for a little good, he will give a great reward: and for a great offence he will give no punishment.  
Before the wise man marrieth, it behoveth him to beware what he doth, and when he shall determine to take the company of a Woman, he ought to be like unto him that entereth into the war, that determineth with himself to suffer all that may happen, be it good or evil. I do not call that life a war without a cause, which the evil married man leadeth in his house: For women do more hurt with their tongues, than the enemies do with their swords. It is a great simplicity for a wise man to make account, or esteem 
What hurt cometh by misgoverning the tongue.  the simplicity of his wife at every time: For if they would mark, and take heed to that which their wife doth, or saith. I let them know that they shall never have an end.  
O Faustine, if the Roman women would always one thing, that they would procure one thing, that they would be resolved in one thing, although it were to our great charges, we should have pleasure to condescend unto their desires: but what shall we do? since that which now pleaseth you, a while after displeaseth you? that which you ask in the morning, ye will not have at noon: that which you enjoy at noon days, doth trouble you in the night: that which in the night you love, ye care not for in the morning: that which yesterday ye greatly esteemed, to day as much ye despise.  
If ye desired to see a thing the last year, this year ye will not hear talk of it: that which before made you to rejoice, doth now make you to be sad: that which ye were wont and aught tolament, at the self same thing, a man seeth you laugh.  
Finally, ye women are as children, which are appeased with an apple, and casteth the gold to the earth, as not weighing it. I have divers times thought with myself, if I could say, or write any good Rule, in keeping the which I might teach men to be quiet in their houses: And by my account I find (having experimented it also with thee Faustine,) that it is unpossible to give a rule to Married men: and if a man could give them, they should scarcely profit therewith, since their Wives live without rule.  
But yet notwithstanding that, I will declare some Rules, how the married folks should keep themselves in their houses: and how they shall, (if they list), avoid strifes and debates between them. For the Husbands and the Wives having wars together, it is impossible there should be peace in the Commonwealth. And though this present writing hath not profited me, unlucky and unfortunate man: yet it may profit others, which have good wives. For oft times the Medicine 
How married folks ought to carry themselves.  which profiteth not for the tender Eyes, sufficeth to heal the hard heels.  
I know well Faustine, that for that I have said, and for that I will say unto thee, thou and others such like, shall greatly envy me. Ye will mark the words that I speak, more than the intention that I mean: but I protest before the Gods, that in this case my end is for no other intent, but to advertise the good, whereof there are a great many: and to punish the evil, which are many more. And although perchance neither the one nor the other will believe that my intention in speaking these things was good: yet therefore I will not cease to know the good from the evil, and to choose the evil from the good. For in my fantasy the goodwife is as the Feasaunt, whose feathers we little esteem, and regard much the body: but the evil woman is as the Marten, whose skin we greatly esteem, and utterly despise the Flesh.  
I will therefore declare the Rules, whereby the Husbands may live in peace with their own proper wives.  

The Rules are these.  
THe first, the husband must needs have patience, and suffer his wife 
Rules for every man to follow that means to live in peace,  when she is displeased: for in Lybia there is no Serpent so spitefulll, as an evil woman when she is vexed.  
The second, the Husband ought to provide for his wife (according to his ability) all that is necessary for her, as well for her person, as for her house: for oft times it chanceth, that women seeking things necessary, find things superfluous, and not very honest.  
The third, the Husband ought to provide that his wife do keep good company: for women oft times are more troubled, with the words that their evil Neighbours speak against them, then for any occasion that their Husbands give them.  
The fourth, that the husband ought to use a mean, that his Wife be not too much a subject, nor that she stray too much abroad: for the Woman that gaddeth much in the streets, both loseth her good name, and spendeth his goods.  
The fifth, the Husband ought to take heed, that he striveth not so with his wife that she be brought past shame: for the woman that towards her Husband is shameless, hath no respect what dishonesty she committeth.  
The sixth, the Husband ought to let his wife understand that he doth trust her: for the woman is of such condition, that that which a wise man would not she should do, she will do soon: and that wherein she should take pains, she will do nothing.  
The seventh, the Husband ought to be circumspect, that he do not wholly trust his Wife with the goods and treasures of the house, nor yet utterly distrust her: For if the wife have the charge of the goods of the house, truly she will augment little, and if the Husband do suspect her, she will steal much.  
The eight, the Husband ought to look upon his wife merrily, and at other times again sadly: For women are of such condition, that when their Husbands show them a merry countenance they love them: and when they show themselves demure, they fear them.  
The ninth, the husband ought (if he be wise,) in this to take good advisement, that his wife quarrel not with his neighbours: For we have ofttimes seen in Rome, that for the quarrel of his Wife against his neighbours, the Husband hath lost his life, she hath lost her goods, and a slander hath risen throughout the Commonwealth.  
The tenth, the Husband ought to be so patient, that if he saw his wife commit any fault, that in no wise he should correct her openly, but in secret: For the husband that correcteth his wife before witness, doth as he which spiteth into the element, and the spittle falleth again into his eyes.  
The eleventh, the Husband ought to have much temperance, lest he lay hands on his wife to punish her: For truly the wife that with sharp words doth not amend, with all the chastisements of the world will never be good.  
The twelfth, if the Husband will be quiet with his wife, he ought to praise her before his neighbours and strangers: For amongst all other things, women have this property, that of all they would be praised, and of none corrected.  
The thirteenth, the Husband ought to beware to praise any other than his own Wife, she being present: For women are of this condition, that the same day that her Husband commendeth any other Woman, the same day his wife will cast him out of her heart, thinking that he loveth another and despiseth her.  
The fourteenth: The husband ought to make his wife believe that she is fair, though indeed she be foul: for there is between them no greater strife, then to think that her husband forsaketh her for being foul.  
The fifteenth: The husband ought to put his wife in remembrance of the infamy that they speak of them that be evil in the City: for women are glorious; and because they would be loath that men should talk such things by them as they talk of others, peradventure they will refrain from those vices that others commit.  
The sixteenth: the husband ought to take heed that his wife accept no new friends: for through accepting of new friends, there grow commonly between them great dissension.  
The seventeenth: The husband ought to take heed that his wife believe that he loveth not them whom she hateth: for women are of such a condition, that if the husbands loveth all them that they hate, immediately they will hate all those which they love.  
The eighteenth: The husband ought sometime in matters, which are not prejudicial unto him, confess himself to be overcome: for women desire rather to be counted the best in reasoning, (though it be of no value) then to have otherwise a greater jewel given them.  
In this sort, Faustine, I will say no more to thee, but wish, that thou shouldest see what I see, and feel what I feel: and above all, that my dissimulation should suffice to amend thy life.    

CHAP. XVII. The Emperor answereth more particularly concerning the Key of his Study.  
NOw Faustine, since I have the old venom from my heart expelled, I will answer to thy present demand: for unto demands and answers that passeth between the Sages, the tongue ought never to speak word, but that first he ask the heart licence. And it is a general rule amongst the Physicians, that the medicines do not profit the sick, unless they first take away the oppilations of the stomach, I mean by this, that no man can speak to his friend (as he ought) unless before he showeth what thing grieveth him: for it is better to repair the roufes of the houses that be old, then to go about to build them new.  
Thou requirest, Faustine, that I give thee the key of my Study, and thou dost threaten me, that if I give it not unto thee, that thou shalt forthwith be delivered. I marvel not at that thou sayest, neither am I abashed of that thou demandest, nor yet of that that thou wouldst do: for you women are very extreme in your desires, 
Women extreme in their demands.  very suspicious in your demands, very obstinate in your wills, and as unpatient in your sufferings. I say not without a cause that women are extreme in their desires: for there are things whereof women are so desirous, that it is wonder though never living creature saw them, nor heard speak of them. I have not said without a cause that women are suspicious in their demands: for the Roman women are of such a condition, that as soon as a woman desireth any thing, she forthwith commandeth the tongue to ask it, the feet to seek it, the eyes to see it, the hands to feel it, and likewise the heart to love it. I say not without a cause that women are obstinate in their wills: for if a Roman woman beareth any malice to any man, she will not forbear to accuse him for any slander, nor fail to pursue him for any poverty, nor fear to kill him for any justice. I say not without a cause that women are unpatient to suffer: for many are of such condition (I say not all) that if a man give not speedily that which they desire, they change their colour, their eyes look red, their tongues run 
A froward Woman described.  quick, their voices are sharp, they fret with themselves, they trouble their neighbours abroad, and are so out of order, that no man dare speak unto them within. You have this good trade among ye women, that under colour of being with child, you will that your husbands grant ye all your desires. When the sacred Senate, in the time of the valiant Camillus, made a law in the favour of the Roman Matrons with child, the women at that time longed not so much as they do at this present: but I cannot tell what this presently meaneth, that all ye are anointed with that that is good, and that ye are all desirous of that that is evil.  
I will tell thee, Faustine, the occasion why this law was made in Rome, and thereby thou shalt see if thou deservest to enjoy the privilege thereof or no: for the laws are but as yokes under the which the evil doth labour, and the wings wherewith the good do fly. The case thereof was such, that Camillus, the valiant Captain, went forth to the wars, he made a solemn vow to the mother Berecinthia, that if the Gods gave him the victory, he would offer unto her an Image of silver: and after Camillus wan the victory, and that he would have accomplished his vow to the mother Berecinthia, neither had he any riches, nor Rome had any silver: for at that time Rome was rich of virtues, and poor of money. 
Rome in ancient times rich in virtues.   
And know thou, Faustine, that our ancient Fathers were devout towards the Gods, and curious in repairing the Temples, the which they esteemed to be great devotions: and they were in such sort observed of their vows, that neither for sloth nor poverty they would omit their promises towards their Gods. And in these things they were so precise, that they granted to no man any triumph, unless he did swear that he had unto the Gods made a vow, and afterwards also proved how he performed it.  
At that time flourished in Rome many virtuous Romans, and many Greek Philosophers, many hardy Captains, and many sumptuous Buildings: and above all things, Rome was unpeopled of malicies, and adorned with virtuous Ladies.  
The Historiographers made (and not without a cause) great account of these virtuous Matrons: for the Commonwealth hath as much need of virtuous Women, as the Wars have of valiant Captains. They being therefore (as they were) so virtuous and so Noble Matrons, (without the motion of any woman) determined all to go into the high Capitol, and there to offer all their jewels and Treasures that they had, their Chains, their Rings, their Garments, their Bracelets, their Girdles, their Buttons, and Hangers of Gold, Silver, and precious Stones of all sorts, with all their Tablets.  
The Annals of this time say, that after the Roman women had laid so great a multitude of riches at the feet of the sacred Senate, in the name of of them all, one of them spoke, whose name was called Lucina, and said in this sort: Fathers conscript, esteem not much these our jewels, which we give you to make the Image of the mother Berecinthia: but esteem much this, that we willingly put in jeopardy our husbands and children, to win you the victory. And in this case you accept our poor service, have no respect to the little which we do offer: but to the great which (if we were able) we would give.  
Truly, the Romans, though the treasure which their wives offered was great: yet notwithstanding, they did more esteem the good will wherewith they gave it, than they did the gifts themselves: for there was so much, indeed, that sufficed both to make the Image of the Goddess Berecinthia, and also for a long time to maintain the Wars. Therefore from that day that those Matrons presented their jewels in the high Capitol, the Senate forthwith in remembrance of the gentleness, granted them these five things as a privilege: for at that time Rome never received service or benefit of any person, but She rewarded it with double payment.  
The first thing that the Senate granted the Roman Women was; That in the day of their burial, the Oraters 
Five things granted to the Matrons of Rome.  might openly make Orations in the praise of their lives: for, in old time men used neither to exalt them when they were dead, nor yet to accompany them to their graves.  
The second thing that was granted unto them was; That they might sit in the Temples: for, in the old time, when the Romans did offer Sacrifices to their Gods, the aged did always sit, the Priests kneel, the married men did lean; but the women, though they were of Noble and high lineage, could neither be suffered to talk, sit, nor lean.  
The third thing that the Senate granted the women of Rome was; That every one of them might have two rich Gowns, and that they should not ask the Senate leave to wear them: for, in the old time, if any woman were appareled, or did buy any new Gown without ask licence of the Senate, she should immediately lose her Gown; and because her husband did condescend unto the same, he was banished the Commonwealth.  
The fourth thing which they granted them was; That they should drink Wine when they were sick: for there was in Rome a custom inviolable, that though their life was in hazard, they durst not drink wine, but water: for, when Rome was well corrected, a woman that drunk wine was as much slandered among the people, as if she had committed Adultery towards her husband.  
The fith thing granted by the Senate unto the women was; That a man might not deny a Roman, being with child, any honest and lawful thing that she demanded. I cannot tell why the Ancients of Rome esteemed more of women with child, than others that had no children.  
All these five things were justly granted to the Matrons and Noble Roman Ladies. And I can tell thee, Faustine, that they were of the Senate most willingly granted: for it is reason that women, which in virtues do excel, should with all means be honoured.  
I will tell thee, Faustine, the especial cause that moved the Romans to grant unto you Matrons this last privilege: that is to say, That a man cannot deny them any thing being with child.  
Thou oughtest to know, that the others (as well Greeks as Latines) did never give Laws nor Institutions unto their people without great occasions: for the great multitude of laws are commonly evil kept; and on the other part, are cause of sundry troubles. We cannot deny, but that the Ancients did well avoid the great number of Institutions: for it is better for a man to live as reason commandeth him, then as the law constraineth him.  
The case therefore was, that in the year of the foundation of Rome, 364. Fuluius Torquatus then being Consul, in the war against the Volces, the Knights of Mauritania brought to Rome an huge Monster with one eye, called Monoculus, which he had found in the Deserts of Egypt, at the time the wife of Torquatus, called Macrina, should have been delivered of child; for the Consul did leave her great.  
This Macrina amongst all was so honest, that they spent as much time in Rome to praise her for her virtues, as they did set forth her husband for his Victories.  
They read in the Annalles of that time, That the first time that this Consul Torquatus went into Asia, he was eleven years out of his Country; and his found for a truth, that in all 
The commendation of a virtuous woman.  the time that Torquatus was absent, his wife was never seen to look out at the window, which was not a thing smally esteemed: for though it was a custom in Rome to keep the door shut: it was lawful notwithstanding to speak to women at the windows. Though men at that time were not so bold, and the women were so honest, yet Macrina, wife to Torquatus, lived so close & solitary to herself, that in all these eleven years there was never man that saw her go through Rome, or that ever saw her door open, neither that she consented at any time (from the time that she was eight years of age) that any man should enter into her house: and moreover, there was never man saw her face wholly uncovered. This Roman Lady did this, to leave of her a memory, and to give example of her virtue.  
She had also three children, whereof the eldest was but five years old: and so when they were eight years of age, immediately she sent them out of her house towards their Parents, lest, under the colour to visit the children, others should come to visit her.  
O Faustine, how many have I heard that have lamented this excellent Roman! and what will they think that shall follow her life? Who could presently restrain a Roman woman from going to the window eleven years, since things now adays are so dissolute, that they do not only desire to see them, but also run in the Streets, to babble of them?  
Who should cause now adays a Roman woman, that in the eleven years she should not open her doors, since it is so, that when the husband commanded her to shut one door, she will make the whole house to ring of her voice? He that now would command his wife to tarry at home, and let her of her vagaries into the Town, shall perceive that there is no Basilisk nor Viper that carrieth such poison in her tail, as she will spit with her tongue.  
Who could make a Roman woman to be eleven years continually without showing her face to any man, since it is so, that they spend the most part of their time in looking in a Glass, setting their Ruffs, brushing their clothes, and painting their faces?  
Who would cause a Roman woman to keep herself eleven years from being visited of her Neighbours and Friends, since it is true, that now women think them greatest enemies which visit them most seldom?  
Returning therefore to the Monster. As they led this Monster before the door of Torquatus his house, she being great with child, and her husband in the war, by chance a Maid of his told her how that this Monster passed by, wherefore so great a desire took her to see the Monster, that for to keep that she had begun, suddenly for this desire she died.  
Truly, I tell thee, Faustine, that this Monster had passed many times by the Street where she dwelled, and she would never notwithstanding go to the window, and much less out of her door to see it.  
The death of this Roman of many was lamented: for it was a long time that Rome had never heard of so honest and virtuous a Roman; wherefore at the petition of all the Roman people, and by the commandment of all the sacred Senate, they set on her Tomb these verses.  
The worthy Macrine resteth here in grave,  
Whom wise Torquatus lodged in junos' bed, 
The Epitaph of Macrine.   
Who reckoned not a happy life to have:  
So that for aye her honest name was spread.  
BEhold therefore, Faustine, In my opinion, the law was not made to remedy the death of this Noble Roman, since she was already dead; but to the end, that you Princesses should take example of her life, and that through all Rome there should be a memory of her death. It is reason, since the law was ordained for those women which are honest, that it should be observed in none, but upon those that are virtuous: let the women with child mark the words of the law, which command them to ask things honest. Wherefore I let thee know, Faustine, that in the seventh Table of our laws are written these words: We will, that where there is corruption of manners, the man shall not be bound to observe their liberties.   

CHAP. XVIII. That Princesses and Noble Women ought not to be ashamed to give their children suck with their own breasts.  
ALl Noble men that are of haughty courage watch continually to bring that to effect which they covet, and to keep that which they have: for, by slrength one cometh to honour: and by wisdom, Honour and life are both preserved.  
By these words I mean, That she that hath born nine months (through travail) the creature in her womb, with so much pain, and that afterwards is delivered with so great peril, and by the grace of God, from so many dangers escaped, me thinks it is not well, that in this point (which for the nourishment of the babe is most expedient) the Mothers should show them so negligent: for that wanteth no folly, that by extreme labour is procured, and with much lightness afterwards despised. The things that women naturally desire are infinite, among the which, these are four chiefly.  
The first thing that women desire, is 
Four things which women naturally desire.  to be very fair: for they had rather be poor and fair, then to be rich and foul.  
The second thing which they desire, ● is to see themselves married: for until such time as the woman do see herself married, from the bottom of her heart she always sigheth.  
The third thing that women desire, is to see themselves great with child, and herein they have reason: for until such time as the woman hath had a child, it seemeth that she taketh him more for a Lover then for a Husband.  
The fourth thing that they desire, is to see themselves delivered; and in this case, more than all the rest, they have reason: for it is great pity to see in the prime time a young tree loaden with blossoms, and afterward the fruit to be destroyed through the abundance of Caterpillars.  
Then since God sussereth that they are borne fair, that they see themselves married, that they be with child, and that they are delivered; why be they so unkind, as to send them out of their houses, to be nourished in other rude Cottages?  
In my opinion, the woman that is virtuous, aught as soon as she is delivered, to lift up her eyes, and with her heart to give God thanks for her fruit: for the woman, that from her delivery is escaped, aught to account herself as one newly borne. The woman likewise, seeing herself delivered of her creature, aught to give it suck with her own breasts: for it is a monstrous thing, that she that hath brought forth the creature out of her own proper womb, should give it to be nourished of a strange dug. In speaking more plainly, (it is all one to me whether she be a Noble woman, or a woman of mean condition) I say and affirm, that GOD 
Women bound by God's Law to give her children suck.  hath delivered her of all her travail, she herself ought with her own paps to nourish and give suck to their babes: for nature did not only make women able to bear men, but also besides that, provided milk in their breasts, to nourish their children. We have neither read until this present, nor seen, that any beasts (wild or tame) after they had young, would commit them to any other to be nourished.  
This which I have spoken is not so worthy of noting, as that which I will speak; and it is, That many beasts new borne, before they open their eyes to know their fathers, have now already taken nourishment in the teats of their mothers: and more than that, to see some of those little beasts have ten little whelps, the which, without the aid of any others, nourished them all with the substance of their own teats: and the woman that hath but one child disdaineth to give it suck. 
The example of dumb creatures may teach women to bring up their own children.   
All that shall read this writing shall find it true, and if they will, they may see as I have seen it by experience, that after the she Ape hath had her younglings, she always hath them in her arms so long as they suck, so that ofentimes there is such strife between the male & the female, which of them shall have the younglings in their arms, that the beholders are enforced to part them with bats.  
Let us leave the Beasts that are in the Fields, and talk of the Birds that are in the nests, the which do lay eggs to have young, yet have they no milk to bring them up. What thing is so strange to see, as a small Bird that hath under her wings five or six little naked Birds, the which when he hath hatched, she hath neither milk to nourish them, nor corn to give them; they have neither wings to fly, feathers to cover them, nor any other thing to defend them: yet in all this weakness and poverty, their mother forsaketh them not, nor committeth them to any other, but bringeth them up all herself.  
That which nature provided for the Swans is no less marvelous, in especially when they nourish their young Signets in the water: for as much as during the time that they cannot swim, the mothers always in the day are with their young Signets in these nests, and in the night the fathers carry them under their proper wings (to refresh them) unto the water. It is therefore to be thought, since these Swans so lovingly bear their younglings under their wings, that they would carry them in their arms if they were men, and also give them suck with their own breasts if they were women. Aristotle sayeth, in his fifth book De animalibus, that the Lions, 
Arist. de Animal.  the Bears, the Wolves, the Eagles, and Griffins, and generally all Beasts, never are, were, nor shall be seen so fierce nor so cruel, as when they have younglings: and this thing seemeth to be true: for at that time, we see that many beasts might escape the hunters, yet to save their younglings they turn back and put their proper lives in danger. Plato saith in his book of Laws, that the children are never so well beloved of their mothers, as when they are nourished with their proper breasts, & that their fathers danceth them on their knees. The which thing is true: for the first love in all things is the truest love.  
I was willing to show the bringing up of bruit beasts, to show the women with child how pitiful parents they are in nourishing their younglings with their own breasts: and how cruel Mother's Women are, in committing their children to strangers. It is a marvelous thing to hear the mothers say, that they love their children; and on the contrary side to see how they hate them. In this case I cannot tell whether they love more, either the child or the money: for I see that they covet greatly to hoard up riches into their Chests; and likewise, they desire as much to cast out their children out of their houses. There are divers reasons whereby the mothers ought to be moved to nourish their children (which they bore in their wombs) with their own proper breasts.  
The first reason is, that the mother ought to have respect how the young babe was borne alone, how little he was, how poor, delicate, naked, tender, and without understanding: and since that the mother brought it forth so weak and feeble, it is neither meet nor convenient, that in time of such necessity she should forsake it, and commit it into the hands of a strange Nurse. Let women pardon me, whether they be Ladies, brought up in pleasures, or other of meaner estate, accustomed with travels, I force not: but I say, that those which forsake their children in such extremities are not pitiful mothers, but cruel enemies. 
The description of children in their infancy.  If it be cruelty, not to clothe him that is naked, who is more naked than the child new borne? if it be cruelty not to comfort the sad; who is more sad, desolate and sorrowful, than the child which is borne weeping? If it be ungentleness not to succour the poor needy; who is more needy, or more poor than the innocent child newly borne, that knoweth not as yet neither to go, nor to speak? If it be cruelty to do evil to the innocent that cannot speak; who is more innocent than the infant that cannot complain of that which is done unto him? The mother that casteth out of her house the children borne of her own body, how can we believe that she will receive in any other of strangers? when the infant is now great, when he is strong, when he can speak, when he can go, when he can profit himself, and get his meat, the mother maketh much of him, and leadeth him about with her: but is little thank unto her: for then the mother hath more need of the child to be served, than the child hath of the mother to be cherished. If the children were born of the nails of the fingers of the feet, or of the hands, it were a small matter though their mothers sent them forth to nourish: but I cannot tell what heart can endure to suffer this, since the child is borne of their proper entrails, that they do commit it (to be brought up) into the hands of a stranger. Is there (peradventure) at this day in the world any Lady, that hath so great confidence in any of her friends, parents, or neighbours, that she durst trust any of them with the key of her coffer, wherein her lewels, money, and riches lieth? truly, I think none. O unkind mothers! my pen had almost called you cruel stepmothers, since you lay up in your heart the cursed muck of the ground, and send out of your houses that which sprang of your blood. And if women should say unto me that they are weak, feeble, and tender, and that now they have found a good Nurse: to this I answer, that the Nurse hath small love to the child which she nourisheth, when she seeth the ungentleness of the mother that bore it: for truly, she alone doth nourish the child with love, that heretofore hath borne it with pain.  
The second reason is, that it is a 
What love women ought to bear their children.  thing very just, that women should nourish their children, to the end they may be like unto their conditions: for otherwise they are no children, but are enemies: for the child that doth not reverence his mother that bore him, cannot enjoy a prosperous life. Since the intention of the parents, in bringing up their children, is for none other purpose, but to be served of them when they are old: they shall understand, that for this purpose there is nothing more necessary than the milk of the proper mother: for where the child sucketh the milk of a stranger, it is unlikely that it should have the conditions of the mother. If a Kid suck a Sheep, they shall perceive, it shall have the wool more fair, & the nature more gentle, then if he had sucked the Goat, which hath the wool more hard, and of nature is more wild; wherein the Proverb is verified, Not from whence thou comest, but whereof thou feedest.  
It availeth a man much to have a good inclination: but it helpeth him much more, from his infancy to be well taught: for in the end we profit more with the customs wherewith we live, than we do by nature from whence we came.  
The third reason is, that women ought to nourish their own children, because they should be whole mothers, and not unperfect: for the woman is counted but half a mother that beareth it, and likewise, half a mother that nourisheth it: but she is the whole mother, that both beareth it, and nourisheth it. After the duty considered unto the Father, that hath created us, and unto the Son, that hath redeemed us, me thinketh next we owe the greatest duty unto the Mother, that hath borne us in her body: and much more it is that we should bear unto her, if she had nourished us with her own breasts: for when the good child shall behold his mother, he ought more to love her because she nourished him with her milk: then because she hath borne him in her body.   

CHAP. XIX. The Author still persuadeth women to give their own children suck.  
IN the year of the foundation of Rome, five hundred & two, after the obstinate and cruel war between Rome and Carthage, where the renowned Captains were, Hannibal for the Carthaginians, and Scipio for the Romans: Soon after that war followed the war of Macedonia, against King Philip. The which, when it was ended, that of Syria began; against Antiochus, King of Syria: for in six hundred and thirty years the Romans had always continual wars in Asia, in Africa, or in Europe. The noble Romans sent the Consul Cornelius Scipio (brother to the great Scipio the African) for Captain of that war. And after many battles, Fortune showed her force in a City called Sepila, the which is in Asia the great, where King Antiochus was overcome, and all his Realm discomfited: for trees that have their roots plucked up, must needs within short time lose their fruits.  
After that King Antiochus was overcome, and his Land spoiled, Cornelius 
The reward of the Roman Captain.  Scipio came into Rome triumphing, for the victory that he had of Asia: so that his brother (for the victory that he had of Africa) was called Affricane: so he was called Scipio the Asian, because he vanquished Asia. The Captains of Rome loved honour so much, that they would no other reward nor recompense of their travel, but that they should give them the renown of the Realm which they had overcome. Truly they had reason, for the noble hearts ought little to esteem the increase of their riches, and ought greatly to esteem the perpetuity of their good name. As Sextus Cheronensis saith, in his third book De ambigua justitia, that Cornelius Scipio had a long time the government of the people, for as much as he was Consul, Censor, & Dictator of Rome: for he was not only hardy and courageous, but also he was sage and wise, which thing ought greatly to be esteemed in a man: for Aristotle doth not determine it, which of these two is most excellent; either stoutness, to fight in the wars; or policy, to rule in peace. Scipio therefore being Dictator (which was an office then as the Emperor is now) it chanced, that the ten Captains which had been with him in the wars, violently fought to have entered into the Monastery of the Virgin's Vestals: wherefore the Dictator commanded their heads to be cut off: for the Romans punished more cruelly those, that only required the Virgin's vestals, than those that forced the married Matrons.  
Cornelius Scipio was besought of many in Rome, that he would moderate and change his so cruel sentence. And he which most in this case did importune him, was his brother Scipio, the African, whose prayer was not accepted. Howbeit, in the end the said Captains were pardoned, by the request of a Sister of the said Dictator Scipio the African. And because 
The speech of Scipio the African.  he blamed his brother Scipio, that he had done more for the daughter of his Nurse, then for the son of his proper mother, he answered: I let thee know, brother, that I take her more for my Mother that brought me up, and did not bear me: then she which hath borne me, and in my infancy hath forsaken me: And since I have had her for my true mother, it is but reason that I have this for my dear and well beloved sister.  
These were the words which passed between these two brethren.  
I have diligently read in holy and profane Writings, that many Tyrants have caused their own mothers to be killed which bore them: but I could never find that they have done any discourtesy or disobedience to the Nurses which gave them milk. For the cruel Tyrants do thirst after the blood of others; but they fear them whose milk they suck.  
The fourth reason that bindeth Women to nourish their children is, to keep them in more obedience: for, if the Fathers live a long time, they must of force come into the hands of their children. And let not old Fathers make their accounts, saying, that during the time that they shall have the government of the house, their children shall be kept in obedience: for in so doing they might abuse themselves: for young men in their youth, feel not the travails of this life, not know not as yet, what it meaneth to make provision for household: for to the stomach that is full, and cloyed with eating, all meats seem both unsavoury and noisome.  
It may well be, that since the children are not nourished in the house, that they know not their servants, that they love not their Parents, that they come not near their brethren nor talk with their sisters, that they are ignorant of their fathers, and do disobey their mothers: wherefore, since little fear doth abound, and good will fail, one day they commit some mischievous offence, whereby they do lose their life worthily, and the fathers lose the riches, and likewise their honour deservedly, to the intent that the fathers always 
What duty is required between the Parents and the child.  keep their proper children under obedience, there is no better mean then to bring them up in their own houses, the mother to give them suck, and the father to teach them: for when the mother desireth any thing of her child, she should not show him the belly from whence he came, but the dugs which he did suck: for all that which is asked us, by the milk which we did suck, truly there is no heart so hard that can deny her.  
The Historiographers say, that Antipater among all the Grecians was the most renowned tyrant: & among the Romans, Nero. And these two wicked Princes were not great tyrants because they had committed many tyrannies; but because they did commit one which was most grievous of all others: for they do not call a man a Glutton or Cormorant, because he eateth every hour, but because he devoureth more at one paste, than others do in one day. The case was, that Antipater in Greece, and Nero in Rome, determined to kill their own Mothers: And the Historiographers say, that when Nero commanded his mother to be killed, she sent to ask of him why he would put her to death? whereunto he answered, That he was cloyed to behold the arms wherein he was nourished, and therefore he caused 
The eruelty of Nero towards his Mother.  her to be killed, to see the entrails out of the which he came.  
This case was so horrible, that it seemed to many not to speak it: but concluding, I say, as unjustly as the mothers lost the mortal life, so justly did the children get for them immortal infamy. Nothing can be more wieked and detestable to the children, then to kill their mothers which did bear them with pain, and did nourish them with love: but notwithstanding all this, we do not read that ever they did kill, dishonour, or yet disobey their nurses which gave them milk. junius Rusticus, in the fifth book of the bringing up of children, saith, that the two Gracchis (renowned & famous Romans) had a third brother, being a Bastard, who showed himself as valiant and hardy in the wars of Asia, as the other two did in the wars of Africa. The which, as he came one day to Rome to visit his house, he found therein his Mother which bore him, and the Nurse which gave him suck; to the which Nurse he gave a Girdle of gold, and to his own Mother he gave a jewel of silver. Of the which things the mother being ashamed, considering what her son had done, she asked him, why he had given the nurse the gold, which did but only give him suck, & that he had not given the girdle of gold to her as well as the jewel of silver, since she had born, & brought him into the world. Whereunto he answered in this manner: Marvel not thereat, mother, why I do this thing, for thou didst bear me but nine months in thy womb, and she hath given me suck, and nourished me these three years with her own proper paps: and when thou didst cast me from thee out of thy sight, she received me and nourished me in her proper arms.  
Fifthly, Women ought to enforce themselves to nourish their children, 
The reason that may move women to give their children suck.  to the end they may keep them the better, and that in their cradles they be not changed for others.  
Aristotle saith, that the Cuckoo commêth to the nest of another bird when she hath laid her eggs, and sucketh them, and layeth in the same place her own eggs: so that the other bird, thinking that they are her own, hatcheth and nourisheth them up as her own, until such time as they are able to fly: then the Cuckoo killeth and eateth the silly bird that hath nourished her; through the which occasion the males of those birds are at so great contention (that they have been so deceived) that the one of them killeth the other, the which they might let if every bird did nourish her own.  
In the same time that Philip reigned in Macedonia, (which was the father of Alexander the great) Arthebanus was King of the Epirotes, who in his age had a child borne, the which was stolen out of the Cradle, and another put in his stead. The Nurse which did nourish it, through covetousness of money, consented to that treason: for the heart that is with covetousness overcome, will not fear to commit any treason. It chanced not long after that King Arthebanus died, and left (as he thought) his own son for his heir: but within few days after, the Nurse herself, which had consented unto the robbery, discovered the theft, and said, that she could tell where the lawful child of the good King Arthebanus was, and that that child which now was Heir, was but the son of a mean Knight: but indeed, it had been better for those of the miserable Realm, that the woman had never discovered the secret: for it chanceth oft times, that a man maketh such haste off his horse, that he hurteth his leg, and through that occasion afterwards falleth and breaketh his neck. But what shall we say to the plebeical women, of base and mean estate, (I do not mean the Noble, Gentle, and virtuous Ladies) whereof they are many, that though in great secret their chiefest friend telleth them any thing, yet before they drink they will utter it to another.  
Thus when the treason was discovered, cruel wars between these two Princes began: so that in the end, in a great battle they were both slain, the one in defending, and the other in assaulting.  
At that time Olimpias reigned, who was the fair and worthy wife of Philip, and mother of Alexander. She had a Brother, named Alexander, who was both politic & hardy, and hearing the Epirotes were in conroversie, and that two Kings were slain in the field, he placed himself in the Realm, more of will, then of right. And let no man marvel, that this King occupied the Realm; for in the old time all the tyrrannous Prince's thought, that all that which they could obtain without resistance, did unto them belong by justice. This King Alexander was he which came into Italy in the favour of the Tarentines, when they rebelled against the Romans: who afterward was slain in battle at Capua, where his body was unburied. And truly it was a just sentence, that the tyrant which beteaveth many of their lives, should himself taste some shameful death.  
I have declared this History to this end, that Princesses and great Ladies should see, that if the wife of King Arthehanus had nourished his son, they could not have robbed it in the Cradle, nor these two Princes had not been slain in battle, nor the Commonwealth had not been destroyed, nor Alexander had not entered into the Land of another, nor had not come to conquer the Country of Italy, nor the dead corpse had not wanted his grave: for oft times it chanceth, for not quenching a little coal of fire, a whole Forest and house is burned.  
The divine Plato among the Greeks, and Lycurgus among the Lacedæmonians, commanded and ordained in all their laws, That all the Plebeica women; and those of mean estate, should nourish all their children; and that those which were Princesses & great Ladies, should at the least nourish their eldest and first begotten.  
Plutarch, in the book of The reign of Princes, saith, That the sixth King of the Lacedæmonians was Thomists, the which, when he died, left two children, of which, the second inherited the Realm, because the Queen herself had brought it up: and the first did not inherit, becave a strange Nurse had given it suck, and brought it up. And hereof remained a custom in the most part of the Realms of Asia, that the child which was not 
A custom of Asia.  nourished with the paps of his mother, should inherit none of his mother's goods. There was never, nor never shall be a mother that had such a Son as the Mother of God, which had jesus Christ: nor there was never, nor never shall be a son which had such a mother in the world. But the Infant would never suck other milk, because he would not be bound to call any other mother; nor the mother did give him to nourish to any other mother, because that no other woman should call him son.  
I do not marvel at all, that Princesses and great Ladies do give their children forth to nourish: but that which most I marvel at is, that she which hath conceived and brought forth a child, is ashamed to give it suck and to nourish it. I suppose that the Ladies do think, that they deserve to conceive them in their wombs, & that they sin in nourishing them in their arms. I cannot tell how to write, and much less how to utter that which I would say, which is, that women are now adays come into such folly, that they think & esteem it a state to have in their arms some little dogs: and they are ashamed to nourish and give their children suck with their own breasts. O cruel mothers! I cannot think that your hearts can be so stony, to endure to see and keep fantastic all Birds in cages, unhappy Monkeys in the windows, fisting Spaniels between your arms, and so neglect and despise the sweet Babes, casting them out of your houses where they were borne, and to put them into a strange place where they are unknown. It is a thing which cannot be in nature, neither that honesty can endure, conscience permit, nor yet consonant either to divine or human laws, that those which GOD hath made Mothers of children, should make themselves Nurse's of dogs.  
junius Rusticus, in the third 
The saying of junius Rustious.  book of the sayings of the Ancients, saith, that Marcus Porcio, whose life and doctrine was a lantern and example to the Roman people, as a man much offended, said on a day to the Senate. O Fathers conscript! O cursed Rome! I cannot tell what now I should say, sith I have seen in Rome such monstrous things (that is to say) to see women carry Parrots on their fists, & to see women to nourish dogs, giving them Milk from their own breasts. They replied in the Senate, and said: Tell us Marcus Porcia, What wouldst thou we should do which live now, to resemble our Fathers which are dead?  
Marcus Portio answered them. The woman that presumeth to be a Roman Matron, aught to be found weaving in her house: and out of that, to be 
How men and women ought to be stow their time.  found in the Temple praying to God: and the Noble, and stout Roman, aught to be found in his House, reading Books, and out of his house, fight in the plain Field, for the honour of his country: And surely these were words worthy of such a man.  
Annius Minutius was a Noble Roman, and captain of great Pompeius, who was a great friend to julius Caesar after the battle of Farsalie: For he was an Ancient, and one that could give good counsel, wherefore he never scaped, but that he was chosen in Rome, for Senator, Consul, or Censor every year: For julius Caesar was so merciful to them that he pardoned, those which had been his most enemies in the wars, were of him in peace best beloved.  
This Annius Minutius then being chosen Censor within Rome, (which was an Office having charge of justice) by chance as he went to visit the wife of another Friend of his, the which lay in Childbed, (because she had great abundance of milk) he found that a little pretty Bitch did suck her: Upon the which occasion they say he said these words to the Senate, Father's conscript, a present mischief is now at hand, according to the token I have seen this day (that is to say,) I have seen a Roman woman deny her own Children her milk, and gave suck to a filthy bitch.  
And truly this Annius had reason to esteem this case as a wonder: For the truest and sweetest loves are not, but between the Fathers and Children: and where the mother embraceth the brute beast, and forsaketh her natural child which she hath brought forth, it cannot be otherwise, but there either wisdom wanteth, or folly aboundeth: for the Fool loveth that he ought to despise, and despiseth that which he ought to love.  
Yet though the mothers will not give their children suck, they ought to do 
What profit cometh to Women by giving their children suck  it for the danger which may come to the health of their persons persons: for as the women which bring forth Children, do live more healthful than those which bear none: so these which do nourish them, have more health than those which do not nourish them.  
For although the bringing up of children be troublesome to women, yet it is profitable for their health. I am ashamed to tell it, but it is more shame for Ladies to do it: to see what plasters they put to their Breasts to dry up their milk: and hereof cometh the just judgements of God, that in that place oft times where they seek to stop their milk, in the self same place, they themselves pocure their sudden death.  
I ask now, if women do not enjoy their children being young, what pleasure hope they to have of them when they be old. What a great comfort is it for the Parents to see the young Babe, when he will laugh? how he twinckleth his little eyes: when he will weep, how he will hang the pretty lip: when he would speak, how he will make signs with his little fingers: when he would go how he casteth forward his feet: and above all, when he beginneth to babble: how he doubleth his words.  
What thing is more pleasant to the Father then to see them, and to the mother to agree to it, when the children do suck, they pluck forth the Breasts with the one hand, and with the other they pluck their cradle, and further they beat their feet together, and with their wanton eyes, they cast on their Parents a thousand loving looks, what is it to see them when they are vexed and angry, how they will not be taken of the Fathers, how they strike their Mother: they cast away things of gold, and immediately they are appeased with a little apple, or rush: What a thing is it to see the innocents how they answer, when a man asketh them? what follies they speak, when they speak to them? how they play with the dogs, and run after the Cats? How they dress them in wallowing in the dust? how they make little houses of Earth in the streets? how they weep after the birds when they fly away? All the which things are not to the Eyes of the Fathers and Mothers, but as nightingales to sing, and as Bread and meat to eat.  
The Mothers peradventure will say that they will not bring up their children: because when they are young, they are troublesome, but that after they should be nourished and brought up, they would be glad.  
To this I answer them, that the mothers shall not deny me, but that some of these things must needs meet in their children, that when they be old they shallbe either proud, envious, covetous, or negligent: that they shallbe Lecherous, or else thieves, that they shallbe Blasphemers, or else gluttons, that they shallbe rebels, or fools, and disobedient unto their Fathers.  
I believe that at this day there are many Mothers in the world, which did hope to be honoured, and served with the Children which they had brought up: and afterwards, perceiving their manners, would willingly forego the pleasures which they hoped for, so that they might also be delivered from the troubles, which for their evil demeanours are like to ensue. For that time which the Parents hoped to pass with their Children in pleasures, they consume (seeing their unthrifty life) in sorrowful sobs and sighs.  
I counsel, admonish, and humbly require Princesses and great Ladies, to nourish and enjoy their Children when they are young and tender: for 
How women ought to spend the time about their children.  after that they are great, a man shall bring them news every day of divers sorts and manners they use: for as much as the one shall say that her son is in prison: and another shall say that he is sore wounded: another, that he is hid: others, that he hath played his cloak: others, that he is slandered with a common harlot: another, that he stealeth his goods from him: another, that his enemies do seek him: another, thet he accompanieth with unthrifts: And finally, they are so slurdie, unhappy, and so far from that which is good: that oftentimes the fathers would rejoice to see them die, rather than to see them live so evil a life.  
Me thinketh that the knot of love between the mother and the child is so great, that not only she ought not to suffer them to be nourished out of the house one whole year: but also 
Pleasures that women may take in their children.  she ought not to suffer them to be out of her presence one only day. For in seeing him, she seeth that which is borne of her entrails: she seeth that which she hath with so great pains delivered: she seeth him who ought to inherit all her goods: she seeth him in whom the memory of their Ancestors remaineth: and she seeth him, who after her death ought to have the charge of her affairs and business.  
Concluding therefore, that which above is spoken (I say) that which the great Plutarch said; from whom I have drawn the most part of this chapter: that the mother, (to be a good Mother) ought to have and keep her Child in her arms to nourish him, and afterwards when he shallbe great, she ought to have him in her hart, to help him. For we see oft times great evils ensue, to the Mother, and to the Child, because she did not bring him up herself: and to put him to nourish to a strange breast, there cometh neither honour nor profit.   

CHAP. XX. xx. That Princesses & great Ladies ought to be very circumspect in choosing of their Nurses. Of seven properties which a good Nurse should have.  
THose which ordained Laws for the people to live, were 
The laws of the Ancients.  these; Promotheans, which gave laws to the Egyptians: Solon Solinon, to the greeks, Moses to the jews, Lycurgus to the Lacedæmonians, and Numa Pompilius to the Romans: for before these Princes came, their people were not governed by written laws, but by good ancient customs.  
The intention of these Excellent Princes was, not to give laws to their predecessors, for they were now dead: neither they gave them only for those which lived in their time being wicked, but also for those which were to come, whom they did prestippose would not be good. For the more the World increaseth in years, so much the more it is loaden with vices.  
By this that I have spoken, I mean, that if the Princesses and great Ladies every one of them would Nourish their own child, I need not to give them counsel. But since, I have supposed that the women which shall be delivered hereafter, will be as proud and vainglorious, as those which were in times past: We will not let to declare here some Laws and advises how the Lady ought to behave herself with her Nurse, and how the Nurse ought to content herself with the creature. For it is but just, that if the mother be cruel, and hardy to forsake the creature, that she be sage, pitiful, and advised to choose her Nurse.  
If a man find great treasure, and afterwards care not how to keep it, but doth commit into the hands of suspected persons, truly we would call him a fool. For that which naturally is beloved, is always of all best kept.  
The Woman ought more wisely to keep the treasure of her own body, than the treasure of all the Earth (if she had it.) And the Mother which 
What care Women ought to have of their children.  doth the contrary, and that committeth her Child to the custody of a strange Nurse, not to her whom she thinketh best, but whom she findeth best cheap: we will not call her a foolish beast, for that name is too unseemly) out we will call her a sot, which is somewhat more honester.  
One of the things that doth make us most believe that the end of the world is at hand: is, to see the little love which the mother doth bear to the child being young, and to see the want of love which the Child hath bear to his Mother being aged. That which the child doth to the Father and Mother, is the just judgement of God: that even as the Father would not nourish the child in his house, being young: so likewise that the son should not suffer the Father in his house, he being old.  
Returning therefore to the matter, that sith the woman doth determine to dry and shut up the fountains of milk which Nature hath given her, she ought to be very diligent; to search out a good nurse: the which ought not only to content herself to have her milk whole, but also that she be good of life. For otherwise, the child shall not have so much profit by the which he sucketh, as the nurse shall do it harm, if she be a woman of an evil life.  
I do advise Princesses and great Dames, that they watch diligently to know what their Nurses are, before they commit their children to them: for, if such Nurses be evil, and slandered, they are as Serpents which do 
A good example for women.  bite the Mother with their mouth, and do sting the child with her tail. In my opinion it were less evil, the Mother should suffer that her Child should perish in delivering it: then for to keep in her house an evil woman. For the sorrow of the death of the Child is forgotten and brought to nought in time, but the slander of her house shall endure as long as she liveth.  
Sextus Cheronensis sayeth, that the Emperor Marcus Aurelius commanded his Son to be brought up of a woman, the which was more fair, than virtuous. And when the good Emperor was advertised thereof, he did not only send her from his Palace, but also he banished and exiled her from Rome: swearing that if she had not nourished his Son with her paps, he would have commanded her to have been torn in pieces with Beasts. For the woman of an evil renown, may justly be condemned, and put to death.  
Princesses and great Ladies ought not greatly to pass, whether the nurses be fair or fowl: For if the milk be sweet, white, and tender, it little skilleth though the face of the Nurse be white, or black.  
Sextus Cheronensis saith, in the book of the nurture of children, that even as the black Earth is more fertile than is the white earth: So likewise, the Woman which is brown in countenance, hath always the most substantial milk.  
Paulus Dyaconus, in his greatest History, saith, that the Emperor Adocerus did Marry himself with the daughter of another Emperor, his predecessor called Zeno, and the Empress was called Arielna: The which in bringing forth a Son, had a woman of Hungary, marvelous fair, to nourish it, and the case succeeded in such sort, that the Nurse for being fair, had by the Emperor iij. children the one after the other: and his woeful Wife never had any but the first alone.  
A man ought to believe that the Empress Arielna did not only repent herself, for taking into her house so fair a Nurse: but also was sorry that 
A good example for all sorts of women.  ever she had any at all; sith the Ribald thereby was Mistress in the house, and she remained without husband all her life.  
I do not say it, for that there are not many foul women vicious, nor yet because there are not many fair women virtuous: but that Princesses and great Ladies, (according to the qualities of their Husbands) ought to be profitable and tender Nurses, to bring up their Children. For in this case there are some men of so weak a complexion, that in seeing a little clean water, immediately they die to drink thereof. Let therefore this be the first counsel in choosing Nurses, that the Nurse before she enter into the house be examined, if she be honest and virtuous. For it is a trys●e whether the Nurse be fair or foul: but that she be of a good life, and of an honest behaviour.  
Secondarily, it is necessary that the Nurse which nourisheth the child, be not only good in behaviour of her life: but also it is necessary that she be whole, as touching the bodily health. For it is a rule unfallible, that of the milk which we do suck in our infancy, dependeth all the corporal health of our life.  
A child given to the Nurse to nourish, is as a Tree removed from one place to another. And if it be so (as in deed it is) it behoveth in all points, that if the Earth wherein it shall be new put, were no better, that at the least it be not worse: For this should be a great cruelty, that the Mother being whole, strong, and well disposed, should give her Child to a lean woman to nurse, which is feeble, sore, and diseased.  
Princesses and great Ladies, do chose lean women, weak, and sick, for to nourish their Infants. And in that they do fail, it is not for that they would err: But it is because that such feeble and weak Nurses, (by a vain desire they have to be Nurses in a Gentleman's house) on the one part they say they will little money, and on the other part, they do make great suits.  
What thing it is when a Princess or a Noble-woman is delivered of a Child? to see the devices of other women among themselves, who shall be the Nurse: and how those which never nourished their own children, do preserve the milk to nourish the children of others? To procure this thing for women, me thinketh it proceedeth of abundance of folly, and to condescend to their requests, me thinketh it is for want of wisdom.  
They look not always to the manners and ability of the Nurse, how apt she is to nurse their child: but how diligent she is to have to nourish. They ear not greatly whether they be good or no: For if the first be not good, they will take the second, and if the second pleaseth them not, they will have the third: and so upwards, until they have found a good Nurse. But I let you to know (you 
What inconvenience cometh by changing Nurses.  Princesses and great Ladies) that it is more danger for the Children to change divers milks, then unto the old men to eat divers meats.  
We see daily by experience, that without comparison, there dieth more children of Noble-women, than children of women of the meaner estate. And we will not say, that it is for that they do flatter their children more, nor for that the wives of labourers do eat fine meats: but that it chanceth oft times, that the children of a poor woman doth neither eat nor drink, but of one kind of meat, or milk in two years: and the child of a Lady shall change and alter three Nurses in two months.  
If Princesses and great Ladies were circumspect in choosing their nurses, and that they did look whether they were whole, without diseases, and honest in their manners, and would not regard so much the importunity of their suits: the Mothers should excuse themselves from many sorrows, and the children likewise, should be delivered from many diseases.  
One of the most renowned Princes in times past, was Titus, the Son of Vespasian, and Brother of Domitian. Lampriains' saith, that this good Emperor Titus (the most part of his life) was subject to grievous diseases, & infirmities of his person: and the cause was, for that when he was young, he was, give to a sick Nurse to be nourished; So that this good Emperor sucking her Dug but a while, was constrained to pass all his life after in pain.  
Thirdly, Princesses and great Ladies ought to know, and understand the complexion of their children: to the end that according to the same, they might seek pitiful Nurses: that is to say, if the child were Choleric, Flegmatcke, Sanguine, or Melancholy. For look what humour the child is of, of the same quality the milk of the Nurse should be.  
If unto an old corrupted man they minister medicines conformable to his diseases, for to cure him, why then should not the Mother seek a wholesome Nurse to the tender Babe, agreeable to his complexion, to nourish him? And if thou sayest, it is just, that the flesh old and corrupted be sustained: I tell thee likewise, that it is much more necessary that the Children should be curiously and well nourished, to multiply the world: For in the end we do not say, it is time that the Young leave the bread for the Aged: but contrary, it is time, that the old leave the bread for the young.  
Aristotle in the book De secretis secretorum, and junius Rusticus, in the 
Arist. de secret. secretorum.  tenth book De gestis Persarum, say: that the unfortunate king Darius (who was overcome by Alexander the great) had a Daughter of a marvelous beauty. And they say that the Nurse which gave suck to this daughter, all the time that she did nourish it, did neither eat nor drink any thing but poison: and at the end of three years, when the Child was weyned, and plucked from the dug, she did eat nothing but Colubers, and other venomous worms.  
I have heard say many times that the Emperors had a custom to nourish their Heirs and Children with poisons when they were young, to the intent that they should not be hurt by poison, afterward when they were old. And this error cometh of those which presume much, and know little. And therefore I say, that I have heard say, without saying I have read it. For some declare histories, more for that they have heard say of others: then for that they have read themselves.  
The truth in this case is, that as we uselat this present, to wear chains of gold about our necks, or jewels on our fingers, so did the gentiles in times past, a Ring on their fingers, or some jewel in their bosom, replenished with poison. And because the Paynims did neither fear hell, nor hoped for heaven, they had that custom: for if at any times in Battle they should find themselves in distress, they had rather end their lives with poison, then to receive any injury of their enemies. Then if it were true, that those Princes had been nourished with that Poison, they would not have carried it about them to have ended their lives.  
Further, I say, that the Princes of 
How children ought to be nourished and brought up.  Persia did use when they had any child borne, to give him milk to suck agreeable to the Complexion he had. Since this daughter of Darius was of melancholy humour, they determined to bring her up with venom and poison: because all those which are pure melancholy, do live with sorrow, and die with pleasure.  
Ignatius the Venetian, in the life of the five Emperors, Palleolus (which were valiant Emperors in Constantinople,) sayeth: that the second of that name, called Palleolus the hardy, was after the xl. years of his age, so troubled with infirmities and diseases, that always of the twelve months of the year, he was in his bed sick nine months: and being so sick as he was, the affairs and business of the Empire were but slenderly done and looked unto. For the Prince cannot have so small a Fever, but the people in the commonwealth must have it double,  
This Emperor Palleolus had a wife, whose name was Huldonina, the which after she had brought all the Physicians of Asia unto her Husband, and that she had ministered unto him all the medicines she could learn to help him, and in the end seeing nothing avail, there came by chance an old woman, a Grecian borne, who presumed to have great knowledge in herbs, and said unto the Empress. Noble Empress Huldovina, If thou wilt that the Emperor thy husband live long, see that thou chafe, anger, 
Good counsel for one that would live long.  and vex him every week at the least twice: for he is of a pure melancholy humour, and therefore he that doth him pleasure, augmenteth his disease: and he that vexeth him shall prolong his life.  
The Empress Huldovina followed the counsel of this Greek woman, which was occasion that the Emperor lived afterwards sound and whole many years: so that of the nine months which he was accustomed to be sick every year, in twenty years afterwards he was not sick three months. For where as this Greek woman commanded the Empress to anger her husband but twice in the week, she accustomably angered him iiii. times in the day.  
Fourthly, the good mother ought to take heed, that the nurse be very temperate in eating, so that she should eat little of divers meats, and of those few dishes she should not eat too much. To understand the thing ye must know, that the white milk is no other than blood which is sodden, & that which causeth the good or evil blood, cometh oft times of an other thing, but that either the person in temperate, or else a glutton in●ating, and therefore it is a thing both healthful and necessary, that the nurse that nourisheth the child do eat good meats: for among men and women it is a general rule, that in little eating there is no danger and of too much eating there is no profit. As all the Philosophers say, the wolf is one of the beasts that denoureth most, and is most greedyest, and therefore he is most feared of all the Shepherds.  
But Aristotle, in his third book De Animalibus saith: That when the wolf doth once feel herself great with young, in all her life after she never 
Aristot: De Animalib:  suffereth herself to be coupled with the wolf again. For otherwise, if the wolf should yearly bring forth seven. or viii. whelps (as commonly she doth, and the Sheep but one lamb, there would be in short space, more wolves than sheep. Beside all this, the wolf hath an other property, which is, that although she be a Beast most devouring and greedy: yet when she hath whelped, she feedeth very temperately, and it is to the end to nourish her whelps, and to have good milk. And besides that, she doth eat but once in the day, the which the dogwolfe doth provide, both for the Bitch & whelps.  
Truly it is a monstrous thing to see, and noisome to hear, and no less slanderous to speak: that a Wolf which giveth suck to viii. whelps, eateth but one only kind of meat, and the woman which giveth suck but to one Child alone, will eat of seven. or viii. sorts of meats. And the cause hereof is, that the Beast doth not eat but to sustain nature, & a woman doth not eat, but to satisfy her pleasure.  
Princesses and great Ladies ought to watch narrowly, to know when & how much the Nurses do eat, which do nourish their children: For the child is so tender, and the milk so delicate, that with eating of sundry meats 
What Diet Nurse's aught to use.  they become corrupt, and with eating much they waxefat. If the children suck those which are fat & gross, they are commonly sick: and if they suck milk corrupted, they oft times go to bed whole, & in the morn be found dead Isidor in his etimologies saith, that the men of the province of Thrace were so cruel that the one did eat the other: and they did not only this, but also further to show more their immanity in the skulls of those that were dead, they drank the blood of him that was lately alive. Though men were so cruel to eat men's flesh, and to drink the blood of the veins; yet the Women which nourished their children, were so temperate in eating, that they did eat nothing but nettles sodden, and boiled in goats milk. And because the women of Thrace were so moderate in eating, the Phliosopher Solon Solynon brought some to Athens: for the Ancients sought no less to have good women in the commonwealth, then to have hardy and valiant Captains in the war.   

CHAP. XXI. The Author addeth three other conditions to a good nurse that giveth suck: that they drink no wine, that she be honest, and chiefly that she be well conditioned.  
THe Princesses and great Ladies may know by this example, what difference there is between the women 
An example of the women of Thrace.  of Thrace, which are fed with nettles only, and have brought forth such fierce men, and the women of our time, which through their delicate and excessive eating, bring forth such weak and feeble children.  
Fiftly, the Ladies ought to be very circumspect, not only that Nurses eat not much, and that they be not greedy: but also that they be in wine temperate, the which in old time was not called wine, but venom. The reason hereof is apparent and manifest enough: For if we do forbid the fat meats which lieth in the stomach, we should then much more forbid the moist Wine, which washeth all the veins of the body.  
And further I say, that as the Child hath no other nourishment but the milk only, and that the milk proceedeth of blood, and that blood is nourished of the wine, and that wine is naturally hot, from the first to the last.  
I say, that Woman which drinketh wine, and giveth the child suck, 
Women giving suck, aught to abstain from wine.  doth as she that maketh a great Fire under the pan, where there is but a little milk: so that the pan burneth, and the milk runneth over.  
I will not deny, but that sometimes it may chance, that the child shall be of a strong complexion, and the Nurse of a feeble and weak nature: and then the child would more substantial milk, when the woman is not able to give it him.  
In such a case, (though with other things Milk may be conferred,) I allow that the nurse drink a little wine: but it should be so little, and so well watered, that it should rather be to take away the unsavoriness of the water, then for to taste of any savour of the wine.  
I do not speak this without a cause, for the nurse being sick, and feeble of herself, and her milk not substantial, it oftentimes moveth her to eat more than necessity requireth, and to drink wine which is somewhat nutritive: So that they supposing to give the Nurse treacle, do give her poison to destroy her child.  
Those excellent and Ancient romans, if they had been in our time, and that we had deserved to have been in their time, (although our time, for being Christians is better) they had saved us from this travel: For they were so temperate in eating meats, and so abstinent, in drinking wines, that they did not only refrain the drinking thereof, but also they would not abide to smell it. For it was counted a greater shame unto a Roman Woman to drink wine, then to be divorced from her Husband.  
Dyonisius Alicarnaseus, in his book of the laws of the romans, said: that Romulus was the first founder of Rome, and that he occupied himself more in building fair Houses to amplify Rome, then in constituting Laws for the government of the Commonwealth: But amongst fifteen Laws which he made, the seventh thereof was, that no Roman woman on pain of death should be so hardy to drink wine, within the walls of Rome.  
The same Hystorian saith, that by 
Women prohibited to drink: wine in former times.  the occasion of this Law the custom was in Rome, that when any Roman Lady would drink wine, or make any solemn feast, she must needs go out of Rome, where every one had their Gardens and dwelling place: because the smell also of Wine was prohibited and forbidden women within the circuit of Rome.  
If Pliny do not deceive us in his 24. book of his natural history, it was an ancient custom in Rome, that at each time that Parents met, both men and women, they did kiss the one the other in the face, in token of peace: and this ceremony began first, for that they would smell whether the woman had drunk any wine. And if perchance she savoured of wine, the Censor might have banished her from Rome.  
And if her kinsman found her without Rome, he might freely & without any danger of law put her to death: because within the Circuit and walls of Rome, no private man by justice, could put any Roman to death, as above is rehearsed.  
Romulus was he which ordained the pain for Drunkards, and Ruptilius was he, which ordained the penalty for Adulterers. And between Romulus and Ruptilius, there was xxxii. years: So that they ordyaned this straight Law for Drunkards, a long time before they did the law for adulterers. For if a woman be a drunkard, or Harlot, truly they are both great faults, and I cannot tell whether of them is worst: For being a harlot, the woman loseth her name: and for being a drunkard, she loseth her fame, and the Husband his goods.  
Then if women for, the honesty of their pesons only, are bound to be temperate in eating and drinking the woman which nourisheth and giveth 
〈…〉  the Child suck, aught to be much more corrected and sober in this case. For in her is concurrant not only the gravity of their own persons, but the health and life also of the Creature, which she nourisheth. Therefore it is meet, that the Nurse be kept from wine: since the honour of the one, and the life of the other is in peril.  
Sixtly, the Princesses and great Ladies ought to take heed, that their Nurses be not gotten with child. And the reason hereof is, that in that time when the woman is with Child, her natural course is stopped, and that corruption is mingled with the pure blood: So that she thinking to give the child milk to nourish it, giveth it poison to destroy it. And nothing can be more unjust, then to put the child (which is already borne, and alive) in danger for that which is as yet unborn, and dead. It is a wonderful thing, (for a man that will curiously note and mark things) to see the brute beasts, that all the time they bring up their little ones, they will not consent to accompany with the Males, nor the males will follow the females. And that which is most to he noted, it is, to see, what passeth between the Birds: for the she Sparrow will not suffer the Male, in any wise to touch nor to come near her, until her little ones be great & able to fly: and much less to sit upon any Eggs, to hatch them, till the other be fled and gone.  
Plutarch in the seventh of his Regiment of Princes, saith, that Gneus Fuluius (Cousin germane of pompeius.) being Consul in Rome, fell in love with a young maiden of Capua being an orphan, whether he fled for the plague.  
This Maiden was called Sabina, and when she was great with child by this Consul, she brought forth a daughter, whom they called fair Drusia: & truly she was more commended for her beauty, than she was for her honesty. For oft times it happeneth that the fair and dishonest women leave their Children so evil taught, that of their Mothers they inherit little goods, and much dishonour This Sabina therefore being delivered (as it was the custom of Rome) she did with her own breasts nourish her daughter Drusia. During the which time she was gotten with child, by one of the Knights of this Consul, to whom (as to his Servant) he had given her to keep.  
Wherefore when the Consul was hereof advertised, and that notwithstanding she gave her daughter suck: he commanded that the knight should be immediately beheaded, & his lover Sabina forthwith to be cast into a well.  
The day of Execution came, that both these parties should suffer, wherefore the woeful Sabina sent to beseech the Consul, that it would please him before her death to give her audience of one sole word, that she would speak unto him: the which being come in the presence of them all, she said unto him.  
O Gneus Fuluius; know thou that I did not call thee to the end thou shouldest grant me life, but because I would not die before I had seen thy face: though thou of thyself shouldest remember, that as I am a frail 
The speech of Sabina.  Woman, and fell into sin with thee in Capua, so I might fall now (as I have done) with another here in Rome.  
For, we Women are so frail in this case, during the time of this our miserable life, that none can keep herself sure, from the assaults of the weak Flesh.  
The Consul Gneus Fuluius to these words answered: The Gods immortal know Sabina, what grief it is to my woeful hart, that I of my secret offence 
The answer of the Consul Fuluius.  should be an open scourge. For greater honesty it is for men to hide your frailness, then openly to punish your offences. But what wilt thou I should do in this case: considering the offence thou hast committed? By the immortal Gods, I swear unto thee, and again I swear, that I had rather thou shouldest secretly have procured the death of some man, than that openly in this wise thou shouldst have slandered my house. For thou knowest the true meaning of the common proverb in Rome, It is better to die in honour, then to live in infamy. And think not (Sabina) that I do condemn thee to die because thou forgotest thy Faith unto my person, and that thou gavest thyself unto him which kept thee: For since thou wert not my wife, the liberty thou hadst to come with me from Capua to Rome, the selfsame thou hadst to go with another from Rome to Capua. It is an evil thing for vicious ●e●, to reprove the vices of others, wherein themselves are faulty.  
The cause why I condemn thee to die, is only for the remembrance of the old Law, the which commandeth that no nurse or woman giving suck; should on pain of death be begotten with child, truly the Law is very just. For honest women do not suffer, that in giving her child suck at her breast, she should hide another in her entrails.  
These words passed between Gneus Fuluius the Consul, and the Lady Sabina of Capua. Howbeit as plutarch saith, in that place the Consul had pity upon her, and showed her favour, banishing her upon condition, never to return to Rome again  
Cinna Catullus, in the fourth book of the xxij Consuls saith: that Caius Fabricius, was one of the most notable consuls that ever was in Rome, and was sore afflicted with diseases in his life, only because he was nourished four months with the milk of a Nurse being great with Child: and for fear of this, they locked the nurse with the Child in the Temple of the Vestal virgins, where for the space of iij. years they were kept.  
They demanded the Consul, why he did not nourish his children in his house? He answered, that children being nourished in the house, it might be an occasion that the Nurse should 
Wherefore the Consul would not have his children nourished in his house.  begotten with child, and so she should destroy the children with her corrupt milk: and further give me occasion to do justice upon her person: wherefore keeping them so shut up, we are occasion to preserve their life, and also our children from peril.  
Dyodorus Siculus, in his librairy, and Sextus Cheronensis saith, in the life of Marc. Aurelius, that in the Isles of Baleares there was a custom, that the nurses of young children, (whether they were their own or others) should be severed from their Husbands, for the space of two years. And the woman which at that time (though it were by her husband) were with child, though they did not chasten her as an adulteress: yet every man spoke evil of her, as of an offender.  
During the time of these two years to the end that the Husband should take no other wife, they commanded that he should take a concubine: or that he should buy a Slave, whose company he might use as his wife: for amongst these barbarous, he was honoured most that had two Wives, the one with child, and the other not.  
By these Examples above recited, Princesses and great Ladies may see, what watch & care they ought to take in choosing their Nurses, that they be honest, since of them dependeth not only the health of their children, but also the good fame of their houses. The seventh condition is, that Princesses and great ladies ought to see their 
What is required in every good Nurse.  nurses have good conditions: so that they be not troublesome, proud, harlots, liars, malicious, nor flatterers: for the viper hath not so much poison, as the woman which is evil conditioned.  
It little availeth a man to take wine from a woman, to entreat her to eat little, and to withdraw her from her husband, if of her own nature she be hateful, and evil mannered: for it is not so great danger unto the child, that the nurse be a drunkard, or a glutton, as it is if she be harmful & malicious.  
If perchance the Nurse (that nourisheth the child) be evil conditioned. truly she is evil troubled, & the house wherein she dwelleth evil cumbered. For such one doth importune the Lord, troubleth the Lady, putteth in hazard the child, & above all, is not contented with herself. Finally, Fathers for giving too much liberty to their nurses, oft times are the causes of many practices, which they do: wherewith in the end, they are grieved with the death of their children which followeth Amongst all these which I have read, I say, that of the ancient Roman Princes, of so good a Father, as Drusius Germanicus was, never came so wicked a son as Caligula was, being the iiij Emp: of Rome: for the Historiographers were not satisfied to enrich the praise the excellencies of his Father, neither ceased they to blame and reprehend the infamies of his Son. And they say that his naughtiness proceedeth not of the mother which bore him: but of the nurse which gave him suck. For often times it chanceth that the tree is green and good, when it is planted, and afterwards it becometh dry and withered, only for being carried into another place.  
Dyon the Greek in the second book of Caesar's saith, that a cursed woman of Campania called Pressilla, nourished and gave suck unto this wicked child. She had against all nature of women her breasts as hairy as the beards of 
The description of Pressilla.  men: and besides that, in running a Horse, handling her staff, shooting in the Crossbow, few young men in Rome were to be compared unto her.  
It chanced on a time that as she was giving suck to Caligula, for that she was angry, she tore in pieces a young child, and with the blood thereof anointed her breasts: and so she made Caligula the young Child, to suck together both blood and milk.  
The said Dyon in his book of the life of the Emperor Caligula saith: that the women of Campania (whereof the said Pressilla was) had this custom, that when they would give their Teat to the child, first they did anoint the nipple, with the blood of a hedgehog, to the end their children might be more fierce and cruel.  
And so was this Caligula, for he was not contented to kill a man only, but also he sucked the blood that remained on his Sword, and licked it off with his tongue.  
The excellent Poet Homer, meaning to speak plainly of the cruelties of Pyrrus, said in his Odisse of him, such words: Pyrrus was borne in Greece, nourished in arcady, and brought up with tigers milk, which is a cruel beast, as if more plainly he had said: Pyrrus for being borne in Greece was Sage, for that he was brought up in arcady, he was strong and courageous, & for to have sucked Tigers milk, he was very proud and cruel. Hereof may be gathered, that the great Grecian Pyrrus, for wanting of good milk, was overcome with evil conditions.  
The self same Hystorian Dyon saith, in the life of Tiberius; that he was a great Drunkard. And the cause hereof was, that the Nurse did not only drink wine: but also she weyned the child with sops dipped in Wine. 
What is required of a Nurse for bringing up of children.  And without doubt the cursed Woman had done less evil, if in the stead of milk, she had given the child poison, without teaching it to drink wine: wherefore afterwards he lost his renown.  
For truly, the Roman Empire had lost little if Tiberius had died being a child: and it had won much, if he had never known what drinking of Wine had meant.  
I have declared all that which before is mentioned, to the intent that Princesses and great Ladies might be advertised, that since in not nourishing their children, they show themselves cruel: yet at the least, in providing for them good Nurses, they should show themselves pitiful: for the children oft times follow more the condition of the milk which they suck, than the condition of their mothers which brought them forth, or of their fathers which begot them. Therefore they ought to use much circumspection herein: for in them consisteth the fame of the wives, the honour of the husband, and the wealth of their children.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the Disputations before Alexander the great, concerning the time of the sucking of Babes.  
OVintus Curtains saith, that after the great Alexander (which which was the last King of the Macedonians, and first Emperor of the greeks) had overcome King Darius, and that he saw himself only Lord of all Asia, he went to rest in Babylon: for among men of war there was a custom, that after they had been long in the wars, every one should retire to his own house. King Philip (which was father of King Alexander) always counseled his son, that he should lead with him to the wars 
What is required of a good Captain.  valiant Captains, to conquer the World: and that out of his Realms and Dominions he should take and choose the wisest men, and best experimented, to govern the Empire. He had reason in such wise to counsel his son: for by the counsel of Sages, that is kept and maintained, which by the strength of valiant men is gotten and won.  
Alexander the great therefore being in Babylon, after he had conquered all the Country, since all the City was vicious, and his Army so long without wars, some of his own men began to rob one another, others to play their own, some to force women, and others to make banquets and feasts: & when some we drunk, others raised quarrels, strifes, and dissensions: so that a man could not tell whether was greater, the rust in their Armours, or the corruptions in their customs. For the property of man's malice is, that when the gate is open to idleness, infinite vices enter into the house.  
Alexander the great seeing the dissolution which was in his Army, and the loss which might ensue hereof unto his great Empire, commanded straightly, that they should make a show and just thorough Babylon, to the 
How Alexander governed his army.  end that the men of war should exercise their forces thereby. And as Aristotle saith, in the book of the Questions of Babylon, the Turney was so much used amongst them, that sometimes they carried away more dead and wounded men, then of a bloody battle of the enemy. Speaking according to the law of the Gentiles, (which looked not glory for their virtues, nor feared hell to die) at the Turney the commandment of Alexander was very just, for that doing as he did to the Army: he defaced the vice which did waste it, and for himself he got perpetual memory, and also it was cause of much surety in the Commonweal.  
This good Prince, not contented to exercise his army so, but ordained, that daily in his presence the Philosophers should dispute, and the question wherein they should dispute, Alexander himself would propound, whereof followed, that the great Alexander was made certain of that wherein he doubted: and so by his wisdom all men exercised their crafts and wits. For in this time of idleness, the books were no less marred with dust, because they were not opened, than the weapons were with rust, which were not occupied.  
There is a book of Aristotle, entitled The Questions of Babylon, where he said, that Alexander propounded, the Philosophers disputed, the Principals of Persia, replied, and Aristotle determined: and so continued in disputations as long as Alexander did eat: for at the Table of Alexan der, one day the Captains reasoned of matters of war, and another day the Philosophers disputed of their Philosophy.  
Blundus saith, in the book entitled, Italia Illustrata, that among the Princes of Persia there was a custom, that none could sit down at the Table, unless he were a King that had 
A custom among the Persians.  overcome another King in battle; and none could speak at their table, but a Philosopher. And truly, the custom was very notable, and worthy to be noted: for there is no greater folly, then for any man to desire that a Prince should reward him, unless he know that by his works he had deserved the same. King Alexander did eat but one meal in the day, and therefore the first question that he propounded unto them was; That the man which did not eat but once in the day, at what hour it was best to eat, for the health of his person, and whether it should be in the morning, noon days, or night? This question was debated among the Philosophers, whereof every one to defend his opinion, alleged many foundations. For no less care have the Sages in their minds, to issue out of them disputations victorious; then the valiant Captains have in adventuring their persons to vanquish their enemies. It was determined, as Aristotle maketh mention in his problems, that the man which eateth but once in the day, should eat a little before 
What time it requisite for a man to eat.  night: for it availeth greatly to the health of the body, that when the digestion beginneth in the stomach, a man taketh his first sleep.  
The second question that Alexander propounded was, What age the child should have when he should be weyned from the dug. And the occasion of this question was, for that he had begotten a young daughter of a Queen of the Amazons, the which at that time did suck: and for to know whether it were time or not to weyne her, there was great dispurations: for the child was now great to suck, and weak to weyne.  
I have declared this History for no other purpose, but to show how in Babylon this question was disputed before King Alexander; that is to say, how many years the child ought to have before it were weyned from the teat: for at that time they are so ignorant, that they cannot demand that that is good, nor complain of that that is nought. In that case a man ought to know, as the times are variable, and the regions and province divers: so likewise have they sundry ways of bringing up and nourishing their children: for there is as much difference between the Countries of one, from the Countries of others, in dying, and burying the dead bodies, as there hath been varieties in the world, by way of nourishing & bringing up of children.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of sundry kinds of Sorceries, Charms and Witchcrafts, which they in old time used in giving their children suck, the which Christians ought to eschew.  
IT is not much from our purpose if I declare here some old examples of those which are past. Strabo in his book De 
Strabo de situ Orbis.  situ Orbis, saith, that after the Assyrians (which were the first that reigned in the world) the Siconians had signory (which long time after were called Arcades) which were great and famous wrestlers, and Schoolmasters at the Fence, from whom came the first and best Masters of Fence, the which the Romans kept always for their Plays: for as Trogus Pompeius saith, the Romans found it by experience, that there were no better men in weighty affairs, than those of Spain: nor no people apt to plays and pastimes, than those of Arcadia. As those Siconians were ancient, so they were marvelously addicted to follies, and superstitious in their usages and customs; for among other, they honoured for their God the Moon: and during the time that she was seen, they gave their children suck, imagining that the Moon shined upon the breasts of the mother, it would do much good unto the child. The Authous hereof is Sinna Catullus, in the book De edicandis pueris: and as the same Historian saith, the Egyptians were great enemies to the Siconians, so that all that which the one did allow, the others did repove, as it appeareth: for, as much as the Siconians loved Olives and Acorns, they were clothed with linen, and worshipped the Moon for their God. The Egyptians for the contrary had no Olives, neither nourished they any Okes, they did wear no linen, they worshipped the Sun for their God: and above all, as the Siconians did give their children suck whiles the Moon did shine; so the Egyptians gave their children suck whiles the Sun did shine. Among other follies of the Chaldeans this was one, that they honoured the Fire for their God, so that he that was not married could not light Fire in his house: because, they said, the custody of Gods should be committed to none but to married and ancient men.  
They had in Marriages such order, that the day when any children did 
What order the Ancients used concerning marriage.  marry, the Priests came into his house to light new Fire; the which never ought to be put out until the hour of his death: and if perchance, during the life of the husband and of the wife, they should find the fire dead and put out, the marriage between them was dead and undone, yea, though they had been forty years together before in such sort and of this occasion came the proverb which of many is read, and of few understood; that is to say, Pronoke me not so much, that I throw water into the fire.  
The Chaldeans used such words when they would divorce and separate the marriage: for if the woman 
The custom of the Chaldeans.  were ill contented with her husband, in casting a little water on the fire, immedately she might marry with an others and if the husband in like manner, did put out the fire, he might with another woman contract marriage.  
I have not been married as yet: but I suppose there are many Christians which wish to have at this present the liberty of the calls: for I am well assured, there are many men which would cast water on the fire, to escape from their wives: also I swear, that there would be a number of women, which would not only put out their fire, but also the ashes, embers, and coals to make themselves free, and to be dispatched of their husbands, and in especially from those which are jealous.  
Therefore returning to our matter. The Chaldeans made before the fire all notable things in their law, as before their God: for they did eat before the fire, they slept before the fire, they did contract before the fire, and the mothers did never give the children suck, but before the fire: for the milk (as they imagined) did profit the child when it sucked before the fire, which was their God.  
The Author of this that is spoken, is Cinna Catuilus.  
The Mauritanians which at this present are called the realms of 〈◊〉, were in times past warlike men, of whom the Romans had great victories, and the more valiant the men were in the wars: so much the more superstitious their wives were in soceries, charms, and enchantments▪ 〈◊〉 the husband that is long absent from his wife, ought not to marvel though in her be found some 〈◊〉.  
Cicero in the book De Natura Deorum, and much more at large, Bocc●s sayeth, That as many men and women as were in that Realm, 〈◊〉 many gods there were among the people▪ for every one had one particular God to himself: so that the god of the one, was not the god of the other. And this was to be understood in the week days: for in the holy and festival days they had no other gods, the which altogether they did honour.  
The manner that they had in choosing gods when a woman was with child was this: She went to the Sacrificer of the Idol, and told him that she was great with child, and besought him to give her a God for her child. And the sacrificer gave her a little idol of stone, gold, silver, or of wood, the which the mother hanged at the neck of the child, And as often as the child did suck the dug, so oft the mother putteth the Idol on his face: for otherwise she had not given him a drop of milk to suck, unless first she had consecrated to the god the milk of her breast. That which I have spoken is little in respect of that I will speak, which is, that if perchance the child died before the time, or that any young man by some perilous mishap died before he was somewhat ages: the Fathers and kinsmen of the dead did assemble, and came to the Idol of him, and either stoned it, ●●ng it, drew it, burned it, or else they cast it into the deep well, saying, that sith the gods did kill man without reason, that they might lawfully kill them by justice.  
The same Bocchas in the second book De Natura Deorum saith, that the Allobroges had a custom, that those which were Priests of the gods, should from the womb of their mothers be chosen unto that dignity: And as soon as the child was born, before he tasted the milk of the breast they earned it into a priests house: for they had a custom that the man, which had tasted the things of the world, merited not to serve the Gods in the Temples.  
One of the laws that they said Priests had, was that not only they could not by violence shed any blood, nor yet see it, neither touch it: so that immediately as the Priest should by chance touch mansbloud, even so soon he lost his Priesthood. This law afterwards was so narrowly looked unto, that the Priests of the Allobroges did not only not shed drink, nor touch man's blood when they were now men: but also when they were little infants (those that should be Priests) they gave them no milk of the breast at all. And this was their reason.  
That to suck milk was no other but to drink white blood, for white milk is but sodden blood, and red blood is but raw milk.  
Pulio in the book de educandis pueris sayeth, That the Ancients had a certain kind of reeds, that breaking it in sunder, there issued white milk, wherewith they accustomed to nourish their children: but let it be as it is, that this law prohibit children their milk, which hereafter should be made Priests of the temples: me thinketh it a trick rather of superstitious sorcerers then of religious Priests: For there is neither divine nor human Law that will forbid, or prohibit any such thing, without the which man's life cannot endure. These were the manners and customs that the Ancients had in the nurture of their children.  
And indeed I marvel not at that they did, for the Gentiles esteemed this cursed Idol as a great God: as we Christians do the true and living God. I was willing to declare all these antiquities, to the end that Princesses and great Ladies should have pleasure in reading them, and knowing them: but not to that end, they should imitate and follow them in any kind of thing: For according to the faith of our Christian Religion, as sure as we be of the offences that those did unto God, through following those superstitions: so sure we are of the good services, which we do unto God in forsaking them.  
How long time the mothers ought to give their children suck, and what age they ought to weine them, not for that which I have read, nor 
How long women ought to give their children suck.  for that which I have demanded in this case, I am able to answer: but forasmuch as Aristotle sayeth in the book above named, that the child at the most ought to suck but two years, & at the least one year and a half: for if he suck less, he is in danger to be sick, and if he suck more, he shall be always tender. I will not omit that which Sextus Cheronensis sayeth, in the fourth book of his commonwealth.  
And hereof Bocohas also maketh mention in the third book De natura Deorum, that when Alexander the Great passed into India, amongst other renowned Philosophers, there was one with him called Arethus, who (as by chance he was in Nissa, an ancient City of India) there came a man of the Country to show him such antiquities as were there.  
Arethus the Philosopher beheld them as a sage and wise man: for the simple man only beholdeth the doings, and how they seem: but the sage man inquireth and demandeth of the causes, and from whence they came.  
Among other things he showed this good Philosopher a great house, being in the end of the City, & therein were many women, whereof every one of them had a chamber, and in every chamber there was two beds, and adjoining to the one, herbs were sown in manner of nettles, and adjoining to the other, there was kind of twigs, as of Rosemary, and in the midst of the house, there were many graves of small children.  
The Philosopher Arethus asked 
Questions demanded by the Philosopher Arethus.  why that house was so great, and the Indian answered.  
This house is to nourish the Children which are Orphans, when they be of their Parents and friends abandoned: For it is a custom in this City, that immediately when the Father of one chelde dieth, the City than taketh him for her son. And from that time forward he is called the child of the City, which nourisheth him, and not the child of the Father which begot him.  
Arethus the Philosopher secondarily asked him, why there were so many women in that house, without any man among them? whereunto the Indian answered: In this Country there is a custom, that the women are severed from their husbands, all the time they give their children suck. For the will of our God is, that the woman be not in company with her husband after, she is with child, and this not only until such time as she is delivered: but also until such time as the child be waned from the breast.  
The Philosopher Arethus thirdly demanded him, why every one had her chamber severally? The Indian answered. Thou knowest that now naturally reigneth so much malice in the woman, that she always envieth the felicity of another, And if they were altogether, they would have amongst them such quarrels & debates, that they would corrupt the milk which they should give to the child.  
Fourthly, the Philosopher Arethus asked; why in every chamber there was a great bed, and a little pallet, since there was but one woman, and one child? whereunto the Indian answered. In this India they do not consent that the Nurses should sleep together in one bed with the young child, whom they nourish: for when the women are heavy a sleep, not taking heed to the child, they many times overlay the poor infant, and so smother it alive.  
Fiftly, the Philosopher asked, why joining to the beds, there was nettles which are without favour in eating, and dangerous in touching. The Indian answered. I let thee know, that in this India (against all nature) the children weep not whiles they are young, and therefore they have growing by the beds nettles to make them weep: for our Philosophors tell us, that if daily the child doth weep two hours, it profiteth him not only for the health of his body, but also for to prolong his life.  
Furthermore the Philosopher for the sixth asked, why there were so many twigs like Rosemary by the bed side: whereunto the Indian answered. Know thou that in India, there is an old plague, that we cannot defend ourselves from these witches, the which by their sorceries, and with the only looks of their eyes destroy many children: and they say, that all the children which shall be perfumed with those herbs, can take no hurt through the looks of those witches.   

CHAP. XXIIII. Of a letter which Marcus Aurelius sent to his friend Dedalus, in the end whereof he enuaieth against those women which cure children by sorceries charms and enchantments.  
Princess' and great Ladies ought to take heed that their nurses be not Witches, and that they do not suffer the babes (whiles they are yet young) to take any charms or sorceries: for the medicine putteth the life of the creature in peril, and those sorceries do not only harm to the body of the child, but also to the soul of herself which useth it. To praise more them that are past, and to confound more the present. I will that those which shall read this, do read a letter of Marcus Aurelius, which he sent to a friend of his, in the end whereof it appeareth how great enemies the Ancients were to Witches, Charmers, & to all kind of Sorcerers: for truly I know not which was greater, either the temperance that they had in nourishing their children being Gentiles or the foolish hardiness which we have being Christians. Here followeth therefore the Letter, in the end of the which he speaketh against Witches and evil women.  
The letter of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius.  
MArcus Aurelius the Roman Emperor, fellow with his brother Annius Verus, in the same Empire, wisheth to thee Dedalus his special friend, health to thy person, and good fortune against all evil, Since the day that thou didst take shipping at the Haven of Ostia, I read no letter of thine, neither have I seen as yet any man of thy house: yea, and moreover, they could not tell me, whether thou wert alive or dead. Wherefore thy friends did imagine that some mishap had befallen thee, and thy ship, or else for the misliking of the Country, thou shouldest return again, because that men, which do sail, as thou, go always in dangar to be drowned by some tempest; and if they do escape they despair in that strange Country by Tolitarinesse: but when I saw Fronton thy servant, I was very joyful and much more when I understood thou wert alive after thy great travel.  
Truly I received great pleasure of that thou writest in thy letter, that thou art contented with the Country: for that to me it is a strange thing, that a man being nourished in the deliciousness of Rome, should find himself contented in in an other strange Realm and nation,  
When Rome was Rome, and Italy was named great Greece, thither came of all sorts of people, and Nations to learn virtues and Nobleness, 
When Rome flourished:  and others for to give themselves to vices and pleasures. Because, if Titus Livins deceive me not, Rome spent all her treasures in Asia, and Asia employed all her vices and delicateness in Rome.  
Thou writest to me in thy letter of so many things, and Fronton thy servant hath told me so many news of that land, that by the immortal Gods I swear unto thee, I cannot tell what for to write unto thee, nor what to answer thy servant: For the more the strange news do please the ears in hearing them, so much the more do they seem to be uncredible.  
The noble and stout personages, though they would be esteemed and judged true in their saying, having seen many wonders with their eyes: yet when they come to count them, than they ought to be very moderate in their tongues.  
For it is a shame to the honest 
How circumspect a man ought to be to speak the truth.  man to declare a thing, wherein may be any doubt, whether it be true or not.  
I will briefly answer all the things of thy Letter, and the answer shall be, not according to thy desire, but according to that I perceive of thee, and the World:  
And before I begin, I beseech thee, if my pen shall err in writing, that thy heart pardon me. For thy few years as yet do not let thee know the World: and my white hairs and hoary beard doth give me authority to advertise thee of that which is to come, and to condemn thee of that which is past.  
Thou sayest that in the Sea, thou hast passed many perils and dangers, and that for to lighten the ship, thou didst cast much of thy goods into the sea.  
In this case me thinketh thou oughtest greatly to thank the tempestuous waves, which having power to drown thee, contented themselves with thy Merchandise: For they which sail upon the foaming Seas, ought not to regard so much the goods they lose, as the life which they save.  
Thou sayest that on the Seas thou wert greatly accompanied with passengers, and that thou hast tarried longer in thy voyage than thou thoghtest, or didst desire.  
This I say unto thee my friend Dedalus, that though the days were many thou didst stay, yet notwithstanding the griefs were more which thou rceivedst. For it is unpossible that those men which sail much, should not be troubled with the Mariners, and also in fear of tempests.  
To that I answer thee, the more thou wert loaden with companions, the less thy money weighed: for it is a general rule, that where the journey is long, and the company great, there the purse of necessity, must needs wax thin.  
Thou sayest that through the moisture of the sea, as soon as thou wert landed, thou didst feel thyself taken with the gout.  
To this I answer thee, that thou hast the gout in thy feet, or else in thy 
What property belongeth to the gout.  hands and if thou hast it in thy feet, it shall be an occasion that thou shalt keep thy house, and if thou hast it in thy hands, it shall be an occasion that thou shalt play no more at Tables (as thou wert wont to do) and also thou shalt not waste (as thou hast done) thy own money. And if thou hast not changed thy condition which thou hadst, I am assured, that only for to increase thy goods, thou wilt think thy gout welcome.  
Thou sayest in that Country, thou hast found many sovereign & expert Physicians for to remedy thy diseases.  
To that I answer, as Plato sayeth that in the Country where there is many Physicians, there are many vices, and many vicious: for man by excessive delicateness cometh to sickness, and by that mean travel he is healed.  
As long as our ancient Fathers were without Physicians in Rome, which was four hundred years, so long and no more they showed themselves sober in eating and drinking: For even as by temperance health proceedeth, so of Physic proceedeth gluttony.  
Thou sayest that the Country is very fertile, and that amongst other things there is much wood which we lack here in Rome. To this I answer that if thou hast much wood, thou hast little bread: for it is an ancient Proverb, that where the fires are great, the barns are few. And if thou sayst thou art content with the wood of that Country, I let thee know that I am not discontented with the bread of Italy: for in the end a man shall sooner find wood to heat the even then corn to carry to the ●●ill. Truly it is a good thing to have wood for the winter: but it is better to have corn for the Winter and Summer: for they call it no hunger, when wood lacked for the aged; but when bread wanteth for the young.  
Thou sayest in that Country there are many waters, and that the water is very clear and cold: and further that the abundance thereof is such, that every house hath a fountain. To this I answer thee, that where the waters do abound, there wanteth health continually.  
And I do not marvel thereat, for the moist and dankish places are always most dangerous, unhealthful, and noisome.  
If this had been in the time of the Golden World, when men know not what wine meant, but that all drank Water, without comparison that Country would have been better than this. For the more the drunkenness of Wine is infamous, the more sweeter and profitable is that of the water,  
Thou knowest well, that a Fountain which I have in my gardaine (by the street Salaria,) was occasion that at one time seven of my House died together. And if I had not made a conduit to void the standing water, I think it had made an end of me, and of my Family. Wherefore I pray thee have respect unto the health of thy person, rather than to enjoy the freshness of the water.  
For my part I think him only happy, who hath his body healthful, and his heart at ease. Praise as much the land as they will, enjoy thou the freshness thereof as much as thou canst, and fill thee with the fresh and cold water, and write unto thy friends how plenty it is: in the end I swear unto thee, my dear Friend Dedalus, that more Money shall issue out of Rome, to buy wine in Candia, then butts of the cold water of that country shall enter into Rome.  
Again, thou sayest that in that country there is such abundance of fruits: and that thou thinkest thou shalt never be satisfied therewith. To that I answer.  
That thing which I best like, is a winter fruit: yet neither seeing it, nor eating it, I can content myself: For the country where Fruits abound in winter, is never without fevers and sicknesses in Summer.  
Octavian Augustus that Noble Emperor of famous memory, seeing that Rome in Summer, was very much subject to diseases: gave commandment 
What inconvenience cometh by eating too much fruit.  upon grievous penalties, that the fruits of Salon should not enter into Rome to be sold,  
And this is a marvelous thing, that the City of Rome by this means did not only find herself sound and whole: but also the Physicians went out of Rome, of their own wills and affections. For it is a great token that the people is healthful, when the Physicians are poor.  
Thou sayest that in that Country there are many jugglers and Players: To this I answer thee.  
That their pastimes shall not be unto thee such, and so pleasant, as the griefs and displeasures thou shalt have, when they cunningly and craftily 
What hurt cometh by jugglers and players.  shall pick thy purse. For most commonly jugglers and players make Plays and sports in jest, but they will be paid in good earnest.  
Furthermore thou sayest: in that Country there is great abundance of Vines, and that the wine is savoury to smell, and very sweet and pleasant, for their taste: whereunto I answer.  
That there shall not be so many wines in the Fields, as Drunkards amongst the people: For, as thou knowest, the day that I married Torpina, my Niece, my uncle Getellius had but only one vine tree, and yet with the Wine that came thereof, he made himself, his household, and all those that were at the marriage drunk.  
That which I will say is not without weeping, (in the old time) Mars was the God most honoured and esteemed, being the God of Battles: but now Bacchus, which is God of wine, is the most honoured, served, and exalted.  
For the time that a Roman was wont to employ in the Martial Camp to handle Warlike weapons: now they consume in playing and drinking in the ravernes.  
Titus Livius in his Annals, sayeth, that those of Gallia Transalpina, understanding, 
Titus Livius.  how that the Italians had planted many vines, came to conquer the Countety. So that if they had never planted vines in Italy, the Frenchmen had never destrolyed the Country.  
The ancient romans (which were provided against all inconveniences) considering that Wine was the cause of their destruction, commanded to destroy all the wines of the Empire, through the which policy, they were 
The policy of the ancient romans.  delivered from all the Frenchmen: for when the Wars were ended, there remained not one Frenchman in all Italy, when they knew that there were no more wines therein. Thou sayest that in that Country there are many Gentlemen and honourable Senators, with whom thou talkest, and passest away the time.  
To this I answer, that if it be true, there are many idle men, and also few true talkers: For those men which have spent their youth in the wars, when they are aged, do not employ their time but in hearing news, and telling lies.  
Thou sayedst, that there are very fair women in that country, of gesture seemly, and of their persons comely;  
To this I answer. That if there be many which be fair, there are as many which are dishonest. For if the woman with her beauty, hath not wisdom and honesty in herself, she putteth herself in peril, and her husband in much care,  
Thou sayest that in that Country there are women which are Soothsayers, Sorcerers, and Enchantours: the which do boast and vaunt themselves that they will heal Infants, and that they can weyne them better than others can do.  
To this I answer: that I would judge it much better, that Children should never be healed by the hands of such evil women. For the profit that they do by their experience openly, is nothing in respect of the danger wherein they put the creatures, by their Sorceries secretly.  
Torquatus Laertius my Uncle, had a Daughter of a marvelous beauty, the which (because he had none other Child,) was heir of all his Patrimony.  
The case therefore was such: that as the Daughter one day cried and wept a little too much, the Nurse which gave her suck, to appease and still her, thinking to give her sorceries to cast her in a sleep, gave her poison, which destroyed her; So that when the tears of the innocent babe ceased, than the cries of the woeful mother began.  
Calligula which was the son of the good Germanicus the great (though amongst the Caesars he was the fourth, and amongst the Tyrants, the first) when in Rome they used to give little scrolls written, which they said to be of such virtue, that they could heal all manner of Agues, and diseases of young children, he gave commandment by the consent of the sacred Senate, that whosoever either man or woman, which should make them, should immediately by justice be put to death: and that he which would buy them, and carry them about to sell, or give them through the city of Rome, should be whipped and bashed for ever,  
Thy servant Fronton hath told me news, that thou hast a Son borne, whereof I am very glad: and moreover, he said that a woman of Sannia did nourishit, and gave it suck: the which (as by an evil chance) hath a spice of Sorcery.  
Now by the immortal Gods I do conjure thee, and for the love which I bear thee, again I most earnestly desire thee, that immediately thou put her away out of thy house, and suffer not, that so wicked a woman should eat Bread there one day: For every creature which is nourished by sorceries and Charms, shall either have his life short, or else Fortune shall be contrary unto him.  
I let thee know my friend Dedalus, that I have not marveled a little at many Romans, the which do permit, and also procure that their Children should be healed and cured with charms and sorceries? For my part I take it to be a thing certain, that the men which by the will of God fall sick, shall never heal for any diligence that man can do. And whereas children are sick by evil humours, or that they are not very healthful, because the gods will take life from them: in this case if their disease proceed of any evil humour, let them ask Physicians for natural medicines. And if their diseases come because the Gods 
God the only Physician.  are provoked: then let their Fathers appease the Gods with sacrifices. For in the end it is unpossible that the diseases of the heart should be healed by the means of any Medicines of the body.  
Do not marvel (my Friend Dedalus) if I have spoken more in this article then in others, that is to say, to persuade thee so much to keep thy children from witches: For otherwise the cursed Women will do them more harm, than the good milk shall profit them.  
I have been moved and provoked to write thus much unto thee, for the great love which I do bear thee: and also calling to mind that which thou (when we were in the sacred Senate) oft times toldest me: which was, that thou didst desire a son. And since now thou hast thy petition, I would not thou shouldst provoke the God's wrath by sorceries: For in the faith of a good man I do swear unto thee, that when the Fathers are in favour with the Gods, there needeth no sorceries unto the Children.  
I had many other things to write unto thee: Some of the which I will communicate with thy servant Fronton, rather than to send them by letters. And marvel not at this, for letters are so perilous, that if a man be wise, he will write no more in a close letter, than he would declare openly in Rome: Pardon me my friend Dedalus, though indeed I write not unto thee as thy appetite would, nor yet as my will desireth. For thou hast need to know many things, and I have not leave by letter to put thee in trust therewith.  
I cannot tell what I should write unto thee of me, but that always the Gout doth take me, and the worst of all is, that the more I grow in years, the more my health diminisheth: For it is an old course of man's frailty, that where we think to go most surest, there have we most lets. 
The mutability of man's life.   
The Popinjay which thou didst send me, as soon as I received it, my wife did seize it, and truly it is a marvelous pleasure to hear what things it doth speak: but in the end the women are of such power, that when they will, they impose silence to the living, and cause that in the graves the dead men speak.  
According to that I do love thee, and according to that I owe thee, and as I have used, that which I do send thee is very little. I say it, because that presently I do send thee but two horses of Barbary, twelve swords of Alexandrie, and to Fronton thy servant for a new years gift, for his good news, I have given him an Office, which is worth to him 20. thousand Sexterces of Rent in Cecyl.  
Faustine did bid me I should send thy wife Perusa, a coffer full of odoriferous odours of Palestine, and another coffer full of her own Apparel: the which (as I think) thou wilt not a little esteem. For naturally Women are of their own Goods niggards: but in wasting & spending of others very prodigal. The Almighty gods be with thee, and preserve thee from evil fortune. The which I humbly beseech to grant, that unto thee and me, and unto my wife Faustine, and to thy wife Pertusa, that we all meet merrily together in Rome: for the heart never receiveth such joy, as when he seeth himself with his desired friend. Marcus of Mount Celio writeth to thee with his own hand.   

CHAP. XXV. How excellent a thing it is for a Gentleman to have an eloquent tongue,  
ONe of the chiefest things that the Creator gave to man, was to know, and be able to speak: 
What difference there is between man and beast.  for otherwise (the soul reserved) the brute beasts are of more value, then dumb men. Aristotle in his Aesconomices without comparison praiseth more the Pythagorical sort, than the Stoical: saying, that the one is more conform to reason, than the other is. Pythagoras' commanded, that all men which were dumb, and without speech, should immediately, and without contradiction be banished, and expulsed from the people. The cause why this Philosopher had commanded such things was, for so much as he said, that the tongue is moved by the motions of the soul, and that he which had no tongue, had no soul: And he which hath no soul is but a brute beast, and he that is a beast, deserveth to serve in the fields among brute beasts.  
It is a good thing not to be dumb as bruit beasts are, and it is a greater thing to speak as the reasonable men do: but it is much more worthy to speak well, as the eloquent Philosophers do. For otherwise if he which speaketh, doth not weigh the sentences more than the words, oft times the popinjays shall content them more which are in the cage, than the men which do read in Schools.  
josephus in the book De Bello judaico sayeth, That King Herod, not only with his person and goods, but 
joseph de bello judaic.  also with all his friends and parents followed, and gave aid to Marcus Antonius, and to his lover Cleopatra, howbeit in the end Octavian had the victory: For the man which for the love of a woman doth enterprise conquests, it is impossible that either he lose not his life, or else that he live not in infamy,  
Herod seeing that Marcus Antonius was dead, determined to go towards the Emperor Octavian, at whose feet he laid his crown, and made a notable Oration, wherein he spoke so pleasant words, and so high sentences, that the Emperor Octavian did not only pardon him, for that he was so cruel an enemy, but also he confirmed him again unto his realm: and took him for his dear and special friend.  
For among the good men, and noble hearts, many evil works are amended by a few good works.  
If Blundus, in the book entitled Roma triumphant, do not deceive me Pirrus that great King of the Epirotes was stout and hardy, valiant in arms, liberal in benefices, patient in adversities, and above all renowned to be very sweet in words, and sage in his answers.  
They said that this Pirrus was so eloquent, that the man with whom once he had spoken, remained so much his, that from that time forward in his absence, he took his part, and declared his life and state in presence.  
The above named Blundus said and Titus Livius declareth the same, That as the romans were of all things provided (seeing that King Pyrrus was so eloquent) they provided in the Senate, that no Roman Ambassador should speak unto him, but by a third person: for otherwise he would have persuaded them through his sweet words, that they should have returned again to Rome as his procurers and solicitors: Albeit Marcus Tullius Cicero was Senator in the Senate, Consul in the Empire, rich amongst the rich, and hardy amongst men of war: yet 
What caused Cicero to be famous.  truly none of these qualities caused him eternal memory, but only his excellent eloquence.  
This Tullius was so esteemed in Rome for the eloquence of his tongue only, that oft times they heard him talk in the Senate three hours together, without any man speaking one word. And let not this be little esteemed, nor lightly passed over: for worldly malice is of such condition, that some man may easily speak four hours, than another man shall have patience to hear him one minute. Antonius Sobellicus declareth that in the time of Amilcares the African, a Philosopher named Afronio, flourished in great Carthage, who being of the years of 81, died in the first year of the wars of Punica: they demanded this Philosopher, what it was that he knew? he answered, He knew nothing but to speak well. They demanded him again what he learned? He answered, He did learn nothing but to speak well. Another time they demanded him what he taught? He answered, He taught nothing but to speak well. Me thinketh that this good Philosopher in fourscore years and one said, that he learned nothing but to speak well, he knew nothing but to speak well, and that he taught nothing but to speak well. And truly he had reason, for the thing which most adorneth man's life, is the sweet pleasant tongue to speak well what is it to see two men in one counsel, the one talking to the other, the one of them hath an evil grace in propounding, and the other excellent in speaking.  
Of such there are some, that in hearing them talk three hours, we would neither be troubled nor wearied, and of the contrary part, there are others so tedious, and rude in their speech, that as soon as men perceive they begin to speak they avoid the place.  
And therefore in mine opinion, there is no greater trouble then to hearken one quarter of an hour a rude man to speak, and to be contrary, there is no greater pleasure then to hear a discreet man though it were a whole week.  
The divine Plato in the Book of Laws said, that there is nothing whereby a man is known more than by the words he speaketh: for of the 
The opinion of Plato  words which we hear him speak, we judge his intention either to be good or evil. Laertius in the life of the Philosopher saith, that a young child borne at Athens, was brought unto Socrates the great philosopher, being in Athens, to the end he should receive him into his company, and teach him in his School. The young child was strange and shamefast, and durst not speak before his Master, wherefore the Philosopher Socrates said unto him, Speak friend, if thou wilt that I know thee This sentence of Socrates was very profound, I pray him that shall read this writing, to pause a while thereat. For Socrates will not that a man be known by the gesture he hath, but by the good or evil words which he speaketh.  
Though eloquence and speaking well, to every man is a cause of augmenting their honour, and no diminisher of their goods: yet without comparison it shineth much more, & is most necessary in the Palaces of Princesses and great Lords; for men which have common offices, aught of necessity hearken to his natural Countrymen, and also to speak with strangers.  
Speaking therefore most plainly, I say, that the Prince ought not to travel only to have eloquence, for the honour of his person: but also it behoveth him for the Commonwealth.  
For as the Prince is but one, and is served of all: so it is unpossible that he have so much as will satisfy and content them all. And therefore it is necessary that he requite some with money, and that he content others with good words: For the Noble heart loveth better a gentle word, than a reward or gift, with the tongue of a rude man.  
Plato, Livius, Herodotus, Vulpicius, Eutropius, Diorus, Pliny, and many other innumerable ancient Historiographers, do not cease to praise the eloquence of Greek princes, and Latins in their works.  
Oh how blessed were those times, when there were sage Princes, and discreet Lords: truly, they have reason to exalt them. For many have obtained, and won the royal crowns and sceptres of the Empire, not so much for the great battles they have conquered, nor for the high blood and generation from whence they are descended, as for the wisdom and eloquence which they had.  
Marcus Aurelius was natural of Rome, borne in Mount Celio, he was poor in patrimony, and of base lineage, little in favour, left and forsaken of his parents; and besides all this, only for being virtuous in this life, profound in doctrine, and of so high eloquence, the Emperor Antonius (called Pius) gave him his daughter Faustine for wife, who being reproved of many, because he gave his daughter to so poor a Philosopher, answered. I had rather have a poor Philosopher than a rich fool.  
Pulio in his seventh book of the Roman laws saith, that in Rome there was a law very well kept, and observed of the Counsels by a custom brought in, that the Dictator's, Censor and Emperors of Rome, entered into the Senate once in the week at the least, and in this place they should give and render account, in what state the common wealth remained. O would to God that at this present this Law were so kept and observed: for there is none who doth minister so good justice, as he which thinketh to give account of his doings.  
They say that Caligula, the fourth Emperor of Rome, was not only deformed infamous, and cruel in his life, but also was an Idiot in eloquence, and of an evil utterance in his communication: so that he among all the Roman Princes was constrained to have others to speak for him in the Senate.  
This wicked man was so unfortunate, that after his cruel and infamous death, they drew him throughout Rome, and set upon his grave this Epitaph.  
Caligula lieth here in endless sleep,  
That stretched his reign, upon the Empire's head,  
Unfit for rule, that could such folly heap,  
And fit for death, where virtue so was dead.  
I Cannot tell why Princes do praise themselves to be strong and hardy, to be well disposed, to be runners, to just well, and do not esteem to be eloquent, since it is true, that those gifts do profit them only for their life, but the eloquence profiteth them not only for to honour their life, but also to augment their renown: For we do read, that by that many Princes did pacify great seditions in the common wealth, and besides that they deserved immortal memory. Suetonius Tranquillus in the first book of Caesar's saith, that the adventurous julius Caesar (being as yet but 16. years of age) when there died in 
The commendation of julius Caesar.  Rome an aunt of his called Cornelia, at her burial he made an Oration, in the which he (being so young,) showed marvelous great eloquence, which was so accepted that day in all people, that in the end, every man judged him to be a valiant Roman Captain.  
And as Appianus declareth, they say that Silla spoke these words. That which I perceive of this young man Caius Caesar is, that in the boldness of his tongue, he declareth how valiant he ought to be in his person. Let therefore Princes and great Lords see, how much it may profit them to know to speak well and eloquently, For we see no other thing daily but that a man of base lineage, by his eloquence cometh to be exalted: and the other which of lineage is nobly borne for want of speaking well, and being eloquent, is the first that descendeth most vilest of all other.  
The intention whereupon I wrote these things was for no other, but to admonish, persuade, and pray all princes and great Lords, that whiles their children are young, they should put them to wise and learned men, to the end they should teach them: not only how they ought to live, but also how they ought to speak: For to persons of estate, it is a great infamy to do, or to invent to do a thing, & afterward not to know how to give a reason thereof.  
Polidorus in the third book of his Commentaries saith, that when the Lacedæmonians were put to flight by the Athenians: In rota milina, it is called Milina, because the battle was in the river of Miline, the Lacedæmonians sent a Philosopher called Hevainus, to treat of peace with the Athenians, who made such an eloquent Oration to the Senate of Athens, that he did nor only obtain the Peace which he desired for his Country, but for himself also he won perpetual renown. At the Philosophers return the Athenians gave him a letter which said in this sort.   

CHAP. XXVI Of a Letter which the Athenians sent to the Lacedæmonians.  
THe Senate, people, & Sages of Athens wisheth health to the persons, and peace to the Common wealth, of you of the Senate, and people of the Lacedæmonians. We take the immortal Gods to record, that in the last battle we had no less displeasure to see you overcome, then on the contrary we had pleasure, to see us remain victorious: for in the end, the dangers and inconveniences of the cruel wars are so great, that the evil and danger is certain to them that are vanquished, and the profit is doubtful to them that have overcomed.  
We would gladly, that that which now ye will, ye would have willed sooner, and that which now ye require and demand, that before ye had required and demanded,  
But what shall we do, since it was ordained to your and our woeful destinies, that he should lose the battle, and that we of your loss can take no profit: For it is a rule unfallible, that all that which the Gods have ordained, no worldly wight can avoid, nor human power resist. Ye demand that war may leave and cease off, and that we take truce for three months, and that duriyg this time, peace and concord may be concluded. To this we make answer, That the Senate of Athens hath not accustomed to grant peace, afterward for to return to war: for amongst us Athenians we have an ancient Law, that freely we do accept the cruel war, and liberally we do grant perpetual peace.  
In our Schools and Universities we travel to have Sages in time of peace, for to help us with their counsels in the time of war. And they do counsel us that we never take upon us truce upon suspect condition: And indeed they counsel us well: for the feigned and dissembled peace is much more perilous, then is the manifest war.  
The Philosopher Heuxinus your Ambassador hath spoken to us so highly and eloquently in this Senate, that it seemed to us very unjust, if we should deny him, and gainsay that he requireth us.  
For it is much more honesty to grant him peace; which by sweet and pleasant words doth demand it: then him, which by force and sharp sword doth require it.  
Let the case therefore be, that the Senate, people and Sages of Athens have ordained, that war do cease with the Lacedæmonians, and that all discords, contentions, dissensions, and debates do end, and that perpetual peace be granted unto them:  
And this thing is done to the end all the world should know, that Athens is of such courage with the hardy, and so very a friend to the Sages: that she knoweth how to punish the foolish Captains, and suffereth to be commanded and governed by sage Philosophers. Ye know right well that all our war hath not been, but only for the possession of Cities and limits of the river Milina,  
Wherefore by this letter we declare unto you, and by the immortal Gods we swear, that we do renounce unto you all our right on such condition, that you do leave us Heuxinus your Ambassador and Philosopher.  
The great Athens desireth rather a Philosopher for her Schools, than a whole Province of your Realms. And do not you other Lacedæmonians think, that that which we of Athens do, is light or foolish, that is to say, that we desire rather one man to rule, then to have a whole Province whereby we may command many.  
For this Philosopher shall teach us to live well, and that land gave us occasion to die evil: and sith we now of your old enemies do become your true friends, we will not only give you perpetual peace, but also counsel for to keep it. For the medicine which preserveth health is of greater excellency, then is the purgation which healeth the disease.  
Let the counsel therefore be such, that as ye will the young men do exercise themselves in weapons, that so ye do watch and see that your children in time do learn good letters: For even as the war by the cruel sword is followed: so likewise by pleasant words peace is obtained. Think not ye, Lacedæmonians, that without a cause we do persuade you, that you put your children to learn, when as yet they are but young and tender, and that ye do not suffer them to run to vices? for on the one part, wise men shall want to counsel, and on the other, fools shall abound to make debate. We Atbenians, in like manner, will not that ye Lacedæmonians do think, that we be friends to babblers. For our Father Socrates ordained, that the first lesson which should be given to the Scholar of the University, 
The ordinances of Socrates.  should be, that by no means he should speak any word for the space of two years: for it is unpossible that any man should be wise in speaking, unless he have patience to be silent. We think, if you think it good, that the Philosopher Heuxinus shall remain in our Senate, and think you if we profit by his presence, that ye may be assuted that others shall not receive any damage by the counsels he shall give us: For in Athens it is an ancient Law, that the Senate cannot take upon them wars; but by the Philosopher's first it must be examined, whether it be just or not.  
We write none other thing, but that we beseech the immortal gods that they be with you, and that it please them to continue us in this perpetual peace: for that only is perpetual, which by the Gods is confirmed.   

CHAP. XXVII. That Nurses which give suck to the children of Princes ought to be discreet and sage women.  
THe Pilgrims which travel through unknown Countries and strange mountains (with great desire to go forward, and not to err) do not only ask the way which they have to go, but also do importune those whom they meet, to point them the way with their finger: For it is a grievous thing to travel doubtfully in fear and suspicion: By this comparison I mean, that since I have much persuaded, that the Fathers do learn and teach their children to speak well, it is but reason that they do seek them some good Masters. For the counsel hath no authority, if he which giveth it, seeketh not speedily to execute the same.  
It is much for a man to be of a good nature, or else to be of an evil 
How every man ought to guide & govern himself.  inclination, to be rude in understanding, or else to be lively in spirit: and this not only for that a man ought to do, but also for that he ought to say: For it is no small thing, but a great good benefit, when the man is of a good nature, of a good understanding, and of a clear judgement. This notwithstanding, I say, that all the good and clear judgements are not always eloquent, nor all the eloquentest of lively spirits and understanding.  
We see many men which of a small matter can make much: and for the contrary we see many men, which have great knowledge, and yet no mean s to utter it. So that nature hath given them high understanding, and through negligence of bringing up it is hid.  
Oftentimes I do marvel that the soul of the Babe when it is borne, for the one part is of no less excellency, than the soul of the old man when he dieth. And on the other side I muse at the babe which hath the members so tender, (wherewith the soul doth work his operations) that they little seem to participate with reasonable creatures.  
For where the soul doth not show herself mistress, it wanteth little but that the man remaineth a beast.  
It is a wonder to see the Children, that as yet being two years of Age, they lift heir feet for to go, they hold themselves by the walls for falling, they will open their eyes to know and they form a defuzed voice to speak: So that in that age, a creature is none otherwise then as a tree at the first spring. For the Tree two months 
Children compared to Trees.  being past, beareth leaves immediately: and the child after ij. years' beginneth to frame his words.  
This thing is spoken, for that the Fathers which are wise, should begin to teach their children at that Age: For about that time the wines bear grapes, and other trees their fruit: For the perils of this life are such, that if it were possible, the Father before he see his Son borne, aught to admonish him how he should live.  
In mine opinion, as they convey the water about to turn the Mill: So from the tender youth of the Infant, they ought to show and teach him to be eloquent and affable. For truly the Child learneth distinctly to pronounce his words, when he doth suck the milk of his Nurse.  
We cannot deny, but that the children being but two or three years old, it is too soon to give them masters or correctors, For at that Age a Nurse to keep them clean is more necessary, than a master to correct their speech.  
On the one part the children are very tender for to learn to speak well: and on the other part it is necessary, that when they are very young and little, they should be well taught and instructed.  
I am of that opinion, that Princesses and great Ladies should take such Nurses to give their Children suck, that they should be sound, to give 
How to choose Nurses for children.  them their milk, and sage for to teach them to speak. For in so young and tender Age they do not suffer, but that she which giveth them suck, doth teach them to speak their first words.  
As Sextus Cheroner sis in the book of the diversity of the Languages, saith: That the tuscans were the first which called the natural tongue of the country, the Mother tongue, (which is to say, the tongue of our Mother) to the end we should take it of the Mother which bringeth us forth: and of the Nurse which giveth us suck. And in this case we have less need of the Mother then of the Nurse. For the children before they know their Mothers, which brought them into the world, do call the Nurse mother, that gave them suck.  
plutarch in the second book of the Regiment of Princes, saith: that one of the greatest things the romans had in their Commonweal was, that of all the Languages and manners which they spoke; throughout the whole earth, they had Colleges and Schools in Rome: so that were he never so barbarous that entered into Rome, immediately he found that understood him.  
The romans used that craft and subtlety, to the end that when Rome sent Ambassadors into strange Countries, or that some strange Countries came to Rome, they would that the Ent●rpretours and brokers should be of their own Nation, and not of a strange tongue or Country.  
And truly the romans had reason: for the affairs of great importance, are oftentimes craftily compassed by a straungetongue.  
A man will marvel greatly to read, or hear this that I speak: which is, that the Women which nourish the children of Princes be eloquent.  
And truly he that at this doth marvel, hath seen little, and read less. For I cannot tell which was greater, the glory that the Ancients, had to enjoy so excellent women: or the infamy of 
The glory of the Ancients to enjoy virtuous women.  them that are present, to suffer dishonest Harlots. I will not deny, when I drew near this matter, that my spirits were not in great perplexity: First to see in this my writing, of what women my Pen should write, (that is to say) the dissolute vices of Women which I have s●●n, or else the prowesses and virtues of women whereof I have read. Finally, I am determined to entreat of our Grain, and Corn, and to leave the rotten straw on the Earth, as without profit. For the tongue which is noble, aught to publish the goodness of the good and honest women, to the end that all know it: for the contrary, the frailness of the wicked aught to be dissembled, and kept secret, to the end that no man follow it.  
Men which are sage and noble, treating of Women, are bound to visit them, to preserve them, and to defend them: but in no wise they have licence to slander them.  
For the man which speaketh of the frailness of women, is like unto him that taketh a sword to kill a fly.  
Therefore touching the matter, Princesses and great Ladies ought not to cease to teach their young children all that they can, sons, or daughters. And they ought not to deceive themselves, saying, that foras much as their daughters are Women, they are unable to learn sciences: for it is not a general rule, that all men children are of clean understanding, nor that all the daughters are of rude spirit and wit: for if they and the others did learn together, I think there would be as many wise women, as there are foolish men. Though the world in times past did enjoy excellent women, there was never any Nation had such as the greeks had: For though the Romans were glorious in weapons, the greeks were of immortal memory of letters.  
I will not deny that in the common wealth of Rome, there hath not been nourished and taught many women of great science: but that the difference of the one and the other was, that the Grecian women were learned in Philosophy, and the Roman 
Greece ever famous for learned women.  women in Rhetoric and Poetry.  
And hereof came that in Athens, they esteemed to know how to teach well: and in Rome they vaunted how to speak well.  
Euphronius in the third book of the Roman gests sayeth, that in the third year of the Consulship of Lelius Sylla, by chance a Greek Ambassador, and an Ambassador of Rome, were at words in the Senate of the Rhodians, & the Greek Ambassador said to the Roman Ambassador; It is true, that amongst you other Romans, you are adventurous in arms: but for all that, you are unable in sciences: For truly the women of Greece know more in letters, than the men of Rome in weapons.  
As soon as the Senate of Rome understood those words, immediately hereupon grew the cruel wars between Rome and Carthage about the possession of Sicill.  
And no man ought hereat to marvel; for in the end we see more wars arise by injurious words, then for to recover the good that is lost. The Romans and the Grecians therefore being ready the one to defy the other, the Rhodians came in the midst, and kept them from such debate, and in the end appointed them in this sort.  
That is to say, that as this injury should by weapons have been determined, they ordained that by the disputations of women it should be argued.  
And truly the Romans were counseled well; for it was greater shame to the greeks to be overcome with the tongues of women, then with the swords of men. The cause thereof was such, that by appointment 
Disputation between the women of Greece and Rome.  assembled at Rhodes ten Roman women, and ten Greek women: All women very well learned, the which in their chairs read certain lessons, every one after other, and afterwards the one disputed against the other of sundry and divers matters.  
And finally, there was between them great difference, for the Greeks spoke very high things, not so profound, but with an excellent style. We ought not to marvel that such gifts were in those women: for we daily see it by experience, that profound science and high eloquence seldom meeteth in one parsonage.  
The greeks were very well pleased to hear the Roman women, and the romans remained astonished to hear the greeks. And upon this occasion the Rhodians judged in this sort, that every one of them should be crowned with a crown of Laurel as vanquishers. And they judged that in grave sentences the Grecians had the best, and in eloquent speech the Romans had the victory. As the above named Euphronius sayeth, the disputations being ended, the Roman women returned to Rome: & the Greek women to Greece, where they were received with such triumph and glory, as if they had won a battle, The Senate of the Rhodians for the memory of those women (in the place of the disputations) caused to be set up 20. pillars, in every one of the which were the names of the women. Which was so sumptuous a building that in Rhodes there were none like to it, save only the Collyseo. Those pillars stood until the time of Heliogabalus the Emperor, who was so evil that 
The wickedness of Heliogabalus.  he invented new vices, and destroyed the ancient memories.  
The writers which write in that time, declare yet another thing, wherein the women of Greece were different from the women of Rome. That is to say, that the Greek women were found more fairer than the Roman women: but the Romans had a better grace & more rich in apparel then the Greeks. They said also that the greeks were more hardy and stout than the Romans: but the Romans were more honest, pleasant, and gracious than the greeks.  
And if this be true, I do counsel Princesses and great Ladies that they have no more envy at the honesty of the Matrons of Rome, then at the boldness of the Ladies of Gretia. For women were not born to slay men in the war, but to spin, sow, and live well like good housewives in the house.   

CHAP. XXVIII. That women may be no less wise than men, and though they be not, it is not through default of nature, but for want of good bringing up.  
CEasing to speak in generally, it is but reason we speak particularly, and that we reduce to memory some ancient histories of wise and discreet women, as well Greeks as Romans: & for that these Ladies (seeing what others were in times past) may know what their duty is at this present.  
In mine opinion, the duty that the men of this present have to follow the courage that the Ancients had in fight: the self same desire ought women of this present to have, to follow the ancient women in devout living: for there is no good thing in the world at this present day, but the like hath been seen of our ancients heretofore. When any sudden new and unaccustomed thing doth happen, men that never saw the like, use to say, that there was never the like in the world, yet indeed they say not true: for though the thing be unto them new, it is through their ignorance and simpleness which neither have read it by themselves, nor heard it of others: or this excellency hath the man that is learned, that for what soever he heareth or saith, he is nothing abashed at.  
Since women now a days are so ignorant, that scarcely any of them can read well, he that shall read this will marvel why I do persuade them to learn: but the truth known what the Ancients were, and what they did know: from this time forward I believe they would greatly reprove the women of this present: for the time which the ancient women spent in virtues and studies: 
The ancient women far excelled these in our times.  These of this present consume in pleasures and vices.  
Bocchas in the praise of Women saith, that Lucius Sylla was a great companion of Marius the Consul, in the time of the war of jugurtha and was no less a friend of Caius Caesar, in the time of the first civil wars. My pen needeth not to be occupied to write any thing of the life of Sylla: For all the Historiographers do not only reprove the cruelties which he used to his enemies, but also condemn him for the little faith he observed his friends.  
This Consul Sylla had three daughters, the one of them was named Lelia Sabina, the which of all the sisters was least fair, but amongst all the Romans she was the most sagest: for she read openly in Rome in a chair both Greek and Latin. After the wars of Mithridates, Lucius Sylla came to Rome, where he beheaded three thousand Romans which came to salute him: although before by his word he had assured them all: And in deed, and also justly Lucius Sylla had been utterly undone for his fact, if his daughter had not made to the Senate a wise Oration: for often times it chanceth that the wisdom of the good child doth remedy the folly of the wicked Father. The Historians say, that this Lelya Sabina had not only a great grace in reading: but also she had much excellency in writing: for she wrote many letters and orations with her own hand, which her Father Lucius Sylla afterwards learned by hart: and as he was indeed quick of spirit, so he used to recite them to the Senate always for his purpose.  
And let no man marvel hereat for there are some of so gross understanding 
The difference between one man and another.  that that which they write and study, they can scarcely utter: & others again are of such lively wits, that of that only which they have heard, it seemeth marvelous to hear with what eloquence they will talk. Because Sylla had such and so excellent a daughter in his house, he was esteemed for a sage and wise councillor throughout all the Common wealth.  
He was counted very absolute in executing, strong in maintaining, & for right eloquent in speaking. Finally, of this came this ancient proverb which saith Lucius Sylla governeth his own country with the eloquence of his tongue: and is Lord of strange nations by the force of his sword.  
What the great Plato hath been, and what great authority he hath had amongst his country men, and amongst the strangers it is apparent: for so much as the greeks do acknowledge him of all other Philosophers to be the Prince: and likewise the Latins by one consent call him divine.  
And me thinketh that in doing this, they do no Philosopher injury: for as Plato in his life time had great modesty, so truly in his writing he exceeded man's capacity. An Historian called Hyzearchus declareth that Lasterna and Axiothea were two greeks very well jearned, and amongst the Scholars of Plato chiefly renowned. The one was of so perfect a memory, and the other of so high an understanding, that Plato oft times being in the chair, and these two not ready, he would not begin to read. And being demanded wherefore he read not his Lecture? he answered: I will not read, for that there wanteth here understanding to conceive, and also memory to retain.  
Meaning that Lasterna was absent, that Axiothe was not yet come. The wisdom of these two women ought to be much, since Plato without them would not utter one word, unless they were present in his School. For Plato esteemed more the understanding and memory of those two women alone: then he did the philosophy of his other Scholars together. Aristippus the philosopher was Scholar to Socrates, and of the most renowned of Athens. He had a daughter called Aretha, the which was so well learned in Greek and Latin letters, that the common renown said, the soul of Socrates was 
The commendation of Aretha.  entered into Aretha: and the cause that moved them to say this was, because she read and declared the doctrine of Socrates in such wise, that it seemed to most men she had rather write by hand, then learn by study. Bocchas in the second book of the praise of women, sayeth, that this Aretha was so excellent a woman, that she did not only learn for herself, but also to teach others: and did not only teach in divers Schools, but also she wrote many and sundry books, one especially in the praise of Socrates, an other of the manner of bringing up children, an other of the Wars of Athens, an other of the tyrannical force, an other of the Common Wealth of Socrates, an other of the infelicity of Women, an other of the tillage of the Ancients, an other of the Wonders of the Mount Olympus, an other of the vain care of the Sepulchre, an other of the care of the Ants, an other of the Workmanship of the Bees in honey: and she wrote two others, the one of the vanities of youth, and the other of the miseries of age.  
This woman did read openly natural and moral Philosophy in the Schools of Athens, for the space of five and twenty years: she made forty books, she had a hundred and ten Philosophers to her Scholars, she died being at the age of seventy and seven years, and the Athenians after her death, engraved on her grave these words.  

THe slysed stones within their bowels keep  
Wise Aretha, the great and only wight, 
The Epitaph of Aretha.   
That forceth envy gentle tears to weep.  
For greeks decay, on whom the loss doth light.   

The eye of Fame, the heart of virtues life,  
The head of Greece, lies here engraved, lo  
More heavenly form than had that heavenly wife,  
Which undermined the Phrigies toys with woe.   

Within the chest of her unspotted mind  
Lay Thyrmas' truth, and eke her honest faith  
Within her hand, as by the gods assigned  
Stood Aristippus pen that virtue weigheth.   

Within the dungeon of her body eke  
Imprisoned was, wise Socrates his soul  
That lived so well, and did so wisely speak,  
That folly's breast, he could to wisodome toll.   

Within her head so over heaped with wit  
Lay Homer's tongue, to stain the Poet's art,  
Erst was the golden age not half so fit,  
For virtues Imps, as when her life did part.   
As Marcus Varro saith, the sects of the Philosophers were more than seventy, but in the end they were reduced into seven, and in the end they were brought into three sects chiefly. That is to say, Stoics, Peripatetics, and Pythagoriques'. Of these Pythagoriques', Pythagoras was the Prince, Hizearcus, Annius Rusticus, and Laertius, with Eusebius and Boccas, all affirm one thing, whereunto I did not greatly give credit, which is: that this Philosopher Pythagoras had a sister, not only learned, but (if it be lawful to speak it) excellently learned. And they say, that not she of Pythagoras, but Pythagoras of her learned philosophy. And of a truth it is a matter whereof I was so greatly abashed, that I cannot tell who could be master of such a woman: since she had Pythagoras the great philosopher to her Scholar. The name of the woman was Thecclea to whom Pythagoras her brother wrote and sent her a letter, when he read philosophy at Rhodes, and she at Samothracia doing the like. The Epistle was thus,   

CHAP. XXIX. Of a Letter which Pythagoras sent to his sister Theoclea, he being in Rhodes, and she in Sam othracia reading both Philosophy.  
Pythagoras' thy brother, and Disciple to thee Theoclea his sister, health & increase of wisdom wisheth. I have read the book which thou didst send me, of fortune and misfortune, from the beginning to the end: and now I know, that thou art no less grave in making, then gracious in teaching. The which doth not chance very oft unto us, which are men, and much less (as we have seen) to you women. For the Philosopher Aristippus was rude in speaking, but profound in writing: and Amenides was brief in writing, and eloquent in speaking. Thou hast studied and written in such sort, that in learning, that thou showest, thou seemest to have read all the Philosophers: and in the antiquities that thou dost declare, it seemeth that thou hast seen all the time past: Wherein thou being a woman showest thyself more than a woman, because the nature of women is to cast 
The proty of women.  their eyes only in that that is present, and to forget that is past. They tell me that thou dost occupy thyself now in writing of our Country. And truly in this case I cannot say, but that you have matter enough to write on: For the wars and travels of our times have been such, and so great, that I had rather read them in books, then to see them with my eyes.  
And if it be so, as I suppose it is, I beseech thee heartily, and by the immortal Gods I conjure thee, that in writing the affairs of thy Country thou dost use thy pen discreetly. I mean, that thou do not in this case blemish thy writing, by putting therein any flattery or losing. For oft times Historiographers, in blazing more than truth, the gifts of their Country, cause worthily to be suspected their writing.  
Thou knowest very well, how that in the battle past, the Rhodians were overcome, and that ours remained victorious. Me thinketh thou shouldst not in this case greatly magnify, extol, or exalt ours, because in the end they fought to revenge their iviury, neither thou oughtest to blame the Rhodians, for they did not fight but in the aid of Rome, I speak this (my sister) because for to defend their own, women show themselves lions: and for to defend the things of another man, men show themselves chickens: For in the end he only may be counted strong, the which defendeth not his own house, but which dieth defending his, and another man's. I will not deny the natural love of my Country, nor I will not deny but that I love them that write, and speak well thereof: but me thinketh it is not reason, that they should dispraise the goodness and truth of other Countries: nor that they should so highly commend the evil and vileness of their own: For there is not in the world this day so barren a realm, but may be commended for something therein, nor there is so perfect a nation, but in somethings may be reproved. Thou canst not deny me, but that amongst thy brethren I am the eldest, and thou canst not deny but that amongst all thy Disciples I am the youngest, and since that for being thy Disciple, I ought to obey thee, thou likewise for that I am thy eldest brother oughtest to believe me. By the faith of a people, I do counsel thee my sister, that thou do travel much to be profound 
Man without truth is not worthy to be regarded.  in thy words, upright in thy life, and honest of thy person: and besides all this, true in thy writing: For I let thee understand, that if the body of the man without the soul is little regarded: I swear unto thee that the mouth of a man without truth, is much less esteemed.   

CHAP. XXX. The Author followeth his purpose, persuading Princesses and other Ladies to endeavour themselves to be wise, as the women were in old time.  
THis therefore was the letter, which Pythagoras sent to his sister Theoclea, whereby is showed the great humility of him, and the high eloquence of her, Hierchus the Greek and Plutarch also in the book of the government of Princes say, that Pythagaras 
The humility of Pythagoras.  had not only a sister, which was called Theoclea, of whom he learned so much Philosophy, but also he had a daughter, the wisdom and knowledge of whom surmounted her Aunt, and was equal to her Father.  
I think it no less incredible which is spoken of the daughter, then that which is spoken of the Aunt, which is, that those of Athens did rejoice more to hear her speak in her house, then for to hear Pythagoras read in the School.  
And it ought to be believed: for the saying of the grave Authors on the one part: and by that we daily see on the other part: For in the end it is more pleasure to hear a man tell merry tales, having grace and comeliness in his words, then to hear a grave man speak the truth, with a rude and rough tongue.  
I have found in many writings, what they have spoken of Pythagoras, and his Daughter: but none telleth her name, save only in an Epistle that Phalaris the Tyrant wrote, I found this word written, where he saith: Polychrata, that was the Daughter of the Philosopher Pythagoras, was young and exceeding wise, more fair than rich, and was so much honoured for the purity of her life, and so highly esteemed for her pleasant Tongue: that the word which she spoke spinning at her Distaff, was more esteemed than the Philosophy that her Father read in the school. And he said more. It is so great a pity to see and hear, that women at this present are so dishonest, and in their tongues so malicious, that I have greater pleasure in the good renown of one that is dead, then in the infamy of all them which are alive: For a good woman is more worth with her distaff spinning, than a hundred evil Queens, with their royal Sceptres reigning. By the words which Phalaris said in his letter it seemed that this Daughter of Pythagoras was called Polichrate.  
Pythagoras therefore made many Commentaries, as well of his own country, as of strangers. In the end he died in Mesopotamia, where at the hour of his death, he spoke unto his Daughter Polichrate: and said these words. I see my Daughter, that the hour wherein I must end my life approacheth. The Gods gave it me, and now they will take it from me: Nature gave me birth, and now she giveth me death: the Earth gave me the body, and now it returneth to ashes. The woeful Fatal destinies gave me a little goods, mingled with many travels: So that (Daughter) of all things which I enjoyed here in this world, I carry none with me: For, having all as I had it, by the way of borrowing: now at my death, each man taketh his own.  
I die joyfully: not for that I leave thee rich, but for that I leave thee learned. And in token of my tender heart, I bequeathe unto thee all my Books, wherein thou shalt find the treasure of all my travels. And I tell thee that that I give thee, is the riches gotten with mine own sweat: and not obtained to the prejudice of another. For the love I bear unto thee (Daughter) I pray thee: and by the immortal Gods I conjure thee, that thou be such, and so good, that although I die, yet at the least thou mayst keep my memory: For thou knowest well what Homer saith, speaking of Achilles, and Pyrrhus: That the good life of the Child that is alive, keepeth the renown of the Father which is dead. These were the words which the Philosopher spoke to his daughter, lying in his death bed. And though perhaps he spoke not these words, yet at the least this was the effect and meaning.  
As the great Poet Mantuan saith: King evander was father of the grant Pallas, and he was a great friend of king Aeneas: he vaunted himself to descend of the Lineage of the Trojans: and therefore when king Aeneas, and prince Turnus, had great Wars between them, which of them should have the Princess Lavinia in Marriage, (the which at that time was only heir of Italy) king evander aided Aeneas, not only with goods, but also sending him his own Son in person: For the friends ought for their true friends willingly to shed their blood, and in their behalf, without demanding, they ought also to spend their goods  
This King evander had a Wife so well learned, that that which the greeks said of her, seemeth to be fables: That is to say, of her eloquence and wisdom, for they say, that if 
The wife of King evander a Prophetess.  that which this woman wrote of the wars of Troy, had not been through envy cast into the fire: the name of Homer had at this day remained obscure.  
The reason hereof is, because that woman was in the time of the destruction of Troy, and wrote as a witness of sight.  
But Homer wrote after the destruction of Troy, as one affectioned unto the Prince Achilles, as a friend of the greeks, and enemy of the Troyans'.  
And truly when a Writer is affectioned to any person, his writing of force must be suspected. The wife of this King evander was called by her name Nicostrata, albeit others called her Carmenta, for the eloquence she had in her verses. For they say, that she made as easily in meeter as others do in prose.  
The Historiographers of the Gentiles say, that she prophesied the destruction of Troy fifteen years before. She told the coming of Aeneas into Italy, and spoke of the wars that should be before the marriage of Lavinia, and said how Ascanius the son of Enea should build Alba longa. She said further, that of the Latin Kings should descend the romans, and that the revenge which Rome should take of Greece should be greater, then that which Greece did take of Troy. And she said also that the greatest War which Rome should have, should be against the Princes of Africa, and that in the end Rome should triumph over all the Realms of the earth, and finally a nation unknown, should triumph for ever in Rome. As Eusesebius Caesarten saith: The Routaines kept these writings in as great estimation in the high capitol, as the Christians kept their faith unto GOD.  
King Darius after he was vanquished in the first Battle, by King Alexander the great (before he was in the second battle utterly destroyed) traveled and sought many ways and means to the end he might be friend unto Alexander: And in very deed King Darius was sage to seek it, but not so happy to obtain it. For to Princes the peace is more worth that is honest, then is the victory which is bloody.  
Betwixt these two so stout Prince's Truce was made for three months, and in the mean time, the Priests of the Chaldeans treated peace, with these conditions: that the great Alexander should marry the daughter of king Darius and that Darius should give her a great quantity of gold: and besides this, that he should endow her with the third part of his realm. And truly these means were good: For, among Princes, there is nothing that sooner pacifieth old injuries, then to make between them new Marriages.  
King Alexander excused himself of this marriage, saying that he was but xxiv, years of age, and that he was too young to be married: because amongst the Macedonians there was a custom, that the woman could not be married until xxv. years of age, nor 
A custom among the Macedonians.  the man until thirty. The Daughter of King Darius was fair, rich, and noble: but the best she wanted, for she was not wise And this was the cause why K: Alexander refused her for his wife: for in those days women were not married because they were rich, but beloved, because they were wise: And finally, the woman that had studied best, came commonly to the highest Marriage.  
Antonius Rusticus, and Quintus Severus say, that the great Alexander (after he had forsaken the daughter of king Darius,) married a wife which was a poor woman, and deformed, called Barsina, which indeed was neither with riches nor beauty endued: but without doubt in the Greek and Latin tongue most excellently learned, And when the Princes of Macedon would have withdrawn him from that marriage: ask him why he esteemed the rich less than the poor? he answered thus.  
I see my Friends, in Marriage it sufficeth 
K. Alexander's answer concerning his marriage  the husband to be rich, and the woman wise: For the Office of the husband is to win that which is lost, and the Office of the wife is to keep safe that which is won.  
Strabo de situ Orbis, saith: that the fift Queen of Lides was Mirthas', the which of her body was so little, that she seemed to be a Dwarf: and in quickness of wit so high, that they called her a giant. For the man that hath a stout stomach, and a little body, may well be called a giant: and he that hath a great body, and a coward's hart may justly be named a Dwarf. For that this excellent Queen Mirtha was such a wise wife when she was married, and afterwards also a widow very honest, and above all things in Philosophy excellently learned,  
The Lides counted this Queen Mirtha amongst the seven Kings, of the which they vaunted themselves to be governed, as of glorious Princes. For the Ancients gave as much glory to Women learned in Letters, as unto the valiant and stout men expert in Arms.  
Cornificius the Poet, as Laertius saith, had a sister called Cornificia, the which in Greek & Latin letters was not only learned, but also in making Metre and Epigrams very expert.  
They write that of this Woman, which of few men the like hath been heard: That is to say, that she made verses and Epigrams better at the first sight then her brother did with much study. And it is not too much incredible to put any doubt in that that is spoken: for the pen hath more 
The praise of Cornificia.  swiftness of the lively spirit, than the tongue hath of the small understanding.  
This Poet Cornificius was resident a long time in Rome, and was always poor, and void of all favour, though indeed he was better learned than others, which were in greater estimation: the which thing daily chanceth in the Court of Princes: For there is no difference, whether they be fools or wise: but whether they be acceptable to the Princes.  
Aristotle sayeth, Vbi multum de intellectu, ibi parum de fortuna. Meaning thereby, that men which of memory and understanding are most rich, of the goods of this world are commonly most poor.  
This Poet Cornificius therefore going through Rome little set by of any, by chance a Roman named Calphurnius to scoff at him said. Tell 
The speech between Calphurnius and Cornificius.  me Cornificius, hast thou had any fortunate day since thou wert borne? for in these twenty years that I have known thee, I never saw thee in favour, and if I be not deceived, it is fifteen years since I knew thee have this coat. The poor Poet answered him; I let thee know my friend, that I cannot tell which is greater thy evil luck, or my great felicity. The Roman Calphurnius replied, Tell me Cornificius, How canst thou call thyself happy, since thou hast not a loaf of bread to eat, nor a gown to put on thy back, and why sayest thou that I am unhappy, since thou and thy family may be fed with that alone, which at my table remaineth? To this the poet answered, I will that thou know my friend and neighbour, that my felicity is not for that I have little, but for that I desire less than I have.  
And thy evil luck is not for that thou baste much, but for that thou desirest more, and dost little esteem that that thou hast. And if thou be rich, it is for that thou never spakest truth: and if I he poor, it is because I never told lie. For the house that is stuffed with riches, is commonly void of the truth.  
And I tell thee further, that I call myself happy, because I have a sister, which is the best esteemed in all Italy, and thou hast a Wife the most dishonest in all Rome. And sith it is so between thee and me, I refer it to no man's judgement but to thine: which is better, either to be poor as I am with honour, or else to be rich as thou art, and live with infamte? These words passed between the Roman Calphurnius, and the Poet Cornificius.  
I desire to declare the excellency of those few ancient women (as well greeks, as Latins, and Romans) to the intent that Princesses and great Ladies may know that the ancient women were more esteemed for their sciences then for their beauties.  
Therefore the Princesses and great Ladies ought to think that if they be women, the other were also in like manner: and if they be frail, the others were also weak. If they be married, the others also had Husbands: if they have their wills, the others had also what they wanted: If they be tender, the others were not strong.  
Finally, they ought not to excuse themselves, saying: that women are unmeet for to learn. For a woman hath more ability to learn Sciences in the schools, than the Parate hath to speak words in the cage.  
In my opinion, Princesses and great Ladies ought not to esteem themselves more than another, for that they have fairer hairs than others, or for that they are better appareled then another: or that they have more riches than another.  
But they ought therefore to esteem themselves, not for that they can do more than others. To say the truth, the fair and yellow hairs, the rich and brave Apparel, the great treasures, the sumptuous Palaces, and strong Buildings: these and other like pleasures are not guides and leaders unto virtues, but rather Spies and Scowtewatches to vices.  
Oh what an excellent thing were it that the noble Ladies would esteem themselves, not for that they can do: 
How great Ladies ought to to esteem of themselves.  but for that they know.  
For it is more commendations to know how to teach two Philosophers then to have authority to command a hundred knights.  
It is a shame to write it, but it is more pity to see it, that is to say, to read that we read of the wisdom and worthiness of the ancient Matrons passed: and to see as we do see, the frailness of these young ladies present.  
For they coveted to have Disciples both learned and experimented: and those of this present, desire nothing but to have servants, not only ignorant, but deceitful, and wicked And I do not marvel, seeing that which I see, that at this present in Court she is of little value, & least esteemed among Ladies, which hath fairest Servants, & is least entertained of Gentlemen.  
What shall I say more in this matter? but that they in times past strived who should write better, and compile the best books: and these at this present do not strive, but who shall have the richest, and most sumptuous Apparel. For the Ladies think it a jolyer matter, to wear a Gown of a new fashion, than the ancients did to read a lesson of Philosophy.  
The ancient Ladies strived which of them was wisest: but these of our days contend who shallbe fairest. For at this day the Ladies would choose rather to have the face adorned with beauty, than the heart endued with wisdom.  
The Ancient Ladies contended which should be best able to teach others: but these Ladies now a days contend how they may most finely apparel themselves. For in these days they give more honour to a Woman richly appareled, than they give to another with honesty beautified.  
Finally, with this word I do conclude; and let him mark that shall 
What difference there is between the women of our time & the ancients.  read it, that in the old time women were such, that their virtues caused all men to keep silence: and now their vices be such, that they compel all men to speak.  
I will not by this word any man should be so bold in general to speak evil of all the Ladies: for in this case I swear, that there are not at this day so many good virtuous women in the world: but that I have more envy at the life they lead in secret, then at all the sciences which the ancient women read in public.  
Wherefore my pen doth not show itself extreme, but to those which only in sumptuous Apparel, and vain words do consume their whole life: and to those which in reading a good Book, would not spend one only hour. To prove my intention of that I have spoken, the above written sufficeth: But to the end Princesses and great Ladies may see (at the least) how much better it shallbe for them to know little, then to have and possess much, and to be able to do more: I will remember them of that which a Roman woman wrote to her children, whereby they shall perceive how eloquent a woman she was in her sayings, and how true a mother in her counsel. For in the end of her letter she persuadeth her children to the travels of the war: not for any other cause, but to avoid the pleasures of Rome.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of the worthiness of the Lady Cornelia, and of a notable Epistle she wrote to her two sons which served in the wars, Tiberius and Caius, dissuading them from the pleasures of Rome, and exhorting them to endure the travels of war.  
ANNius Rusticus in the book of the Antiquities of the Romans sayeth, that in Rome there were five principal jynages, that is to say, Fabritiis, Torquatii, Brutii, Fabit, and Cornelii, though there were in Rome other new lineages, whereof 
Five Families in Rome chiefly were esteemed.  there were many excellent personages: yet always these which came of the five lineages, were kept, placed and preferred to the first Offices of the common wealth.  
For Rome honoured those that were present in such sort, that it was without the prejudice of those that are gone. Amongst those v. lineages the romans always counted the Cornelii most fortunate, that which were so hardy, and courageous in fight, and so modest in life, that of their family there was never found any cowardly man in the field, nor any defamed woman in the twone: They say of this lineage of the Corneneliis, among many other there were 4. singular and notable women, among the which the chief was the mother of Graccht whose name was Cornelia, and lived with more honour for the sciences she read in Rome, then for the conquests that her children had in Africa. Before her children were brought into the Empire, they talked of none other thing but of their strength and hardiness, throughout the world: and therefore a Romain one day asked this woman Cornelia, whereof she took most vain glory, to see herself mistress of so many Disciples, or mother of so valiant children. The Lady Cornelia answered. I do esteem the science more which I have learned, than the children which I have brought forth. For in the end, the children keep in honour the life: but the Disciples continue the renown after death.  
And she said further, I am assured that the Disciples daily will wax better and better: and it may be that my children will wax worse and worse. The desires of young men are so variable, that they daily have new inventions. With one accord all the writers do greatly commend this woman Cornelia, in especial for being wise and honest, and furthermore because she read Philosophy in Rome openly.  
And therefore after her death they set up in Rome a statue, over the gate Salaria, whereupon there was graven this Epigram.  
This heap of earth, Cornelle doth enclose 
The Epitaph of Cornelia.   
Of wretched Gracches, that lo the mother was  
Twice happy in the scholars, that she chose,  
Unhappy thrice, in the of spring that she has.  
AMong the Latins Cicero was the Prince of all the Roman Rhetoric, and the chiefest with his pen inditing Epistles: yet they say, that he did not only see the writings of this Cornelia, but read them, and did not only read them, but also with the sentences thereof profited himself. And hereof a man ought not to marvel: for there is no man in the world so wise of himself, but may further his doings with the advise of an other.  
Cicero so highly exalted these writings, that he said in his Rhetoric these or such other like words,  
If the name of a woman had not not blemished Cornelia, truly she deserved to be head of all Philosophers: For I never saw so grave sentences proceed from so frail flesh Since Cicero spoke these words of Cornelia, it cannot be, but that the writings of such a woman in her time were very lifeless, and of great reputation, yet notwithstanding there is no memory of her, but that an author for his purpose declareth an Epistle of this manner. Sextus Cheronensis in his book of the praise of women, reciteth the letter which she sent to her children. She remaining in Rome, and they being at the wars in Africa.  
The Letter of Cornelia to her two sons Tiberius and Caius, otherwise called Gracchi.  
Cornelia the Roman, that by the father's side am of the Cornelii, & on the mother side of the Fabiis: to you my two sons, Gracchii, which 
A letter of a Roman Lady to her two sons.  are in the wars of Africa, such health to you I do wish as a mother to her children ought to desire. You have understood right well my children how my father died, I being but three years of age, and that this 22. years I have remained widow, and that this 20. years I have read Rhetoric in Rome. It is 7. years since I saw you, and 12. years since your brethren, my children died in the great plague. You know 8. years are past since I left my study, and came to see you in Cicilia, because you should not forsake the wars, to come to see me in Rome: for to me could come no greater pain then to see you absent from the service of the Common wealth. I desire my children to show you how I have passed my life in labour and travel, to the intent you should not desire to spend yours in rest and idleness: For to me that am in Rome, there can want no troubles: be ye assured that unto you which are in the wars shall want no perils: For in wars renown is never sold but by weight, or changed with loss of life.  
The young Fabius, son of my aunt, the aged Fabia, at the third Calends of March brought me a letter, the which you sent: and truly it was more brief than I would have wished it: for between so dear children, and so loving a mother, it is not suffered that the absence of your persons should be so far, and the letters which you write so brief, By those that go from hence thither, I always do send you commendations: and of those that come from thence hither, I do inquire of news.  
Some say they have seen you, others tell me they have spoken with you: so that with this my heart is somewhat quieted: for between them that love greatly, it may be endured that the fight be seldom, so that the health be certain. I am sole, I am a widow, I am aged, and now all my kindred are dead. I have endured many travels in Rome, and the greatest of all is (my children) of your absence: for the pain is greater to be void of assured friends, than assault is dangerous of cruel enemies. Since you are young, and not very rich, since you are hardy, and brought up in the travels of Africa, I do not doubt but that you do desire to come to Rome, to see & know that now you are men which you have seen when you were children: for men do not love their Country so much for that it is good: as they doelove it for that it is natural.  
Believe me children, there is no man living that hath seen or heard speak of Rome in times past: but hath great grief, sorrow and pity to see it at this present: for as their hearts are pitiful, and their eyes tender: so they cannot behold that without great sorrow, which in times past they have seen in great glory. O my children, you shall know that Rome is greatly changed from that it was wont to be. To read that we do read of it in times past, and to see that which we see of it now present, we must needs esteem that which the Ancients have written as a jest, or else believe it but as a dream.  
There is no other thing now at Rome, but to see justice corrupted, the commonweal oppressed, lies blown abroad, the truth kept under, the satires silent, the flatterers open mouthed, the inflamed persons to be Lords, and the patient to be servants; and above all, and worse than all, to see the evil live in rest and contented, and the good troubled and displeased. Forsake, forsake (my Children that City, where the good have occasion to weep, and the evil have liberty to laugh. I cannot tell what to say in this matter, as I would say: truly the Common weal is at this day such and so woeful, that each wise man (without comparison) would have greater pleasure to be in the wars of Africa, then in the peace at Rome: For in the good war, a man seeth of whom he should take heed, but in the 
The wickedness of Rome described,  evil peace, no man knoweth whom to trust. Therefore my children, since you are natural of Rome; I will tell you what Rome is at this present. I let you know that the Vestal virgins are now dissolute, the honour of the gods is forgotten, the profit of the Common weal no man seeketh, of the exercise of chivalry, there is no memory; for the orphans and widows there is no man doth answer, to minister justice they have no regard, and the dissolute vices of the youth are without measure. Finally, Rome that in times past was a receit of all the good and virtuous, is now made a den of all thieves and vicious. I fear me, I fear me, lest our mother Rome in short time will have some sudden and great fall, for both men and Cities that fall from the top of their felicity purchase greater infamy with those that shall come after then the glory that they have had of them that be past.  
Peradventure, my children, you desire to see the walls and buildings of Rome: for those things which children see first in their youth, the same they love and keep always in memory until their age. As the ancient buildings of Rome are destroyed, and the few that are now built: So would I you should lose your earnest affection to come to see them: For indeed the noble hearts are ashamed to see that thing amiss, which they cannot remedy. Do not think my children, though Rome be made worse in manners, that therefore it is diminished in buildings: For I let you understand, if you know it not, that if a wall doth decay, there is no man that doth repair it.  
If a house fall, there is no man that will raise it up again. If a street be foul, there is no man that will make it clean. If the River carry away any bridge, there is no man that will set it up again. If any Antiquity decay, there is no man that will amend it. If any wood be cut, there is no man that will keep it. If the Trees wax old, there is no man that will plant them a new: If the pavement of the streets be broken, there is no man that will lay it again. Finally, there is nothing in Rome at this day so evil handled, as those things which by the common voices are ordered.  
These things (my children) though I do greatly lament (as it is reason) yet you ought little to esteem them all: but this all only aught to be esteemed, and with drops of blood to be lamented. That now in Rome, when the buildings in many places fall down, the vices all wholly together are raised up. O woeful mother Rome, since that in thee, the more the walls decay, the more the vices increase. Peradventure (my children) since you are in those frontiers of Africa, you desire to see your parents here in Rome. And there at I marvel not, for the love which our natural Country doth give, the strange country cannot take away. All those which come from those parties do bring us no other certain news, but of the multitude of those which die, and are slain in Africa, therefore since you send us such news from thence, look not that we should send you any other than the like from hence: for death hath such authority, that it killeth the armed in the wars: and slayeth the quiet in peace.  
I let you know that Licia your sister is dead, Drusio your uncle is dead, Torquatus your neighbour is dead, His wise our cozen, and her 3. daughters are dead: Fabius your great friend is dead: evander and his children are dead: Bibulus which read for me in the chair, the last year is also dead.  
Finally, there are so many and so good with all that be dead, that it is a great shame and pity to see (at this present) so many evil as do live: know ye my children, that all these and many others which ye left alive full high in Rome, are now become worms meat full low under the earth, and death also doth summon me unto the grave. If you (my children) did consider 
The uncertainty of man's life.  what shall become of you hereafter, truly you will think it better to weep a thousand years with the dead, then to laugh one hour with those that be alive. Remembering that I bore ye in great pain, and have nourished you in great travel, & that ye came of my proper entrails: I would have you as children about me for the comfort and consolation of my pains: but in the end beholding the prowesses of these that are past, that bindeth their heirs, I am content to suffer so long absence your persons, only to the end you may get honour in chivalry: for I had rather hear tell you should live like knights in Africa, then to see you utterly lost here in Rome, My children as you are in the wars of Africa, so I doubt not but that you desire to see the pleasures of Rome: for there is no man in this world so happy, but at his neighbour's prosperity had some envy; envy not the vicious, neither desire to be among vices: for truly vices are of such condition, that they bring not with them so much pleasure, as they leave sorrow behind them, for the true delight is not in pleasure which suddenly vanisheth but in the truth which ever remaineth. I thank the gods for all these things, first for that they made me wise and not foolish: for to a woman it is a small matter to be called so frail, that indeed she be not foolish The second I thank the gods, because in all times of my troubles, they have given me patience to endure them: for the man only in this life may be called unhappy, to whom the gods in his troubles giveth not patience. The 3. I thank the gods for that those 65. years which I have lived, I never hitherto was defamed: For the Woman by no reason can complain of her fortune, if in none of her troubles she hath lost her honour.  
The fourth, I thank the Gods that in this forty years I have lived in Rome, and remained widow, there was never man nor woman that contended with me: For since we women little profit the commonwealth, it is but reason that she which with evil demeanours hath passed her life should by justice receive her death.  
The fifth, I give the God's thanks, that they gave me children, the which are better contented to suffer the travels of Africa, then to enjoy the pleasures of Rome. Do not count me (my Children) for so unloving a Mother, that I would not have you always before mine eyes: but considering that many good men's children have been lost, only for being brought up in the excessive pleasures of Rome, I do content myself with your absence: 
〈…〉  For the man that desireth perpetual renon me, though he be not banished, he ought to absent himself from his Native country. My dear children, I most earnestly desire you that always you accompany yourselves with the good, with the most Ancients, and with those which are grave, and most expert in counsel, and with those that have most seen the world: and do not understand most of the world, by those that have seen most countries For the ripe council proceedeth not from the man that hath traveled in many countries, but from him that hath felt himself in many dangers.  
Since the nature of the Country (my Children) doth knock with the hammer at the heart of man, I fear that if you come and see your friends and parents, you shall always line in care & pensiveness, and being pensive, you shall always live evil contented, and you shall not do that which becometh Roman knights to do. And you not being valiant knights, your enemies shall always rejoice over you, and your desires shall never take effect: for of those men which are careful and heavy, proceedeth always services unworthy. I desire you heartily, and by this present letter I counsel you, that you will not in any wise seek to come to Rome: For as I have said you shall know few of those that did know you: for either they are dead or banished, poor, or sick, aged, or come to nought sad, or evil contented: So that sithence you are not able to remedy their griefs, it is best you should not come hither to see their troubles. For no man cometh to Rome but to weep with the living, or to sigh for them that be dead. Truly (my children I know not what pleasure is in Rome, that should cause any good man to come hither, and to forsake Africa? for if there you have any enemies, here you shall want friends. If you have the Sword that pierceth the body, we have the tongue here that destroyeth the renown. If you be vexed with the thieves of Africa, we are wounded with the traitors, flatterers, and liars of Italy. If you lack rest, we have here too much 
The commendations of warlike men.  trouble.  
Finally, seeing that I do see in Rome, and hearing that which I do hear of Africa, I commend your war and abhor your peace: If you do greatly esteem that which I have said, esteem much more that which I shall say, which is, that we always hear that you are conquerors of the Africans, and you shall hear always that we are conquered by vices. Therefore if am a true mother, I had rather see you win a perpetual memory among strangers, then to live with infamy at home in your country.  
Peradventure with hope that you shallenjoy some goods, you will offer to take occasion to come to Rome: When this thing shall come to your minds, remember (my Children) that your father being alive had not much and that unto your Mother, being a widow many things wanted. And remember that your father bequeathed you nothing but weapons, and know that from me you shall inherit nothing but Books. For I had rather leave my Children good doctrine, whereby they may live, then evil Riches whereby they may perish.  
I am not rich, nor I never traveled to be rich: and the cause was, that I saw many men's children undone, only through the hope they had to inherit their parents goods, and afterward went a hunting after vices. For they seldom times do any worthy feats, which in their Youth inherit great Treasures.  
This thing therefore being true (as it is indeed) I do not say only that I would watch, and toil as many do to get riches and treasures: but also if I had treasure, before I would give them unto you, I would (as the Philosopher did) cast them into the fire. For I had rather have my children poor and virtuous in Africa, then rich and vicious in Rome.  
You know very well my Children, that there was among the Tharentines a Law well observed, that the Sons should not inherit any thing of the fathers but weapons to fight: and that 
A Law among the Tharentines.  the Daughters should inherit the goods, for to marry themselves withal.  
Truly this Law was very just: for the Son that hath always respect to the inheritance: will not have to his Father any great confidence. For he ought to be called a valiant Roman Knight, that with his life hath won and by his sword hath gotten Riches. Since you are in strange Realms, I pray you heartily that you be eonuersant with the good (as good brethren) remembering always, that you were my children, and that I gave you both suck of mine own proper breasts. And the day that I shall hear of your disagreement, the same day shall be the end of my life. For the discord in one city of parents doth more harm than a whole army of enemies.  
It is good for you (my Children,) to live in love and concord together: but it is more requisite to keep you with the Roman knights. The which with you, and you with them, if you do not love together in the wars, you shall never have the upper hand of your enemies. For in great Armies, the discords that arise amongst them, do more harm, than the enemies do against whom they fight.  
I think well (my children) that you would be very desirous to know of my estate (that is to say,) whether I am in health, whether I am sick, whether I am poor, whether I am pleased, or whether I am discontented?  
In this case I know not why you should desire to know it? since you ought to presuppose, that according to the troubles which I have passed, & the miseries, which with mine eyes I have seen, I am filled with this world: For wise men after fifty years and upwards, ought rather to apply their minds how to receive death: then 
How every man & women ought to spend their time.  to seek for pleasures how to prolong life.  
When man's Flesh is weak, it always desireth to be well kept, even unto the grave. And as I am of flesh and Bone, so I do feel the troubles of the world, as all mortal men do. But for all this do not think that to be poor or sick is the greatest misery: neither think that to be whole and rich is the chiefest felicity: for there is none other felicity of the old fathers, but for to see their children virtuous.  
In my opinion it is an honour to the country, that the fathers have such children, which will take profit with their counsel, and chose that the children have such fathers which can give it them: For the child is happy that hath a wise father, and more happy is the father that hath not a foolish son. I do write oft times unto you my children, but there is a law that none be so hardy to write to men of war in the field, except first they inrowle the letters in the Senate. Therefore since I write unto you more letters than they would, they do send less than I desire. Though this law be painful to mothers which have children: yet we must confess it is profitable for the weal public. For if a man would write to one in the war that his family is not well; he would forsake the wars to remedy it. If a man write unto him that it is prosperous, he hath then a desire to enjoy it.  
Be not displeased (my children) though all the Letters I do send unto you come not to your hands: for all that I do not cease to visit the temples for your own health, nor yet to offer sacrifices for your honour, If we do please the Gods we have not cause to fear our enemies. I say no more in this case, my children, but but that I beseech the immortal gods, that if your lives may profit the Common wealth, than they shorten my days, and lengthen your years: but if your lives should be to the damage of the Common wealth, than those immortal gods I desire, that first I may understand the end of your days before that the Worms should eat my flesh. For rather then by your evil life the glory of our predecessors should be blemished, it were much better both your lives were ended.  
The grace of the Gods, the good renown amongst men, the good fortune of the Romans, the wisdom of the greeks, the blessing of Scipio, and of all other your predecessors be always with you my children.   

CHAP. XXXII. Of the education and doctrine of children whiles they are young. wherein the Author declareth many notable histories.  
ALL mortal men which 
What a good traveler in this world ought to seek for.  will travel, and see good fruits of their travel, aught to do as the chief Artificer did the painted world: For the man that maketh God the head of his works, it is unpossible that he should err in the same: That which we believe, and read by writing, is that the eternal created the world in short space by his might: but preserved it a long time by his wisdom. Whereof a man may gather, that the time to do a thing is short: but the care and thought to preserve it, is long.  
We see daily, that a valiant captain assaulteth his enemies: but in the end it is God that giveth the victory; but let us ask the Conqueror, what travel it hath been unto him, or wherein he hath perceived most danger (that is to say) either to obtain the victory of his enemies, or else to preserve themselves amongst the envious and malicious. I swear and affirm, that such a knight will swear that there is no comparison between the one and the other: for by the bloody sword in an hour the victory is obtained: but to keep it with reputation, the sweat of all the life is required. Laertius in the book of the life of Philosophers declareth, and Plato also hereof maketh mention, in the books of his common wealth, that those of Thebes understanding that the Lacedæmonians had good laws, (for the which they were of the Gods favoured, and of men greatly honoured) determined to send (by common assent and agreement) a wise Philosopher, the best esteemed amongst them, whose name was Phetonius, to whom they commanded, that he should ask the laws of the Lacedæmonians, and that he should be very circumspect, and wary to see, what their rules and customs were. Those of Thebes were then very noble, valiant and honest: so that their principal end was, to come to honour & renown, to erect buildings, and to make themselves of immortal memory for being virtuous: For in building they were very curious: and for virtues they had good Philosophers.  
The Philosopher Phetonius was more than a year in the realm of the Lacedæmonians, beholding at sundry times all things therein: for simple men do not note things, but only to satisfy the eyes: but the wise men beholdeth them, for to know and understand their secrets. After the Philosopher had well and plainly seen and beheld all the things of the Lacedemovians, he determined to return home to Thebes, and being arrived, all the people came to see him and hear him: For the vanity of the common people is of such a quality, that it followeth new inventions, and despiseth ancient Customs. 
The vanity and foolish opinion of the common people.   
All the people therefore gathered together, the good Philosopher Phetonius set up in the midst of the market place a gibbet, hot irons, a sword, a whip, and fetters for the feet; the which thing done, the Thebians were no less, as they thought, slandered then abashed.  
To the which he spoke these words. You Thebaines sent me to the Lacedæmonians, to the intent that I 
The Philosopher Phetonius his answer to the Thebaines.  should learn their Laws and Customs. and indeed I have been there more than a year, beholding all things very diligently: For we Philosophers are bound, not only to note that which is done, but also to know why it is done, Know ye Thebians that this is the answer of my embassage.  
That the Lacedemoniant hang upon this Gibbet thieves, with this same sword they behead Traitors, with these hot Irons they torment blasphemers and liars, with these rods they whp vacabonds, and with these Irons do keep the rebels, and the others are for Players and unthrifts.  
Finally, I say, that I do not bring you the Laws written, but I bring you the instruments wherewith they are observed.  
The Thebans were abashed to see these things, and spoke unto him such words:  
Consider Phetonius, we have not sent thee to the Lacedæmonians, to bring Instruments to take away life: but for the good Laws to govern the Common wealth.  
The Philosopher Phetonius replied again, and answered:  
thebans, I let you to understand, that if you know what we Philosophers knew, yond should see how far your minds were from the truth: For the Lacedæmonians are not so virtuous, through the laws which were made of them that be dead, as for the means they have sought to preserve them that be alive: For the matters of justice consists more in execution, then in commanding or ordaining.  
Laws are easily ordained, but with difficulty executed: for there are a thousand to make them, but to put them in execution there is not one. Full little is that which men know that are present in respect of that those know which are past. But yet according to my little knowledge, I proffer to give as good laws to you Thebaines, as ever were observed among the Lacedæmonians: For there is nothing more easy, then to know the good, and nothing more common then to follow the evil: But what profiteth it, if one will ordain, and none understand it: If there be that doth understand them, there is none that executeth them. If there be that executeth them, there is none that observeth them: If there be one that observeth them, there is a thousand that reproveth them: For without comparison, more are they that murmur and grudge at the good, than those which despise and blame the evil. You Thebaines are offended, because I have brought such Instruments, but I let you know, if you will have neither gibet nor Sword to keep that which shall be ordained, you shall have your Books full of laws, and the common wealth full of vices. Wherefore I swear unto you, that there are more Thebaines which follow the deliciousness of Denis the tyrant, than there are virtuous men that follow the laws of Lycurgus.  
If you Thebaines do desire greatly to know, with what laws the Lacedæmonians do preserve their Commonwealth: I will tell you them all by word, and if you will read them, I will show you them in writing: but it shall be upon condition, that you shall swear all openly, that once a day you shall employ your eyes to read them, and your persons to observe them: for the Prince hath greater honour to see one only law to be observed in deed, then to ordain a thousand by writing.  
You ought not to esteem much to be virtuous in heart, nor to inquire of the virtue by the mouth, nor to seek it by labour and travel of the feet: but that which you ought greatly to esteem, is to know what a virtuous law meaneth, and that known, immediately to execute it, and afterwards to keep it.  
For the chief virtue is not to do one virtuous work, but in a sweat and travel to continue in it.  
These therefore were the words that this Philosopher Phetonius said to the Thebaines: the which as Plato sayeth, esteemed more his words that he spoke, than they did the Laws which he brought. 
The Philosopher's counsel acceptable to the Thebans.   
Truly in mine opinion, those of Thebes are to be praised and commended: and the Philosopher for his word is worthy to be honoured. For the end of those was to search laws to live well, and the end of the Philosopher was to seek good means for to keep them in virtue. And therefore he thought it good to show them and put before their eyes the gibbet, and the sword, with the other Instruments and torments: for the evil do refrain from vice, more for fear of punishment, then for any desire they have of amendment.  
I was willing to bring in this history, to the end that all curious and virtuous men may see and know how little the Ancients did esteem the beginning, the mean, and the end of virtuous works, in respect of the perseverance and preservation of them.  
Coming therefore to my matter, which my pen doth toss and seek: I ask now presently, what it profiteth Princesses and great Ladies that God do give them great estates, that they be fortunate in marriages, that they be all reverenced and honoured, that they have great treasures for their inheritances, and above all, that they see their wines great with Child, and that afterward, in joy they see them delivered: that they see their mother's giving their children suck: and finally, they see themselves happy in that they have found them good nurses, health full and honest.  
Truly all this availeth little, if to their children when they are young they do do not give masters to instruct them in virtues: and they also if they do not recommend them to good guides, to exercise them in feats of Chivalry.  
The Fathers which by sighs penetrate the heaven, by prayers importune the living God only for to have children, ought first to think why they will have children: for that justly to a man may be denied, which to an evil end is procured. In mine opinion, the Father ought to desire to have a child, for that in his age he may sustain his life in honour, and that after his death he may cause his fame to live. And if a Father desireth not a son for this cause, at the least he ought to desire him, to the end in his age he may honour his hoary head: and that after his death he may inherit his goods: but we see few children do these things to their fathers in their age, if the fathers have not taught them in their youth: For the fruit doth never grow in the harvest, unless the tree did bear blossoms in the spring.  
I see oftentimes many Fathers complain of their children, saying that they are disobedient and proud unto them; and they do not consider that they themselves are the cause of all those evils. For too much abundance and liberty of youth is no other, but a prophesy and manifest token of disobedience in age. I know not why Princes and great Lords do toil, & oppress so much, & scratch to leave their children great estates, and on the other side we see that in teaching them, they are and show themselves too negligent: for Princes and great Lords ought to make account, that all that which they leave of their substance to a wicked heir is utterly lost.  
The wise men, and those which in their consciences are upright, and of their honours careful, aught to be very diligent to bring up their children, and chiefly that they consider whether they be meet to inherit their estates. And if perchance the fathers see that their children be more given to folly then to nobleness and wisdom; then should I be ashamed to see a father that is wise, travel all the days of his life, to leave much substance to an evil brought up child after his death.  
It is a grief to declare, and a monstrous thing to see the cates which the Fathers take to gather riches, and the diligence that children have to spend them. And in this case I say, the son is fortunate for that he doth inherit, and the Father a fool for that he doth bequeath.  
In my opinion, Fathers are bound to instruct their children well for two causes, the one for that they are nearest 
The reason why parents are bound to instruct then children.  to them, and also because they ought to be their heirs: For truly with great grief and sorrow I suppose he doth take his death, which leaveth to a fool or an unthrift the toil of all his life.  
Hyzearchus the Greek Hystorian in the book of his Antiquities, & Sabellicus in his general history sayeth, that a father and a son came to complain to the famous Philosopher and ancient Solon Solinon: the Son complained of the father, and the father of the son.  
First, the son informed the quarrel to the Philosopher, saying these words. I complain of my Father, because he being rich hath disinherited me, and made me poor, and in my stead hath adopted another heir, the which thing my father ought not, nor cannot do: for since he gave me so frail flesh, it is reason he give me his goods to maintain my seeblenes.  
To these words answered the father: I complain of my son, because he hath not been as a gentle son, but rather as a cruel enemy: for in all things since he was borne, he hath been disobedient to my will, wherefore I thought it good to disinherit him before my death. I would I were quit of all my substance so that the gods had quit him of his life: for the earth is very cruel that swalloweth not the child alive, which to his father is disobedient. In that he sayeth, I have adopted another child for mine heir, I confess it is true: and for so much as he sayeth, that I have disinherited him, and abjected him from my heritage, he being begotten of my body, hereunto I answer.  
That I have not disinherited my son, but I have disinherited his pleasure, to the intent he shall not enjoy my travel: for there can be nothing more unjust, then that the young and vicious son should take his pleasure of the sweat and drops of the aged father.  
The son replied to his Father 
How children ought to be brought up.  and said I confess I have offended my Father, and also I confess, that I have lived in pleasures: yet if I may speak the truth, though I were disobedient and evil, my Father ought to bear the blame: and if for this cause he doth dishenherite me, I think he doth me great injury: for the father that instructeth not his son in virtue in his youth, wrongfully disinheriteth him, though he be disobedient in his age.  
The Father again replieth, and sayeth. It is true my son, that I brought thee up too wanton in thy youth, but thou knowest well that I have taught thee sundry times, and besides that I did correct thee when thou camest to some discretion.  
And if in thy youth I did not instruct thee in learning: it was for that thou in thy tender age didst want understanding, but after that thou hadst age to understand, discretion to receive, and strength to exercise it; I began to punish thee, to teach thee, and to instruct thee. For where no understanding is in the child, there in vain they teach doctrine.  
Since thou art old (quoth the son) and I young: since thou art my Father, and I thy son: for that thou hast white hairs on thy beard, and I none at all: it is but reason that thou be believed, and I condemned. For in this world we see oft times, that the small authority of the person, maketh him to lose his great justice.  
I grant thee (my Father) that when 
What mischief cometh by giving children their own will in their youth.  I was a child, thou didst cause me to learn to read: but thou wilt not deny, that if I did commit any fault, thou wouldst never agree I should be punished. And hereof it came, that thou suffering me to do what I would in my Youth, have been disobedient to thee ever since in my age. And I say unto thee further, that if in this case I have offended, truly me thinketh thou canst not be excused: for the fathers in the youth of their children, ought not only to teach them to dispute of virtues, & what virtue is: but they ought to enforce them to be virtuous in deed. For it is a good token, when Youth (before they know vices) have been accustomed to practise virtues.  
Both parties then diligently heard the good Philosopher Solon Solinon speak these words: I give judgement that the Father of this child be not buried after his death: and I command that the Son, because in his youth, he hath (not obeyed his Father who is old) should be disinherited whilst the Father liveth, from all his substance, on such condition, that after his death, his sons should inherit the Heritage: and so return to the heirs of the Son, and live of the Father. For it were unjust, that the innocency of the Son should be condemned for the offence of the Father.  
I do command also, that all the goods be committed unto some faithful person, to the end they may give the Father meat and drink during his life: and to make a grave for the Son after his death:  
I have not without a cause given such judgement, the which comprehendeth life and death: For the Gods will not that for one pleasure the punishment be double, but that we chastise and punish the one in the life, taking from him his honour and goods, and that we punish others after their death, taking from them memory and burial.  
Truly the sentence which the Philosopher gave, was very grave: and would to GOD we had him for a judge of this world presently. For I swear, that he should find many Children now a days for to disinherit, and more Fathers to punish. For, I cannot tell which is greater: The shame of the children to disobey their Fathers, or the negligence of the Fathers in bringing up their children.  
Sextus Cheronens. in the second book of the sayings of the Philosophers declareth, that a Citizen of Athens said unto Dyogenes the Philosopher, these words.  
Tell me Dyogenes: What shall I do, to be in the favour of the Gods, and not in the hatred of men? For, oft times amongst you Philosophers I have heard say, that there is a great 
Questions demanded of Dyogenes the Philosopher.  difference between that that the gods will, and that which men love.  
Dyogenes answered: Thou speakest more than thou oughtest to speak, that the Gods will one thing, and men another: for the Gods are but as a centre of mercy, and men are but as a den of malice, if thou wilt enjoy rest in thy days, and keep thy life pure and clean: thou must observe these three things. 
2. Things to be observed of all men.   
The first, honour thy Gods devoutly: for the man which doth not serve and honour the Gods, in all his enterprises he shall be unfortunate.  
The second, be very diligent to bring up thy children well: for the man hath no enemy so troublesome, as his own son, if he be not well brought up.  
The third thing be thankful to thy good benefactors and friends, for the Oracle of Apollo saith, that the man who is unthankful, of all the world shall be abhorred.  
And I tell thee further, my friend, that of these three things the most profitable (though it be more troublesome) is for a man to teach, and bring up his children well.  
This therefore was the answer that the Philosopher Diogenes made to the demand of the Citizen. It is great pity and grief to see a young child how the blood doth stir him to see how the flesh doth provoke him to accomplish his desire, to see sensuality go before, and he himself to come behind, to see the malicious World to watch him; to see how the Devil doth tempt him, to see how vices bind him, and in all that which is spoken, to see how the Father is negligent, as if he had no children; whereas in deed the old man, by the few virtues he hath had in his Youth: may easily know the infirmities and vices, wherewith his Son is encompassed.  
If the expert had never been ignorant: if the Fathers had never been children: if the virtuous had never been vicious: if the fine wits had never been deceived: it were no marvel if the Fathers were negligent in teaching their children. For the little experience excuseth men of great offences: but since thou art my Father, and that first thou wert a Son, since thou art old, and hast been young, and besides all this, since that pride hath inflamed thee, lechery hath burned thee, wrath hath wounded thee, Negligence hath hindered thee, Covetousness hath blinded thee, & Glotonie surfeited thee: Tell me cruel Father, since so many vices have reigned in thee; why hast thou not an eye to thy child whom of thy own blood thou hast begotten? And if thou dost it not because he is thy child, thou oughtest to do it, because he is thy nearest. For it is unpossible that the child which with many vices is assaulted and not succoured, but in the end he should be infamed, and to the dishonour of the father most wickedly overcome.  
It is unpossible to keep Flesh well savoured, unless it be first salted. It 
What comfort parents may look for of their children.  is unpossible that the Fish should live without water. It is unpossible but that the Rose should wither, which is of the thorn overgrown. So like it is unpossible that the Fathers should have any comfort of their children in their age, unless they have instructed them in virtue in their youth.  
And to speak further in this matter (I say) that in the Christian catholic Religion, where in deed there is good doctrine, there always is supposed to be a good conscience.  
Amongst the Writers it is a thing well known, how Eschines the Philosopher was banished from Athens, and with all his family came to dwell at Rhodes: The occasion was, because that he and the Philosopher Demosthenes were in great contention in the commonwealth. Wherefore the Athenians determined to banish the one, and to keep the other with them.  
And truly they did well: for of the contentions and debates of Sages, Wars most commonly arise amongst the people.  
This Philosopher Eschines being at Rhodes banished, amongst others made a solemn Oration, wherein he greatly reproved the Rhodians, that they were so negligent in bringing up their children, saying unto them these words: I let you understand (lords of Rhodes) that your Predecessors advanced themselves to descend, and take their beginning of the Lides: the which above all other Nations, were curious and diligent to bring up their Children: and hereof came came a Law that was among them, which said:  
We ordain and command, that if a Father have many Children, that the most virtuous should inherit the goods and riches: and if there were but one virtuous, that he alone should inherit the whole. And if perchance 
Ordinances and customs of the Rhodians.  the Children were vicious, that then all should be deprived from the heritage. For the goods gotten with travel of virtuous Fathers, ought not by reason to be inherited by vicious children.  
These were the words that the Philosopher spoke to the Senate of the Rhodes, and because he said in that oration many other things which touch not our matter, I will in this place omit them: For among excellent Writers, that writing loseth much authority, when the Author from his purpose digresseth into an other matter. To say the truth, I do not marvel that the children of Princes and great Lords be adulterers and belly-gods: for that on the one part youth is the mother of idleness, and on the other, little experience is the cause of great offences.  
And furthermore, the father's being once dead, the children inherit their goods as quietly, being laden with vices: as if in deed they were with all virtues endued. If the young children did know for a certain that the laws of the Lydes should be observed (that is to say) that they should not inherit, unless they be virtuous: it is unpossible but that they would lead a virtuous life, and not in this wise to run at large in the world. For they do abstain more from doing evil, fearing to lose that which they do possess, then for any love to do that which they ought.  
I do not deny, but according as the natures of the Fathers is divers, so the inclination of the children is variable. For so much as some following their good inclinations, are good: and others, not resisting evil sensualities, are evil.  
But yet in this matter I say, that it lieth much in the Father that doth bring them up, when as yet they are young: so that the evil which nature gave, by good bringing up is refrained. For oft times the good custom doth overcome all evil inclination.  
Princes and great Lords that will be diligent in the instruction of their children, aught to inform their masters and tutors that shall teach them, to what vices and virtues their Children are most inclined: And this aught to be, to encourage them in that that is good, and contrary, to reprove them in all that is evil. For, 
What youth ought to obstaine from.  men are undone for none other cause when they be old: but for that they had so much pleasure when they were young.  
Sextus Cheronensis, in the second book of the ancients saith: that on a day, a citizen of Athenes was buying things in the market, and for the quality of his person, the greatest part of them were superfluous, and nothing necessary. And in this case the poor are no less culpable than the rich, and the rich than the poor. For that is so little, that to sustain manslife is necessary, that he which hath least, hath thereunto superfluous. Therefore at this time, when Athens and her commonwealth was the Lantern of all Greece, there was in Athens a Law long used, and of a great time accustomed, that nothing should be bought before a Philosopher had set the price. And 
A Law among the Athenians.  truly the law was good, and would to God the same law were at this present observed: For, there is nothing that destroyeth a commonwealth more, then to permit some to sell as tyrants, and others to buy as fools. When the Theban was buying these things, a philosopher was present, who said unto him these words. Tell me, I pray thee, thou man of Thebes, Wherefore dost thou consume and waste thy money in that which is not necessary for thy house, nor profitable for thy person? The Theban answered him.  
I let thee know, that I do buy all these things for a son I have of the age of xx. years: the which never did any thing that seemed unto me evil, nor I never denied him any thing, that he demanded. This Philososopher answered;  
Oh how happy wert thou, if as thou art a Father, thou wert a son? and that which the Father saith unto the son, the son would say unto the father: but I am offended greatly with that thou hast told me. For until the child be xxv. years old, he ought not to gainsay his father, and the good father ought not to condescend unto the appetites of the son.  
Now I may call thee cursed father, since thou art become subject to the will of thy son: and that thy son is not obedient to the will of his Father, so that thou alterest the order of nature: For so much as the father is become son of his son, and the son is become father of his father. But in the end, I swear unto thee, by the immortal Gods, that when thou shalt become old and aged, thou shalt lament and weep by thyself, at that which with thy Son thou didst laugh, when he was young.  
Though the words of this Philosopher were few: yet a wise man will judge the sentences to be many.  
I conclude therefore that Princes and great Lords ought to recommend their children to their Masters, to the end they may teach them to change their appetites, and not to follow their own will: so that they withdraw them from their own will, and cause them to learn the advise of another. For the more a man giveth a Noble man's son the bridle, the more harder it is for them to receive good doctrine.   

CHAP. XXXIII. Prince's ought to take heed that their Children be not brought up in pleasures and vain delights. For oft times they are so wicked, that the Fathers would not only have them with sharp discipline corrected: but also with bitter tears buried.  
BY experience we see that in War (for the defence of men) rampires and Forts are made according to the quality of the enemies: and those which sail the dangerous Seas, do choose great Ships, which may break the waves of the raging Seas: So that all wise men, according to the quality of the danger, do seek for the same in time some remedy.  
Oft times I muse with myself, and think if I could find any estate, any age, any Land, any Nation, any Realm, or any World, wherein there hath been any man that hath passed 
The miserable estate of man.  this life, without tasting, what adversity was? For, if such an one were found, I think it should be a monstrous thing throughout all the earth, and by reason both the dead and living should envy him.  
In the end, after my count made, I find that he which but yesterday was rich, to day is poor: he that was whole, I see him to day sick: he that yesterday laughed, to day I see him weep: he that had his heart's ease, I see him now sore afflicted: he that was Fortunate, now I see him unlucky. Finally, him whom lately we knew alive in the town, now we see buried in the grave: And to be buried, is nothing else but to be utterly forgotten: For, man's friendship is so frail, that when the Corpse is covered with earth, immediately the dead is forgotten.  
One thing me thinketh to all men is grievous, and to those of understandng no less painful: which is, that the miseries of this wicked world are not equally divided; but that oft times all worldly calamities lieth in the neck of one man alone. For we are so unfortunate, that the world giveth us pleasures in sight, and troubles in proof.  
If a man should ask a Sage man now a days, who hath lived in mean estate, and that he would be contented to tell him what he hath past, since three years that he began to speak, until fifty years that he began to wax old: what things think you he would telus, that hath chanced unto him? truly all these that follow.  
The griefs of his Children, the assaults of his enemies, the importunities of his wife, the wantonness of his 
What misfortunes are incident to man in this life.  daughters, sickness in his person, great loss of goods, general famine in the city, cruel plagues in his country, extreme cold in winter, noisome heat in Summer, sorrowful deaths of his friends: and envious prosperities of his enemies. Finally, he will say, that he passed such, and so many things, that oft times he bewailed the woeful life, and desired the sweet death.  
If the miserable man hath passed such things outwardly, what would he say of those which he hath suffered inwardly? the which though some discrete men may know, yet truly others dare not tell. For the travels which the body passeth in 50. years, may well be counted in a day: but that which the heart suffereth in one day, cannot be counted in a hundred years. A man cannot deny, but that we would count him rash, which with a reed would meet another that hath a sword: and him for a fool, that would put off his shoes to walk upon the Thorns. But without comparison, we ought to esteem him for the most fool, that with his tender flesh thinketh to prevail against so many evil fortunes: for, without doubt, the man that is of his body delicate, passeth his life with much pain.  
Oh how happy may that man be called, which never tasted what pleasure meaneth. For men which from their infancy have been brought up in pleasures, for want of wisdom know 
Men ought to fly the pleasures & vanities of this life.  not how to choose the good, and for lack of force cannot resist the evil: which is the cause, that noblemen's children oft times commit sundry heinous offences. For it is an infallible rule, that the more a man giveth himself to pleasures, the more he is entangled in vices.  
It is a thing worthy to be noted, and woeful to see, how politic we be to augment things of honour, how bold we be to enterprise them: how fortunate to compass them: how diligent to keep them: how circumspect to sustain them: and afterward what pity it is to see, how unfortunate we are to lose all that, which so long time we have searched for, kept, and possessed. And that which is most to be lamented in this case is, that the goods and Honours are not lost for want of diligence and travel of the father, but for the abundance of pleasures and vices of the son. Finally, let the rich man know, that that which he hath won in labour and toil waking, his Son (being evil brought up) shall consume in pleasures sleeping.  
One of the greatest vanities that reigneth at this, day amongst the children of vanity is, that the Father cannot show unto his Son the love which he beareth him, but in suffering him to be brought up in the pleasures and vanities of this life. Truly, he that is such a one, ought not to be called a pitiful father, but a cruel stepfather: for no man will deny me this, but that where there is Youth, liberty, pleasure, and Money, there will all the vices of this world be resident.  
Lycurgus' the great King, giver of laws, and sage Philosopher, ordained 
Wholesome and wary laws of the Lacedæmonians.  to the Lacedæmonians, that all the children which were borne in Cities and good Towns, should be sent to be brought up in villages, till they were xxv. years of age. And Livius saith, that the Lygures were, which in old time were confederates with those of Capua, and great enemies to the people of Rome,  
They had a Law amongst them, that none should take wages in the wars, unless he had been brought up in the fields, or that he had been a heard man in the Mountains: so that through one of these two ways, their flesh was hardened, their joints accustomed to suffer the heat and the cold, and their bodies more meet to endure the travels of the wars. In the year of the foundation of Rome 140. the Romalnes made cruel wars with the Lygures, against whom was sent Gneus Fabritius: of the which in the end he triumphed; and the day following this triumph, he spoke unto the Senate, in these words. Worthy Senators, I have been these five years against the Ligures, and by the immortal Gods I swear unto you, that in all this time there passed not one week but we had either battle or some perilous skirmish. And that which 
The speech of 〈…〉 concerning the profess of the Lygures  a man ought most to marvel at is, that I never perceived any fear or cowardliness to be in those barbarous people, whereby they were constrained to demand peace of the people of Rome.  
These Lygures pursued with such fierceness the wars, that often times they took away from us all hope to win the victory: for between Armies, the great might of the one, doth put always the others in fear. And I will tell you (Father's conscript,) their bringing up, to the end the Roman youth should take hereby example.  
When they are young, they are put to be shepherds, because they should accustom their flesh in those mountains to endure travel: by the which custom they are so much masters of themselves (the country being always full of snow and Ice in the winter, and also noisome through the extreme heat in the Summer) that I swear by the God Apollo, in all this time of five years, of those we have not seen one press to the Fire in the winter, nor covet the shadow in the Summer.  
Do not ye think worthy Senators, that I was willing to declare unto you these things in the Senate, for any desire I have, that you should esteem any thing the more my Triumph: but I do tell it you to this end, that you may have an eye, and take heed to your men of war, to the end they may always be occupied, and that you suffer them not to be idle. For it is more perilous for the Roman Armies to be overcome with vices, them to be discomfited with their enemies.  
And to talk of these matters more at large, me thinketh they should provide and command, that Rich men should not be so hardy to bring up their children too delicately: for in the end, it is unpossible that the delicate person should win with his hands the honour of many victories.  
That which moved me to say somuch as I have said (worthy Senators) is to the end you may know, that the Lygures were not overcome by the power of Rome: but because Fortune was against them. And since in nothing Fortune showeth herself so variable, as in the things of the war: me thinketh that though the Ligures are now vanquished and overcome, yet notwithstanding you ought to entertain them in love: and to take them for your confederates: For it is not good counsel, to hazard that into the hands of Fortune, which a man may compass by friendship.  
The Author of this which is spoken, is called junius Pratus, in the Book of the concord of Realms: and he saith in that place, that this captain Gneus Fabritius, was counted no less sage for that he spoke, then esteemed valiant for that he did.  
In the old time, those of the Isles Balleares, (which now are called Maiorque, and Minorque) though they were not counted wise; yet at the least in bringing up their Children, they showed rhemselues not negligent.  
Because they were brought up in hardness in their youth, and could endure all painful exercises of the wars. Those of Carthage gave five prisoners of Rome, for one slave of Maiorque.  
Dyodorus Siculus saith, in those Isles, the mother did not give the children bread with their own hands: but they did put it on a high pole, so that they might see the Bread with their eyes, but they could not reach it with their hands. Wherefore when they would eat they should first with hurling of stones, or slinges win it, or else fast. Though the work were of children, yet the invention came of a high wit: And hereof it came, that the Baleares were esteemed for valiant men, as well in wrestling, as in slings for to hurl: for they did hurl with a sling to hit a white, as the Lygures shoot now in a Crossbow to hit the prick. Those of Great Britain, which now we call England, amongst all the barbarous, were men most barbarous: but you ought to know, that within the space of few years, the Romans were vanquished of them many times: for time in all things bringeth such change and alteration, that those which once we knew great Lords, within a while after we have seen themslaves.  
Herodian in his history of Severus Emperor of Rome sayeth, That an Ambassador of Britain being one day in Rome (as by chance they gave him a froward answer in the Senate) spoke stoutly before them all, and said these words. 
The stout answer of the English Ambassador to the Romans.   
I am sorry you will not accept peace, nor grant Truce, the which thing shall be for the greater justification of your war. For afterwards none can take but that which fortune shall give: For in the end the delicate flesh of Rome shall feel if the bloody swords of Britain will cut. The English history sayeth, and it is true, that though the country be very cold & that the water freezeth oft; yet the women had a custom to carry their children where the water was frozen, and breaking the Ice with a stone, with the same Ice they used to rub the body of the Infant, to the end to harden their flesh, and to make them more apt to endure travels. And without doubt, they had reason, for I wish no greater penance to delicate men, then in the Winter to see them without fire, and in the Summer to want fresh shadow.  
Sith this was the custom of the Britons, it is but reason we credit julius Caesar, in that he sayeth in his Commentaries, that is to say, that he passed many dangers before he could overcome them: for they with as little fear did hide themselves, & dived under the cold water, as verily a man would have rested himself in a pleasant shadow.  
As Lucanus and Appianus Alexandrinus say, amongst other Nations which came to succour the great Pompey in Pharsalia, were the Messagetes, the which (as they say) in their youth did suck no other but the milk of Camels, and eat bread of acorns. These barbarous people did these things to the end to harden their bodies, to be able to endure travel, & to have their legs lighter for to run.  
In this case we cannot call them barbarous, but we ought to call them men of good understanding: for it is unpossible for the man that eateth much to run fast. Viriatus a Spaniard, was King of the Lusitaines, and a great enemy of the romans, who was so adventurous in the war, and so valiant in his person, that the romans (by the experience of his deeds) found him invincible: for in the space of 13. years they could never have any victory of him: the which when they saw, they determined 
The prowess of Viriatus, and his untimely death.  to poison him, & did so indeed. At whose death they more rejoiced, then if they had won the Sgniorie of all Lusitania: For if Viriatus had not died, they had never brought the Lusitanians under their subjection. junius Rusticus in his Epitome sayeth, that this Viriatus in his youth was a Herdsman, & kept cattle by the river of Guadiana, and after that he waxed older, used to rob, and assault men by the high ways. And after that he was forty years of age, he became King of the Lusitaines and not by force, but by election: for when the people saw themselves environed and assaulted on every side with enemies, they chose rather stout, strong and hardy men for their Captains, then noble men for their guides.  
If the ancient Historiographers deceive me not, when Viriatus was a thief, he led with him always at the least a hundred thieves, the which were shod with leaden shoes so that when they were enforced to run, they put off their shoes. And thus although all the day they went with leaden shoes, yet in the night they ran like swift bucks: for it is a general rule, that the loser the joints are, the more swifter shall the legs be to run.  
In the book of the jests of the Lombard's, Paulus Diaconus sayeth, 
An ancient Law observed by the inhabitants of Capua,  that in the old time those of Capua had a Law, that until the children were married, the fathers should give them no bed to sleep on, nor permit them to sit at the table to eat: but that they should eat their meat in their hands; and take their rest on the ground.  
And truly it was a commendable law, for rest was never invented for the young man which hath no beard; but for the aged, being lame, impotent and crooked.  
Quintus Cincinatus was second Dictator of Rome, and indeed for his deserts was the first Emperor of the earth.  
This excellent man was brought up in so great travel, that his hands were found full of knots, the plough was in his arms, and the sweat in his face when he was sought for to be Dictator of Rome. For the Ancients desired rather to be ruled of them that knew not, but how to plough the ground; then of them that delighted in nothing else, but to live in pleasures among the people.  
Caligula which was the fourth Emperor of Rome (as they say) was brought up with such cost and delicateness in his his youth, that they were in doubt in Rome, whether Drusius Germanicus his father employed more for the Armies than Caligula his son spent in the cradle for his pleasures.  
This rehearsed again, I would now know of Princes and great lords what part they would take, that is to say, whether with Cincinatus, which by his stootenes won so many strange Countries, or with Caligula, that in his filthy lusts spared not his proper sister.  
In mine opinion, there needeth no great deliberation to answer this question (that is to say) the goodness of the one, and the wickedness of the other: for there was no battle but Cincinatus did overcome, nor there was any vice but Caligula did invent. Suetonius Tranquillus in the second Book of Caesar's sayeth; That when the children of the Emperor Augustus Caesar entered into the high Capitol, where all the Senate were assembled, the Senators rose out of their places, and made a reverence to the children: the which when the Emperor Augustus saw, he was much displeased, and called them back again. And on a day being demanded why Bee loved his children no better, he answered in this wise. If my children will be good, they shall sit hereafter where I sit now: but if they be evil, I will not their vices should be reverenced 
The answer of the Emperor Augustus Caesar.  of the Senators: For the authority and gravity of the good ought not to be employed in the service of those that be wicked.  
The 26 Emperor of Rome was Alexander, the which though he was young, was as much esteemed for his virtues amongst the Romans, as ever Alexander the great was, for his valiantness amongst the greeks.  
We cannot say, that long experience caused him to come to the Government of the commonwealth: for as Herodian saith in his sixth book: The day that the Senators proclaimed him Emperor, he was so little, that his own men bore him in their arms, That fortunate Emperor had a Mother called Manea, the which brought him up fowel and diligently, that she kept always a great guard of men to take heed, that no vicious man 
The providence of a careful mother.  came unto him. And let not the diligence of the Mother to the child be little esteemed. For Princes oft times of their own nature are good, and by evil conversation only, they are made evil. This worthy woman keeping always such a faithful guard of her child, that no Flatterers should enter in to flatter him, nor malicious to tell him lies: By chance on a day a Roman said unto her these words.  
I think it not meet (most excellent princess) that thou shouldest be so diligent about thy Son, to forget the affairs of the commonwealth: for Princes ought not to be kept so close, that it is more easy to obtain a suit at the Gods, then to speak one word with the Prince. To this the Empress Manea answered, and said.  
They which have charge to govern those which do govern, without comparison ought to fear more the vices of the King, than the enemies of the realm. For the enemies are destroyed in a Battle, but vices remain during the life: and in the end, enemies do not destroy but the possessions of the Land, but the vicious prince destroyeth the good manners of the commonwealth. These words were spoken of this worthy Roman. By the Histories which I have declared, and by those which I omit to recite, all virtuous men may know, how much it profiteth them to bring up their children in travels, or to bring them up in pleasures.  
But now I imagine, that those which shall read this, will praise that which is well written: and also I trust they will not give their children so much their own wills: for men that read much, and work little, are as bells which do found to call others, and they themselves never enter into the church. If the fathers did not esteem the service they do unto God, their own honour, nor the profit of their own children: yet to preserve them from diseases, they ought to bring them up in virtue, & withdraw them from vices: for truly the children which have been brought up daintily, shall always be diseased and sickly.  
What a thing is it to see the son of a Labourer, the coat without points, the shirt tattered and torn, the feet bore his head without a cap, his body without a girdle, in summer without a hat, in winter without a 
The commendations of the labouring man.  cloak, in the day ploughing, in the night driving his herd, eating bread of Rye or Oats, lying on the earth, or else on the straw: and in this travel to see this young man so holy and virtuous, that every man desireth and wisheth that he had such a son. The contrary cometh of Noble men's sons, the which we see are nourished and brought up between two fine Holland sheets, laid in a costly cradle, made after the new fashion: they give the Nurse what she will desire; if perchance the child be sick, they change his Nurse, or else they appoint him a diet.  
The father and the mother sleep neither night nor day, all the house watcheth, they let him eat nothing but the broth of chickens, they keep him diligently that he fall not down the stairs; the child asketh nothing but it is given him immediately. Finally, they spend their time in serving them, they wast their riches in giving them their delights, they occupy their eyes but to behold them, and they employ not their hearts but to love them.  
But I swear that those Fathers, (which on this wise do spend their riches to pamper them) shall one day water their eyes to bewail them: what it is to see the waste, that a vain man maketh in bringing up his child? specially if he be a man somewhat aged, and that at his desire hath a Child borne. He spendeth so much goods, in bringing him up wanton, whiles he is young, that oft times he wanteth to marry him when he cometh to Age. And that which worst of all is, that that which he spendeth and employeth; he thinketh it well bestowed, and thinketh that too much that he giveth for God's sake.  
Though the Fathers are very large in spending, the mothers very curious, and the Nurse's full of pleasant, and the servants very diligent and attentive: yet it followeth not that the children should be more hole than others. For the more they are attended, the more they be diseased: the more they eat, the more they are weak: the more they rejoice, the worse they prosper: the more they waste and spend, 
The more tenderly children are brought up the more diseased they prove.  so much less they profit. And all this is not without the secret permission of God. For God will not that the clouts of children be of greater value than the garments of the poor.  
GOD without a great mystery took not in hand the custody of the poote, and doth not suffer that the children of the rich men should prosper: For the good bringeth up his children with out the prejudice of the Rich, and to the profit of the Commonwealth: but the Rich bringeth up his children with the sweat of the poor, and to the damage of the commonwealth Therefore if this thing be true (as it is) it is but reason that the Wolf which devoureth us do die: and the sheep which clotheth us do live.  
The Fathers oft times for tenderness will not teach nor bring up their children in doctrine, saying: That as yet he is too young; and that there remaineth time enough for to be learned, and that they have leisure enough to be taught: And further, for the more excuse of their error, they affirm, that when the child in his youth is chastened, he runneth in danger of his health. But the evil respect which the Fathers have to their Children, God suffereth afterwards, that they come to be so slanderous to the commonwealth, so infamous to their Parents, so disobedient to, their fathers, so evil in their conditions, so unadvised and light in their behaviour, so unmeet for knowledge, so uncorrigible for discipline, so inclined to lies, so envying the truth: that their Fathers would not only have punished them with sharp correction: but also they would rejoice to have them buried with bitter tears.  
An other thing there is in this matter worthy to be noted, and much more worthier to be commended, that is: that the Fathers and Mothers under the colour that their Children should be somewhat gracious, they learn them to speak, to babble, and to 
Children the dishonour of their parents when they be not well brought up.  be great mockers and scoffers: the which thing afterwards redoundeth to the great infamy and dishonour of the Father, to the great peril of the Son, and to the greatest grief and displeasure of the Mother. For the Child that is brought up wanton, without doctrine in his youth: of necessity must be a fool, when he is old. If this which I have said be evil, this which I will say is worse, that the Fathers and Mothers, the Governors, or Nurses, do teach them to speak dishonest things, the which are not lawful: and therefore ought not to be 
Distasteful things unfit for either young or old.  suffered to be spoken in that tender Age: nor the gravity of the Ancients ought not to listen unto them: For there are no men (unless they be shameless) that will permit their children to be great babblers.  
Those which have the charge to govern good men's Children ought to be very circumspect, that they keep them in awe, fear, and subjection, and that they ought not to be contented, although the Fathers say they are pleased. For the disordinate love that the Fathers have to them, is the cause that they can not see whether they be mockers, or evil brought up. And if it chanceth (as oft times it doth) that the Father should come to the Master, to cause him to withdraw correction: In this case (if the Master be a wise man) he ought no less to reprove and admonish the Father, then to correct the son. And if this did not avail, I counsel him to forsake, and leave his charge. For the man of an honest nature, after he hath taken any charge in hand; will either bring it to pass, or else he will die in the same.  
I will not deny, but that it is reason, Noble men's Sons be more gently brought up, handled, and honoured, than the Sons of the Plebeians: For more delicately is the palm tree, which bringeth forth Dates, cherished, than the Oak which bringeth forth Acorns, wherewith the hogs are fed.  
Let Princes and great Lords beware, that the pleasures which they gave their children their Youth, be not so excessive, nor of so long continuance, that when they would withdraw them, the world had not already festered them. For, the Children brought up with too much delicateness, are disobedient to their Fathers and Mothers: or else they are sick in their Bodies, or worse then that, they are vicious in their behaviours: so that their Fathers should be better to bury them quick, then to bring them up vicious.   

CHAP. XXXIIII. How that Princes and great Lords ought to be careful in seeking wise men to bring up their Children: Of x. conditions that good Schoolmasters ought to have.  
WHen (He) that is without end, gave beginning to the world, in this sort he began: 
Vide Genes: etc.  The Sunday he created Heaven and Earth: the Monday he created the Element, the Tuesday he created the planets, the Wednesday he created the Sun and the Moon, the Thursday he created the Birds in the Air, and the Fishes in the Sea, the Friday he created Adam, and Eve his wife: and truly in that he created, and how he created, he showed himself as GOD: For, as soon as the house was made, he furnished and peopled it with that that was necessary, as he could well do.  
Omitting therefore the Creator: and talking of creatures: we see by experience, that a Housholder in planting 
Excellent comparison and forewarning, etc.  a vineyard, immediately maketh a hedge, to the end that the beasts do not spoil it, and eat it up. And when it is well grown, he hireth some poor labourer to watch, that travelers do not gather nor eat the grapes thereof. The rich man that traffiqueth by Sea, after he hath made a great ship, and bestowed vi. or seven. thousand ducats, if he be wise, he will first provide a man that may govern her, before he will seek Merchandise for to freight her: For in perilous Tempests, the greatness of the ship little availeth, if the Pilot be not expert.  
The Housholder that hath many Cows and sheep, and likewise hath fair fields, and pleasant pastures for his cattle, doth not only seek herdmen to keep the cattle, but also dogs to fear the wolves, and cabbaines to lodge the Herdsmen. For the cabbaine of the Shepherds, and the baying of the dog, is but as a salueguard of the sheep, from the ravening of the wolf.  
The mighty and valiant Princes, which in the Frontieres of their enemies keep strong fortresses, seek always stout and hardy captains to defend their walls: for otherwise it were better the Fort should be battered to the ground, than it should come into the power of the enemies.  
By the comparisons abovenamed, there is no discreet man but doth understand to what end my pen doth write them: that is, to know, to keep, and prove, how that men which love their Children well (adding this unto it,) have great need of good masters and governors, to teach and bring them up. For whilst the Palm tree is but little, a frost doth easily destroy it. I mean whiles the child is young if he have no tutor, he is easily deceived with the world.  
If the Lord be wise and of understanding, there is no Fortress so esteemed: neither ship so fair: nor Herd so profitable: nor Vine so fruitful: but that he better esteemeth to have a good son than all these things together: or any other thing in this world. For the Father ought to love his children as his own proper: and all residue, as gifts of fortune. If it be so (as it is indeed,) since that for to keep and watch the Herd they seek a good shepherd. If for the Vine, they seek a good Labourer. If for to govern the ship they seek a good Pilot, and for to defend a Fort, they seek a good captain: why then will not the wise Fathers seek for good masters, to teach and to bring up their Children?  
Oh Princes and great Lords, I have told you, and again do say: That if you travel one year to leave your 
Advised caveats for the bringing up of tender youth.  children goods, you ought to sweat 50. years to leave them well brought up. For it availeth little to carry much corn to the Mill, if the mill be out of frame. I mean that in vain Riches and treasures are gathered: when the child that shall inherit them, hath no wit to use them.  
It is no small matter to know how to choose good governors. For the Prince is sage that findeth such a one: and much more happy is he, that of him shall be taught. For in my opinion, it is no small charge for one man to bring up a Prince, that shall govern many.  
As Seneca saith: The wise man ought to confer all things with his Friend. But first he ought to know, who is he that is his Friend? I mean that the wise Father ought for his Children to seek one good master, and to him he should recommend them all: but first he ought to know what he is? For, that man is very simple, which will buy a Horse, before he see and prove him, whether he be whole or lame. He ought to have many good conditions and qualities that should bring up the children of Princes and great Lords: for by one way they nourish the tender trees in the Orchard, and after another sort they plant the wild trees in the mountains.  
Therefore the case shallbe this, that weewill declare here what conditions and behaviours the Masters and governors of noblemen's sons ought to have, which may bring them to honour: and their disciples to be well taught and brought up. For the glory of the disciple always redoundeth to the honour and praise of his master.  
The first condition is, that he which ought to be a Tutor to Noble men's 
What conditions belong to a good schol master.  children should be no less than 40. years of age, & no more than 60. because the master that is young, is ashamed to command, and if he be aged, he is not able to correct.  
The second, it is necessary that Tutors be very honest, and that not only in pureness of conscience, but also in the outward appearance, and cleanness of life: For, it is unpossible the child be honest, if the Master be dissolute.  
The third, it is necessary that Tutors and governors of Princes and great Lords be true men, not only in their words, but also in than covenants. For to say the truth, that mouth which is always full of lies, ought not by reason to be a teacher of the truth.  
The fourth condition, it is necessary that the governors of Princes and great Lord (of their own nature) be liberal: For oft times the great covetousness of Masters, maketh the hearts of Princes to be greedy and covetous.  
The fifth, it is necessary that the masters and governors of Princes and great Lords be moderate in words and very resolute in sentences: so that they ought to teach the Children to speak little, and to hearken much. For it is the chiefest virtue in a Prince, to hear with patience, and to speak with wisdom.  
The sixth condition is, it is necessary that the masters & tutors of Princes etc. be wise men and temperate: so that the gravity of the Master, may restrain the lightness of the Scholars: For, there is no greater plagues in Realms, then for Princes to be young, and their teachers to be light.  
The seventh, it is necessary that the masters and tutors of Princes & great Lords be well learned in divinity and humanity: in such sort, that that which they teach the Princes by word, they may show it by writing, to the end that other Princes may execute and put the same in ure: For men's hearts are sooner moved by the examples of those which are past, then by the words of them that are present.  
The eight condition: it is necessary that the Masters and tutors of Princes, be not given to the vice of the flesh: For as they are young, and naturally given to the flesh, so they have no strength to abide chaste, neither wisdom to beware of the snares. Therefore it is necessary that their masters be pure and honest: for the disciples shall never be chaste, if the master be vicious.  
The ninth: it is necessary that the masters and tutors of Princes and great Lords have good conditions, because the children of Noblemen, (being daintily brought up) always learn evil conditions, the which their Masters ought to reform; more by good conversation, then by sharp correction. For oft times it chanceth 
Like master like scholar  that whereas the Master is cruel, the scholar is not merciful.  
The tenth: it is necessary that the masters and tutors of Princes and great Lords, have not only seen and read many things: but also that they have proved changeable fortune. For since Noble men's sons (by the gift of GOD,) have great Estates, they ought therefore to provide to speak to many, to answer to many, and to entreat with many: & it is very profitable for them to be conversant with expert men, for in the end the approved man in counsel hath pre-eminence. I was willing to bring in these rules in my writing, to the end that fathers may keep them in their memory, when they do seek Masters to teach their children; for in my opinion, the father is more in fault to seek an evil master, than the Master is to make an evil Scholar; For if I choose evil Tailors to cut my gown, it is my fault that the cloth is lost, and my gown marred. Albeit the Romans were in all their doings circumspect, yet for this one thing I must envy the good doctrine which they gave to noble men's children: for without doubt it is unpossible that in any City there be a good Commonwealth unless they are very circumspect to bring up young children.  
Sabellicus in his rhapsodies sayeth, that in the 425. years of the foundation of Rome, Quintus Servilius, and Lucius Germinus then Consuls, being 
What is required in a well governed Common wealth  in the war against the Volces, the stout adventurous Captain Camillus there rose a great strife and contention in Rome amongst the people, and the Knights: and that contention was upon the provision of offices: for in great commonwealths it hath been an ancient quarrel that in Knights and Gentlemen, there surmounteth pride in commanding: and among the people, there wanteth patience in obeying.  
The Kinghtes and Gentlemen would they should choose a Tribune Militare in the Senate, to speak in the name of all the Knights, that were absent and present: for they said, that since they were always at the war, the whole Common wealth remained in the power of the people.  
The Commons on the other part importuned and desired, that a new Officer should be created, the which should have the charge to examine and take account how the youth of Rome were brought up: because the common people did accuse the Knights and Gentlemen, that the longer they remained in the wars, the more sensually their children lived in Rome.  
It was decreed then that a Tribune Militare should be erected, the which in authority and dignity should be equal with the Senators, and that he should represent the state of Warlike Knights: but the office continued no longer than 4. years in Rome, (that is to say) till the time that Camillus returned from the wars: for things that are grounded of no reason, of themselves they come to nought.  
All the Knights and Gentlemen sought to the uttermost of their power to maintain their pre-eminence: and on the other side, all the Commonalty of Rome were against it. In the end the good Captain Camillus called all the Knights and Gentlemen together, and said unto them these words.  
I am greatly ashamed to see that the stoutness should be so little of the Roman knights, that they should 
The speech of Camillus  condescend to the will of the Plebeians: for indeed the mighty do not get so much honour to overcome the little, as the little do to strive with the great. I say that the strife and debate amongst you in Rome, doth displease me much: therefore (you knights) if you will not lose your honours, you must either kill them, or overcome them. You cannot overcome them, because they are many: and kill them you ought not, for in the end they are yours, and therefore there is no better remedy then to dissemble with them, For things which suffer no force, nor observe not justice, ought always, until convenient time, to be dissembled.  
The immortal Gods did not create Roman knights to govern people, but to conquer Realms. And I say further, that they did not create us to teach laws to ours: but to give laws to strangers. And if we be the children of our fathers, and imitators of the ancient romans: we will not content ourselves to command in Rome, but to command those which do command in Rome. For the heart of a true Roman doth little esteem to see himself Lord of this world: if he know that there is another to conquer. You others did create this Tribune Militare, we being in the war: whereof now there is no necessity, since we are in peace. And the cause why I was willing there should be none in the Common wealth, was for that there was not riches in Rome sufficient to acquit the deserts of the Roman chivalry. And if you esteem an honourable office to be a Tribune Militare, since you cannot all have it, me thinketh you should all want it. For among the Noble men and Plebeians it is not meet, that one alone should enjoy that, which many have deserved.  
This History Sabellicus declareth, and allegeth Pulio for his author, and reciteth that for this good work that Camillus did in Rome (that is to say) to set the great and the small at one. He was as well beloved of the romans, as he was feared of the enemies.  
And not without a just cause; for in my opinion, it is a greater virtue to pacify his own, then to rob strangers. As touching the office 
Camillus' loved of the Romans, and feared of his enemies.  of this Tribune, whereupon this great contention rose in Rome, I cannot tell which was greater, the foolish rashness of the Knights to procure it, or the wisdom of Camillus to abolish it: For to say the truth, the art of Chivalry was invented more to defend the common wealth, then to bide at home, and have the charge of justice: For to the good Knight, it seemeth better to be loaden with weapons to resist enemies, then to be environed with books to determine causes.  
Returning therefore to that which the people said against the Soldiers: It was ordained by consent of all, that in Rome an office should be erected, and that he which should have it; should have the charge to go thorough Rome, to see what they were in Rome that did not instruct their children in good doctrine: and if perchance he found any neighbours 
A good law in Rome, fit to be used all the world over.  child that was evil taught, he chastised and banished the Father. And truly the punishment was very just, for the father deserveth more punishment, for that he doth thereunto consent, than the child deserveth more the offences which he doth commit. When Rome was Rome, and that of all the world the Common wealth thereof was commended, they chose for an officer therein the most ancient and virtuous Roman, who was called the General visitor of the children of Rome: and it seemeth to be true, for so much as he which had this office one year, hoped to be Consul, Dictator or Censor the next; as it appeared by Marcus Porcio, who desired to be corrector of the children, and afterwards succeeded to be Censor of the Roman people: for the Romans did not offer the office of justice to any man, unless he had experience of all Offices. Patricius Sevensis in the book of the Commonwealth saith, that before the wars were between Carthage and Rome, the Common wealth of Carthage was very well governed, and as it beseemed such a noble City: but it is an ancient privilege of the war that it killeth the persons, consumeth the goods, and above all, engendereth a new passion and misery; and in the end destroyeth all good ancient customs.  
The Carthagenians therefore had a custom that the children, and especially 
A custom of the Carthagenians.  those which were of honest men, should be put in the Temples from three years till twelve, and so from twelve till twenty they learned crafts, sciences and occupations, and from 20. till 25. they instructed them in the feats of war, and at the end of 30. years they gave themselves to marriage: for amongst them it was a Law inviolable, that no man should marry until he were thirty years of age, and the woman 25. And after that they were married, the month following they ought to present themselves before the Senate, and there to choose what kind of estate they would take upon them to live in and what their minds most desired (that is to say) if they would serve in the Temples, follow the war, or travel the seas, or get their living by land, or follow their occupation which they had learned. And look what estate or office that day they chose, the same they kept and occupied during their life: and truly the law was very good, because such change of estates and Offices in the World, are occasion that presently so many come to destruction. All the excellent and ancient Princes had many great Philosophers for their Masters: and this seemeth to be true by this, that king Darius had Lichanins the philosopher for his master: the great Alexander had Aristotle the Philosopher for his Master, King Artaxerces had Pindarus the philosopher for his Master. The adventurous and hardy captain of the Athenians Palemo had Xenocrates the philosopher for his master. Xemaides (only king of the Corinthians) had Chilo the philosopher for his Master, and tutor to his Children.  
Epamynundus Prince of the Thebans had for his master and councillor Maruchus the Philosopher.  
Ulysses' the Greek (as Homer sayeth) had for his master and companion in his travels, Catinus the philosopher.  
Pirrus (which was King of the Epirotes, and a great defender of the Tharentines) had for his Master and Chronicler Arthemius the philosopher, of whom Cicero speaketh ad Atticum, that his sword was sharper to fight then his pen ready for to write.  
The great King Ptholomeus Philodelphus was not only Scholar of the most singular Philosophers of Greece: but also after he was King, he sent for 72. Philosophers, which were Hebrews. Cirus King of the Persians, that destroyed the great Babylon, had for his Master Pristicus the Philosopher. trajan the Emperor had Plutarch for his Master, who did not only teach him in his youth: but also wrote him a book how he ought to govern himself and his commonwealth. By these few examples which I have expressed, and by many other which I omit, Princes at this present may see, how careful princes were in times past, to give their children wise and learned men. O princes & great Lords, since you at this present do presume and take upon you that which your Forefathers did, I would that now you would consider, who brought them to so high estate: & who leaveth them eternal memory? for without doubt noble men never 
The carefulness of Princes in times past to bring up their children.  won renown for the pleasures they had in vices, but for the travels they had in virtues. Again I say, that Princes in times past were not famous for their stoutness, & apt disposition of their bodies, nor for descent of noble lineage, nor for the possession of many Realms: or heaping up of great treasures: but they wan and obtained immortal renown, for that their Fathers in their youth put them under the tuition of wise and learned tutors, which taught them good doctrine; and when they were of age, gave them good counsellors, to govern the commonwealth. Laertius in the life of the Philosophers: and Bocchas in the Book of the lineage of Gods, say thus;  
That among the Philosophers of Athens there was a custom, that no strange Philosopher should read in their Schools, before he were first examined in natural and moral Philosophy: For among the greeks it was an ancient Proverb: That in the school of Athens, no vicious man 
A custom among the Athemans'.  could enter, nor idle word be spoken: neither they did consent that any ignorant Philosopher should come in, to read there.  
Now as by chance many philosophers were come from the Mount Olympus: amongst the refidue, there was one came to see the philosophers of Athens, who was native of Thebes, a man (as afterwards he declared himself) in Moral and natural philosophy very well learned: And since he desired to remain in Athens, he was examined: and of many and divers things demanded. And amongst the others, these following were some of them.  
First, they asked him, what causeth women to be so froward, since it is true that nature made them shamefast, 
Questions demanded by the philosophers of Athens.  and created them simple?  
The Philosopher answered. A woman is not froward, but because she hath too much her will, and wanteth shame.  
Secondarily, they asked him, why young men are undone? he answered: because Time aboundeth them for to do evil, and Masters wanteth to enforce them to do good.  
Thirdly, they asked him, why are Wise men deceived, as well as the simple? he answered: The wise man is never deceived, but by him that useth fair words, and hath evil conditions.  
Fourthly, they asked him, of whom men ought most to beware? he answered: That there is to a man no greater enemy, than he which seeth that thing in thee, which he desireth to have in himself.  
Fifthly, they asked him, why many princes begun well, and ended evil? he answered: Princes begin well, because their nature is good: and they end evil, because no man doth gainsay them.  
Sixtly, they asked him, why do princes commit such follies? he answered: Because Flattterers aboundeth that deceive them: and true men are wanting, which should serve them.  
Seventhly, they asked him, why the Ancients were so sage, and men at this present were so simple? he answered: Because the Ancients did not procure, but to know: and these present, do not travel, but for to have.  
Eightly, they asked him, why so many vices were nourished in the palaces of princes? he answered: Because pleasures abound, and counsel wanteth.  
The ninth, they asked him, why the most part of men lived without rest, and few without pain? he answered: No man is more without, and suffereth more pain: then he that dieth for the goods of another, and little esteemeth his own.  
The tenth, they asked him, whereby they might know the Commonwealth to be undone? he answered: There is no Commonwealth undone, but only, where the young are light, and the old vicious.  
The 11. they asked him wherewith the Commonwealth is maintained? he answered: The common wealth cannot decay where justice remaineth for the poor, punishment for the tyrants, weight and measure plentiful: and chiefly if there be good doctrine for the young, and little covetousness in the old.  
Affro the Historiographer declareth this in the tenth book De rebus 
Affro. de rebus Atheniensium.  Atheniensium. Truly in my opinion the words of this philosopher were few, but the sentences were many. And for none other cause I did bring in this history, but to profit me of the last word, wherein for answer he sayeth, that all the profit of the Common wealth consisteth, in that there be princes that restrain the avarice of the aged, and that there be Masters to teach the youthful. We see by experience, that if the brute beasts were not tied, and the corn and seeds compassed with hedges or ditches, a man should never gather the fruit when they are ripe. I mean, the strife and debate will rise continually among the people, if the young men have not good fathers to correct them, and wise masters to teach them.  
We cannot deny, but though the knife be made of fine steel, yet sometimes it hath need to be whet: and so in like manner, the young man during the time of his youth, though he do not deserve it, yet from time to time he ought to be corrected. O Princes and great Lords, I know not of whom you take counsel when your son is borne, to provide him of a Master and governor whom you choose not as the most virtuous, but as the most richest, not as the most sagest, but as the most vile and evil taught. Finally, you do not trust him with your children that best deserveth it, but that most procureth it. Again I say, O princes and great Lords, why do you not withdraw your children from their hands which have their eyes more to their own profit then their hearts unto your service. For such to enrich themselves do bring up princes viciously. Let not Princes think, that it is a trifle to know, how to find and choose a good Master, and the Lord which herein doth not employ his diligence is worthy of great rebuke. And because they shall not pretend ignorance, let them beware of that man whose life is suspicious and extreme 
A great thing for parents to choose good Tutors to their children.  covetous.  
In my opinion, in the palace of princes the office of Tutorshippe ought not to be given as other common offices, that is to say, by requests or money, by privities or importunities, either else for recompense of services: for it followeth not, though a man hath been Ambassador in strange Realms, or captain of great Armies in war, or that he hath possessed in the royal palace Offices of honour, or of estimation, that therefore he should be able to teach, or bring up their children: For to be a good Captain sufficeth only to be hardy, and fortunate: but for to be a Tutor and governor of Princes, he ought to be both sage and virtuous.   

CHAP. XXXV. Of the two children of Marcus Aurelius the Emperor, of the which the best beloved died. And of the Masters he provided for the other named Comodus.  
MArcus Aurelius the 17. Emperor of Rome, in the time that he was married with Faustine, only daughter of the Emperor Antonius Pius, had only two sons, whereof the eldest was named Comodus, and the second Verissimus. Of these two children, the heir was Comodus, who was so wicked in the 13. years he governed the Empire, that he seemed rather the Disciple of Nero the cruel, then to descend by the mother's side from Antonius the merciful, or son of Marcus Aurelius.  
This wicked child Comodus was so light in speech, so dishonest in person and so cruel with his people, that oft-times he being alive, they laid wagers that there was no virtue in him 
The descrip of a cruel and wicked Prince.  to be found, nor any one vice in him that wanted. On the contrary part, the second son named Verissimus, was comely of gesture, proper of person, and in wit very temperate, and the most of all was, that by his good conversation of all he was beloved: For the fair and virtuous Princes by their beauty draweth unto them mens eyes: and by their good conversation they win their hearts.  
The child Verissimus was the hope of the common people, and the glory of his aged Father: so that the Emperor determined that this child Verissimus should be heir of the Empire, and that the Prince Commodus should be dishenherited. Whereat no man ought to marvel, for it is but just since the child doth not amend his life, that the father do dishenherite him.  
When good will doth want, and vicious pleasures abound, the children oft times by perverse fortune come to nought: So this Marcus Aurelius being 52. years old, by chance this child Verissimus, which was the glory of Rome, and the hope of the Father, at the gate of Hostia, of a sudden sickness died.  
The death of whom was as universally lamented, as his life of all men 
The death of the Prince Verissimus greatly bewailed.  was desired. It was a pitiful thing to see, how woefully the Father took the death of his entirely beloved son: and no less lamentable to behold how the Senate took the death of their Prince, being the heir: for the aged Father for sorrow did not go to the Senate, and the Senate for a few days enclosed themselves in the high Capitol.  
And let no man marvel, though the death of this young Prince was so taken through Rome; for if men knew what they lose when they lose a virtuous Prince, they would never cease to bewail and lament his death. When a Knight, a Gentleman a Squire, an Officer, or when any of the people dieth, there dieth but one: but when a Prince dieth, which was good for all, and that he lived to the profit of all, than they ought to make account that all do die, & they ought all greatly to lament it: for oft times it chanceth that after 2. or 3. good Princes, a foul flock of Tyrants succeed. Therefore Marcus Aurelius the Emperor, as a man of great understanding, and of a princely person, though the inward sorrow from the roots of the heart could not be plucked: yet he determined to dissemble outwardly, to bury his grieves inwardly.  
For to say the truth, none ought (for any thing) to show extreme sorrow, unless it be that he hath lost his honour, or that his conscience is burdened.  
The good Prince, as one that hath his vinyeard frozen, wherein was all his hope, contented with himself, with that which remaineth, his so dearly beloved son being dead: and commanded the Prince Comodus to be brought into his palace, being his only heir.  
julius Capitolinus, which was one of those that wrote of the time of Marcus Aurelius, said upon this matter: that when the Father saw the disordinate 
The tenderness of the Emperor toward his son.  frailness, and lightness, and also the little shame which the prince Comodus his Son brought with him: the aged man began to weep, and shed tears from his eyes. And it was because the simpleness and virtues of his dear beloved Son Verissimus, came into his mind.  
Although this Noble Emperor Marcus Aurelius, for the death of his son was very sorrowful: yet notwith standing this, he provided how his other son Comodus should be governed: and this before that either of age or body he were greater. For we cannot deny, but when Princes are men, they will be such as in their youth they have been brought up.  
The good Father therefore knowing that the evil inclinations of his should do him damage, and the Empire in like manner: he sent throughout all Italy, for the most sagest and expert men, to be governors and tutors of Comodus the Prince. He made them seek for the most profoundest in learning, the most renowned of good fame, the most virtuous in deeds, and the most deepest in understanding: For as the dust is not swept with fine cloth, but with dry brooms: so the lightness and follies of young men are not remedied but by the hard discipline of the aged.  
This commandment being published and proclaimed in Rome, and the bruit scattered through Italy: there came, and ran thither divers kind of Sages, whom he commanded to be examined.  
He being truly informed of the blood of their predecessors, of the age of their persons, of the government of their houses, of the spending of their goods, of their credit among their neighbours, of the sciences they knew: and above all, they were no less examined of the pureness of their 
How every man ought to examine their tutors.  lives, then of the gravity of their persons: for there are many men which are grave in open words, and very light in secret works.  
Speaking therefore more particularly, he commanded they should examine the Astronomers of astronomy, the Philosophers of Philosophy, the musicans in music: the Orators in orations: and so forth, of other Sciences in order, wherein every one said he was instructed.  
The good Emperor was not so contented to do this once, but sundry times: and not all in one day, but in many: and not only by another man, but also by himself.  
Finally, they were all examined, as if they had been all one, and that the same one should have remained, and been kept for all, to be the only Master and Tutor of the young child, and prince Comodus.  
To acquire a perfect knowledge, and to be sure not to err in choice of things, in my opinion is not only required experience of himself, and a clear understanding: but also the advise of another: For the knowledge of things wholly together is easy: but the choice of them particularly is hard.  
This thing is only spoken because the good Emperor sent and commanded to choose governors and Masters of his children.  
Of many he chose few, and of few the most wisest, of the most wisest, the 
How circumspect the Emperor was in choosing teachers for his son.  most expert, of the most expert, the best learned, of the best learned, the most temperate, of the most temperate, the most ancient, and of the most ancient the most noble.  
Certainly such election is worthy praise, because they be true masters and teachers of Princes, which are noble of blood, ancient in years, honest in life, men of little folly, and of great experience.  
According to the seven liberal Sciences, two masters of every one were chosen, so that the Prince was but one, and the others were 14. but this notwithstanding, the works of this Prince Comodus were contrary to the expectation of his father Marcus Aurelius, because the intention of the good father was to teach his son all sciences, and the study of the son was to learn all vices.  
At the bruit of so great a thing as this was, that the Emperor sought to provide tutors for the Prince Comodus, and that they should not be those which were best favoured, but those which were found the most wisest: In short space there came so many Philosophers to Rome, as if the divine Plato had been revived again in Greece. Let us not marvel at all, if the Sages desired the acquaintance of familiarity of this good Emperor.: for in the end there is no man so sage, nor so virtuous in his life, but sometime will seek after the favours of the world. Since there were many Sages, and that of those he chose but fourteen. It was necessary he should honestly and wisely dispatch and give the others leave, as did behove him.  
And herein the good Emperor showed himself so wise, that showing to some a merry countenance, to others speaking gently, and to others by a certain hope, and to others by gifts and presents, and all the good company of the Sages departed, and the good Emperor dispatched them, not one being sad which departed, but very well pleased: For it is not comely for the magnificence of a Prince, that the man which cometh to his Palace only for his service, should return murmuring, or without reward.  
This good Emperor showed himself Sage to seek many Sages, he showed himself wise in the choice of some, and of a good understanding in dispatching others, and in contenting them all: for as we see daily by experience, though the election be good, commonly great affections thereupon engender: for those for not being chosen are sorry, and to see that others chosen are shamefast. In such case likewise, let it not be esteemed little to search a good remedy: for the Goldsmith oft times demandeth more for the workmanship than the silver is worth: I mean that sometimes Princes do deserve more honour for the good 
With what virtues Princes ought to be adorned.  means they use in their affairs, then for the good success whereunto it cometh: for the one adventure guideth, but the other wisdom advanceth.  
The good Emperor not contented with this, provided that those fourteen Philosophers which should remain in his Palace, should sit at the table and accompany his person: the which thing he did, to see if their life were conformable to their doctrine, and if their words did agree to their works: for there are many men which are of a goodly tongue, and of a wicked life. julius Capitolinus, and Cinna Catullus which were writers of this History say, that it was a wonder to see how this good Emperor did mark them, to know if they were sober in feeding, temperate in drinking, modest in going, occupied in studying, & above all, if they were very sage in speaking, and honest in living.  
Would to God that Princes of our time were in this case so diligent and careful: and that in committing in trust their affairs, they would not 
How princes should give credit to their servants.  care more for one then for others. For speaking with due reverence, there aboundeth no wisdom in that Prince, which committeth a thing of importance to that man whom he knoweth not, whether he is able to bring it to pass or not. Many talk evil, and marvel that Princes and great Lords in so many things do err: and for the contrary I marvel how they hit any at all. For if they committed their weighty affairs to skilful men, though perhaps they err once, yet they hit it a hundred times; but when they commit their business to ignorant men, if they hit once, they miss a thousand times again.  
In this case, I say, there is nothing destroyeth young Princes more, then for that they commit not their affairs to their old and faithful servants: for in fine the unfeigned love is not, but in him that eateth the Prince's bread daily. It is but reason that other Princes take example by this Prince, to seek good masters for their Children: and if the Masters be good, and the Scholars evil, than the Fathers are blameless: For to Princes & great Lords, it is a great discharge of conscience, to see though their children be lost, yet it is not for want of doctrine, but for abundance of malice.  
The Roman Prince had a custom to celebrate the feast of the god Genius, who was god of their birth, and that feast was celebrated every year once, which was kept the same day of the birth of the Emperor, joyfully throughout all Rome; for at this day all the prisoners were pardoned, and delivered out of the prison Mamortina.  
Yet notwithstanding you ought to know, that if any had sowed sedition among the people, or had betrayed the Armies, or robbed or 
Three of offences never pardoned in Rome.  done any mischief in their temples: those three offences were never pardoned nor excused in Rome.  
Even as in Christian Religion, the greatest oath is to swear by God; so amongst the Romans there was no greater oath then to swear by the God Genius.  
And since it was the greatest oath none should swear it, but by the licence of the Senate, and that ought to be betwixt the hands of the priests of the God Genius. And if perchance such an oath were taken of light occasion, he which swore it was in danger of his life. For in Rome there was an ancient Law, that no man should make any solemn oath, but that first they should demand licence of the Senate.  
The romans did not permit that liars nor deceivers should be credited by their oaths: neither did they permit them to swear. For they said, that perjured men do both blaspheme the gods, & deceive men.  
The above named Marcus Aurelius was borne the 27. day of April, in Mount Celio, in Rome. And as by chance they celebrated the Feast of the god Genius, which was the day of his birth, there came master's offence jugglers, and common players, with other loiterers, to walk and solace themselves: For the romans in their great feasts occupied themselves all night in offering sacrifices to the gods, and afterwards they consumed all the day in pastimes. Those jugglers and players showed so much pastime that all those which beheld them were provoked to laugh, and the romans (to say the truth) were so earnest in matters of Pastime, and also in other matters of weight, that in the day of pastimes no man was sad, and in the time appointed for sadness no man was merry. So that in public affairs they used all to mourn, or else all to rejoice. Sinna Catulus saith, that this good Emperor was so well beloved, that when he rejoiced, all rejoiced: and when the Roman 
The great love of the Romans to the Emperor.  people made any great feast, he himself was there present, to make it of more authority, and showed such mirth therein, as if he alone and none other had rejoiced. For otherwise if the Prince look sadly, no man dare show himself merry. The Historiographers say of this good Emperor, that in joyful feasts and triumphs they never saw him less merry, then was requisite for the feast: nor they ever saw him so merry, that it exceeded the gravity of his person. For the Prince which in virtue presumeth to be excellent, ought neither in earnest matters to be heavy, nor in things of small importance to show himself light.  
As Princes now adays go environed with men of arms: so did the good Emperor go accompanied with sage Philosophers. Yea and more than that, which ought most to be noted, is, that in the days of feasts and pleasures, the Princes at this present go accompanied with hungry flatterers: but this noble Emperor went accompanied with wise men. For the Prince that useth himself with good company, shall alway avoid the evil talk of the people.  
Sextus Cheronensis saith, that a Senator called Fabius Patroclus seeing that the Emperor Marcus went always to the Senate and theatres, accompanied and environed with Sages: said one day to him merrily.  
I pray thee (my Lord) tell me, why 
A question demanded of the Emperor, and his answer.  thou goest not to the Theatre as to the Theatre, and to the Senate as to the Senate. For the Senate Sages ought to go to give us good counsel: and to the theatres, fools to make us pastime. To this the good Emperor answered: My friend, I say thou art much deceived. For to the sacred Senate, wherein there are so many sages, I would lead all the fools to the end they may become wise: and to the theatres where all the fools are, I would bring the sages, to the end to teach them wisdom. Truly this sentence was fit for him that spoke it.  
I admonish princes and great Lords, that in steed to keep company with fools, flatterers and parasites, they provide to have about them wise and sage men, in especially if the fools be malicious: for the noble hearts with one malicious word are more offended, then if they were with a venomous arrow wounded.  
Therefore returning to our matter, as the Emperor was in the feast of the god Genius, and that with him also were the fourteen Sages (Masters of the prince Comodus) a juggler more cunning than all the rest, showed sundry tricks, as commonly such vain loiterers are wont to do, for he that in like vanities showeth most pastime, is of the people best beloved.  
As the Emperor Marcus Aurelius was sage: so he set his eyes more for to behold these fourteen Masters, than he did stay at the lightness of the fools.  
And by chance he espied that five of these laughed so inordinately at the folly of these fools, that they clapped their hands, they bet their feet, & lost the gravity of Sages by their inordinate laughter, the which was a very uncomely thing in such grave persons: for the honest modesty of the body, is a great witness of the wisdom and gravity of the mind: The lightness and inconstancy of the Sages seen by the Emperor, and that all the grave Romans were offended with them, he took it heavily, as well to have brought them thither, as to have been deceived in electing them.  
Howbeit with his wisdom than he helped himself as much as he could, in not manifesting any grief in his heart; but he dissembled, and made as though he saw them not: For Sage Princes must needs feel things as men, but they ought to dissemble them as discreet.  
The Emperor presently would not admonish them, nor before any reprove them, but let the feast pass on, and also a few days after, the which being passed, the Emperor spoke unto them in secret, not telling them openly, wherein he showed himself a merciful Prince: for open correction is unjust, where secret correction may take place.  
The things which Marcus Aurelius 
The wisdom of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius.  said to those five Masters when he put them out of his house, he himself did write in the third book, and the first Chapter, under the title, Adstultos Pedagogos. And said that he said unto them these, and such other like words.   

CHAP. XXXVI. Of the words which Marcus Aurelius spoke to five of the fourteen Masters which he had chosen for the Education of his son, and how he sent them from his Palace for that they behaved themselves lightly at the feast of God Genius.  
Friends, my will was not to foresee that which cannot 
The speech of the Emperor to the philosophers.  be excused, nor I will not command you that, which I ought not to command: but I desire that the Gods of their grace do remain with me, and that with you the same just gods may go, and that likewise from me, and from you, the unlucky and unfortunate chances may be withdrawn: For the unlucky man were better to be with the dead, then remain here with the living. Since that now I had received you, and with great diligence sought you, to the end you should be tutors to my Son (the Prince Comodus) I protest to the immortal Gods that I am sorry, and that of your shame I am ashamed, and that of your pain the greatest part is mine. And it can be no otherwise, for in the world there should be no friendship so strait, that a man therefore should put his good name in danger.  
The Sages that I have sought, were not provided only to learn the Prince Comodus: but also to reform all those that lived evil in my Palace. And now I see the contrary, for where I thought the fools should have been made wise, I see that those that were wise, are become fools. Know you not that the fine gold defendeth his pureness among the burning coals? that the man endued with wisdom showeth himself wise, yea in the midst of many 
How a wiseman is discerned from a fool.  fools? for truly as the gold in the fire is proved, so among the lightness of fools, is the wisdom of the wise discerned.  
Do not you know, that the Sage is not known among the Sages, nor the fool among the fools? but among fools wise men do shine, and that among the sages fools are darkened: for there the wise showeth his wisdom, and the fool showeth his folly. Do not you know that in the sore wounds the Surgeon showeth his cunning, and that in the dangerous diseases, the Physician showeth his science? And that in the doubtful battles the Captain showeth his stoutness? and that in the boisterous storms the Master showeth his experience? So in like manner, the Sage man, in the place where there is great joy and solace of people, aught to show his wisdom and discretion. Do not you know that of a moderate wit there proceedeth a clear understanding, a sharp memory, a grave person, a quiet mind, a good name, and above all, a temperate tongue: for he only ought to be called wise, who is discreet in his works, and resolute in his words. Do not you know that it little availeth to have the tongue expert, the memory lively, the understanding clear to have great science, to have profound eloquence, a sweet style, and ample experience, if with all these things you be as masters, and in your works as wicked men: certainly it is a great dishonour to a virtuous Emperor that he should have for masters of young Princes those which are Scholars of vain jugglers. Do not you know, that if all the men of this world are bound to lead a good life, that those which presume to have science, are much more bound than others are, which by their eloquence presume to confound the world? For it is a rule certain, That always evil works take away the credit from good words.  
And to the end it seem not unto you that I speak of favour, I will here bring into your memory an ancient Law of Rome, the which was made in the time of Cinna, which said 
An ancient Law among the Romans worthy observation.  We ordain and command, that more grievous punishment be given unto the Sage for one folly only committed by him openly, then to the simple man for a greater offence committed secretly.  
O just, and very just law, O just and happy Romans, I say unto all those that together did find and ordain the Law: for the simple man slayeth but one man with his sword of wrath; but the sage man killeth many by the evil example of his life: For (according to the saying of the divine Plato) The Princes and Sage men sin more by the evil examples which they give, then in the fault and offence they commit.  
All the ancient Writers affirm, that the triumphant Rome never began to decay, until the Senate was replenished with sage serpents, and destitute of simple doves: for in the end there is nothing that sooner destroyeth Princes, then thinking to have about them wise men that should counsel them, when indeed they are malicious, that seek to deceive them.  
What a thing it was in old time to see the policy of Rome before that Silla and Marius did alter it, before that Catilina and Catullus did trouble 
What Rome was in ancient time.  it, before that julius Caesar and Pompeius slandered it, before that Augustus and Marcus Antonius destroyed it, before that Tiberius and Caligula did defame it, and before that Nero and Domitian did corrupt it? For, the most part of these, although they were valiant, and wan many Realms: yet notwithstanding the vices which they brought us, were more than the Realms they wan us. And the worst of all is, that all our Kingdoms are lost, and our vices abide still.  
If Livius and the other Historiographers do not deceive us, in old time they might have seen in the sacred Senate, some romans so ancient, with hairs so honourable: others so expert men: others aged, so modest, that it was a wonder to see the majesty they did represent, and a comfort to hear that which they said.  
I speak not that without tears, which I will say; that instead of those grave & ancient aged persons, there sprang up other young babblers; the which are such, and so many, that all the Commonwealth is altered, and Rome herself slandered.  
For that Land is cursed, and with much misery compassed, where the governance of the young is so evil, that all wish for the reviving of the dead. If we credit that which the 
Rome in ancient times ●●iled, the Mother of good works.  ancients wrote, we cannot deny, but that Rome was the mother of all good works: as the ancient Greece, was the beginner of all sciences. So that the effect of the greeks was to speak, and the glory of the romans was to work. But now, through our woeful destinies, it is all contrary: For Greece hath banished from it all the speakers to Rome, and Rome hath banished from it all the Sages to Greece.  
And if it be so (as it is indeed) I had rather be banished to Greece, with the Sages: then to take part with Rome, among the fools.  
By the faith of a Christian I swear unto you (my friends) that I being young, saw an Orator in Rome which was brought up in the palace of Adrian my Lord, whose name was Aristonocus: of his body he was of mean stature, lean of face, and also he was of an unknown country, but he had such a pleasant tongue, that though he had made an oration in the Senate of three hours long, there was no man but willingly were desirous to hear him. For in the old time, if he that made an Oration in the Senate were eloquent in his speech, he was heard no less, then if god Apollo had spoken himself.  
This Philosopher Aristonocus was on the one part so gentle in his speech, and on the other part so dissolute in his life: that he never spoke word to the Senate, but it deserved 
One bad work mars many good speeches.  eternal memory: and out of that place they never saw him do good works, but it merited grievous punishment. As I have said, though in that time I was young, yet I remember, that to see this philosopher so lost, all the people did pity: and the worst of all was, that they never hoped for his amendment; since daily more and more, he lost his honour. For there is no man, that by is Eloquence may have such renown, but in the end he may lose it again, by his evil life.  
Now I ask you (my Friends) sith you are in the reputation of Sages, which was better, or to say better, which had been less envy? that this Philosopher had been a simple man, and of good life, then to be (as he was) a man of high eloquence, and of evil condition? It was unpossible, if he had once heard of me that, which many times I have heard say of him, that he had not counseled me, yea, and further to do it, he had constrained me, rather to choose the grave, then to live in Rome with infamy. For he is unworthy to live amongst men, whose words of all are approved, and his works of all condemned.  
The first Dictator in Rome was Largius, and the first Lord of the knights, was Spurius. And from the time of the first dictator, until the time of Sylla & julius (which were the first tyrants) were four hundred and fifty years: in the which space, we never read that any philosopher spoke any vain words nor yet committed any slanderous deeds. And if Rome had done any otherwise, it had been unworthy of such praise and estimation as it had: for it 
What is required in a sage Philosopher.  is unpossible that the people be well governed, if the Sages which govern them, are in their lives dissolute.  
I protest to the immortal Gods, and swear by the faith of a Christian, that when I consider that which at this present with mine eyes I see: I cannot but sigh for that is past, and weep for that which is present. That is to say, to see then how the Armies fought: to see how the young men traveled to be good: to see how well Princes governed: to see the obedience of the people: and above all, it was a marvelous thing to see the liberties and favours which the sages had: & the subjection & small estimation, that the simple people were in. And now by our evil fortune, we see the contrary in these our woeful times: so that I cannot tell, whether first I should bewail the virtues and Nobleness of them that are past, or the vices and infamies of these which are present. For, we never ought to cease from praising the goodness of the good: nor to cease from reproving the wickedness of the evil.  
Oh that I had been in that glorious world, to see so honourable and ancient Sages, to govern in pleasure: and for the contrary, what grief and pity, shame, and dishonour is it, to see now so many dissolute Sages, and so many young and busy heads, the which (as I have said) do destroy all Rome, and slander all Italy, and dishonour themselves? For the want of virtue which in them aboundeth, and endamageth the Commonwealth: and as the other vices wherewith they are replenished, corrupteth the people in such sort, that the weal public is more dishonoured through the dissolute life of them, than it is annoyed by the weapons 
When Rome flourished in virtue.  of their enemies. I say again, and repeat my friends, that the prosperity of Rome endured 400. and xv. years: in the which time there was a great majesty of works, and a marvelous simplicity of words: and above all, that the best that it had, was, that it was rich of the good and virtuous men, and poor of evil and vicious loiterers.  
For in the end, that City cannot be called prosperous, which hath in it many people: but only that which hath in it few vices.  
Speaking therefore more particularly, the cause that moved me to put you from me is, because in the day of the great feast of the god Genius, you showed (in the presence of the Senate) your little wisdom, and your great folly: For so much as all men did behold more the lightness of your person, than they did the follies of the jugglers.  
If perchance you showed your folly, to the intent men should think that you were familiar in my Royal Palace, I tell you, that the error of your thought was no less than the evil 
What moved the Emperor to put away the Philosophers.  example of your work: For no man ought to be so familiar with princes, but (whether it be in sport or in earnest) he ought to do him reverence.  
Since I gave you leave to depart, I know you had rather have to help you in your journey a little money, them many counsels: But I will give you both, that is to say, money for to bring you to your journey's end, & also counsels, to the end ye may live: and marvel not that I give council to them that have an office to counsel others, for it chanceth oft times that the Physician doth cure the diseases of others, and yet indeed he knoweth not his own.  
Let therefore the last word and counsel be, when you shall be in the services of Princes and great Lords, that first you labour to be counted honest rather then wise. That they do choose you rather for quiet men, then for busy heads, and more for your few words then for your much 
The counsel of the Emperor  babbling: for in the palace of Princes, if the wise man be no more than wise it is a great hap if he be much esteemed, but if he an honest man, he is beloved, and well taken of all.   

CHAP. XXXVII. That Princes and other noble men ought to oversee the Tutors of their Children, lest they conceal the secret faults of their Scholars.  
We have before rehearsed what conditions, what age, and what gravity Masters ought to have, which should bring up the children of princes. Now reason would we should declare, what the counsels should be that princes should give to the Masters and Tutors of their children, before they ought to give them any charge. And after that it is meet we declare, what the counsel shall be which the Master shall give to his Disciple, having the government of him.  
For it is unpossible there should happen any misfortune, where ripe counsel is ever present. It shall seem unto those that shall profoundly consider this matter, that it is a superfluous thing to treat of these things: for either princes choose the good, or else they choose the evil. If they choose not good masters, they labour in vain to give them good counsel: for the 
What is required in good Tutors.  foolish master is less capable of counsel then the dissolute scholar is of wholesome admonition. If perchance princes do make elections of good Masters, than those Masters both for themselves, and also for others ought to minister good counsels. For to give counsel to the wise man, it is either a superfluous deed, or else it cometh of a presumptuous man. Though it be true, that he which dare give counsel to the Sage man is presumptuous, I say in like manner, that the Diamond being set in gold, loseth not his virtue, but rather increaseth in price and value: I mean, that the wiser a man is, so much the more he ought to desire to know the opinion of another; certainly, he that doth so, cannot err: For to none his own counsel aboundeth so much, but that he needeth the counsel and opinion of another.  
Though Princes and great Lords do see with their eyes, that they have choose good masters & tutors to teach their children, yet they ought not therefore to be so negligent of themselves, but that sometimes they may give the master's counsel: for it may be, that the masters be both noble & stout, that they be ancient, sage, and moderate: but it may be also, that in teaching children they are not expert: For to masters and tutors of princes, it is not so much necessary that sciences do abound, as it is shame that experience should want. When a rich man letteth out his farm or manor, to a farmor, he doth not only consider with himself before what rent he shall pay him, but also he covenanteth with him that he shall keep his grounds well fenced and ditched, and his houses well repaired. And not contented to receive the third part of the fruit of his vine: but also he goeth twice or thrice in a year to visit it: And in seeing it he hath reason, for in the end the one occupieth the goods as a Tenant, and the other doth view the ground as chief Lord. Then if the father of the family with so great diligence doth recommend the trees, and the ground to the Labourer: how much more ought the Father to recommend his children to the Masters: for the father giving counsel to the Master is no other, but to deliver his child to the Treasurer of Science.  
Princes and great Lords cannot excuse themselves of an offence, if after that they have chosen a knight or Gentleman for to be Master, or else a learned and wise man to be tutor, they are so negligent as if they never had had children, or did remember that their children ought to be their Heirs: certainly this thing should not be so lightly passed over. But as a wise man (which is careful of the honour and profit of his child) he ought to be occupied, as well in taking heed to the master, as the master ought to be occupied, in taking heed to the child: For the good fathers ought to know, whether the master that he hath chosen can command, and whether his child will obey.  
One of the noblest Princes among the Ancients, was Seuleucus, King of the Assyrians, and husband of Estrabonica (the daughter of Demetrius, King of Macedony) a Lady for her beauty in all Greece the most renowned of her fame, though indeed she was not very fortunate. This is an old disease, that happeneth always to beautiful women, that there be many that desire them, and more that slander them. This King Seuleucus was first married with another woman, of whom he had a son called Antigonus, ' the which was in love with the second wife of his Father, that is to say, with the Queen Estrabonica, and was almost dead for love. The which the father understanding, married his son with her: so that she that was his stepmother, was his wife; and she that was a fair wife, was a fair daughter, and he which was his Son, was made his son in law, and he which was Father, was stepfather.  
The Author hereof is Plutarch in his lives, as Sextus Cheronensis sayeth, in the third book of the sayings of the greeks.  
The king Seuleucus laboured diligently to bring up his son Antigonus well, wherefore he sought him two notable masters: the one a Greek, the other a Latin. The K: Seuleucus herewith not contented, provided secretly (by the means of a servant of his named Parthemius) that he should have no other office in the Palace, but that what the masters taught or did to his son Antigonus in the day, he should secretly come, and tell him in the night.  
But by the diligence of Parthemius, it came to the knowledge of the Tutors, that they had overseers: for in the end there is nothing accustomably, but at the last will be revealed.  
Since the two Philosophers knew the secret, one day they said unto the 
The Philosophers speech to K. Seleucus.  King Seuleucus these words:  
Most mighty Prince Seuleucus, since thou hast of trust committed thy Son Antigonus into our hands, why dost thou appoint thy Servant Parthemius as accuser of our lives? If thou accountest us evil, and him good, thou shalt show us great favour, if thou wilt discharge us, and commit to him the ●u●tion of thy Son? For we let thee to know, that to men of honour it is untolerable evil to shame them, and no dishonour to licence them. Thou hast appointed Parthemius, to go and dog us, to see what we do, or say openly, and afterwards to make relation unto thee secretly: And the worst is, that by relation of the simple, we should be condemned, being Sages: For treacle is not so contrary to poison, as ignorance is to wisdom. And truly (most Noble Prince) it is a great matter, that daily inquisition is made of man: for there is no Beard so bore shaven, but it will grow again.  
I mean, that there is no man of so honest a life, but if a man make inquisition, he may find wherewithal to detect.  
The K: Seuleucus answered them thus. Consider my Friends, that I know right well, that neither the authority of the person, nor the good credit of renown would be stained for any other Friend in this world: and if the rude men do it not, much less ought the Sages to do it. 
King Seuleucus his answer.  For there is nothing that men travel for so much in this life, as to leave of them a good renown after their death. Since you are Sages, and Masters of my Son, and likewise counsellors of my house, it is not meet that you should with any be offended: For by all good reason he alone ought to be esteemed in the Palaces of Princes, that will give unto Princes good counsel.  
That which I have said to Parthemius, was not for the doubt of your faith, neither to think any danger in your authority. And if the thing be well considered, it goeth well for you, and not evil for me: and the reason hereof is, that either you are good, or else you are evil: If you be good, you ought to be glad that daily your good services be reported unto me,  
For the continual beating into the Prince's ears of the good services of his Servants, must needs cause at the last their good services to be well rewarded.  
If you be evil, and in teaching my Son negligent: it is but reason that I be thereof advertised. For if the Father be deceived in his opinion, the Son shall receive poison in his doctrine, and also because you shall not undo my Realm, nor slander me by your evil council.  
If the fatal Destinies permit that my Son be evil: I am he that loseth most thereby; for my Realm shall be destroyed, and my renown utterly abolished, and in the end, my Son shall not enjoy the Heritage. And if all pass so, you will care little: For you will say you are not in fault since the child would not receive your doctrine, Wherefore me thinks it not evil done to oversee you, as you oversee him: For my duty is to see that you be good, and your duty is to travel, that your Disciples be not evil.  
This King Seuleucus, was an honourable man, and died aged (as plutarch saith, and Patroclus more plainly declareth, in the third book of the war of the Assyrians) and for the contrary his son Antigonus, came to be a wicked prince in all his doings.  
And this a man may well perceive, that if he had not been of his Father so much corrected, and of the Schoolmaisters so well instructed: without doubt he would have proved much more wicked than he was. For young men on the one part being evil inclined, and on the other part evil taught, it is unpossible but in the end they should grow to be most vicious, and defamed.  
In my opinion, though children be 
What profit cometh to children by good counsel.  not evil inclined, yet the fathers thereof ought not to cease to correct them: for in time to come those that write, will commend the diligence of the fathers, in correcting the vices of their children.  
I have declared this example, to counsel that the Father be not so negligent, that he should utterly forget to look unto his Son, thinking that now the Master hath charge of him. And of my counsel, that Father ought in this thing to be so advertised, that if at the first he beheld the Child with two Eyes: that then he should look unto him with sour eyes. For oft times it is more requisite that the Masters be punished then the Scholars. Though Princes are not daily informed of the life of the Masters as King Seleucus was: yet at the least ofttimes they ought to inquire of the state, of the life, and of the behaviour both of the Masters, and also of the children.  
And this thing they ought not to do only once, but also they ought to call the Masters, and counsel them likewise, that they have great respect to the doctrine of their children, thinking always to give them good counsel, to show unto their Scholars afterwards: for otherwise the master immediately is discouraged, when he seeth the Father to be negligent, and nothing careful for the bringing up of his children.  
Princes in one thing ought to have great respect (that is to say) lest the Masters bear with the secret vices 
Tutor's ought not to bear with the vices of their scholars.  of children. And he ought not to do thus, but also to call them unto him, to advise them, to warn them, to pray them, to counsel and command them, that they have great respect to the bringing up of his children: and further, that he give them some notable counsel, to the intent that the Masters afterward may make relation thereof to their scholars: for there is no man so weak, nor child so tender, but the force which he hath to be vicious, is enough (if he will) to be virtuous.  
I would now demand the Masters and Tutors which do govern the children of noble and virtuous men, what more strength is required to be a glutton then to be a soberman? to be a babbler, or to be silent? to be diligent, or to be negligent? to be honest, then to be dissolute? and as of these few I speak, so I could recite many others. In this case I will not speak as a man of science, but as one of experience: and that is, that by the faith of a Christian I swear, that with less travel of the Master, and more profit of the scholar, he may be sooner virtuous than vicious. For there is no more courage required in one to be evil, than strength in an other for to be good,  
Also the Masters commonly have an other evil property, worse than this, which is, they bear with their Scholars in some secret vices when they are young, from the which they cannot be withdrawn afterwards when they are old. For it chanceth oft times that the good inclination 
Custom in sinning is hardly to be reclaimed.  is overcome by evil custom: and certainly the Masters, which in such a case should be apprehended, aught to be punished as Traitors perjured. For to the Master it is greater treason, to leave his Disciple among vices, then to deliver a Fort into the hands of the enemies. And let no man marvel, if I call such a Master a Traitor, for the one yieldeth the Fort which is but of stones builded: but the other adventureth his son, who is of his proper body begotten.  
The cause of all this evil is, that as the children of Princes ought to inherit Realms, and the children of great Lords hope to inherit the great estates: so the Masters are more covetous than virtuous. For they suffer their puples to run at their own wills when they be young, to the end to win their hearts when they shall be old: so that the extreme covetousness of the Masters now a days is such, that it causeth good men's sons commonly to be evil and vicious. O Tutors of princes, 
Schoolmasters ought not to be covetous.  and Masters of great Lords, I do admonish you, and besides that I counsel you, that your covetousness deceive you not, thinking you shallbe better esteemed for being clokers of vices, than lovers of virtues. For, there is none (old or young) so wicked, but knoweth that good is better than evil.  
And further, I may say to you in this case, that oft times God permitteth, (when those that were children become old) their eyes to be opened, whereby they know the harm that you have done them, in suffering them to be vicious in their youth: at what time your duty had been to have corrected their vices.  
You thought (as it should seem) by your goods to be honoured for your flattery: but you find the contrary, that you are despised worthily. For it is the just judgement of GOD, that he that committeth evil, shall not escape without punishment: and he that concealeth the evil committed, shall not live undefamed.  
Diadumius the historiographer, in the life of Severus the xxj. Emperor, declareth; that Apuleius Rufinus, who had been Consul twice, and at that time was also Tribune of the people (a man who was very aged, and likewise of great authority throughout Rome) came one day to the Emperor Severus, and said unto him in this sort;  
Most invict Prince, always (Augustus,) know that I had two children, the 
The complaint of Apuleius Rufynus to the Emperor Severus.  which I committed to a Master, to bring up: and by chance the oldest increasing in years, and diminishing in virtues, fell in love with a Roman Lady, the which love came too late to my knowledge: For to such unfortunate men as I am, the disease is always past remedy, before the danger thereof cometh to our knowledge.  
The greatest grief that herein I feel, is, that his Master knew and concealed the evil, and was not only not a means to remedy it: but also was the chief worker of Adultery between them to be committed. And my Son made him an obligation, wherein he bound himself, if he brought him that Roman Lady, he would give him (after my death) the house and Heritage's, which I have in the gate Salaria, and yet herewith not contented, but he and my Son together, rob me of much money. For love is costly to him that maintaineth it, and always the loves of the Children, are chargeable to the Fathers. judge you now therefore, Noble Prince, this so heinous and slanderous cause: For it is too much presumption of the subject to revenge any injury, knowing that the Lord himself will revenge all wrongs.  
When the Emperor Severus had understood this so heinous a case: as one that was both in name and deed severe, commanded good inquisition of the matter to be had: and that before his presence they should cause to appear, the Father, the Son, and the Master, to the end each one should allege for his own right: For in Rome none could be condemned for any offence, unless the plaintiff had first declared the fault before his presence, and that the accused should have no time to make his excuse.  
The truth and certainty (upon due examination then known,) and the Offenders confessing the offences, the Emperor Severus gave judgement thus. I command that this Master be cast 
The sentence of the Emp: Severus.  alive among the beasts of the park Palatine.  
For it is but meet that Beasts devour him, which teacheth others to live like beasts: Also I do command, that the Son be utterly disinherited of all the goods of his Father, and banished the Country, into the Isles of Baleares and Maiorques.  
For the Child which from his youth is vicious, ought justly to be banished the Country, and be disinherited of his Father's goods.  
This therefore (of the Master, and the Son,) was done by the complaint of Apuleius Rufynus.  
O how unconstant fortune is, and how oft, not thinking of it, the thread of life doth break. I say it, because if this Master had not been covetous, the Father had not been deprived 
What evil followed covetousness.  of his son, the child had not been banished, the mother had not been defamed, the common weal had not been slandered, the master of wild beasts had not been devoured, neither the Emperor had been so cruel against them, nor yet their names in Histories, to their infamies, had always continued,  
I do not speak this without a cause, to declare by writing that which the evil do in the World: for wisemen ought more to fear the infamy of the little pen, than the slander of the babbling tongue. For in the end, the wicked tongue cannot defame but the living: but the little pen doth defame them that are, that were, and that shall be.  
To conclude this, my mind is, that the Master should endeavour himself that his Scholar should be virtuous, and that he do not despair, though immediately for his pains he be not rewarded.  
For though he be not of the creature, let him be assured that he shall be of the Creator. For God is so merciful, that he often times taking pity of the sweat of those that be good, chasteneth the unthankful, and taketh upon him to require their services.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the determination of the Emperor, when he committed his child to the Tutors, which he had provided for his education.  
CInna the Historian in the first book of the times of Comodus declareth that Marcus Aurelius the Emperor chose fourteen Masters learned and wise men, to teach his son Comodus, of the which he refused five, not for that they were not wise, but for that they were not honest. And so he kept these nine only which were both learned in the Sciences, and also expert in bringing up the children of the Senators, though indeed they were very unlucky in the bringing up of the Prince Comodus: for this cursed Prince had nine Masters which instructed him, but he had above nine thousand vices which undid him.  
The Emperor Marcus Aurelius made five books of declamations, and in the third book the 6. Chapter under the title Adsapientes Pedagogos, he brought in these nine Masters, and persuaded them greatly that they should be diligent and attentive to teach his son Comodus. And in this matter he spoke unto them many and grave sentences, the words whereof do follow.  
The matter is manifest in Rome, 
The speech of the Emperor to the nine Masters of his son Comodus.  and no less published thorough out all Italy, what pains I took to search out so many Sages to instruct my son Comodus: the which all being examined, I kept only the wisest and the best, and though in very deed, I have done much, yet I have not done so much as I am bound.  
For Princes in doubtful matters ought not only to demand counsel of all the good that be alive: but also to take pain to talk with those which are dead. That is, to read the deeds of the good in their writings: You were fourteen masters chosen, whereof I have put out five: so that presently you are but nine, & if indeed you be Wise men, you shall not be offended with that I have done: for the grief of evil things proceedeth of wisdom, but the admiration of good things cometh of small experience. I do not deny, but the wise men do feel in them passions as men: but in the end, there is no art nor science that doth excuse us from the miseries of men.  
But that whereat I marvel is, how it is possible that a wise man should marvel at any thing in this world: For if the wise man should be astonished at every thing of the world, it appeareth that there is little constancy or virtue in him at all.  
Returning therefore to our particular talk, I have taken you to be masters of my son, and you see, of many I chose a few, to the end that with few my son should be taught: For as it is the Father's duty to search out good masters; so it is the master's duty to be diligent about his Scholar.  
The Nurse of my son Comodus gave him suck two years with her teats, at the gate of Hostia, and his mother Faustine other two years brought him up wanton in Capua. Howbeit this was a sufficient excuse, I would as a pitiful father (if I could) give him correction at the least this twenty years: For I swear by the immortal gods, that to a Prince that shall be an enheritor, one years punishment is more worth than twenty years of vain pleasure.  
Since the Nurses which giveth the Children suck knoweth little: and since the Mothers that bore them, do love them much, and since the child peradventure (as yet) is but of a weak understanding, they are occupied about the things that are present: considering that chastisement is much more better for him, than pleasure. But the wise man which hath understanding ought to think of that, that 
The duty of every good Father to provide good instructors for their children.  is past, and by much wisdom to provide for that which is to come: For he cannot be counted wise, tha●●●ely in one thing is careful. 〈…〉 Comodus was borne the last 〈◊〉 of August, in a City by Danuby. 〈◊〉 shall not forget the day that the Gods gave him unto me: nor yet this day in the which I commit him unto you.  
Of greater reason I should remember that day wherein I put him to be taught: then the day which I saw him to be borne. For the Gods gave him me, as I gave him to you mortal, since he is a man: but you shall restore him again unto me; and I likewise him to the Gods, as immortal, if he be wise.  
What will you I say more unto you, but if you regard that any thing at all which I say, you will regard much more this, which I will say. When the Gods determined that I should have a child of my wife, and that my woeful destinies deserved, that I should have such a child, truly the Gods made me a man in the spirit: and I begot him a beast, among the beasts in the flesh. But if you will, you may make him a God among the Gods, by science. For Princes win infamy, for being fierce and self willed: but they get good renown, for being wise and patient. I would you should apply this business well, and therefore it is necessary that you examine him oft. For it is a general rule, that the precious jewel is little regarded, when he which hath it knoweth not the value thereof.  
I require, that you answer me in this one thing. What did I give unto my son Comodus, when the Gods gave him me, but frail and mortal flesh? by the corruption, whereof his life shall end: but you shall give him high doctrine, whereby he shall always deserve perpetual memory: For the good renown is not gotten by that the weak flesh doth, but by that the high understanding imagineth, and by that the curious hart executeth. O if this tender age knew what I gave to his weak flesh, and if 
Good tutors compared to natural Fathers.  his dull understanding could come to the true wisdom which you may give him: he would call you his right fathers, and me but his step father: For he is the true Father that giveth us doctrine to live: and he is but an unjust stepfather that giveth us flesh to die.  
Certainly, the natural Fathers of children, are but their own open enemies, and cruel stepfathers; since we give them such dull understanding, so weak a memory, a will so froward, life so short, flesh so frail, honour so costly, health so uncertain, riches so troublesome, prosperity so scarce, and death so fearful. Finally, we give them a Nature subject to infinite alterations, and great misfortunes.  
Reason would not you should little regard that which I commit unto your judgement, that is to say, that you have the charge of Comodus my son: For the thing that Princes ought chiefly to foresee, is to whom they ought to recommend the government of their children.  
To be a Master and Tutor of a Prince in the earth, is to have an office of the Gods which are in heaven: because he governeth him that ought to govern us: he teacheth him that ought to teach us, he chasteneth him that ought to chasten us. Finally, he commandeth one, that aught to command all.  
What will you that I say more unto you. Truly, he that hath 
What is required in a good instructor of children.  the charge to teach the children of Princes and great Lords, is as the Governor of the ship, Standard of a Battle, a defence of the peoule, a guide of the Ways, a father of the Orphans, the hope of Pupils, and a Treasurer of all: For there is no other true Treasure in the Common wealth, but the prince which doth maintain and keep it in good peace, and perfect justice.  
I will tell you furthermore, to the end you shall esteem it more, that when I do give you my son to teach, I give you more than if I gave you all the riches of the Realm. For in him that hath the reformation of the Child's life, dependeth the fame of the Father after that he is dead.  
So that the Father hath no greater renown, then to see his Child lead an honest life. I pray the gods that they may be so merciful, and the fatal destinies so fortunate, that if till this time you have watched to teach the children of others, that from hence forward you watch to teach this my son Comodus, which I trust shall be to the comfort of all.  
For the thing which is universally good to all, aught for to be preferred before that which tendeth but to the profit and commodity of some. You see my friends, that there is a great difference to teach the children of Princes, and to teach the children of the people, and the cause hereof is, the greatest part of those come to schools & universities to learn to speak, but I do not give 
Difference between the Teachers of Prince's children & others.  you my son Comodus, to the end you should teach him to speak many words, but that you should learn him to do good works.  
For all the glory of the Princes is, that in the works which he doth, he be upright, and in the words that he speaketh he be very discreet. After that the children have spent many years in Schools, after their fathers have spent much money upon them if perchance the child can dispute in Greek or Latin any thing at all, though he be light and vicious, the Father thinketh his goods well employed: for in Rome, now a days they esteem an Orator more, which can nought but babble, than a Philosopher which is virtuous.  
O woeful men, that now live in Rome, and much more woeful shall those be, which hereafter shall succeed: for Rome is no more that Rome, which it was wont to be, that is to say, that the Fathers in old time sent their children to Schools and studies to learn them to be silent: and now they send them to learn to speak too much.  
They learned them then to be sage and temperate: and now they learn them to be dissolute. And the worst of all is, that the Schools where the sage and patient were wont to be, and from whence issued the good and virtuous works, are now full of babbling Orators, and none issue out from thence at this present, but the evil and vicious. So that if the sacred Roman laws are exalted once in a week with their tongs: they are broken ten times in the day, in their works.  
What will you I say more, since I cannot tell you any thing (without hurting my mother Rome) but that at this present all the pleasures of vain men, is to see their children overcome others by disputing: but I let you understand that all my glory shall be, when my son shall surmount others, not in words, but in 
What is required in a Scholar.  silence, not to be troublesome, but to be patient: not in speaking subtle words, but in doing virtuous works. For the glory of good men is in working much, and speaking little. Consider my friends, and do not forget it, that this day I commit my honour unto you, I put into your hands the estate of Comodus my son, the glory of Rome, the rest of the people, which are my subjects, the government of Italy, which is our Country, and above all, I refer unto your discretion, the peace and tranquillity of the whole common wealth.  
Therefore he that hath such a charge, by reason ought not to sleep: for as the wise men say, To great trust is required much diligence. I will say no more, but that I would my son Comodus should be so well taught, that he should have the fear of God, & the science of Philosophers, the virtues of the ancient Romans, the approved counsel of the aged, the courage of the Roman youth, the constancy of you, which are his Masters.  
Finally, I would, that of all the good, he should take the good, as of me he ought to take the heritage & succession of the Empire; For he is the true prince, and worthy of the Empire, that with his eyes doth behold the great Signiories he ought to inherit, and doth employ his heart how to govern it, whereby he shall live to the great profit of the Common wealth.  
And I protest to the immortal Gods, with whom I hope to go, and to the goodness of my predecessors whose faith I am bound to keep. I protest to the Roman laws, the which I did swear to observe in the conquest of Asia, wherein I am bound myself to continue, and to the friendship of the Rhodians, the which I have offered myself for to keep, to the enmity of the Africans, the which not for me, but for the oath of my predecessors, I bound myself to maintain. And I protest unto the vessel of the high Capitol, where my bones ought to be burnt, that Rome do not complain of me, being alive, nor that 
The earefulnes of the Emperor for the Commonwealth.  in the world to come she curse me after my death.  
If perchance the prince Comodus my son (by his wicked life) should be occasion of the loss or hindrance of the Commonwealth.  
And though you which are his Masters undo it, for not giving him due punishment, and he thorough his wicked government destroy it, yet I discharge myself by all these protestations that I have made, which shall be witnesses of my will.  
For the Father is bound no more towards his Child, but to banish him from his pleasures, and to give him virtuous Masters. And if he be good, he shall be the glory of the Father, the honour of himself, the wealth of you, and the profit and commodity of the whole Common wealth.   

CHAP. XXXIX. The Tutors of Princes and Noble men's children ought to be very circumspect that their Scholars do not accustom themselves in vices whiles they are young, and specially they must keep them from four vices,  
THe good and expert Surgeons unto great dangerous wounds, do not only apply medicines and ointments which do resolve and stop: but also minister other good plasters for to restrain and heal them. And verily they show themselves in the one no less sage, then in the other expert: for as great diligence ought to be had to preserve the weak flesh, & to purge the rotten wound, to the end it may be healed: so likewise the wise travelers learn diligently the way before they take upon them any journey; that is to say, if there be any dangers in the way, either of robbing or slaying, wherein there is any by-path that goeth out of the highway.  
Truly, he that in this point is circumspect, is worthy to be counted a Sage man: for according to the multitude of the perils of the world, none can be assured, unless he know first where the danger is, wherein he may fall. To show therefore that which by these parables I mean, I say, that the Tutors and Master of Princes and great Lords, ought not to be contented only to know what science, what doctrine, and what virtue they ought to show, and teach their Scholars: but also with greater care and diligence they ought to know from what evils or wicked customs they ought to withdraw them: For when the trees are 
Children in their youth apt to entertain all vices.  tender and young, it is more necessary to bow them, and cut off the superfluous branches with knives, then to gather their fruits with baskets.  
Those which take upon them to govern Moils of great price and value, and those that tame & break horses of a good race, take great pains that such beasts be light, that they leap well, and be well made to the spur and bridle: but they take much more pains that they be gentle, familiar and faithful; and above all, that they have no evil qualities. Then sith it is so, Masters ought diligently to watch (if they be good) that in young Princes there be no appearance of any notable vices: for the virtues which the young do learn, doth not them so much profit, as one only vice doth them hurt, if they do thereunto consent, knowing that thereby they may be hereafter blamed or despised: For if any man knew a beast that is wild and stubborn, and not gentle, and will buy him at a great price: such a one hath his head more full of follies then of wisdom.  
Albeit that Masters ought to withdraw their Scholars from many evil customs, amongst all there are four principals, in any of the which, if the Prince be defamed, the master which hath taught him should deserve great punishment: For according to the human Laws and Customs, all the damage and harm, that the beasts do to the vinyeard the keeper that hath charge thereof, shall (as he is bound) recompense.  
First, the Master ought to reform in such sort the tongues of their scholars, that neither in sport nor in earnest, they permit them to tell lies: for the greatest fault that is in a good and virtuous man, is to be brief in the truth, and the greatest villainy, that is in a vicious man, is to be long in lies. Merula in that 5. book of Caesar's 
What is required in the master towards his Scholars.  sayeth, that the first war that Vlpius Traianus made, was against the Romans, and with no small victory overcame the Emperor Domitian in a battle which they fought together: for as Nafica said, the pleasures that Rome had to see many victories were not so great: as the displeasure was which she took, to see herself once overcome.  
The good Vlpius Traianus gave battle to king Cebalus, wherein Cebalus was not only overcome, but also taken, and afterwards brought before the Emperor Traianus, which said unto him these words. Speak Cebalus, Why didst thou rebel against the romans, since thou knowest that the Romans are invincible: King Cebalus answered him, If the Romans could not be overcome, how then did I overcome the Emperor Domitian?  
trajan the Emperor said unto him again: Thou art greatly deceived (King Cebalus) to think that when thou overcamest the Emperor, thou hadst overcome the Romans: For when that Romulus founded Rome, the Gods ordained, that though their Emperor died in any battle, yet notwithstanding it is not to be thought, that the Empire is overcome.  
The Historiographers made a great matter of the words that this Vlpius Traianus spoke: for therein he showed, that the Rome Empire was invincible.  
After that this King Cebalus was dead, and that (for his deserts) he was deprived: as the Emperor trajan was a merciful Prince, so he provided that a little child that Cebalus had, should be brought up in his Palace, with intention, that if the Child became good, they would give him the Realm which his Father, (through treason) had lost.  
For in Rome there was an ancient Law, that all which the Father lost, by reason the son should recover by his faithful acts 
An ancient Law in Rome. .  
It chanced that the good trajan taking his pleasure in the garden of Vulcan, saw the son of King Cebalus and many other young children of Rome, stealing fruit forth of an Orchard; and it is no wonder, for the Locusts did not so much harm to the corn, as the children do to the fruits, when they enter into the Orchards.  
When the Emperor afterwards demanded him from whence he came? he answered, from his study hearing Rhetoric, but indeed he came from stealing of fruit. The Emperor trajan was so angry and displeased that the child was a liar, that he commanded he should utterly be deprived and made void of all hope, to recover the Realm of his Father.  
The Emperor trajan was greatly importuned, as well of strange Ambassadors, as of his own countrymen that he would change that cruel sentence, For Princes in a fury do command that, which when they are patient they do undo. The 
A cruel sentence upon a liar.  Emperor trajan answered them, if the Father of this child which was King Cebalus had been a true Prince, he had not lost his life, neither his Realm, nor had not put me, and the Empire so many times in danger: but since the Father was a liar, and the son is not true, it were too unjust a thing to render him the Realm. For to me it should be great reproach, and to our mother Rome, as much dishonour, that she being the mother of truth, should give Realms to children being liars,  
This was it that Vlpius trajan spoke unto the son of King Cebalus. Marcus Aurelius the 17. Emperor of Rome had two sons, as before we have rehearsed, the eldest of the which was called Comodus, and his father procured greatly to dishen herite him of the Empire: for he would that the second son named Verissimus should have enherited it: and he did not only determine it, but also spoke it oft times openly: For that thing is with great difficulty dissembled, that excessively is beloved.  
By chance an old Senator, and friend of Marcus Aurelius the Emperor one day, both going out of the Senate house, said unto him: I marvel at thee, most Excellent Prince Why thou dost dishenherite thy son 
The speech of a Senator to the Emperor.  which is eldest, to make thine Heir the youngest, knowing that they are both thy sons, and that the gods have given thee no other but them: For the good Fathers are bound to chasten their children but they have not licence to dishenherite them.  
The Emperor Marcus Aurelius answered him, If thou wert a Greek Philosopher, as thou art a Roman Citizen, and if thou knowest the father's 
The emperors answer.  love towards the child, thou wouldst not take pity on my son which undoth the Empire: but thou shouldest have compassion on me his Father, which doth dishenherite him: For the child scarcely knoweth what he looseth, but I that am his Father do bewail the damage which I do unto him. For in the end, there is not in the world so cruel a Father, but if his son should be hurt with the pommel of the sword in the hand, the Father would feel (incontinently) the dent of his blade at his heart.  
In this case I swear unto thee by the immortal Gods, that I do that which I would not do: and I take that from him which I would not take, For Antonius' my Lord, and Father in law, gave me the Empire for no other cause, but because he never found in me any lie: and for this occasion I do deprive my son from it, for that I never found in him any truth. For it is not meet that the Empire being given unto me for that I was true: should be left in heritage to him that is a liar: For in the end it is better that the son do lose the heritage, than the father should lose his renown.  
By these two examples, those 
How careful masters ought to be to refrain their scholars from lying and gaming.  which are the tutors and masters of Princes and great Lords may see, how to be diligent to keep them from lies, whilst they are young, and it ought to be in such sort, that neither in pastime, neither in earnest answering they should be suffered to tell a lie: For those that for their pleasures were accustomed to lie in their youth, will not fail for their profit to lie in their age.  
Secondarily, the Tutors and Masters ought to keep their Disciples, that they be no gamesters, & that they do not accustom themselves in their youth to be unthrifts: for it is a great token of the decay of the Empire, when the Prince in his youth is affectionated to play.  
Experience showeth us, that to play is a vice, as Seneca saith, which hath the property of a raging dog: with whom if a man be once bitten, (unless he hath present remedy) forthwith he runneth mad, and the disease also continueth with him uncurable until the hour of his death:  
Players not without a cause are compared to mad dogs: for all those that use it, hurt their conscience, lose their honour, and consume their substance.  
It chanceth oft that in that wherein Masters should be most circumspect, they for the most part, are most negligent: that is to say, that under the colour of some honest recreation, they agree to their Scholars to use some pastime, which if therein be contained no commendable exercise, the children ought not to use it, nor yet the tutors to suffer it: for vice is of such a property, that if a child in his youth dare play a point, it is to be feared when he cometh to years, he will play his coat.  
Weighing the matter more deeply, and aggravating this vice, I say further, and affirm, that when the children of Princes and great Lords play, a man ought not to make account of that which they may win or lose: for that of all miseries were most misery, if therefore my pen should forbid them play. For play ought not to be forbidden to young children, for the money that they lose; but for the vices which they win thereby, and for the corrupt manners which therein they do learn.  
Octavian, who was the second Emperor of Rome, and one of the fortunatest Emperors that ever was, among all his virtues was noted of one thing only, which is, that from his youth he was much given to play at tennis. Of the which vice he was not only admonished secretly, but also was forbidden it openly. For as Cicero sayeth in his book of Laws, when the Emperor was noted of any open vice, they might boldly reprove him in the open Senate.  
When Octavian was for this vice reproved by the Senate, they said he spoke these words: You have reason (O Fathers conscript) in taking from me my pastime: for it is 
The speech of the Emperor Octavian.  necessary that the virtues of Princes should be so many, that all men might praise them, and their vices so few, that no man might reprove them.  
These words were notable, & worthy of such a rare and excellent Prince. For in the end, considering their delicate and wanton bringing up, together with the liberty that they have: We ought to thank and commend them for the good works which they do, and most of all to rejoice for the vices which they want.  
To our matter therefore, amongst the other wicked vices that children get in their youth, when they are players: This is one: that they learn to be thieves and liars: For the money that they play, to demand it their Fathers they are afraid and ashamed: and of their own proper goods, as yet they have none in their hands.  
Wherefore a man may easily conclude, tha● if children play, of necessity they must steal.  
The six and thirtieth Emperor of Rome, was Claudius Luganus, a man very temperate in eating, moderate in apparel, upright in justice, and very fortunate in chivalry: for he did not only repulse the Goths from Illyria, but also vanquished in a batrell the Germans, wherein were slain above a hundred thousand.  
This battle was near unto the Lake Verucus, in a place called Luganus, and for a memory of that great battle and victory, they called him Claudius Luganus.  
For it was a custom among the romans, that according to the good or evil works that Princes did, so they were judged, and know by such surnames, whether it were good or evil.  
This Emperor had but one only son, which was a prince of comely parsonage, and lively of understanding: but above all things given to play; so that these good gifts which nature gave him to work in virtue, he misused always in play. And amongst young men he desired rather to haunt vice, then among the Philosophers to learn virtue.  
And hereat a man ought not to marvel, for all men of great courage (unless they be compelled to do virtuous acts) do exercise of themselves many detestable vices.  
It chanced when this young prince had no more to play nor gage, he rob out of his Father's chamber a rich jewel of gold, whereof also his Master was privy. And when the knowledge thereof came to the Emperors eats, he immediately dishenherited his son of the Empire, and caused the head of the Master 
The sentence of the Emperor upon the Prince and his master.  to be cut off his body, and all those likewise that played with him to be banished the Country. This act made every man afraid, for correction executed after a good sort, hath this property, that it encourageth the good to be good, and feareth the wicked from their wickedness.  
Merula in the tenth book of Caesar's (whereas at large he mentioneth this matter) sayeth, that the romans esteemed more the banishment of those players from Rome, then to have droven out the Goths from Illyria, and to say the truth, they had reason: For a prince deserveth a greater grown of glory to banish the vicious from his palace, than he doth for chase the enemies out of his dominion.   

CHAP. XL. ¶ Of two other vices, perilous in Youth, which the Masters ought to keep them from: and that is to be shameless in countenance, and addicted to wickedness, and the lusts of the Flesh.  
thirdly; Tutors ought to travel, that that the Children which they have in charge, be not light & worldly: nor that they do consent that they be bold or shameless. And I say, that they do not suffer them to be light or unconstant: For of young men unconstant and light, cometh oftentimes an old man, fond, and unthrifty. I say, that they do not suffer them to be too rash: For of too hardy young men, cometh rebellious and seditious persons. I say that they do not consent they be shameless: For, of the unshamefastness, cometh slanderous persons.  
Princes and great Lords ought to have much care and circumspection, that their Children be brought up in shamefastness with honesty. For, the 
What is required in great men's Children  crown doth not give so much glory to a King, nor the head doth more set forth the man, nor the precious jewel more adorn the breast, nor yet the regal Sceptre more become the hand, than shamefastness with honesty, beautifieth a young man. For, a man of what estate soever he be, the honesty which he showeth outwardly, doth most commonly hide many secret vices, wherewith he is endued inwardly.  
In the time of the reign of the Emperor Helyus' Pertinax, (the nineteenth Emperor of Rome) two Consuls governed the Commonwealth: the one was named Verut, and the other Mamillus.  
One day they came unto the Emperor, and were humble suitors to his Highness: beseeching him, that it would please him to accept, and receive their two children into his service, the eldest of the which passed not as yet twelve years of age: the which request, after the Emperor had granted, the Fathers were not negligent to bring them unto him; and being come before his presence, each of them made an oration, the one in Latin, and the other in Greek. Wherewith the Emperor was greatly pleased, and all the residue amazed: For at that time none served the Roman Princes, but he that was very apt to Chivalry, or very toward in Sciences.  
As these two Children in the presence of the Emperor made their orations, the one of them beheld the Emperor in such sort, that his eyes never went off him, neither once moving his head, to look down to the earth: and the other contrary, beheld the earth always, and never lift up his head during his oration.  
Wherewith the Emperor (being a grave man) was so highly pleased with the demeanours of this Child, that he did not only admit him for to serve him at his Table, but also he suffered him to enter into his Chamber; and this was a preferment of great estimation: For Princes did not 
The reward of shamefastness.  use to be served at their Tables, nor in their chambers with any, unless they were of his own Kindred, or ancient Servants.  
And concerning the other child, which was his companion, the Emperor returned again to his father, saying: That when hereafter he should be more shamefast, he would receive him into his service. And certainly, the Emperor had great reason: for good & grave Princes ought not to be served with light & shameless children.  
I would now demand Fathers which love their children very well, and would they should be worthy: what it availeth their children to be fair of countenance, well disposed of body, lively of spirit, white of skin, to have yellow hairs, to be eloquent in speech, profound in science: if with all these graces that nature giveth them, they be too bold in that they do, and shameless in that they say: The Author hereof is Patritius Senensis, in the first book De Rege et regno.  
One of the most fortunate princes was the great Theodosius, the which amongst all other virtues, had one most singular, the which was, that 
Commendation of the Empeperour The odosius.  he was never served in his palace with any young man that was unshamefast, or seditious nor with any old man which was dishonest: for he said oft times that Princes shall never be well beloved, if they have about them liars or slanderers.  
This good Emperor spoke as a man of experience, and very sage: for if the counsellors and familiars of Princes be evil taught and unpatient, they offend many: and if they be liars, they deceive all, and if they be dishonest they slander the people. And these offences be not so great unto them that commit them, as they be unto the Prince which suffereth them.  
The Emperor Theodose had in his palace two Knights, the one called Ruffinus, and the other Stelliconus, by whose prudence and wisdom the Common wealth was ruled and governed. And as Ignatius Baptista sayeth, they two were the Tutors and Governors of the children of Theodose, whose names were Archadius and Honorius: for as Seneca saith, When good Princes do die, they ought to be more careful to procure Masters and Tutors which shall teach their children, then to procure realms or kingdoms for to enrich them.  
The two Masters Stelliconus and Ruffinus had in the palace of Theodose each of them a son, the which were marvelous well taught, and very shamefast: and for the contrary, the two Princes Honorius and Arcadius were evil mannered, and not very honest. And therefore the good 
A memorable thing of the Emperor Theodosius.  Emperor Theodose took these children oft times, and set them at his Table: and contrary, he would not once behold his own.  
Let no man marvel though a Prince of such a gravity, did a thing of so small importance: for to say the truth, the shamefast children, and well taught are but robbers of the hearts of other men.  
Fourthly, the Tutors and Masters of Princes ought to take good heed, that when the young princes their Scholars wax great, that they give not themselves over to the wicked vice of the flesh, so that the sensuality and evil inclination of the wanton child, aught to be removed by the wisdom of the chaste Master. For this cursed flesh is of such condition, that if once by wantonness the wicket be opened, death shall sooner approach, than the gate shall be shut again.  
The trees which bud and cast leaves before the time, our hope is never to eat of their fruit in season. I mean, that when children haunt the vice of the flesh, whiles they be young: there is small hope of goodness to be looked for in them when they be old.  
And the elder we see them wax, the more we may be assured of their vices. And where we see that vice increaseth, there we may affirm that virtue diminisheth.  
Plato in his second book of laws ordaineth and commandeth, that young men should not marry before they were 25. years of age, and the 
The ordinances of Plato.  young maidens at 20. becaust at that age their fathers abide less dangers in begetting them, & giving of them life, and the children also which are borne, have more strength against the assaults of death. Therefore if it be true (as it is true indeed) I ask now, if to be married and get children (which is the end of marriage) the Philosophers do not suffer until such time as they be men: then I say, that Masters ought not to suffer their scholars to haunt the vices of the flesh when they be children. In this case, the good fathers ought not alone to commit this matter to their Tutors, but also thereunto to have an eye themselves. For oft times they will say, they have been at their devotions in the Temples, when in deed they have offered venerial sacrifice to the Courtesan.  
The vice of the flesh is of such condition, that a man cannot give 
Young men ought to abstain from the vice of the flesh.  himself unto it, without grudge of Conscience, without hurt of his renown, without loss of his goods, without shortening of his life, and also without offence to the Commonwealth: for oft times, men inclined to such vice, do rebel, trouble and slander the people. Seneca satisfied me greatly, in the which he writeth in the second book De Clementia to Nero, where he sayeth these words: If I knew the Gods would pardon me, and also that men would not hate me: yet I ensure thee for the vileness thereof, I would not sin in the flesh.  
And truly Seneca had reason, for Aristotle sayeth, That all Beasts after the act of Venery are sorry, but the Cock alone.  
O Governors, and Masters of great Princes and Lords, by the immortal Gods I swear, which created us, I conjure you, and for that you owe to the Nobility I desire you that you will bridle with a sharp snafle your charge, and give them not the rain to follow vices: for if these young children live, they will have time enough to search, to follow, to attain, and also to cast off those yokes: for through our frailty, this wicked vice of the flesh, in every place, in all ages, in every estate, and at all times (be it by reason, or not) is never out of season. What shall I say to you in this case? if the children pass the furiousness of their youth without the bridle, than they be void of the love of God, they follow the trumpet of sensuality, after the sound whereof they run headlong into the yoke, and loose that that profiteth, to win that which hurteth? For in the carnal vices he that hath the least of that which sensuality desireth, hath much more thereof then reason willeth. Considering that the Masters are negligent, the children bold, their understandings blinded, and seeing that their appetites do accomplish beastly motions, I ask now what remaineth to the child, and what contentation hath he of such filth and naughtiness? Truly, since the fleshly and vicious man is overcome with his appetite, of those that 
What inconvenience followeth the fleshly minded man.  escape best, I see none other fruit, but that their bodies remain diseased, and their understanding blinded, their memory dulled, their sense corrupted, their will hurted, their reason subverted, and their good fame lost, and worst of all, the flesh remaineth always flesh.  
O how many young men are deceived, thinking that for to satisfy and by once engaging themselves to vices, that from that time forward they shall cease to be vicious, the which thing not only doth not profit them, but also is very hurtful unto them: For fire is not quenched with dry wood, but with cold water.  
But O God, what shall we do, since that now a days, the Fathers do as much esteem their children for being fine, and bold minions among women, as if they were very profound in science, or hardy in feats of Arms? and that which is worst, they oft times make more of their bastards gotten in adultery, then of their legitimate child conceived in matrimony.  
What shall we say then of mothers? Truly I am ashamed for to 
A good lesson for Parents.  speak it, but they should be more ashamed to do it, which is, because they would not displease their husbands, they hide the wickedness of their children; they put the children of their harlots to the Nurse, they redeem their gauges, they give them money to play at dice, they reconcile them to their fathers when they have offended, they borrow them money to redeem them when they are indebted.  
Finally, they are makers of their bodies, and undoers of their souls. I speak this insidently, for that the masters would correct the children, but the Fathers and mothers forbid them. For it little availeth for one to prick the horse with the spur, when he that sitteth upon him holdeth him back with the bridle. Therefore to our matter, what shall we do to remedy this ill in the young man: which in his flesh is vicious? Truly I see no other remedy, but with the moist earth to quench the flaming fire, and to keep him from the occasions of vice.  
For in the war, honour, by tarrying is obtained: but in the vice of the flesh, the victory by flying is obtained.   
The end of the second Book.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE DIAL OF PRINCES, WITH THE FAMOUS BOOK OF MARCUS AURELIUS, WHERE HE entreateth of the virtues which Princes ought to have, as justice, Peace, and Magnificence.  

CHAP. I. How Princes and great Lords ought to travel to administer to all equal justice.  
EGidius Frigulus, one of the most famous and renowned Philosophers of Rome, said, that that between two of the Zodaical signs (Leo and Libra) is a Virgin named justice: the which in times past dwelled among men in earth, and after that she was of them neglected, she ascended up to Heaven.  
This Philosopher would let us understand, that justice is so excellent a virtue, that she passeth all men's capacity: since she made heaven her mansion place, and could find no man in the whole earth that would entertain her in his house.  
During the time they were chaste, gentle, pitiful, patient, embracers 
The excellency of virtue.  of virtue, honest and true: justice remaining in the earth with them: but since they are converted unto adulterers, tyrants, given to be proud, unpatient, liars, and blasphemers, she determined to forsake them, and to ascend up into heaven. So that this Philosopher concluded, that for the wickedness that men commit on earth, justice hath leapt from them into Heaven.  
Though this seem to be a Poetical fiction, yet it comprehendeth in it high and profound doctrine, the which seemeth to be very clear, for where we see justice, there are few thieves, few murderers, few tyrants, and few blasphemers.  
Finally, I say, that in the house or Common wealth where justice remaineth, a man can not commit vice, and much less, dissemble with the vicious.  
Homer desirous to exalt justice, could not tell what to say more, but to call Kings, the children of the great God jupiter: and that not for that naturalty they have, but for the office of justice, which they minister. So that Homer concludeth, that a man ought not to call just Princes other, but the children of God.  
The diviue Plato, in the fourth book of his commonwealth, saith: that the chiefest gift God gave to men is, that they being (as they be) of such vile clay, should be governed by justice.  
I would to GOD, all those which read this writing, understood right well that which Plato said: For, if men were not endued with reason, and governed by justice: amongst all beasts none were so unprofitable.  
Let reason be taken from man, wherewith he is endued, and justice whereby he is governed: then shall men easily perceive in what sort he will lead his life. He cannot fight as the Elephant, nor defend himself as the Tiger, nor he can hunt as the Lion, neither labour as the Ox: and that whereby he should profit (as I think) is, that he should eat Bears and Lions, in his life, as now he shall be eaten of worms after his death.  
All the Poets that invented fictions, all the Orators which made Orations, 
How vile man were if justice were wanting.  all the Philosophers which wrote books, all the Sages which left us their doctrines, and all the Princes which instituted Laws, meant nothing else, but to persuade us to think how brief and unprofitable this life is, and how necessary a thing justice is therein. For the filth and corruption which the body hath without the soul: the self same hath the commonwealth without justice.  
We cannot deny but that the romans have been proud, envious, adulterers, shameless, and ambitious: but yet with all these faults, they have been great observers of justice. So that if God gave them so many Triumphs, being loaden and environed with so many vices: it was not for the virtues they had, but for the great justice which they did administer.  
Pliny in his second book saith, that Democrites affirmed, there were two gods, which governed the universal world: that is to say: Reward, and Punishment. Whereby we may gather, that nothing is more necessary, then true and right justice. For, the one rewardeth the good, and the other, leaveth not unpunished the evil.  
Saint Austin, in the first Book De Civitate Dei, saith these words: justice taken away, what are Realms, but dens of thieves? Truly he had great reason. For, if there were no 
Nothing mor profitable to the Commonwealth then true justice.  whips for vagabonds: gags for blasphemers: fines for perjury: fires for heretics: sword for murderers: gallows for thieves: nor prisons for Rebels: we may boldly say, there would not be so many Beasts on the mountains, as there would be thieves in the Commonwealth.  
In many things, or in the greatest part of the commonwealth, we see that Bread, Wine, Corn, Fish, Wool, and other things necessary for the life of the people wanteth: but we never saw but malicious men in every place did abound. Therefore I swear unto you, that it were a good bargain to change all the wicked men in the commonwealth, for one only poor sheep in the field.  
In the Commonwealth we see nought else but whipping daily, beheading, slaying, drowning, & hanging: but notwithstanding this, the wicked which remain still, are so many in number, that if all those should be hanged that deserve it by justice; a man could hardly find hangmen sufficient, nor gallows to hang them upon.  
Admit according to the variety of realms and provinces, that divers laws and customs have been instituted therein: yet for a truth there was never, nor shall be found any nation or Common wealth in the 
No nation so barbarous, but it founded of justice.  world so barbarous, but hath been founded of justice: For to affirm that men can be preserved without justice, is as much as to say, the fish can live without water. How is it possible that a Common Wealth may live without justice, sith without her cannot be ruled one only person?  
Pliny in an Epistle sayeth, that he himself having the charge of a province in Africa, demanded an old man, and in government expert, what he might do to administer justice? the aged man answered: Do justice of thyself, if thou wilt be a minister thereof: For the good judge, with the right yard of his own life, aught to measure the whole state of the commonwealth. And he said further, If thou wilt be right with men, and clean before God, beware of presumption in thine office: For the proud and presumptuous judges oftentimes do contrary to their words, and also exceed in their deeds.  
Pliny also sayeth, that he profited more with the counsel this old man gave him, then with all that ever he had read in his books. O to how much is he bound that hath taken upon him to administer justice? For if such a one be an upright man, he accomplisheth that where unto he is bound: but if such a one of himself be unjust, justly of God he ought to be punished, and likewise of men to be accused.  
When great Princes command their servants or Subjects any thing, & that they cannot accomplish them in such sort as they had charge to do: then he ought to have them excused, those excepted, which govern realms and provinces: for no man leaveth to administer justice, but for want of knowledge or experience: or else through abundance of affection or malice If a Captain lose a battle he may excuse himself saying, his men were fled when they should have assaulted their enemies. A post may excuse himself for that the waters were so high. A hunter may say that beast is escaped another way, and others such like: but a governor of a Common wealth, what excuse can he have that he doth not justice? Conscience ought to burden him, and also he ought to be ashamed to take upon him the charge of any thing, if he doubt to bring it to effect: for shamefast faces and haughty courages, either aught to put that in execution which they take upon them, or else they ought to show a lawful cause why it took no effect. Let us know what justice is, & then we shall know what is meet for the administration thereof? The office of a good judge is to defend the common wealth, to help the innocent, to aid the simple, to 
The office of every Magistrate.  correct the offender, to help the orphans, to do for the poor, to bridle the ambitious: finally, by justice he ought to give each one his own, and to dispossess those which hold any thing wrongfully of others.  
When a prince commandeth any man to take the charge of justice, and such one doth not seek it of himself, if perchance he did not in all points uprightly in the administration thereof, he might have some excuse saying that though he hath accepted it, it was not with intent to err, but because he would obey: what shall we say of many, which without shame, without knowledge, experience, & without conscience do procure the office of justice? O if Princes knew what they give, when they give the charge to any to govern the Commonwealth, I swear unto you, that they were better to give them goods to find them for twenty years, then for to trust them with the charge of justice twenty days.  
What a thing is it to see some men shameless, dishonest great talkers, gluttons, ambitious, and covetous, 
What a great thing it is to do justice uprightly.  the which without any reasonable cause, authority or knowledge, demand of Princes an office of justice, as if by justice they did demand their own? Would to God the giver would have an eye to those which in this case do demand. But what shall we say of those that do solicit them, procure them, importune them, beseech them, and more than that, even as without shame they do demand it, so without conscience likewise they buy it? There remaineth in this case more as yet, that is, that if those cursed men do not attain to that which they demand, and if those, (having no conscience) do not give it them, than they blaspheme and complain of those which are in favour with princes, as if they had done them great injury.  
O what trouble is it to good men to accomplish the desires of the evil: For the covetous & ambitious persons do but desire that the good men had the like pain in giving that they have in demanding. Many times I have thought with myself, wherein so many damages of the Commonwealth should consist, such disobedience, such contrarieties, and so many thefts: and in the end I find, that all or the most part proceed in that, that they provide for ministers of justice, not for conscience sake, but for covetousness only.  
Admit that it appertain to all to desire and procure justice: yet to none it appertaineth so much to procure and defend it, as to the royal person, which the subjects ought sometime to fear, but princes are bound to minister it equally to all. It is a great matter that princes be pure in life, and that their houses be well ordered, to the end that their justice be of credit and authority: For he which of himself is unjust, giveth no hope that another at his hands should 
He that in his life is un just, cannot do justice to another.  have justice. He which cannot govern his own house, can evil govern the commonwealth. Those princes which are true in their words, clean in their lives, and just in their works, though sometime they err in the administration of the Common wealth, all excuse them, saying, that they err not through the malice of themselves, but rather thorough the evil counsel of others. So that all which the good prince doth, they commend, and all the evil that chanceth, they excuse.  
Plutarch in the second Book of his Common wealth, sayeth, That herein some Princes differ from others: For the evil Prince is only obeyed, but the good Prince is obeyed, feared and loved. And moreover, he that is good, maketh heavy things light with his goodness: and the Tyrant that is evil, maketh things which are light to be very heavy through his naugh tinesse.  
Happy is the prince which is obeyed: but much more happy is he which is obeyed, feared and loved: for the body is weary oftentimes to obey: but the heart is never constrained to love.  
Titus the Emperor was once demanded of these two things, that is to say, Whether to reward the good, or to punish the evil, were for a Prince more natural? He answered, As natural as both the right and left arm is in a man: so necessary is reward and punishment in a Prince. But as we help our selves more with the right arm then with the left: so the Prince ought more to endeavour himself to reward then to punish. For punishment ought to be by the hands of a stranger, but reward aught to be with his own proper hands.  
When we persuade Princes to be just, and that they do justice, it is not to be understood, that they should be head murderers, banish rebels, and seditious persons, hang thieves, and bury felons alive: For such or other like things, rather appertain to bloody Hangmen, then to pitiful Kings. All the profit of justice is, in that the Prince be honest of person, careful for his household, zealous of the Commonwealth, and not large of his Conscience: For Princes ought not to be commended for murdering many cruelly: but for reforming the common wealth lovingly.  
Plutarch in the comfortable Oration that he wrote to Appoloni, speaking of the Laws which Promotheus gave to the Egyptians, amongst the residue he recited these three that follow.  
We ordain and command that 
Laws given to the Egyptians.  Princes lay not hands on others for any crimes or offences done unto himself: For Princes ought not to use their hands to revenge their own injuries: but rather by justice to defend other that be injuried.  
We ordain and command, that all times when they shall be in their Common wealth, and not in wars, they shall not wear weapons defensive, and much less offensive: For good Princes neither aught to be hasty, to the end they may kill: nor yet to have vices, whereby they may be killed.  
We ordain and command, that the Prince do not only not kill with his hands, but also that do not see them do justice with his eyes.  
For how much noble and worthy a thing it is before the presence of a Prince, that all should receive honour: so slanderous a thing it is that any in his presence should lose their lives.   

CHAP. II. The way that Princes ought to use in choosing their judges and Officers in their Countries.  
SParthianus in the lives that he wrote of thirty tyrants said, that Ciriacus the Tyrant, had a memorial made of certain of the Senators, whom he would have killed: and when the thing was discovered they slew him, They found in the hands of another tyrant named Regilius, after he was dead, a memorial of those which with his own hands he had deprived of their lives, wherefore they afterward deprived him of his burial. O how many judges are there in this world, that do as much advance themselves of those, whom they have caused to be whipped, to be slain, to be beheaded, to be hanged, quartered, and slain, as others do, which have redeemed many captives, or have married Orphans.  
Those judges which according to the order of Laws, customs, and jurisdictions to punish the evil. I do well allow, but to rejoice and advance themselves of them whom they have condemned, I utterly abhor: for the 
What is required in a virtuous judge.  virtuous and Christian judge ought rather to shed tears in the Churches, then by affection to shed blood of men in the seat of judgement.  
And for the confirmation of that which I have said, I affirm, that the good judge and governor of the commonwealth, ought not to bear in mind, the murders and slaughters done by others: but to record the injuries which they have done themselves. For in other men's offences, we ought to be silent, and for our own iniquities we ought to be penitent.  
judges execute some punishments, which men disallow, and God doth approve: an other time God condemneth them, though the world do allow them: Therefore the surest thing for judges is, not to rejoice of their brethren whom they have corrected, but what they themselves for their own offences have deserved. In judging others, by false witness, the judges many times against their wills do err: but in their own matters they can never err (unless they will) since the offences which we commit are always certain.  
Therefore it grieveth me much, that there be some so evil: which being accused before GOD: would excuse themselves before men: yet their own brethren with false witnesses, they dare condemn, 
How circumspect Princes ought to be in choosing judges   
Great care ought Princes to have, to examine them whom they will make judges, and governors. For the judge which daily maketh not an account with his Conscience in secret, shall commit every hour a thousand evils in the Commonwealth.  
Oh poor and miserable commonwealth; where the governors and judges thereof do not cast their eyes but unto them whom they ought to chastise, where they do not think in their hearts, but how they may enrich their Coffers, where they do not occupy their hands but to take bribes: and do not pass the time, but in feastings and Banquets.  
And I said not without a cause banquets. For there are too many judges, which employ their studies more to get them Friends, to maintain their state proudly, then for to read good books, and to judge men's causes uprightly.  
The judge which never readeth: the judge which never studieth: the judge which never openeth book: the judge which is never in his house: the judge which day and night robbeth; How is it possible that he should execute one true justice?  
There can be no greater fear in a man, nor slander more great in the commonwealth, then when the judge (who ought to judge and chastise the offences of others,) is always overwhelmed with vices. 
How judge, aught to bestow their time.   
The judge which presumeth to be good, and will be good, and which desireth to be good: a man should find him no where, unless he be studying in his house, or else sitting in the place of justice, etc.  
Let not Noble Princes trust upon this, when they provide judges, and Governors, saying: That if they find any evil, they will soon cut him off: For such are so evil, that if they want no means to get to those Offices, they shall want no cautils, nor corrupt Friends, to suborn them therein.  
When Noble Princes, and great lords shall find any judge evil, I counsel them to avoid him immediately, or that they show themselves not contented with his doings: For such a one shall forthwith enforce himself to do justice; with intention, that those of the commonwealth might desire him to be their judge. Although my pen doth reprove these judges which are extreme and cruel, yet my intention is not to commend the others which are negligent and careless, the which neither by knowledge can judge, nor with stoutness punish. The judges which judge and govern, they ought not to be with all so familiar, that all dare take upon them to ask him: for in this case, if some commend his gentle conversation, others will blame his partial justice.  
I counsel, admonish, and require Princes, that they content themselves not only to be true, pitiful, honest, and virtuous, nor yet to be just: but that it is as well necessary they be observers of justice: For let them know, that there is great difference, between him that is just, and another 
Difference between him that is just, and him that administereth justice  that doth minister justice: for to the Prince that is good, cometh honour to his person: but from him that ministereth justice, cometh profit to the Commonwealth.  
Peradventure, it is no wonder to see the Prince that will tell no lie, and to see his Ministers not to speak one truth? Peradventure I do not think myself slandered, to see the Prince temperate in eating, and to see all his servants distempered both with eating and drinking? peradventure, and it is no cause to muse upon, to see the Prince's chaste and honest, and to see their servants in flesh, filthy and dissolute? peradventure it is no cause to marvel to see the Prince just, and to love justice, and that very few of his ministers do minister it.  
The end why all these things are spoken, is to advertise Princes that they be not so careful to be chaste, sober, true and just, but that they know, whether their Governors and judges are corrupted, covetous, greedy, unshamefast, liars or bribers: for if it toucheth us much that our Princes be good, so much more it toucheth us that the Ministers be not evil. One of the things wherein Princes ought to provide with their judges and governors is, that by no means they suffer their laws and and ancient customs to be broken in their common wealth, and that in their steads strange customs be not introduced: for the Commonalty is so variable in that 
Ancient Laws and customs ought nor to be broken.  they say, and so light in that they ask that they would daily see a new king, and hourly change a new law. Pliny in an Epistle that he writeth to Escario sayeth, Optime apud Persius capitalem per legem fuit prohibitum, novos aut perigrinos mores inducere. As if he spoke more plainly. Amongst the Persians it was a Law inviolable, that no man should bring into the Commonwealth any strange custom: & for such an offence they should pay none other ransom but the loss of their heads.  
As men daily do diminish in virtue (unless by force they be withholden) and augment in vanity: so they would invent new devices and strange customs, wherewith men should be decayed, and the Common wealth destroyed: for strange meats do alter men's stomachs. When those of Creta were ungently used of the Rhodians, they did not pray to their gods to send them pestilence, war, famine, or sedition among their enemies: but that they would suffer some evil manners to be brought in amongst the people. Let not those think that shall read this, that it was a small curse that those of Creta desired, and that it was a small revenge which God gave them of their enemies, if he gave them that which they did require, for from war famine and pestilence, some may escape but with devices we see all perish. Of many things the historians do reprove the Emperor Sergius Galba, & for one alone they praise him, That he never consented that in Rome any new law should be made, nor any old custom broken. And he commanded that those should be grievously punished which brought in any new law, & he rewarded those which put him in mind of any old custom, the which be commanded to be observed.  
It is a mockery, yea (better to say) a slander, to see that some young judges will do that of the Commonwealth, which a Tailor doth of a gown: (that is to say) to turn him, within and without, before & behind, which they ought not to do, nor the people to consent thereunto. For the Prince doth not send them to make laws, nor to bring in new orders, but to the end that they do only preserve the commonwealth in their good customs.  
Prince's ought also to take great care that unto little and great, rich & poor, they minister equal justice: sith there 
Prince's ought not to be partial in judgement.  is no divine nor humane law, that giveth them power and authority to corrupt it: For, if a Prince cannot without reason d pose of his own goods, much less he can make laws, and sell justice.  
We do not deny a Prince, but that he is lord of Beasts, of Fish, of Birds, of Ours, of Mountains, of servants, and of fields. Finally, that he is lord of the sea and land: but therefore we will not grant him that he is lord of justice. For there is none other true Lord of justice, but GOD: which is the self same justice.  
When a Prince dieth, and maketh his will, he sayeth: I bequeath all my Realms and signiories to the Prince my son and legitimate heir, and do leave unto my second son, such an Estate and dowrey, and to my daughter such Lands, and to all I recommend justice, to the end they do observe it, and cause it to be observed, every one in his own Country.  
It is much to note, that the Father doth not say, that he leaveth unto his Son justice, but that he doth recommend it unto him: so that the good Princes ought not to think that they have inherited justice of their predecessors, in form of a patrimony, but that God gave it unto them of trust  
Princes of all things may be called Lords, save only of justice, whereof they are but only ministers. We dare boldly say, that the Prince, or 
Princes the ministers of God, for justice.  great Lord, which judgeth causes not according to the Divine will, but according to their own affection: we will not call him a just judge, but a roving Thief. For the Prince is much worse, which robbeth God of justice: then the Thief which stealeth the goods from men.  
Suetonius Tranquillus reciteth much wickedness of Domitian: and the greatest of all was, the poor, the Orphans, and those which could do little, he always punished: and the other that were rich, and of authority he pardoned. He compounded with some for money, and with others he dissembled for favour.  
Lampridius said of Alexander Severus, the 25. Emperor of Rome, that 
An excellent saying of Alexander Severus.  he never kept in his Court any evil man, or suffered any of his parents to be vicious. And when he was demanded on a time, why he banished one of his cousines: since he was young, and a Child? He answered them, which entreated for him, and alleged. That though he was young and his Cousin: yet Charior est mihi Respub: as if more plainly he had said, I have none other nearer of kin to me in my Palace, than the Commonwealth.  
O high, & much more higher words, worthy for a truth to be written in princes hearts; whereby they ought to be advertised, that he said not, I take for my kin one part of the Commonwealth:  
For, the Prince which feareth GOD, and desireth to be found just, as he will indifferently be obeyed of all, so ought he equally to administer justice to all. If they will not credit me nor my pen, let them credit Plato in the books of his commonwealth: who giveth liberty and licence to all the plebeians, to the end that every one do love his wife, his children, and his Parents. And this sort of love he will not that Princes have, to whom he persuadeth that first above all things, they love their commonwealth: For if the prince do love any thing above his Commonwealth, it is unpossible but that one day, for the love of that he will wring justice.  
When Plato gave not licence unto Princes not to enlarge their love on 
The Laws of Plato, concerning princes.  divers things, peradventure he would counsel them, lest they should do some wrongs. It chanceth oft times that Princes do omit justice: not for that they will not administer it, but because they will not be informed of things, which they ought to remedy, and look unto. And this is unexcusable, where he hurteth his honour, burdeneth his conscience. For, at the day of judgement (though he be not accused for malice, yet he shall be condemned for negligence.)  
The Prince which is careful to see, and to inquire the damages of his Realms: we may say that if he doth not provide for them, it is because he can do no more: but he which is negligent to see them, and know them, we cannot say but if he leave to provide, it is for that he will not.  
The Prince or great Lord, which dare take upon him such things; what name or renown may we give him? I would not we should call such a one father of the commonwealth: but destroyer of his country. For there can be no tyranny greater, nor more unequal, then for the physician to ask his duty for his cure, before he hath begun to minister the medicine.  
That Princes and great Lords desire to know their revenues, I allow them: but in that they care not to know the damages of their commonwealths, I do discommend them. For the people pay tribute to their Princes, to the end they should deliver them from their enemies, and defend them from tyrants. For the judges which willbe evil, though I say much, it will profit little: but unto those which desire to be good, that which is spoken (as I think) sufficeth: Notwithstanding that which is spoken I say, that judges and governors ought to consider well with themselves, and see if they will be counted for just ministers or cruel tyrants. For, the office of a Tyrant is, to rob the Commonwealth: and the Office of the good Prince is, to reform the people.  
Noble Princes and great Lords, have more business than they think they have: to see all those which will see them, and to hear all those which will complain unto them. And the cause hereof is, admit that which the Subject demandeth, he presently cannot give: nor that whereof he 
The difference between a tyrant and a good prince  complaineth, he cannot remedy; yet notwithstanding they remain after a sort contented: saying, that they have now showed all their complaints and injuries unto their princes. For, the wounded hearts oftentimes utter their inward pains which they feel, without any hope to receive comfort of that which they desire.  
plutarch in his Apothegms sayeth: that a poor and aged woman, desired king Philippe of Macedon, (which was father of king Alexander the great) that he would hear her with justice: and sith she was very importunate upon him, K: Philip said on a day unto her. I pray thee woman be contented: I swear by the gods, I have no leisure to hear thy complaint. The old woman answered the king: Behold, K: Philippe, if thou hast not time to hear me with justice, resign thy Kingdom, and another shall govern thy Commonwealth.   

CHAP. III. Of an oration which a villain dwelling near to the river of Danuby, maaes before the Senators of Rome, concerning the tyrannies and oppressions which their officers used in his country, And the Oration is divided into three Chapters.  
IN the tenth year of the reign of the good Emperor Marcus Aurelius, 
A great pestilence in Rome in the time of M: Aurelius  there happened in Rome a general pestilence: the which being so outrageous, the good Emperor went into campaign, which at time was very healthful, & without diseases, though it was very dry, and wanted much of that which was necessary: yet notwithstanding the good Emperor was there with all the principal Senators of Rome: for in the time of pestilence men do not seek where they should rejoice their people, but where they may save their lives.  
Marcus Aurelius being there in Campagnia was sore vexed with a Fener: and as his condition was always to be amongst sages: so at that time his sickness required to be visited by Physicians. The resort that he had in his Palace was very great, as well of Philosophers for to teach, as of Physicians for to dispute: For this prince ordered his life in such sort, that in his absence things touching the war were well provided: and in his presence was nothing but matters of knowledge argued.  
It chanced one day as Marcus Aurelius was environed with Senators, philosophers, physicians, and other Sage men, a question was moved among them, how greatly Rome was changed, not only in buildings which almost were utterly decayed: but also in manners, which were wholly corrupted: the cause of this evil grew, for that Rome was full of flatterers and destitute of those which durst say the truth.  
These, and such other like words heard, the Emperor took up his hand and blessed him, and declared unto them a notable example, saying: In the first year that I was Consul, there came a poor villain from the river of Danuby, to ask justice of the Senate against a Censor which did sore oppress the people, and in deed he did so well propound his complaint, and declare the folly and injuries, which the judges did in his Country, that I doubt whether Marcus Cicero could utter it better with his tongue, or the renowned Homer have written it more eloquently with his pen.  
This villain had a small face, great 
The description of the villain.  lips, hollow eyes, his colour burnt, curled hair, bareheaded, his shoes of Porpyge skin, his coat of goats skin, his girdle of bul-rushes, a long beard and thick, his eye brows covered his eyes, the stomach and the neck covered with skins, heard as a Bear, and a club in his hand.  
Without doubt, when I saw him enter into the Senate, I imagined it had been a beast in form of a man: and after I heard that which he said, I judged him to be a God (if there be Gods among men.) For it was a fearful thing to behold his person, it was no less monstrous to hear his words.  
At that time there was great press at the door of the Senate, of many & divers persons, for to solicit the affairs of their Provinces: yet notwithstanding this villain spoke before the others for two causes. The one, for the men were desirous to hear what so monstrous a man would say: The other, because the Senators had this custom, that the complaints of the poor should be heard before the requests of the rich. Wherefore this villain afterwards in the midst of the Senate, began to tell his tale, and the cause of his coming thither, in the which he showed himself no less bold in words, than he was in his attire strange, and said unto them in this sort. 
The oration of the villain to the Senators of Rome.   
O Fathers Conscript, and happy people, I Mileno a Ploughman, dwelling near unto the river of Danube, do salute you worthy Senators of Rome, which are convented here in this Senate; and I beseech the Immortal Gods my tongue this day so to govern, that I may say that which it convenient for my Country, and that they help you others to govern well the Commonwealth: for without the help of God, we can neither learn the good, nor avoid the evil. The fatal Destinies permitting it, and our wrathful Gods forsaking us, our mishap was such, & to you others fortune showed herself so favourable, that the proud Captains of Rome, by force of arms took our Country of Germany. And I say not without a cause, that at that time the Gods were displeased with us: for if we Germans had appeased our Gods, ye romans might well have excused yourselves for overcoming of us.  
Great is your glory, O Romans, for the victories you have had, and triumphs which of many Realms you have conquered: but notwithstanding greater shall your infamy be in the world to come, for the cruelties which you have committed: for I let you know, if you do not know it, that when the wicked went before the triumphant chariots saying, Live, live, invincible Rome: On the other side, the poor Captives went saying in their hearts, justice, justice. My predecessors inhabited by the river of Danuby, for when the dry earth annoyed them, they came to recreate themselves in the fresh water, and if perchance the unconstant water did annoy them, than they would return again to the main land. And as the appetites and conditions of men are variable, so there is a time to fly from the land, to refresh ourselves by the water.  
And time also when we are annoyed with the water to return again to the land. But how shall I speak romans, that which I would speak? your covetousness of taking other men's goods hath been so extreme, and your pride of commanding strange Counties hath been so disordinate, that neither the sea can suffice you in the deepness thereof, neither the land assure us in the fields of the same.  
Oh how great comfort it is for the troubled men to think and be assured that there are just Gods, the which will do justice on the unjust: For if the oppressed men thought themselves not assured, that the gods would wreak their injury of their enemies, they with their own hands would destroy themselves. The end why I speak this is, for so much as I hope in the just Gods, that as you others without reason have cast us out of ourhouses, so by reason shall others come after us, and cast you others out of Italy, & Rome both. There in my Country of Germany, we take it for a rule unfallible, that he which by force taketh the good of another, by reason ought to lose his own proper right.  
And I hope in the Gods that that which we have for a proverb in Germany, you shall have for experience here in Rome. By the gross words I speak, and by the strange apparel which I wear, you may well imagine that I am some rude villain or barbarian borne: but yet notwithstanding, I want not reason to know, who is just and righteous in holding his own: and who is a tyrant in possessing of others. For the rude men of my profession, though in good style they cannot declare that which they would utter: yet notwithstanding, We are not ignorant of that which ought to be allowed for good; nor which ought to be condemned for evil.  
I would say therefore in this case, that that which the evil with all their tyranny have gathered in many days, the Gods shall take from them in one hour: and chose, all that which the good shall lose in many years, the Gods will restore it them in one minute: For speaking the truth, the evil to prosper in riches, is not for that the gods will it, but that they do suffer it, and though at this hour we complain, dissembling we suffer much, but the time shall come that will pay for all.  
Believe me in one thing, O Romans, and doubt not therein, That of the unlawful gains of the Father, followeth after the just undoing of their children.  
Many oftentimes do marvel in my Country, what the cause is, that the gods do not take from the wicked that which they win, immediately as soon as they win it, and as I think the reason hereof is, for the dissembling with them by little and little they gather together divers things, and afterwards when they think lest thereon, it is taken from them all at once: for the just judgement of the Gods is, that since without reason they have done evil to others, others by reason should come in like manner which do evil unto them. It is upossible that the valiant and Sage man, who in his deeds presumeth to be wise, should take any taste in in any other man's good: for if he did, he would never content himself with any thing, sith he hath not a conscience in that which is evil gotten. I know not Romans, whether you understand me, but because you shall understand me better, I say, that I marvel, and I should rather wonder, how the man keeping another man's goods, can sleep, or rest one hour, sith he knoweth he hath done injury to the gods, slandered his neighbours, pleased his enemies, lost his friends, and endamaged those that he rob; and worst of all, that he hath put his person in peril.  
And I say that he hath put his person in peril: for the day that any man determineth to take my goods, he will also the same day (if 
He that taketh away another man's goods, putteth his life also in peril.  he can) take my life. It is an odious thing to the Gods, and very slanderous among men, that men should have so much (through their fleshly desires) virtue bound, and the rain of their evil works so much at liberty, that another man's misery seemeth to him riches, and that his own riches seemeth to himself poverty. I care not whether he be Greek, Barbarian Roman, present or absent, I say, and affirm that he is, and shall be cursed of the Gods, and hated of men; which without consideration will change his good fame into shame, justice into wrong, right into tyranny, truth into lies, the certain for the doubtful, hating his own proper, and sighing for that of other men's. He that hath his chief intention to gather goods for his children, and seeketh not a good name among the renowned: it is just that such a one do not only lose the goods which he hath gathered, but also that without good name he remain shameful among the wicked.  
Since you other romans naturally are proud, and pride doth blind you, you think yourselves happy, that for having so much as you have more than others, that therefore you should be more honoured then all, the which truly is not so: For if presently you will not open your eyes, and confess your own errors, you shall see, that whereas you avant yourselves to be Lords of strange Countries, you shall find yourselus made slaves with your own proper goods.  
Gather as much as you will, let them do all you do command them: yet as I think, it little availeth to have Plebeians houses with goods, and chose the hearts to be possessed with covetousness: for the riches which are gotten with covetousness, and are kept with. Avarice, do take away the good name from the possessor, and do nothing avail to maintain his life.  
It cannot be suffered many days, and much less hid many years, that one man should be counted both for rich among the rich, & for honoured among the honourable: for it is unpossible that he which is a great lover of temporal goods, should be a friend of his good name. O if the covetous men were of their own honour as greedy, as they are of the goods of another desirous: I swear unto you by the immortal Gods, that the little worm or moth of covetousness would not gnaw the rest of their life, nor the canker of infamy should destroy their good name after their death.  
Harken ye Romans, harken what I will say, and I beseech the gods that you may understand it: for other wise I should lose my labour, and ye others should take no fruit of my words. I see that all the World hateth pride, and yet there is none that will follow humanity. Every man 
Every man given to one sin or other.  condemneth adultery, and yet I see no man that liveth chaste. Every man curseth excess, & I see no man live temperately. Every man praiseth patience, and I see no man that will suffer. Every man blameth sloth, and I see no man but those that are idle. Every man blameth avarice, and yet every man robbeth.  
One thing, I say, and not without tears in this Senate, openly I do declare it, which is, that with the tongue every man praiseth virtue, and yet they themselves with all their limbs are servants unto vices.  
Do not think that I say this only for the Romans which Bee in Illyria, but for the Senators which I see here in the Senate.  
All you Romans in your devices about your Arms, have this for your word, Romanorum est debellare superbos, et parcere subiectos. Truly you should better have said, Romanorum est spoliare innocentes, et reddere subiectos: For you Romans are but destroyers of the people that be peaceable, and robbers of the sweat and labours of strangers.   

CHAP. FOUR The villain argueth against the romans, which without cause or reason conquered their Country, and proved manifestly that they thorough offending of their Gods, were vanquished of the Romans.  
I Ask ye Romans, what occasion ye 
The villain continueth his Oration wherein he layeth open the tyranny and oppression of the Romans against the Germans.  have, that are brought up nigh to the river of Tiber, against us that live in peace, nigh to the river of Danuby. Peradventure you have seen us friends to your foes, or else we have showed ourselves your enemies? peradventure you have heard say, that forsaking our own land, we should go conquer foreign realms? peradventure you have been advertised, that we rebelling against our own Lords should become obedient to the cruel Barbarians? peradventure ye have sent us some Ambassador to desire us to be your friends, or else there came some from us to Rome, to defy you as our enemies? peradventure some King died in our realm, which by his Testament made you heirs unto our Realm? whereby you claim your Title, and seek to make us your subjects? peradventure by some ancient law or custom ye have found that the noble and worthy Germany, of necessity is subject to the proud people of Rome? peradventure we have destroyed your Armies, we have wasted your fields, sacked your Cities, spoiled your subjects, or favoured your enemies? so that to revenge these injuries ye should destroy our land: If we had been your neighbours, or you ours, it had been no marvel though one should have destroyed the other. For it chanceth oftentimes, that through controversy of a little piece of ground, tedious wars between people arise.  
Of a truth none of these things which I have named, hath chanced between ye Romans and us Germains. For in Germany we felt your tyranny, as soon as we heard of your renown.  
If ye be grieved with that I have said, I pray you be not offended with that I will say, which is, that the name of Romans, and the cruelty of tyrants arrived together in one day upon our people. And what more to say, I know not Romans, of the little care the Gods do take, and of the great audacity that men have: For I see that he which possesseth much, doth oppress him which hath but little, and he that hath but little, weigheth not him that hath much.  
So disordered covetousness striveth with secret malice, and secret malice giveth place to open theft & open robbery no man resisteth, and thereof cometh, that the covetousness of a malicious man is accomplished, to the prejudice of a whole state.  
Harken ye Romans, harken, by the Immortal Gods I do conjure you, give care to that I will say, which is, consider well what you have done: for the good words be in vain, or else men must have an end, the world in time must needs fall, or else the world shall be no world. Fortune must needs make sure the pin of the wheel, or else that shall be seen which never was seen, which is, that which in eight years ye have won, ye shall within eight days lose: For nothing can be more just, since ye by force have made yourselves tyrants: then the Gods by justice should make you slaves. And do not think you Romans though you have subdued Germany, and be Lords thereof, that it was by any warlike industry: for ye are no more warlike, no more courageous, nor more hardy, ne yet more valiant than we Germans: but since through our offences we have provoked the Gods to wrath, they for the punishment of our disordinate vices ordained, that ye should be a cruel plague and scourge to our persons, Do not take yourselves to be strong, neither repute us to be so weak, that if the Gods at that time had favoured the one part, as much as the other: it might perchance have happened, ye should not have enjoyed the spoil. For to say the truth, ye wan not the victory through the force of weapons that you brought from Rome, but through the infinite vices which ye found in Germany.  
Therefore since we were not overcome for being cowards, neither for being weak, nor yet for being fearful, but only for being wicked, and not having the Gods favourable unto us: what hope ye Romans to become of you, being as you are vicious, and having the Gods angry with you?  
Do nor think Romans to be the more victorious, for that ye assemble great Armies, or that ye abound in treasures, neither for that you have greater Gods in your aid, or that ye build greater temples, nor yet for that ye offer such great sacrifices: For I let you know, if you do not know it, that no man is in more favour with the Gods, than he which is at peace with virtue.  
If the triumphs of the conquerors consisteth in nothing else but in subtle wits, politic captains, valiant Soldiers, and great Armies, without doubt, it would little avail to carry all this to the War, since afterwards we see by experience, 
Man may give the battle, but God must give the victory.  that men can do no more but give the battles, and the Gods themselves must give the victories.  
If I be not deceived, I think that for our offences we have sufficiently satisfied the God's wrath. But truly I believe that the cruelties which ye have done unto us, and the unthankfulness which you have showed the Gods (though as yet ye have not paid it) yet once ye shall pay it.  
And hereafter it may chance, that as presently ye count us for slaves: so in time to come ye shall acknowledge us for Lords. Since the traveling by the way, I have seen the high mountains, divers Provinces, sundry Nations, Countries so savage, people so barbarous, such and so many miles as Germany is distant from Rome.  
I muse what fond toy came into the Romans heads, to send to conquer Germany? If covetousness of treasures caused it, I am sure they spent more money to conquer it, and at this present do spend to keep it, than the whole revenues of Germany amounteth, or may amount in many years: and perchance they may lose it, before they recover that they spent to conquer it.  
And if ye say unto me Romans, that Germany is not conquered of Rome for ever, but that only Rome should have the glory to be Mistress of Germany: This also, I say is vanity and folly: For little availeth it have the Forts and Castles of the people, when the hearts of the Inhabitants are absent.  
If ye say, that therefore ye conquered Germany, to amplify and enlarge the limits and bounds of Rome: also me thinketh this is a foolish enterprise. For it is not the point of wise and valiant men to enlarge their dominions, and diminish their honours. If ye say ye sent to conquer us, to the end we should not be barbarous, nor live like Tyrants, but that you would we should live after your good laws and customs: if it be so, I am well content. But how is it possible ye should give laws to strangers, when ye break the Laws of your own predecessors? Great shame ought they to have which take upon them to correct others, when they have more need to be corrected themselves: For the blind man ought not to take upon him to lead the lame. If this be true, (as presently it is) what reason, or occasion had proud Rome, to take and conquer the innocent Germans? Let us all go therefore to rob, to kill, to conquer, and to spoil, since we see the world so corrupt, & so far from the love of God, that every man (as we may perceive) taketh what he can, killeth whom he will, and that which worst of all is, that neither those which govern will remedy so many evils as are committed, neither those which are offended dare complain.  
Ye chief judges at this day are so hard to be entreated, ye take so little 
Injury done where justice is neglected  regard unto the poor oppressed: that they think it more quiet, to remain in trouble at home, then to come and put up their complaints before you, here at Rome.  
And the cause hereof is, that there in their Country they have but one which pursueth them: and here in this Senate they are evil willed of all, and that is; because he which complaineth is poor, and the other which is complained on is rich.  
Therefore since Fortune would it, and the fatal Destinies permit it, that the proud Rome should be mistress of our Germany, it is but reason ye should keep us in justice, and maintain us in peace. But you do not so, but rather those which come thither, do take from us our goods: and ye that are here, do rob us of our good name, saying: That since we are a people without law: without reason: and without a king, (as unknown barbarous) ye may take us for slaves.  
In this case ye romans are greatly deceived: For me thinketh with reason, ye cannot call us without reason: since we being such as we are, and as the Gods created us, remain in our proper countries, without desiring to seek or invade foreign Realms. For with more reason we might say, that ye were men without reason: being not contented with the sweet and fertile Italy; but through shedding of blood, you should desire to conquer all the earth. In that ye say we deserve to be slaves, because we have no Prince to command us, nor Senate to: govern us, nor Armey to defend us to this I will answer:  
That since we had no enemies, we needed no Armeys: and sith every man is contented with his lot and Fortune, we had no necessity of a proud Senate to govern us, and we being as we are all equal, it need not 
An Apology of the viilaine.  we should consent to have any Princes amongst us. For the office of princes is, to suppress tyrants, & to maintain their people in peace.  
If ye say further, that we have not in our Country a Commonwealth, nor policy, but that we live as the beasts in the Mountains: in this also you have but small reason. For we in our Country did suffer no liars, neither rebels, nor seditious persons: nor men that brought us (from strange Countries) any apparel for to be vicious: so that sith in apparel we were honest, and in meat very temperate, we needed no better behaviour. For though in our country there are no merchants of Carthage, oils of Mauritania, merchants of tire, steel of Cantabria, Odours of Asia, Gold of Spain, Silver of Britain, Amber of Sidonie, Silk of Damascus, Corn of Scicill, Wine of Candie, Purple of Arabia: yet for all this we are not brutish, neither cease for to have a Commonwealth.  
For these and such other the like things, give more occasion to stir up many vices, then for virtuous men to live according unto virtue. Blessed and happy is the Commonwealth, not where great riches aboundeth, but where virtues are highly commended: not where many light and angry men resort, but where the patient are resident: therefore it followeth, that of the Common wealth of Rome for being rich, we should have pity: and of the Commonwealth of Germany for being poor, ye ought not to have envy.  
Would to God that the contentation we have with our poverty, ye others had the same with your riches. For than neither ye had robbed us of our Countries, nor we had not come hither now to complain in Rome of your tyranny.  
I see Romans, that the one differeth much from the other: For ye others, though ye hear our oppressions, yet thereby you lose not your pastime: but we others can never dry the tears of our eyes, nor ceale to bewail our infinite misfortunes.   

CHAP. V. The Villain concludeth his Oration against the judges, which minister not justice, and declareth how prejudicial such wicked men are unto the public weal.  
Ye would think I have said that I 
Conclusion of the villains speech wherein he reproveth the Roman Magistrates.  can say, but certainly it is not so: For there remaineth many things to speak, which to hear ye will be astonished, yet be ye assured that to speak them I will not be afraid, sith you others in doing them are not ashamed. For open offence deserveth not secret correction. I marvel much at ye romans, what ye meant to send us (as you did) such ignorant judges, the which, by the immortal God I swear, can neither declare us your Laws, and much less they can understand ours. And the cause of all this evil is, that ye sent not those which be best able to minister to us justice in Germany, but those which have best friends with you in Rome, presuppose that to those of the Senate, ye give the office of Censor-ship, more for importunity then for ability. It is little that I can say here, in respect they dare do there: That which ye command them here, I know not: but of the which they do there: I am not ignorant, which is; Your judges take all bribes that are brought unto them openly: and they poll and shave as much as they can secretly. They grievously punish the offences of the poor, and dissemble with the faults of the rich: they consent to many evils, to have occasion to commit greater thefts, they forget the government of the people to take their pleasure in vice. And being there to mitigate slanders, they are those which are most slanderous: and without goods, it availeth to man to ask justice. And finally, under the colour that they be judges of Rome, they fear not to rob all the land of Germany: What meaneth this ye Romans: shall your pride never have end in commanding, nor your covetise in robbing Say unto us what ye will in words, but oppress us not so in deeds. If you do it for our children, load them with irons, & make them slaves. For ye cannot charge them with more than they are able to carry: but of commandments and tributes ye give us more than we are either able to carry or suffer. If you do it for our goods, go thither and take them all. For in our country we do not use as ye Romans do, nor have such conditions as ye have here in Rome, For ye desire to live poor, that ye may die rich. If ye say that we will rebel, I marvel what ye should mean to think so, sith ye have spoiled us, rob us, and handled us ill. Assure me ye romans, that ye will not unpeople us, and I will assure you we will not rebel. If our service do not content ye, strike off our heads, as to the evil men. For (to tell ye the truth) the knife shall not be so fearful to our necks, as your tyrannies be abhorred 
The tyranny of the Romans to the Germans.  in our hearts.  
Do ye know what you have done ye Romans, ye have caused us of that miserable realm to swear, neither to dwell with our wives, and to slay our own children, rather than to leave them in the hands of so wicked and cruel tyrants as ye be. As desperate men we have determined to suffer, & endure the beastly motions of the flesh during the time we have to live, to the end we will not get our wives with child. For we had rather live chaste 20 or 30. years, then to leave our children perpetual slaves. If it be true that the children must endure, that which the miserable fathers do suffer? It is not only good to slay them, but also it should be better, not to agree they should be borne. Ye ought not to do this Romans, for the land taken by force ought the better to be governed: to the intent that the miserable captives seeing justice duly administered presently, should thereby forget the tyranny passed, & content themselves with per petual servitude. And sith it is true, that we are come to complain of the oppressions which your Officers do, here upon the river of Danuby, peradnenture ye which are of the Senate, will hear us: and though you are now determined to hear us, yet you are slow to remedy us: so that before ye began to reform an evil custom, the whole commonwealth is already undone. I will tell you of some things thereof, to th'intent you may know them, and then to reform them. If there come a right poor man to demand justice, having no money to give, nor wine to present, nor Oil to promise, not friends to help him, nor revenues to succour him, and maintain him in expenses: after he hath complained, they satisfy him with words, saying unto him, that speedily he shall have justice.  
What will you I should say, but that in the mean time, they make him spend that little which he hath, and give him nothing though he demand much, they give him vain hope, and they make him waste the best of his life, every one of them doth promise him favour, and afterwards they all lay hands upon him to oppress him. The most of them say his right is good, and afterwards they give sentence against him, so that the miserable person that came to complain of one, returneth home complaining of all, cursing his cruel destinies, and crying out to the just and merciful Gods for revengement. It chanceth also that oft times there cometh to complain here in the Senate, some flattering man more for malice, then by reason of right or justice: and ye Senators crediting his double words and his feigned tears, immediately ordain a Censor, to go, and give audience on their complaints who being gone and returned, ye seek more to remedy, and give ear to the complaints of the judge, then to the slanders which were among the people. I will declare unto you myself, O ye Romans, and thereby you shall see how they pass their life in my country. I live by gathering acorns in the winter, and reaping corn in the summer, sometime I fish as well of necessity, as of pleasure, so that I pass almost all my life alone in the fields or mountains. And if you know not why, hear me, and I will show you. I see such tyranny in your judges, and such robberies as they commit among the poor people, and there are such dissensions in the realm, such injuries committed therein, the poor common wealth is so spoiled, there are so few that have desire to do good, and also there are so few that hope for remedy in the Senate, that I am determined (as most unhappy) to banish myself out of mine own house, and to separate myself from my sweet company, to the end my eyes should not behold so miserable a change: for I had rather wander solitary in the fields, then to see my neighbours hourly to lament in the streets. For there the cruel beasts do not offend me, unless I do assault them: but the cursed men though I do serve them, yet daily they vex me: without doubt it is a marvelous pain to suffer an overthrow of fortune: but it is a greater torment when one feeleth it without remedy. And yet my greatest grief is, when my loss may be remedied, and he which may, will not: and he that will, cannot by any means remedy it. O cruel Romans, ye feel nothing that we feel, specially I that speak it, ye shall see how I feel it, only to reduce it to memory, my tongue will wax weary, my joints shiver, my hart trembles, and my flesh consumeth. What a woeful thing is it, in my country to see it, with my eyes, to hear 
Here the villain layeth open the miserable estate of his Country.  with my ears, & to feel it with my hands? Truly the griefs which woeful Germany suffers are such, & so many: that I believe yet the merciful gods will have pity upon us. I desire you not to think slander of my words: but I desire you that you would understand well what I say: for you imagining (as you presume to be discreet) shall see right well the troubles that come to us from men, & among men, with men and by the hands of men: it is a small matter that we as men do feel them speaking: for according to truth, and also with liberty, if I should declare every other just advertisement which came from the Senate, & the tyranny which your judges commit in the miserable Realm: one of these two things must ensue, either the punishment of men, or the deprivation of your Officers, if I say true.  
One thing only comforteth me, whereof I with other infortunate people have had experience, in that I do think myself happy, to know, that the just plagues proceed not from the just Gods, but through the just deserts of wicked men: And that our secret fault doth waken those to the end that they of us may execute open justice. Of one thing only I am sore troubled, because the Gods cannot be contented, but for a small fault they punish a good man much: and for many faults they punish evil men nothing at all, so that the Gods do bear with the one, and forgive nothing unto the other.  
O secret judgements of God, that as I am bound to praise your works, so likewise if I had licence to condemn them, I durst say, that ye cause us to suffer grievous pains, for that ye punish and persecute us by the hands of such judges, the which (if justice take place in the World) when they chastise us with their hands, they do not deserve for to have their heads on their shoulders,  
The cause why now again, I do exclaim on the immortal Gods, is to see, that in these 15. days I have been at Rome, I have seen such deeds done in your Senate, that if the least of them had been done at Danuby, the Gallows and gibbets had been hanged thicker of thieves, than the vineyard is with grapes. I am determined to see your doings, to speak of your dishonesty in apparel your little temperance in eating, and your disorder in affairs, and your pleasures in living: and on the other side, I see, that when your provision arriveth in our Country, we carry into the temples, and offer it to the Gods, we put it on their heads: so that the one meeting with the other, we accomplish that which is commanded, and accurse those that commanded, And sith therefore my heart hath now seen that which it desireth, my mind is at rest, in spitting out the poison which in it abideth: If I have in any thing here offended with my tongue, I am ready to make recompense with my head. For in good faith, I had rather win honour, in offering myself to death, than you should have it in taking from me my life.  
And here the villain ended his talk, immediately after Marcus Aurelius said to those which were about him: How think ye my friends, what kernel of a nut, what 
The commendation that the Emperor gave of the Oration of the villaint.  gold of the mine, what corn of straw, what rose of briars, what marry of bones, and how noble and valiant a man hath he showed himself? What reasons so high, what words so well couched, what truth so true, what sentences so well pronounced, and also what open malice hath he discored? By the faith of a good man I swear, as I may be delivered from this fever which I have, I saw this villain standing boldly a whole hour on his feet, and all we beholding the earth as amazed, could not answer him one word: For indeed the villain confuted us with his purpose, & astonied us; to see the little regard he bade of his life.  
The Senate afterwards being all agreed, the next day following, we provided new judges for the river of Danuby, and commanded the villain to deliver us by writing, all that he said by mouth, to the end it might be registered in the book of good saying of strangers, which were in the Senate.  
And further, it was agreed, that the said villain (for the wise words he spoke) should be chosen Senator, and of the Free men of Rome he should be one: and that for ever he should be sustained with the common treasure. For our mother Rome hath always been praised and esteemed not only to acquit the services ' which have been done unto her, but ' also the good words which were spoken in the Senate.   

CHAP.. VI That Princes and Noble men ought to be very circumspect in choosing judges and Officers, for therein consisteth the profit of the public weal.  
ALexander the great (as the Historiographers say) in his youth used hunting very much specially of the mountains, & that which is to be marveled at, he would not hunt Dear, Goats, Hares, nor Partridges; but Tigers, Leopards, Elephants, Crocodiles, and Lions. So that this mighty Prince, did not only show the excellency of his courage in conquering proud Princes, but also in chase of cruel & savage beasts.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms sayeth, that the great Alexander had a familiar servant, named Crotherus, to whom oftentimes he spoke these words:  
I let thee to understand Crotherus, That the valiant Princes ought not only to be upright in their realm which they govern: but also to be 
The speech of King Alexander the great.  circumspect in pastimes which they use, that the authority which in the one they have won, in the other they do not lose.  
When Alexander spoke these words, truly he was of more authority then of years: But in the end he gave this example, more to be followed, and commanded, then to be reproved or blamed, I say to be followed, not in the hunting that he exercised, but in the great courage which he showed. To the Plebeians and men of discretion, it is a little thing, that in one matter they show their might, and in other things their small power is known: but to princes and great Lords, it is a discommendable thing, that in earnest matters any man should accuse them of pride, and in things of sport, they should count them for light. For the Noble and valiant Prince, in things of importance, aught to show great wisdom, and in mean things great stoutness.  
The case was such, that Alexander the Great, hunting on the wild mountains, by chance met with a cruel Lion, and as the good Prince 
The great courage of Alexner  would win his honour with the Lion, and also the Lion preserve his own life, they were in griepes the one of the other so fast, that both fell to the earth, where they strived almost half an hour, but in the end the Lion remained there dead, and the hardy Alexander escaped all bloody.  
This hunting of Alexander and the Lion through all Greece was greatly renowned: I say greatly renowned, because the Gravers and Painters drew a portrait forthwith in stone-worke, of this hunting, and the gravers hereof were Lisippus and Leocarcus marvelous gravers of antic works, which they made of metal, where they lively set forth Alexander and the Lion fight, and also a familiar servant of his named Crotherus, being among the dogs beholding them. So that the work seemed not only to represent an ancient thing: but that the Lion, Alexander, Crotherus, and the dogs, seemed also to be alive in the same chase.  
When Alexander fought with the Lion, there came an Ambassador from Sparthes' to Macedon, who spoke to Alexander these Words.  
Would to God, (Immortal prince) That the force you have used with the lion, in the mountain, you had employed against some Pr: for to be lord of the earth.  
By the words of the Ambassador, and the deeds of Alexander, may easily be gathered: That as it is comely for Princes to be honest, valiant, and stout: so to the contrary, it is unseemly for them to be bold and rash: For though Princes of their goods be liberal, yet of their life they ought not to be prodigal.  
The divine Plato in the tenth book of his laws, saith: that the two renowned Philosophers of Thebes, whose names were Adonis and Clinias, fell at variance with themselves, to know in what thing the Prince is bound to adventure his life?  
Clinias said, that he ought to 
The philosophers speech concerning the honour of Princes.  die, for any thing touching his honour, Adonis said the contrary. That he should not hazard his life, unless it were for matters touching the affairs of the commonwealth. Plato saith, those two philosophers had reason, in that they said: but admit that occasion to die should be offered the Prince: for the one, or the other:: he ought rather to die for that thing touching justice, then for the thing touching his honour: For there is no great difference, to die more for the one, then for the other.  
Applying that we have spoken, to that we will speak: I say, that we do not desire, nor we will not, that Princes and great lords do destroy themselves with Lions in the chase, neither adventure their persons in the wars, nor that they put their lives in peril, for the commonweal: But we only require of them, that they take some pains and care to provide for things belonging to justice. For it is a more natural hunting for Princes, to hunt out the vices of their commonweals, then to hunt the wild boars, in the thick woods. To the end Princes accomplish this which we have spoken we will not ask them time when they ought to eat sleep, hunt, sport, and recreate themselves: but that of the 24 hours that be in the day and night, they take it for a pleasure and commodity one hour to talk of justice. The government of the comonweale consisteth not, in that they should travel until they sweat and molest their bodies, shed their blood, shorten their lives, and lose their pastimes: but all consisteth, in that they should be diligent to foresee the damages of their commonwealth, and likewise to provide for good mimisters of justice.  
We do not demand Princes and great Lords to give us their goods; Nor we forbid them not to eat, to forsake sleep, or sport, to hunt, or put their lives in danger: but we desire and beseech them, that they would provide good ministers of justice for the commonweal.  
First, they ought to be very diligent to search them out, and afterwards, to be more circumspect to examine them: For if we sigh with tears, to have good Princes, we ought much more to pray that we have not evil officers.  
What profiteth it the knight to be nimble, and if the horse be not ready? What availeth it the owner of the ship to be sage and expert, if the Pilot be a fool and ignorant? What profiteth the king to be valiant and stout, & the captain of the war to be a coward? I mean by this I have spoken, what profiteth it a prince to be honest if those which minister justice be dissolute? What profiteth it us that the Prince be true, if his Officers be liars. what profiteth it us that the Pr: be sober, if his ministers be drunkards? what profiteth it that the P: be gentle, & loving, if his officers be cruel & malicious? what profiteth it us, that the Pr: be a giver, liberal, and an almsman, if the judge which ministereth justice, be a briber, and an open Thief?  
What profiteth it the prince to be careful and virtuous, if the judge be negligent and vicious? Finally, I say, that it little availeth, that the prince in his house be secretly just, if adjoining to that he trust a tyrant & open thief with the government of the Commonweal.  
Princes and great Lords, when they are within their palaces at pleasure, their minds occupied in high things, do not receive into their secret company but their entire friends.  
Another time they will not, but occupy themselves in pastimes and pleasure: so that they know not what they have to amend in their persons, and much less that which they ought to remedy in their commonweals: I will not be so eager in reproving, neither so Satirical in writing, that it should seem I would persuade princes, that they live not according to the highness of their estates, but according to the life of the religious: for if they will keep themselves from being tyrants, or being outrageously vicious, we cannot deny them sometimes to take their pleasures. But my intention is not, so straightly to command Princes to be just, but only to show them how they are bound to do justice. commonwealths are not lost, for that their princes live in pleasure: but because they have little care of justice. In the end, people do not murmur when the Prince doth recreate his person, but when he is too slack to cause justice to be executed.  
I would to God, that Princes took an account with God in the things of their conscience, touching the common wealth, as they do with men 
The saying of Plutarch to trajan the Emperor.  touching their rents and revenues. Plutarch in an Epistle he wrote to trajan the Emperor saith. It pleaseth me very well, most: puissant prince, that the Prince be such one, as all may say that in him there is nothing worthy of reprehension: but adding thereunto, It displeaseth me much more, that he should have so evil judges, that all should say, in them were nothing worthy of commendation: For the faults of Princes very well may be excused: but the offences of the officers can by no means be endured. Many princes and great Lords deceive themselves, in thinking that they do their duty in that they be virtuous in their persons, but it is not so: for it sufficeth not a prince to draw unto him all virtues, but also he is bound to root all vices out of the common wealth. Admit that princes will not, or of themselves cannot govern the commonwealth; yet let us desire and admonish them to seek good Officers to do it for them: For the poor Plebeian hath no account to render but of his good or evil life: but the prince shall render account of his vicious life which he hath led, and of the little care that he hath had of his common wealth. Seneca in an Epistle he wrote to Lucilla, saith. My dear friend Lucilla, I would gladly thou 
Good admonitions of Seneca to his friend Lucilla.  wouldst come and see me here in Rome,: but I pray thee recommend to good judges the Isle of Scicile; for I would not desire to enjoy thy sight, if through my occasion thou shouldest leave the Commonwealth out of order. And to the intent thou mayest know what conditions they ought to have, whom thou shouldest choose for Governors or judges: I will let thee understand, that they ought to be grave in their sentences, just in their words, honest in their works, merciful in their justice; and above all, not corrupted with bribes. And if I do advertise thee of this, it is because if thou didst take care to govern thy Commonwealth well, thou shouldest now be circumspect to examine them, unto whom presently thou must recommend the government thereof. I would say afterwards, that all that which the ancient philosophers have written in many books, and have left by divers sentences.  
Seneca did rehearse in these few words: the which are so grave and necessary, that if Princes retained them in their memory, to put them in execution, and judges had them 
Grave sentences of Seneca.  before their eyes for to accomplish them, they would excuse the common wealth of divers slanders, and they should also deliver themselves from a great burden of their conscience.  
It is not a thing voluntary, but necessary, that the ministers of justice be virtuous, well established, and very honest: For to judges nothing can be more slanderous and hurtful, then when they should reprove young men of their youth: others may justly reprehend them of their lightness.  
He which hath a public Office in the Common wealth, and sitteth openly to judge therein, aught to observe a good order in his person, lest he be noted dissolute in his doing: For the judge which is without honesty, and consideration ought to consider with himself, that if he alone have authority to judge of other men's goods, that there are a thousand which will judge of his life.  
It is not only a burden of Conscience to princes, to commit the charge of governance of the people to dissolute persons: but also it is a great contempt, and dispraise of justice: For the sentence given of him who deserveth to be judged, is among the people little esteemed.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms sayeth, that Philip King of Macedon, Father of the Great Alexander, created for judge of a province, a friend of his, who after he saw himself in such office, occupied himself more in kemming his head, then in working or studying his books,  
King Philip being informed of the vanity and insolency of this judge, revoked the power which he had given him, and when he complained to all of the wrong and grief which was done unto him, taking his office from him, K. Philip said unto him: If I had given the office to thee for none other cause but being my friend; believe me 
The speech of King Philip.  that nothing in the world could have sufficed to have taken it from thee, because I loving thee so entirely as I did, reason would not I should have deprived thee of this office, wherewith I honoured thee, I gave thee this office, thinking that thou wert virtuous, sage, honest, and also a man well occupied, and me thinketh thou rather occupiest thyself in beholding thy person, them in governing well my Commonwealth: which thou oughtest not to consent unto and much less do in deed: for the judge ought to be so occupied, in the administration of the Common wealth, that he should have no leisure at any time for to comb his head.  
These words the good Philip spoke unto the judge, whom he displaced of his office, for being too fine & diligent in combing his head, and trimming his person. It is not only decent for ministers of justice to be grave and honest, but also it behoveth them to be true and faithful: For to judge, whose office is to judge the truth, there can be no greater infamy, then to be counted a liar.  
When two plebeians be at variance together for one thing, they come before the judge for nought else, but that he should judge, who hath right and justice thereunto. Therefore if such a justice be not counted true, but a liar, all take his judgement for false: so that if the plaintiff hath no more power, he will obey justice, yet at the least he will blaspheme him that gave sentence.  
There are some judges, that presently to get more money, to draw unto them more friends, and to continue also in their Offices, use such shameful shifts with the poor plaintiffs, and take such large bribes of the defendant: that both parties are by himself assured of the Sentence, in their favour, before he come unto the Bar.  
Many go to the houses of judges, some to demand, others to give instructions, others to work deceit, others to win them, others to importune 
What ma●ter of men judges and Officers ought to be  them, but few to go to visit them: so that for those and such semblables, I do advise, and admonish Officers, that they be just in their sentences, & upright in their words.  
The ministers of justice ought to be such, and so good, that in their life nothing be worthy of rebuke: neither in their words any thing worthy of reproach. For, if herein they be not very circumspect, oftentimes that shall happen, which the Gods would not, which is: that to the prejudice of the justice of another, he shall deny the words of himself.  
It sufficeth not judges to be true in their words: but it is very necessary that they be upright in their sentences. That is to say, that for love they be not too large, neither for covetousness they should be corrupted, nor for fear drawn back, nor with prayers to be flattered, nor with promises blinded: For otherwise, it were a great shame and inconvenience, that the Yard which they carry in their hands should be straight, and the life which they lead should be very crooked. To the end justices be upright, they ought much to travel to be liberal: I mean in things wherein they ought to give sentence.  
It is unpossible that those which have respect in their sentences to favour their Friends, should not accustomably use to be revenged of their enemies. Truly, such a judge ought not to be called just: but a private tyrant. He that with affection judgeth, and passion punisheth, is greatly deceived.  
Those in like manner, which have authority to govern, and do think that for borrowing a little of justice, they should thereby increase and multiply friends in the common wealth, are much abused: For this act before men is so heinous, and before GOD so detestable, that though for a space he refrain his hands, yet in the end he will extend his power. For, the Redeemer of the world, only Father of Truth, will not permit that such do take upon them the title of justice, which in their Offices do show so extreme wrong.  
Helius Spartianus, in the life of Antonius saith: that the good Emperor going to visit his Empire (as he was in Capua,) and there demanding of the state of the censors, whether they were unjust or rightful? A man of Capua said in this wise: By the immortal Gods, most noble Prince, I swear, that this judge who presently governeth here, is neither just, nor honest: and therefore me thinks it necessary that we deprive him of his dignity, and I will recount unto thee, what befell between him and me: I besought him that for my sake, he would grant me four things, which were all unjust, and he willingly condescended thereunto: whereof I had no less marvel in my hart, than vexation in my body. For, when I did desire him, I thought nothing less than to obtain them, but only for the contentation of those which instantly desired me to do it.  
And further, this Capuan said; By the God Genius, I swear likewise, that I was not the more friendly unto him, for that he said he did it for my sake, more than for another: For he that to me would grant these four, it is to be believed, that unto others he would grant them four hundredth: 
What is required in an upright judge.  For the which, thou oughtest to provide most noble Prince, because good judges ought to be patient to hear, and just to determine.  
By this notable example, judges ought to have a great respect, not to those which do desire them: but to that which they demand. For in doing their duty, their enemies will proclaim them just: and contrary wise, if they do that they should not do, their nearest friends will account them as tyrants.  
judges which pretend favour unto the commonwealth; and to be careful of their consciences, ought not to content themselves simply to do justice: but that of themselves they should have such an opinion, that none durst presume to come and require at their hands, any vile or dishonest thing. For otherwise, if we note the demander to be unshamefaste, we must needs somewhat suspect the judge in his justice.  
Prince's ought also to be very circumspect that the judges be not only contented to be just, honest, and true: but also in them there ought to remain no avarice, nor covetousness. For justice and Avarice can seldom dwell in one house.  
Those that have the charge of the government of the people, and to judge causes ought to take great heed, that with bribes and presents they be not corrupted: For it is unpossible, but that the same day that Riches and Treasures in the houses of judges begin to increase, that the same day, the true administration of justice, should not decay.  
Lycurgus, Prometheus, and Numa Pompylius did prohibit nothing in their Law so much, neither for any other cause they ordained so many punishments: but to the intent judges should not be so covetous, nor yet thieves. And of truth they had great consideration, to foresee and forbid it: For the judge that hath received part of the Theft, will not give sentence against the stealers thereof.  
Let not judges be credited for saying they receive no silver nor gold, neither silks, nor jewels: but that they take only small presents, as fruits, fowls, and other trifles.  
For oftentimes it chanceth, that the judges do eat the fruit, and the poor Suitor doth feel the morsel: Cicero in the book of laws saith, that Cato the Censor being very aged, the Senators said unto him one day in the Senate. Thou knowest now Cato, that presently we are in the kalends of january; wherein we use to divide the Offices among the people. Wherefore we have determined to create Manlius and Calidanus Censors, for this year: wherefore tell us (as thou thinkest) if they be able and sufficient to supply the room? Cato the Censor answered them in this wise.  
Father's conscript, I let you know, 
The wise answer of Cato.  that I do not receive the one, nor admit the other: For, Manlius is very rich, and Calidanus the citizen extreme poor, and truly in both there is great peril. For we see by experience, that the rich Officers are too much subject to pleasures: and the poor Officers are too much given to avarice. And further, he said in this case, me thinketh that your judges whom ye ought to choose, should not be so extreme poor, that they should want wherewith to care: neither so rich, that they should surmount in superfluity, to give themselves too much to pleasures: For men by great abundance become vicious, and by great scarcity become covetous.  
The Censor Cato being of such authority, it is but reason that we give credit to his words, since he governed the Roman Empire so long space, though in deed all the poor be not covetous, nor all the rich vicious: yet he spoke it for this intent, because both those Romans were noted of these two vices: For the poor they desire to scrape, and scratch: and the rich to enjoy and keep.  
Which of those two sorts of men Princes should choose: I cannot, nor dare not rashly determine. And therefore I do not counsel them, either to despise the poor, or to 
Cato his advise in choosing Officers.  choose the rich: but that they give the authority of justice to those, whom they know to be of good conscience, and not subject to covetousness. For the judge, whose Conscience is corrupted, it is unpossible he should minister equal justice.  
A man may give a shrewd guess of suspicion in that judge, whether he be of brittle conscience, or no, if he see him procure the office of justice for himself: For that man which willingly procureth the charge of conscience of another: commonly little regardeth the burden of his own.   

CHAP. VII. Of a Letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote to Antigonus his friend, answering another which he sent him out of Scicile, wherein he advertised him of the cruelty of the Roman judges, and this Letter is divided into v. Chapters.  
MArcus Aurelius, companion in the Empire, Tribune of the people, presently 
A Letter of Marcus Aurelius to his friend Antigonus.  being sick wisheth unto thee Antigonus health & comfort in the banishment. To fly the extreme heat of Rome, and to read some books which are brought me from the realm of Palestine; I am come hither to Capua: and for the haste I made to ride great journeys, the Ague hath overtaken me, which is more troublesome than perilous: For it taketh me with cold, and plucketh my appetite from me.  
The 20, day of january I received thy second letter, and it happened that thy letter and my fever took me both at one instant: but the fever grieeved me in such wise, that I could not long endure to read thy letter: Me thinketh we have no stay nor mean, thou being so brief, and I so long: for my long letter hath taken thy grievous sorrows from me, but thy short letter could not take my fever from me: now that my mind is beating of thy travel, the desire that I have to remedy it, is inflamed: I would tell thee one thing, & succour thee with some counsel, but I find that the consolation which thou wantest, I cannot give thee, and that which I can give thee, thou needest not.  
In this letter shall not be written that which was in the first: but herein I will travel the best I can to answer thee. I will not occupy myself to comfort thee, because I am so out of course with this disease, that I have neither will to write, ne yet any favour in any pleasant things. If perhaps this letter be not savoury, nor compendious, neither so comfortable as those which I was wont to write unto thee: attribute not the blame unto my good will, which desireth to serve thee, but to the sickness that giveth no place thereunto. For it sufficeth the sick to be contented with medicines, without satisfying their friends.  
If thy comfort consisted in writing many letters, and offering thee many words: truly I would not stick to do that for my fever: but it neither profiteth thee, nor satisfieth me, since I have little, to proffer thee much. Talking now of this matter, I do remember, that the ancient laws of the Rhodians said these words.  
We desire and admonish all men, to visit the Captives, the Pilgrims, and the comfortless: and further we 
Ancient laws observed among the Rhodians.  ordain and command that none in the Common wealth be so hardy to give counsel, unless therewith he give remedy: For to the troubled heart words comforteth little, when in them there is no remedy. Of a truth, the Law of the Rhodians is good, and the Roman which shall observe them much better. Assure thyself that I am very desirous to see thee: and also I know that thou wouldst as gladly speak unto me, to recount me all thy griefs.  
Truly I do not marvel, because the wounded heart quieteth himself more, declaring his own griefs, than hearing another man's consolations. Thou writest unto me of sundry things in thy letter, the effect whereof, that thou certifiest me is, that the judges and Officers in that Realm be very rigorous and extreme: and that therefore the Sicilians are greatly displeased with the Senate.  
Hitherto thou hast never told me lie, the which moveth me to believe all that thou writest now in thy letter. Wherefore I take it for a thing most true, that forasmuch as all those of Cicill are malicious and envious, they give the judges fit occasion to be cruel, For it is a general rule, where men are out of order, the Ministers of justice ought to be rigorous. And though in other realms, it chanced not, it is to be believed, that it is true in this Realm: whereof the ancient Proverb saith, All those which inhabit the Isles are evil: but the Sicilians are worst of all. At this day the wicked are so mighty in their malice, and the good are so much diminished in their virtues, that if by justice there were not a bridle, the wicked would surmount all the world, and the good should vanish immediately.  
But returning to our matter, I say, that considering with what, & how many evils we are environed, and to how many miseries we are subject: I do not marvel at the vanities that men commit, but I am ashamed of the cruelty which our judges execute, so that we may rather call them tyrants which kill by violence, than judges which minister by justice.  
Of one thing I was greatly astonished, and almost past my sense, which is, that justice of right pertaineth to 
God the only true ●udge.  the Gods, and they being offended, will be called pitiful: and we others borrow justice, and not being offended, do glorify ourselves to be called cruel. I know not what man will hurt another, since we see that the God's forgiving their proper injuries, have obtained the renown of merciful, and we others punishing the injuries done unto another do remain with the name of the tyrants.  
If the punishment of the Gods were so severe, as our sins are filthy, and that they should measure us with this measure, the only desert of one offence is sufficient to take life from us. With reason he cannot be called a man amongst men, but a savage amongst the savages, that forgetting to be of feeble flesh, tormenteth the flesh of his brother. If a man he held himself from top to toe, he shall find not one thing in him to move him to cruelty: but he 
What may move one man to be merciful to another.  shall see in him many instruments to exercise mercy. For he hath his eyes wherewith he ought to behold the needy and indigent: he hath feet to go to the Church and Setmons, he hath hands to help all: he hath his tongue to favour the Orphans, he hath a heart to love God: And to conclude, he hath understanding to know the evil, and discretion to follow the good. If men owe much to the Gods, for giving them these Instruments to be pitiful, truly, they are bound no less unto them for taking from them all occasions to be cruel. For he hath not given them horns as to bulls, neither nails as to the cat, nor yet he hath given them poison, as to the Serpent. Finally, he hath nor given them so perilous feet, as to a horse to strike, nor he hath given them such bloody teeth, as to the Lions to bite, Then sith the Gods be pitiful, and have created us pitiful, and commanded us to be pitiful: why do our judges desire then to be cruel. O how many cruel and severe judges are there at this day in the Roman Empire, which under the colour of good zeal to justice, adventure to undo the common wealth: For not for the zeal of justice, but for the desire to attain to renown: they have been overcome with malice, and denied their own proper Nature.  
I do not marvel that a Roman Censor should envy my house, will evil to my friends, favour mine enemies, despise my children, with evil eyes behold my daughters, covet my goods, speak evil of my person: but that which I am ashamed of is, that divers judges are so greedy to tear men's flesh, as if they were Bears, & man's flesh were anointed with honey.   

CHAP. VIII. The Emperor continueth still his letter speaking against cruel judges, and reciteth two examples the one of a pitiful king of Cypress, and the other of a cruel judge of Rome,  
BY the saith of a good man I swear unto thee friend 
The Emperor continueth still his letter concerning cruel Magistrates.  Antigonus, that I being young, knew a judge in Rome whose name was Licaronicus a man of high stature, his flesh neither too fat, nor too lean, his eyes were somewhat bloody and red, he was of the lineage of the Senators, and on his face he had but a little beard, and on his head he had many white hairs.  
This Lycaronicus of long time was judge in Rome, in the Roman Laws he was very well learned, and in Customs and policies very skilful and expert, of his own Nature, he spoke little, and in the answers he gave, he was very resolute.  
Amongst all those which were in Rome in his time, he had this excellency, which was: That to all he ministered equal justice: and to suitors with great speed he gave brief expedition, and dispatched them immediately. They could never withdraw him by requests, never corrupt him with gifts, nor beguile him with words, nor fear him with threatenings: neither would he receive a bribe of any man, that would offer it him: And besides this, he was very severe in condition, churlish in words, unflectible in requests, cruel in punishments, suspicious in affairs, and above all, he was hated of many, and feared of all. How much this Lycaronicus was hated, it cannot be reported: and of how many he was feared, no man can think. For in Rome when any man was injuried, he said: I pray God that Lycaronicus may live long. When the children did cry, the mothers said unto them, Take heed of Lycaronicus, and straight way they held their peace: so that with the only name of Lycarcnicus, people were 
The commendations of Lycaronicus for equal justice.  astonied, and children kept silence.  
Thou oughtest also to know Antigonus, that when any commotion did arise in a City, or in any other Province, or that any slander arose and increased therein, they were assured, and they said that none other should go thither, but only Lycaronicus: And to say the truth, when he was arrived at that City or province, the rebels were not only fled: but also divers innocents were for fear of his cruelty hid.  
For Lycaronicus was so resolute a person, that some for evil facts: others for consenting: Some for that they favoured not the good right: others, for that they kept them secret: none escaped to be tormented of his person, or punished in goods.  
Thinkest thou Antigonus, that they have been few whom this judge hath caused to be whipped, and carted, cast into deep wells, beheaded, taken, banished, and put in the stocks, during the time that the romans had him with them?  
By the immortal Gods, I swear unto thee, and as god Genius the God of nature may help me, that the Gallows and Gibbettes were so furnished with feet, hands, and heads of men: as the shambles were, with Oxen, Sheep, and kids.  
This Lycaronicus was so fleshly, to shed humane blood, that he was never so conversant, nor he never had so merry a countenance, as the same 
The cruelty of Lycaronicus.  day when he should cause any man to be drowned in the river of Tiber, hanged in Mount Celio, beheaded in the street Salario, tormented, or cast into the prison Marmortina.  
Oh cruel: Oh fierce: and unspeakable condition, that this judge Lycaronicus had. For it was not possible that he should be brought up between the delicate arms of the Romans: but in the vile entrails of you venomous Serpents.  
I return once more to say: that it is unpossible he should be nourished with the delicate milk of women, but with the cruel blood of Tigers.  
If this Lycaronicus were cruel, why did they give him such authority? I curse such authority. If he did for that he had great zeal to justice: I curse such zeal of justice.  
If he did it to win more honour, I curse that honour: For, that man shall be cursed of the Gods, and hated of men, which taketh life from others, although it be by justice, only to increase his renown.  
The Gods are much offended, and the people greatly damaged, where the Senate of Rome called the judge gentle, which is corrupted: and him that is cruel, just. So that now amongst the Roman people, those which heal with oil are not credited, but those only which cure with fire. If any man think it, at the least I do not think it, that when Licaronicus died, all the cruel judges did end with him: For through all the Roman Empire there was no more but one Lycaronicus; and at this present there is above three or four in every Common wealth.  
Not without tears I speak that which I will speak, which is, that in those days as all the judges that ministered were pitiful, so was this Licaronicus renowned for cruel. But now since all are cruel, we hope in a judge which is pitiful. In the 
The pity & mercifulness of Romulus. the first Roman King.  12. year of the foundation of our mother Rome, the first king thereof was Romulus, who sent a commandment to all the neighbours and inhabitants thereabouts, to the end that all banished men, all those which were afflicted, all those which were persecuted, and all those which were in necessity should come to Rome, for they should be defended from their enemies, and succoured in their necessities.  
The fame being spread throughout Italy, of the pity and clemency which Romulus showed in Rome (if the Annalles of the Ancients do not deceive us:) Rome was more peopled with inhabitants in ten years then Babylon or Carthage in a hundred. O noble heart of Romulus, which such things invented: blessed be that tongue which commandeth, that the famous Rome with clemency and pity should be founded, In the original books, which were in the high Capitol, once I found divers letters written to the sacred Senate, and Roman people, & in the beginning of the letters, the words said thus.  
We the King of Parthes' in Asia, to the Father's conscript of Rome, and to the happy Roman people of Italy, and to all those which with the Roman Senate are confederate, which have the name of Romans, and the renown of clemency, health and tranquillity to your persons, we do send you, and desire the same of the gods for ourselves.  
Behold therefore Antigonus, what titles of clemency had our first Romans, and what example of clemency did the Emperor leave for them to come: so that since the barbarous strangers called them pitiful: it is not to be believed, that to their subjects or natural countrymen they were cruel.  
And as the Ancients have traveled of all to be well beloved, so they at this present through their cruelties, seek nothing but to be feared. If the gods perhaps should revive the dead, and should compare the living before them in judgement: I suppose they would say these are not their children but their enemies, not encreasers of the Commonwealth but destroyers of the people.  
I being thirty seven years of 
The virtue of an herb called Ilabia.  age, lay in Winter season in an Isle called Chetyn, which now is called Cypress, wherein is a little mountain as yet full of Wood, which is called the mount of Arcadia, where groweth an herb called Ilabia, which the Ancients say, that if it be cut, it droppeth blood: and the nature of it is, that if one do rub any man, with the blood thereof hot, although he would not) yet he shall love him, and if they do anoint him with the blood that is cold, he shall hate him.  
Of this herb we need not doubt any thing at all, for I did prove it, and anointed one with that blood, who would sooner lose his life, than that love which he bore me. There was a Kingin that Isle of great example of life, and greatly renowned of clemency, though in deed, neither by writing, nor by words I could never know his name: but that he was buried under four pillars in a Tomb of Marble, and about the Tomb were engraven these Greek and ancient letters, where amongst other things these words were engraven.  

The mighty gods whiles they drew out the length  
Of my weak years to pass the flood of life, 
An Epitaph of a virtuous King:   
This rule I had my Common wealth to strength,  
To nourish peace and stint vain blasts of strife.   

By virtues way if ought I could obtain,  
By vices path I never sought to get,  
By dreadless peace if I could right attain,  
By clattering arms blind hazard could not let.   

By courteous means if I could overcome,  
By raging threats I heaped up no dread,  
By secret shifts if I might guide my doom  
By open force, I nowlde the pain were spread.   

By gentle read, if I could chastise eke  
By sharp ways no further proof I sought  
In outward sight I never thought to strick  
Before I had to covert cheeks them brought,   

My free consent could never vainly hear,  
My tongue to tell one sweet enticing lie,  
Nor yet my hollow ears would ever hear,  
Their crooked tales that flatter oft awry.   

My schooled heart was always taught to stay,  
From eager lust of others heaped good  
I forced myself his proper wealth to way,  
And stand content as fortune judgement stood.   

My friends decay, I always watched to aid,  
And recked not for bent of envies bow,  
In huge expense I never lavish paid,  
My glittering gold, nor spared yet to low.   

For grievous faults I never punished wighis,  
With mind appeased, but erst I would forgive,  
My grief did grow when just revenge did height,  
And eke I joyed to pardon men to live.   

A mortal man amongst blind heaps of men,  
Nature my mother produced me here:  
And therefore lo enclosed in this den,  
The eager worms my senseless carcase tear.   

Amongst the Wights that virtue did enhance,  
A virtuous life I freely passed on,  
And since that death his kingdom did advance,  
My heavenly spirit to haunt the Gods is gone.   
HOw thinkest thou Antigonus, what Epitaph was this, and what prince ought he to be, of whom I should say, his life ought to be glorious, and his memory eternal? I swear unto thee by the law of a good man: and as the Gods may prosper me, I took not so much pleasure in Pompey with his Jerusalem: in Semiremis with her India: in king Cyrus with his Babylon: in Caius Caesar, with his Gauls: in Scipio with his Africa: as I have in the king of Cypress in his grave. For more glory hath that king there in that sharp mountain being dead: then others have had, in proud Rome, being alive.   

CHAP. IX. ¶ Marcus Aurelius continueth his Letter against cruel judges. Of the words which the Emperor Nero spoke concerning justice: and of the instructions the Emperor Augustus gave to a judge, which he sent into Dacia.  
NEITHER for that which I write in this Letter, nor yet for that king Cirus had in his Grave: my intention is not to defend the evil, to the end that for their evil deeds, and outrageousness they should be punished: for by this means it should be worse for me to favour them, then for them to be evil: for they 
The Emperor continueth his letter against evil judges.  through debility do offend, and I by malice do err. But in this case it seemeth unto me, and to all others which are of good judgement, that since frailty in men is natural, and the punishment which they give is voluntary: Let judges therefore in ministering justice show, that they do it for the weal of the Commonwealth, and not with a mind for to revenge. To the end the faulty may have occasion to amned the faults past, and not revenge injuries present, the divine Plato in the books of his Commonwealth said, that judges ought to have two things present before their eyes, that is to say, that in judging things touching the good of others, they show no covetousness, and in punishing any man, they show no revenge: For judges have licence to chastise the body: but therefore they have no licence to hurt their hearts.  
Nero the Emperor was greatly defamed in his life, and very cruel in his justice: And withal his cruelties it chanced, that as one in a day brought him a judgement for to subscribe, to behead certain murderers: He fetching a great sigh, said these 
The cruelty of Nero. with one of his pitiful sayings.  words: O how happy were I, if I had never learned to write, only to be excused to subscribe this sentence.  
Certainly, the Emperor Nero, for speaking such a pitiful word at that time, deserved immortal memory: but afterwards his so cruel life perverted so notable a sentence.  
For speaking the truth, one evil word sufficeth to deface many good words. O how many realms and countries have been lost, not so much for the evils which in those the wicked have committed, as for the disordinate justices which the ministers of justice therein have executed.  
For they thinking by rigour to correct the damages past, have raised up present slanders for ever. It is known to all men who and what the Emperor Augustus hath been, who in all his doings was exceeding good: For, he was noble, valiant, stout, fierce and a lover of justice, and above all, very pitiful. And for so much in other things he showed his pity and clemency, he ordained that no prince should subscribe judgements of death with his own hand: neither that he should see justice done of any with his own eyes. Truly the law was pitifully ordained, and for the cleanness & pureness of Emperors very necessary.  
For, it seemeth better for Princes to defend their Lands with the sharp sword, then to subscribe a sentence of death with the cruel pen.  
This good Emperor Augustus was very diligent to choose ministers of justice, and very careful to teach them 
The carefulness of Augustus in choosing judges.  how they should behave themselves in the Commonwealth: admonishing them not only of that they had to do, but also of that they ought to fly. For the ministers of justice, oftentimes fail of their duty.  
In Capua there was a governor named Escaurus, who was a just judge, though he were somewhat severe: whom the Emperor Augustus sent to the realm of Dace, to take charge of that province. And amongst divers other things he spoke these words unto him, to retain them in his memory.  
Friend Escaurus, I have determined to pluck thee from Capua: and to put into thy custody the government of the province of Dace: where thou shalt represent the Royal majesty of my person: and thou oughtest also to consider well, that as I make thee better both in honour and goods: So thou in like case shouldest make thyself better in life, and more temperate in justice, thou hast been a little too rigorous, and in thy life somewhat too rash.  
I counsel thee therefore, I do desire thee, and furthermore, I do strictly command thee, that thou change thy trade, and course of life: and have a great respect to mine honour and good name.  
For thou knowest right well, that the only profit and honour of the Commonwealth of Roman Princes consisteth in having good or evil ministers of their justice.  
If thou wilt do that I would wish thou shouldest: I let thee understand, that I do nor commit mine Honour in thy trust, neither my justice, to the intent thou shouldest become an enuyer of the innocent, and a scourge of transgressors: but that only with the one hand thou help to sustain the good, and with the other, thou endeavour to help to amend the evil.  
And if thou wilt more particularly know my intention: I do send thee, to the end thou shouldest be grandfather 
What is required in an upright judge.  to the Orphans, an advocate for the widows, a plaster for the grieved, a staff for the blind, and a father to all. Let therefore the resolution of all be, to rejoice mine enemies, to comfort my friends, to lift up the weak, and to favour the strong: So that thou be indifferent to all, and partial to none: to the end, that through thy upright dealing, mine may rejoice to dwell there, and strangers desire to come, & serve me here.  
This was the instruction which the Emperor Augustus gave to the Gonernour Escaurus: And if a man will consider and weigh his words well, he shall find them compendious enough, that I would they were written in our judges hearts.  
By thy letter thou declarest that the judges whom the Senate sent to that Isle, are not very honest, nor yet without some suspicion of covetousness: Oh woeful commonwealth, where the judges thereof are cruel, dishonest, and covetous? For the cruel judges seek nought else, but the blood of innocents, they covet the goods of the poor, and they slander the good, to such and so wicked a commonwealth. I would say that it were better to remain in the mountains among the bruit beasts, then by such unjust judges to be governed in a Commonwealth: for the fierce Lions (which of all beasts are most cruel) if in his presence the hunter prostrate himself on the earth before him, the Lion will neither touch him nor his garment. O my friend Antigonus, dost thou think, that if the Commonwealth be unhappy which hath such judges, that therefore Rome may rejoice which provided them? By the faith of a good man I swear unto thee, that I count the Senators worse which sent them, than the judges which went thither. It is a great grief to a noble and stout heart to demand justice of a man, which neither is true, nor yet observeth justice: but it is a greater grief to see a judge, that to many hath executed tyranny, and to many poor men hath done sundry wrongs, afterwards not with the life he leadeth, but with the authority he hath, presumeth to correct divers judges.  
He that hath the office to punish the vicious, ought himself to be void of all vices: otherwise, he that hath that Office, by tyranny executeth justice: and furthermore, he is a traitor to the Commonwealth. It is unpossible that any judge should be good, unless he hath the authority of his office for accessary, and his pure life for principal.  
The end why a judge is sent in provinces, is to define doubtful causes, to reform their manners, to favour those that can little, and by violence 
The reason why judges are ordained.  to enforce those that can do much. And for the most part there is no Commonwealth so weak, but may well hang a thief upon the gallows, though there came no judge from Rome to give sentence.  
O how many judges are there now a days in Rome, which have caused divers to be hanged, regarding nothing but the first thief: and they remain free, having robbed all the people. Which ought to think themselves assured; that though punishment be deferred, yet in the end the fault shall not be pardoned: for the offences which men in their life time do dissemble, the Gods after their death do punish.  
It is much good for the Common wealth, and no less honour for the Prince, which hath the charge thereof, that the judge be honest of person, and diligent in justice, and that in no vice (for the which he punisheth other) he be noted or defamed himself. For much is the office of justice perverted, when one thief hangeth another on the gallows.   

CHAP. X. The Emperor followeth his purpose in his letter against cruel judges, and declareth a notable embassage which came from judea to the Senate of Rome, to complain of the judges that governed that Realm.  
IN the third year 
The Emperor continueth still his letter concerning cruel Magistrates.  after Pompeius took the City of Helya, which now is called Jerusalem: Valerius Gracchus a Roman borne, was sent at that time into that Region for the Romans, This Gracchus was very stout of courage, subtle in affairs, and honest in life: but notwithstanding all this, in conversation he was unbridled, and in the administration of justice exceeding rigorous: when the jews saw themselves not only subject to the Romans, but besides that evil handled: they determined to send their Ambassador to Rome, to the intent to inform the Senate of the tyrannies and oppressions which were committed in the land: And for to accomplish the same, they sent a very aged man (as by the hairs of his head did appear) who was learned in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin letters. For the Hebrews are very apt to all Sciences, but in weapons great Cowards. This Hebrew came to 
What the ancient Hebrews were and their conditions.  Rome, and spoke to the Senate in this wise.  
O Fathers conscript, O happy people, your good Fortune and fatal destinies permitting it, or to say better: We forsaking our GOD, Jerusalem which of all the Cities was Lady and mistress: and of all the Hebrews in Palestine mother, we see it now presently servant and Tributary to Rome: whereof we jews ought not to marvel, neither ye Romans' to be proud. For the highest Trees by vehement winds are soon blown down.  
Great were the Armies which pompeius had, whereby we were vanquished: but the greater hath our offences been, since by them we do deserve to be forsaken of our God. For we Hebrews have a GOD, which doth not put us under the good or evil fortune: but doth govern us with his mercy and justice.  
I will that ye hear one thing by mouth, but I had rather ye should see it by experience: which is, That we have so merciful GOD, that though among fifty thousand evil, there was of us but ten thousand good: yet he showed such effectual tokens of great mercy, that both the Egyptians and the romans might have seen how our GOD can accomplish and perform more alone, than all your gods together.  
So it is, we Hebrews (agreeing in one Faith and unity) have one only God: and in one God only we put our whole trust and belief; and him we desire to serve, though we do not serve him, neither should serve him, on such condition to offend him. He is so merciful, that he would not let us prove what his powerful hand can do, neither would he put our woeful people in Captivity, as he hath, nor also our GOD can deceive us, neither can our writings lie.  
But the greater offenders we be, the greater Lords shall ye be over us. And as long as the wrath of God shall hang over us, so long shall the power 
How un. happy that Realm is, that is forsaken of God.  of ye romans endure.  
For our unhappy chance hath not given ye our Realm for your deserts: nor yet for that ye were the rightful heirs thereunto: but to the end ye should be the scourgers of our offences, etc.  
After the will of our God shall be fulfilled: after that he hath appeased his wrath and indignation against us, and that we shall be purged of our offences, and that he shall behold us with the eyes of his clemency: Then we others shall recover that which we have lost, and you others shall lose that which ye have evil won. And it may so chance, that as presently of ye romans we are commanded: so the time shall come that of ye others we shall be obeyed.  
And for as much as in this case the Hebrews feel one, and ye romans feel another: neither ye can cause me to worship many Gods, and much less should I be sufficient to draw ye to the faith of one only God: I refer all to GOD, the creator of all things, by whose might we are created and governed.  
Therefore touching the effect and matter of my Embassage, know ye now, that in all former times passed, until this present, Rome hath had peace with judea, and judea hath had friendship with Rome: so that we did favour you in the wars, and you others preserved us in peace. Generally, nothing is more desired than peace, and nothing more hated than war. And further, all this presupposed, we see see it with our eyes, and also do read of our predecessors: that the world hath been always in contention, and rest hath always been banished: For indeed, if we see many sigh for peace, we see many more employ themselves to war. If ye others would banish those from you, which do move you to bear us evil will, and we others knew those which provoke us to rebel, neither Room should be so cruel to judea, nor yet judea should so much hate Rome.  
The greatest token and sign of peace, is to dispatch out of the way, the disturberbers thereof: for friendship oft times is lost, not so much for the interest of the one, or of the other, 
A token of peace if the disturbers thereof be taken away  as for the undiscreetness of the Mediators.  
When one commonwealth striveth against another, it is unpossible that their controversies endure long: if those come between them (as indifferent Mediators) be wise. But if such a one which taketh upon him those affairs, be more earnestly bend then the enemy wherewith the other fighteth; we will say, that he more subtly casteth wood on the fire, than he draweth water to quench the heat.  
All that which I say (Romans) is because that since the banishment of Archelaus from judea (son of the great King Herode) in his place you sent us Pomponius, Marcus Rufus, & Valerius to be our judges, who have been four plagues, the least whereof sufficeth to poison all Rome.  
What greater calamity could happen to our poor Realm of Palestine, than judges to be sent from Rome to take evil customs from the evil, and they themselves to be inventors of new vices? What greater 
Where judges are unjust, there the commonwealth goeth to ruin.  inconvenience, can chance to justice, then when the judges which ought to punish the lightness of youth, do glorify themselves to be Captains of the light in their age? What greater infamy can be unto Rome, then when those which ought to be just in all justice, and to give example of all virtues: be evil in all evils, and inventors of all vices? Wherein appeareth your little care, and much tyranny.  
For all said openly in Asia, that the thieves of Rome do hang the thieves of jewrie. What will ye I shall say more, Romans, but that we little esteem the thieves which keep the woods, in comparison of the judges which rob us in our own houses.  
O how woeful were our fatal Destinies, the day that we became subject to the Romans? we fear no thieves, which should rob in the high way, we fear no fire, which should burn our goods, nor we fear no Tyrants, which should make war against us, neither any Assyrians, which should spoil our country: we fear not the corrupt air, that should infect us, neither the plague, that should take our lives from us: but we fear your cruel judges, which oppress us in the commonwealth, and rob us of our good name.  
I say not without a cause they trouble the Common wealth: for that laid a part which they say, that laid a part which they mean, and that laid apart which they rob, immediately they write to the Senate to consent unto them, not of the good which they find in the Ancients, but of the lightness which they see in the young. And as the Senators do hear them here, and do not see them there: so you give more credit to one that hath been but three months in the Province, then to those which have governed them common wealth thirty years.  
Consider Senators, that you have made and appointed Senators, in this place, for that you were the wisest, the honestest, the best experimented, and the most moderate and virtuous.  
Therefore in this above all, shall be seen if ye be virtuous, in that you do not believe all: For if those be many, and of divers Nations, which have to do with you: much more divers and variable are their intentions and ends, for the which they entreat. I lie if your judges have not done so many wrongs in justice and forsaken their discipline, that they have taught the youth of judea inventions of vices, which neither have been heard of our Fathers, neither read in our books, nor yet seen in our time. You other Romans, 
The counsel of the poor ought not to be despised.  since you are noble and mighty, you disdain to take counsel of men that be poor, the which ye ought not to do, neither counsel your friends to do it: For to know, and to have little, seldom times goeth together: As many counsels as judea hath taken of Rome, so many let now Rome take of judea. You ought to know, though our Captains have won many Realms by shedding blood, yet notwithstanding your judges ought to keep them, not with rigorous shedding of blood, but with clemency and winning their heats.  
O Romans, admonish, command, pray and advertise your judges, whom you send to govern strange Provinces, that they employ themselves more to the Commonwealth of the Realm, than their hands to number their fines and forfeits.  
For otherwise they shall slander those which send them: and shall hurt those whom they govern. Your judges in just things are not obeyed for any other cause, but for as much as first they have commanded marry unjust things.  
The just commandments make the humble hearts, and the unjust commandments do turn and convert the meek and humble men, to severe and cruel persons. human malice is so given to command, & is troublesome to be commanded, that though they command us to do good, we do obey evil: the more they command us evil, the worse they be obeyed in the good.  
Believe me Romans, one thing: and doubt nothing therein, that of the great lightness of the judges, is sprung the little fear & great shame of the people. Each Prince which 
The 〈◊〉 that Princes ought to have in 〈◊〉 Magistrates.  shall give to any judge the charge of justice, whom he knoweth not to be able, doth it not so much for that he knoweth well how to minister justice: but because he is very crafty to augment his goods. Let him be well assured, that when he lest thinketh on it, his honour shallbe in most infamy, his credit lost, his goods diminished, and some notable punishment light upon his house. And because I have other things to speak in secret, I will here conclude that is open: and finally, I say, that if ye will preserve us and our Realm, for the which you have hazarded yourselves in many perils, keep us in justice, and we will have you in reverence: command us Romans, and we will obey as Hebrews; give a pitiful precedent, and ye shall have all the Realm in safeguard.  
What will ye, I say, more, but that if you be not cruel to punish our weakness, we will be very obedient to your ordinances, before ye provide for to command us, think it well to entreat us: for by praying with all meekness, and not commanding with presumption, ye shall find in us the love which the fathers are wont to find in their children: and not the treason which the Lords have accustomed to find in their servants.   

CHAP. XI. The Emperor concludeth his letter against the cruel judges, and declareth what the Grandfather of King Boco spoke in the Senate.  
ALL that which above I have spoken, the Hebrews said, and not without great admiration 
The conclusion of the emperors letter concerning cruel judges.  he was heard of all the Senate. O Rome without Rome, which now haste ought but the walls, and art made a common Stews of vices. What did dost thou tell me, when a stranger did rebuke and taunt thee in the midst of thy Senate? It is a general rule, where there is corruption of custom, liberties are always lost, which seemeth most true here in Rome. For the Romans, which in times past went to revenge their injuries into strange Countries: now others come out of strange Countries to assault them in their own houses. Therefore since the justice of Rome is condemned, what thinkest thou that I believe of that Isle of Cicile?  
Tell me (I pray thee, Antigonus,) from whence cometh thinkest thou so great offence to the people, and such corrupton to justice in the Common wealth? If peradventure thou knowest it not, hearken, and I will tell thee.  
It is an order whereby all goeth without order, Thou oughtest for to know that the Counsellors of Princes being importunate, and the Prince not resisting them, but suffering them they deceive him, some with covetousness, other with ignorance, give from whom they ought to take, and take from whom they ought to give, they honour them who do dishonour them, they withhold the just, and deliver the covetous, they despise the wise, and trust the light. Finally, they provide not for the offences of persons, but for the persons of offices.  
Hark Antigonus, and I will tell thee more. These miserable judges after they are provided and invested in the authority of their Offices (where of they were unworthy) seeing themselves of power to command, and that the dignity of their offices is much more, than the desert of their persons: immediately they make themselves to be feared, ministering extreme justice.  
They take upon them the estates of great Lords, they live of the sweat of the poor, they supply with malice 
The property of evil judges and Officers.  that which they want in discretion: and that which is worst of all, they mingle another man's justice with their own proper profit. Therefore hear more what I will say unto thee, that these cursed judges, seeing themselves pestered with sundry affairs, & that they want the ears of knowledge, the sails of virtue, and the anchors of experience, not knowing how to remedy such small evils, they invent others more greater, they distribute the common peace, only for to augment their own particular profit.  
And finally, they bewail their own damage, and are displeased with the prosperity of another. Nothing can be more just, that since they have fallen into offices not profitable for them, they do suffer (although they would not) great damages, so that the one for taking gifts remain slandered, and the other, for giving them remain undone. Harken yet, and I will tell thee more.  
Thou oughtest to know, that the beginning of these judges are pride and ambition, their means envy & malice, and their end are death and destruction: for the leaves shall never be green where the roots are 
A Cave at for judges and all other Magistrates.  dry: If my counsel should take place in this case, such judges should not be of counsel with Princes, neither yet should they be defended of the private, but as suspect men they should not only be cast from the common wealth, but also they should suffer death.  
It is a great shame to those which demand offices of the Senate, but greater is the rashness and boldness of the Counsellors, which do procure them: and we may say both to the one, and to the other, that neither the fear of God doth with draw them, nor the power of Princes doth bridle them, nor shame doth trouble them, neither the Common wealth doth accuse them: and finally, neither reason commandeth them, nor the Law subdueth them. But hark and I will tell thee more. Thou oughtest always to know, what the form and manner is, that the Senators 
Offices given more for friendship then for desert.  have to divide the offices: for sometimes they give them to their friends in recompense of their friendship, & other times they give them to their servants, to acquit their services, and sometimes also they give them to solicitors, to the end they should not importune them, so that few offices remain for the virtuous, the which only for being virtuous are provided.  
O my friend Antigonus, I let you to understand, that since Rome did keep her renown, and the Com-wealth was well governed, the diligence which the judges used towards the Senate, to the end they might give them offices, the self same aught the Senate to have to seek virtuous men, to commit such charge into their hands. For the office of justice ought to be given not to him which procureth it, but to him that best deserveth it.  
In the year of the foundation of Rome, 642. years the Roman people had many wars throughout all the world: That is to say, Caius Celius against those of Thrace, Gneus Guerdon his brother against the Sardes, junius Scylla against the Cimbres; Minutius Rufus against the Daces, Servilius Scipio against the Macedonians, and Marius Consul against jugurtha King of the Numedians: and amongst all these, the war of the Numidians was the most renowned, and also perilous. For if Rome had many Armies against jugurtha to conquer him: jugurtha had in Rome good friends, which did favour him. King Boco at that time was king of the Mauritans, who was jugurthas' friend: in the end, he was afterwards the occasion that jugurtha was overthrown, and that Marius took him.  
These two Kings Marius the Consul brought to Rome, and triumphed 
The triumph of Marius the Roman Consul.  of them, leading them before his triumphant chariot, their necks loaden. with irons, & their eyes full of tears The which unlucky fortune all the romans which beheld lamented, and took great pity of the strangers whom they heard. The night after the triumph was ended, it was decreed in the Senate, that jugurtha should be beheaded, leaving king Boco alive, deprived of his Country. And the occasion thereof was this: The romans had a custom of long time to put no man to execution before that first with great diligence they had looked the ancient books, to see if any of their predecessors had done any notable service to Rome, whereby the poor prisoner might deserve his pardon.  
It was found written in a book, which was in the high Capitol, that the Grandfather of King Boco was very sage, and a special friend to the Roman people, and that once he came to Rome, and made divers orations to the Senate, and amongst other notable sentences, there was found in that book, that he had spoken these words: Woe be to that realm where all are such, that neither the good amongst the evil, 
The speech of the Grandfather of K. Boco.  nor the evil amongst the good are known. Woe upon that realm, which is the entertainer of all fools, and a destroyer of all Sages. Woe is that Realm where the good are fearful, and the evil too bold: Woe on that realm where the patient are despised, and the seditious commended. woe on that Realm which destroyeth those which watch for the good, and crowneth those that watch to do evil. Woe to that realm, where the poor are suffered to be proud: and the rich tyrants. woe to that realm, where all know the evil, and no man doth follow the good. woe to that realm where so many evil vices are openly committed, which in another country dare not secrrtly be mentioned. woe to that realm, where all procure that they desire, where all attain to that they procure, where all think that this is evil, where all speak that they think, and finally, where all may do that which they will. In such and so unfortunate a realm where the people are too wicked, let every man beware he be not inhabitant: For in short time they shall see upon him, either the ire of the Gods, the fury of the men, the depoputation of the good, or the desolation of the Tyrants.  
divers other notable things were contained in those Orations, the which are not (at this present touching my letter, But forasmuch as we thought it was a very just thing, that they should pardon the folly of the 
The Nephew pardoned for the good desert of the Grandfather.  Nephew for the deserts of the wise grandfather.  
Thou shalt read this my letter openly to the Pretours and judges, which are resident there, and the case shall be, that when thou shalt read it, thou shalt admonish them, that if they will not amend secretly, we will punish them openly.  
I wrote unto thee the last day, that as touching thy banishment, I would be thy friend: and be thou assured, that for to enjoy thy old friendship, and to perform my word, I will not let to danger my person.  
I write unto Panutius my Secretary to succour thee with two thousand Sesterses, wherewith thou mayest relieve thy poverty: and from hence I send thee my letter, wherewith thou mayest comfort thy sorrowful hear. I say no more to thee in this case, but that through the Gods thou mayest have contentation of all that thou enjoyest, health of thy person, and comfort of thy friends: the bodily evils, the cruel enemies, the perilous destinies, be far from me.  
Mark, In the behalf of thy Wife Rufa, I have saluted my wise Faustine: she and I both have received with joy thy salutations, and with thanks we sent them you again, I desire to see thy person here in Italy, and wish my fever quartens there with thee in Sicily.   

CHAP. XII. An exhortation of the Author to Princes and Noble men, to embrace peace, and to eschew the occasions of war.  
Octavian Augustus, second Emperor of Rome, is commended of all, for that 
The virtuous life of Augustus second Emperor of Rome described.  he was so good of his person, and so well beloved of all the Roman Empire. Suetonius Tranquillus saith, that when any man died in Rome in his time, they gave great thanks to the Gods for that they took their life from them, before their Prince knew what death meant. And not contented only with this, but in their Testaments they commanded their heirs and children, that yearly they should offer great sacrifices of their proper goods in all the Temples of Rome, to the end the Gods should prolong the days of their Prince. That time indeed might be called the golden age, and the blessed land, where the Prince loved so well his subjects, and the subjects so much obeyed their prince: for seldom times it happeneth that one will be content with the services of all, neither that all will be satisfied with the government of one.  
The Romans for none other cause wished for the good Prince (more than for themselves) life, out because he kept the commonwealth in peace. The virtue of this Prince deserved much praise, and the good will of the people merited no less commendation: he for deserving it to them, & they for giving it to him: for to say the truth, there are few in number that so heartily love others, that for their sakes will hate themselves.  
There is no man so humble, but in things of honour will be content to go before, save only in death, where he can be content to come behind. And this seemeth to be very clear, in that that now dieth the father, now the mother, now the husband, now the wife, now the son, & now his neighbour, in the end every man is content with the death of an other, so that he with his own life may escape himself.  
A Prince which is gentle, patient, stout, sober, honest and true, truly he of right aught to be commended: but 
The virtues of a godly prince described.  above all, & more than all, the Prince which keepeth his Common wealth in peace, hath great wrong if he not of all beloved? What good can the Common wealth have, wherein there is war and dissension? Let every man say what he will, without peace no man can enjoy his own, no man can eat without fear, no man sleepeth in good rest, no man goeth safe by the way, no man trusteth his neighbour. Finally, I say, that where there is no peace, there we are threatened daily with death, and every hour in fear of our life. It is good the Prince do scour the realm of thieves, for there is nothing more unjust, than that which the poor with toil and labour get, should with vagabonds in idleness be wasted. It is good the Prince do weed the realm of blasphemers, for it is an evident token that those that dare blaspheme the king of heaven, will not let to speak evil of the princes of the earth. It is good the prince do clear the common wealth of vagabonds & players: for play is so evil a moth, that it eateth the new gown and consumeth the dry wood. It is good that the Prince do forbid his subjects of prodigal banquets, & superfluous apparel: for where men spend much in things superfluous, it chanceth afterwards that they want of their necessaries. But I ask now, What availeth it a Prince to banish all vices from his Commonwealth, if otherwise he keepeth it in war. The only end why Princes are Princes; is to follow the good, and to eschew the evil. What shall you say therefore, since that in the time of wars, Princes cannot reform vices, nor correct the vicious.  
Oh, if Princes and Noble men knew what damage they do to their countries, the day that they take upon them war: I think and also affirm, that they would not only not begin it, nor yet any private person durst 
War ought to be eschewed, & peace entertained.  scarely remember it. And he that doth counsel the Prince the contrary, aught by reason to be judged to the Commonwealth an enemy. Those which counsel Princes to seek peace, and to keep peace, without all doubt they have wrong if they be not heard: if they be loved: and if they be not credited, For the counsellor which for a light occasion counseleth his Prince to begin war: I say unto him either choler surmounteth, or else good Conscience wanteth.  
It chanceth often times that the prince is vexed and troubled, because one certifieth him, that a province is rebelled, or some other prince hath invaded his country, and as the matter requireth, the Council is assembled.  
There are some too rash counsellors, which immediately judge peace to be broken as lightly, as others do desire that Wars should never begin.  
When a Prince in such a case asketh counsel: they ought forthwith not to answer him suddenly. For things concerning the Wars, aught with great wisdom first to be considered, and then with as much advisement to be determined.  
King David never took any war in hand, though he were very wise, but first he counseled with GOD; The good judas Machabeus, never entered into Battle, but first he made his 
K, David a pattern for Princes, how to slain war.  prayer unto Almighty GOD.  
The greeks and Romans durst never make war against their enemies, but first they would do sacrifice to the Gods, and consult also with their Oracles.  
The matters of justice, the recreations of his person, the reward of the good, the punishment of the evil; and the dividing of rewards, a Prince may communicate with any private man: but all matters of War, he ought first to counsel with GOD: For, the Prince shall never have perfect victory over his Enemies, unless he first commit the quarrel thereof unto GOD.  
Those which counsel Princes, (whether it be in matters of war, or in the affairs of peace) ought always to remember this Sentence: That they give him such counsels always when he is alone in his Chamber, as they would do if they saw him at the point of death very sick. For, at that instant, no man dare speak with Flattery, nor burden his conscience with bribery.  
When they entreat of war, they which move it ought first to consider, that if it came not well to pass, all the blame will be imputed to their counsel. And if that his substance be not presently able to recompense the loss, let him assure himself, that here after his soul shall suffer the pain.  
Men ought so much to love peace, and so much to abhor war, that I believe that the same preparation that a Priest hath in his Conscience with GOD before he presume to receive the holy Communion: even the same aught a counsellor to have, before that unto his Prince he giveth counsel concerning war. Since princes are men, it is no marvel though they feel injuries as men, and that they desire 
Howmuch every aught to prefer peace before war.  to revenge as men. Therefore, for this cause they ought to have wise men of their counsel, whereby they should mitigate and assuage their griefs and troubles. For, the counsellors of Princes, ought never to counsel thing, they being angry, wherewith after they may justly be displeased, when they be pacified.  
Following our matter, in counting the goods which are lost, in losing peace: and the evils which increase in winning wars: I say, that amongst other things the greatest evil is, that in time of War they lock up closely all virtues, and set at liberty all vices,  
During the time that Princes and great Lords maintain war, though they be Lords of their Realms and dominions by right, yet for a truth they are not to indeed.  
For, at that time the Lords desire more to content their Soldiers and subjects, than the Soldiers and subjects seek to content the Lords. And this they do, because they through power might vanquish their enemies, and further, through the love of their money, relieve their necessities.  
Either Princes are governed by that whereunto by sensuality they are moved, or else by that wherewith reason is contented. If they will follow reason, they have too much of that 
How unsatiable a covetous man is.  they possess: but if they desire to follow the sensual appetite, there is nothing that will content them For, as it is unpossible to dry up all the water in the Sea: so it is hard to satisfy the heart of man that is given to covetousness.  
If Princes take upon them wars, saying: that their right is taken from them: and that therefore they have a conscience: Let them beware that such conscience be not corrupted. For, in the world there is no War justified: but for the beginning thereof, the Princes at one time or an other, have their Consciences burdened.  
If Princes take upon them War, for none other cause, but to augment their state and dignity. I say that this is a vain hope: For, they consume and lose (for the most part,) more in one or two years wars, than ever they get again during their life.  
If Princes take upon them War, to revenge an injury: as well for this also it is a thing superfluous: For, many go to the wars being wronged only with one thing, and afterwards they return injuried with many.  
If Princes take upon them Wars for none other cause but to win honour: me thinketh also that that is an unprofitable conquest: For, me thinketh that Fortune is not a person so famous, 
What inconveniences are incident to Wars.  that into her hands a man may commit his honour, his goods, and his life.  
If Princes take upon them war to leave of them in the world to come some memory: this no less them the other seemeth to me vain. For without doubt, if we examine the histories that be past, we shall find those to be more in number which have been defamed: then those which for vanquishing of their enemies, have been renowned.  
It Princes take upon them wars, supposing that there are in an other country more pleasures and delights then in their own; I say, that to think this, proceedeth of little experience, and of less conscience. For, to a Prince there can be no greater shame, nor conscience, then to begin wars in strange Realms, to maintain his own pleasures and vices at home.  
Let no Princes deceive themselves, in thinking that there are in strange Countries more things then in their own: For in the end, there is no Land nor nation in the world, where there is not Winter, and Summer, night and day, sickness and health, riches and poverty, mirth and sadness, friends and enemies, vicious, and virtuous, alive and dead. Finally, I say, that in all parts all things 
What may move Princes to lo●● peace, and ●ate war.  agree in one, save only the dispositions of men, which are divers. I would ask Princes and great Lords, the which do and will live at their pleasure, what they want in their Realms, yea though they be little? If they will hunt, they have mountains and Parks: if they will fish they have ponds: if they will walk, they have rivers, if they will refresh themselves they have baynes: if they will be merry, they have musicans: if they delight in appareling themselves, they have rich clothes: if they will give, they have money: if they desire women, they have wives: if they will take their rest, they have their Gardens: if Winter annoy them, they have hot Countries: & if they will eat, they want no meats. He that with peace hath all these things in his own Dominion, why then with war do he seek them in a strange Country?  
Men oftentimes fly from one Country to another, not to be more devout, nor more virtuous, but to have greater liberty and opportunity to haunt vices. And afterwards when they see the ends of their deeds, they cannot refrain their hearts from sighs, since they might have enjoyed that at home with peace, which in strange Countries, they sought with troubles.  
There are so few things wherewith we are contented in the world, that if perchance a man find in any one place, any one thing, wherewith to content him, Let him beware that the Devil do not deceive him, saying: That in such another place he may receate himself better: For whether soever we go, we shall find such penury, and want of true pleasures, and comforts, and such plenty and copious abundance of troubles and torments that for to comfort us, in an hundred years we scarcely find one, and to torment us, we find at every foot a thousand.   

CHAP. XIII. The Author reciteth the commodities which come of peace, declaring how divers Princes upon light occasions, have made cruel wars.  
Dimo an ancient king of Ponto, said unto 
Questions demanded by King Dimo, and answered.  a Philosopher that was withhim: Tell me Philosopher, I have health, I have honour, and I have riches, Is there any thing more to be desired amongst men, or to be given of the Gods in this life?  
The Philosopher answered him: I see that I never saw, and I hear that I never heard: For health riches, and honour, the Gods seldom times do thrust in one person, his time is so short that doth possess them, that they have more reason for to pray that they might be quieted of them, then for to be proud for that they possess them.  
And I tell thee further King Dimo, It little profiteth that the Gods have given thee all these things, if thou doest not content thyself therewith, the which I think they have not given thee, nor never will given thee: For the Gods are so just in dividing their gifts, that to them, to whom they give contentation, they take from them their riches, and those whom they give riches, they take their contentation. Plutarch in the first of his politics putteth this example, and he declareth not the name of this Philosopher.  
O how great a benefit is that which the Gods give to Princes and great Lords, in giving them their health, in giving them riches, and in giving them honour: but if besides those he giveth them not contentation, I say that in giving them the goods, he giveth them travel and danger: for if the travel of the poor be greater than the travel of the rich: without comparison, the discontentation of the rich is greater than the discontentation of the poor.  
Men little regarding their health become sick, little esteeming their riches become poor, and because they know not what honour is; they become dishonoured. I mean, that the rash Princes until such time as 
Commodities that follow peace.  they have been well beaten in the wars, will always little regard peace. The day that you Princes proclaim wars against your enemies, you set at liberty all vices to your subjects: Yet you say your meaning is not they should be evil. I say it is true. Yet all this joined together, ye give them occasion that they be not good. Let us know what thing war is, and then we shall see, whether it be good or evil to follow it.  
In wars they do nought else but kill men, rob the Temples, spoil the people, destroy the Innocents', give liberty to thieves, separate friends, and raise strife: all the which things cannot be done without great hurt of justice, and scrupulosity of conscience.  
The seditious man himself cannot deny us, that if two Princes take upon them wars between them, & that both of them seem for to have right, yet the one of them only hath 
Wars unjustly taken in hand, never come to good end.  reason: So that the Prince which shall fight against justice, or defend the unjust cause, shall not escape out of that war justified: Not issuing out-iustified, he shall remain condemned: and the condemnation shall be, that all the losses, murders, burnings, hangings, and robberies, which were done in the one, or other commonwealth, shall remain upon the account of him, which took upon him the unjust war, Although he doth not find another Prince that will demand an account of him here in this life, yet he shall have a just judge that will in another place lay it to his charge.  
The Prince which is virtuous, & presumeth to be a Christian, before he begin the war, aught for to consider what loss or profit will ensue thereof. Wherein if the end be not prosperous, he loseth his goods and honour: and if he perchauce attain to that he desired, peradventure his desire was to the damage of the Commonwealth, and then he ought not to desire it. For the desire of one should not hurt the profit of all.  
When God our Lord did create Princes for Princes, and people accepted them for their Lords, It is to believe that the Gods did never command such things, nor the men would ever have excepted such if they had thought that Princes would not have done that they were bound: but rather that whereunto they were inclined. For if men follow that whereunto their sensuality inclineth them, they always err: therefore if they suffer themselves to be governed by reason they are always sure. And besides that, Princes should not take upon them wars, for the burdening of their consciences, the misspending of their goods, and the loss of their honour: they ought also to remember the duties that they owe to the Commonwealth, the which they are bound to 
For what reason wars ought not to be taken in hand.  keep in peace and justice. For we others need not governors to search us enemies, but good Princes, which may defend us from the wicked.  
The divine Plato in his 4. book De Legibus saith: that one demanded him why he did exalt the Lydians so much, and so much dispraise the Lacedæmonians, & c?  
Plato answered: If I commend the Lydians, it is for that they never were occupied but in tilling the Field: and if I do reprove here the Lacedæmonians, it is because they never knew nothing else but to conquer realms. And therefore I say, that more happy is that realm, where men have their hands with labouring full of blisters: then where their arms in fight, are wounded with sword. These words which Plato spoke are very true, and would to GOD that in the gates & hearts of Princes they were written.  
Plinius in an Epistle sayeth: that it was a Proverb, much used amongst the greeks: That he was king, which never saw king. The like may we say, that he only may enjoy peace, which never knew what wars meant.  
For, simple and innocent though a man be, there is none but will judge him more happy, which occupieth his hand kerchief to dry the sweat off his brows: then he that breaketh it to wipe the blood off his head.  
The Princes and great Lords which are lovers of wars, aught to consider, that they do not only hurt in general all men, but also especially the good: and the reason is, that although they of their own wills do abstain from Battle, do not spoil, do not rebel, nor slay: yet it is necessary for them to endure the injuries, and to suffer their own loss and damages: For none are meet for the war, but those which little esteem their life; and much less their consciences.  
If the war were only with the evil against the evil, and to the hurt and hindrance of the evil, little should they feel, which presume to be good. But I am sorry the good are persecuted: the good are robbed: and the good are slain. For, if it were otherwise (as I have said,) the evil against the evil, we would take little thought both for the vanquishing of the one, and much less for the destruction of 
The war, destruction, of the good and godly men.  the other. I ask now, what fame, what honour, what glory, what victory, or what Riches in that war can be won, wherein so many good, virtuous, and wise men are lost?  
There is such penury of the good in the world, and such need of them in the commonwealth: that if it were in our power, we with our tears ought to pluck them out of their graves, and give them life: and not to lead them into the Wars, as to a shambles to be put to death.  
Pliny in one Epistle, and Seneca in another, say: that when they desired a Roman Captain that with his armey he should enter into a great danger, whereof great honour should ensue unto him, and little profit to the Commonwealth. He made answer.  
For nothing would I enter into that danger, if it were not to give life to a Roman Citizen: For I desire rather to go environed with the good in Rome, then to go loaden with treasures into my Country.  
Comparing Prince to Prince, and law to law, and the Christian with the Pagan: without comparison the soul of a Christian ought more to be esteemed than the life of a Roman; For the good Roman observeth it as a law, to die in the war, but the good christian hath the precept, to live in peace.  
Snetonius Tranquillus in the second Book of Caesar's sayeth, That among all the Roman Princes there was no Prince so well beloved, nor yet in the wars so fortunate as Augustus was.  
And the reason hereof is, because that Prince never began any war, 
The reason why the Emperozr Augustus was o fortunate.  unless by great occasion he was thereunto provoked. O, of how many princes (not Ethnics, but Christians) we have heard and read all contrary to this, which is, that were of such large conscience, that they never took upon them any war that was just, to whom I swear and promise, that since the war which they in this world began, was unjust: the punishment which in another they shall have is most righteous.  
Xerxes' King of the Persians being one day at dinner, one brought unto him very fair and savoury figs of the province of Athens: the which being set at the table, he swore, by the immortal Gods, and by the bones of his predecessors, that he would never eat figs of his Country, but of Athens, which were the best of all Greece. And that which by words of mouth king Xerxes swear, by valiant deeds, with force and shield he accomplished, and went forthwith to conquer Grecia, for no other cause but for to fill himself with the figs of that Country, so that he began that war not only as a light prince, but also as a vicious man.  
Titus Livius sayeth, that when the French men did taste of the wine of Italy, immediately they put themselves in Arms, and went to conquer the Country, without having any other occasion to make war against them: So that the Frenchmen for the licoriousnesse of the pleasant wines, lost the dear blood of their own hearts.  
King Antigonus dreamt one night, that he saw King Methridates with a scythe in his hand, who like a Mower did cut all Italy, And there fell such fear to Antigonus, that he 
A dream of King Antigonus.  determined to kill King Methridates: so that this wicked prince for crediting a light dream, set all the world in an uproar.  
The Lombard's being in Pannonia, heard say that there was in Italy sweet fruits, savoury flesh, odorifetous Wines, fair Women, good Fish, little cold, and temperate heat: the which news moved them not only to desire them, but also they took weapons to go conquer Italy: So that the Lombard's came not into Italy to revenge them of their enemies, but to be there more vicious and riotous.  
The Romans and the Carthagenians were friends of long time, but after they knew that there was in Spain great mines of gold and silver, immediately arose between them exceeding cruel wars, so that those two puissant Realms, for to take from each other their goods, destroyed their own proper Dominions.  
The Authors of the above said, were Plutarch, Paulus Diaconus, Berosus, and Titus Liutus. O secret judgements of God, which sufferest such things! O merciful goodness of thee my Lord, that permitteth such things, that through the dream of one prince in his chamber, another for to rob the treasures of Spain, another to fly the cold of Hungary, another to drink the Wines of Italy, another to eat figs of Greece, should put all the Country to fire and blood.  
Let not my pen be cruel against all Princes which have unjust wars: For as Traianus said, Just war is more worth than feigned peace. I commend, approve, and exalt princes which are careful and stout, to defend and keep that which their predecessors left them: For admit that for dispossessing them, hereof cometh all the breach with other princes.  
Look how much his enemy offendeth his conscience for taking it: so much offendeth he his Commonwealth for not defending it. The words which the divine Plato spoke in the first book of his Laws, did satisfy me greatly, which were these: It is not meet we should be too extreme in commending those which have peace: nor let us be too vehement in reproving 
A true saying of Plato.  those which have war: For it may be now, that if one have war, it is to the end to attain peace, And for the contrary, if one have peace, it shall be to the end to make war. Indeed Plato said very true For it is more worth to desire short war for long peace, then short peace for long war.  
The Philosopher Chilo being demanded whereby a good or evil Governor might be known, he answered. There is nothing whereby a good and evil man may be better known then in that for which obey strive. For the tyrannous Prince offereth himself to aye to take from another, but the virtuous Prince traveleth to defend his own.  
When the Redeemer of this world departed from this world, he said not, I give ye my war, or leave ye my war: but I leave you my peace, 
Our Saviour Christ the true pattern of peace.  and give you my peace. Thereof ensueth, that the good Christian is bound to keep the peace, which Christ so much commanded, then to invent war to revenge his proper injury, which God so much hated.  
If Princes did that they ought for to do, and in this case would believe me: for no temporal thing they should condescend to shed man's blood, if nothing else, yet at the least the love of him which on the Cross shed his precious blood for us, should from that clean dissuade us. For the good Christians are commanded to bewail their own sins: but they have no licence to shed the blood of their enemies.  
Finally, I desire, exhort, and further admonish all princes and great 
Good counsel, and worthy to be followed.  Lords, that for his sake that is prince of peace, they love peace, procure peace, keep peace, and live in peace. For in peace they shall be rich, and their people happy.   

CHAP. XIIII. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius writeth to his friend Cornelius, wherein he describeth the discommodities of war, and the vanity of Triumph.  
MArcus Aurelius wisheth to thee Cornelius his faithful friend, health to thy person, and good luck against all evil fortune. Within fifteen days after I came from the war of Asia, whereof I have triumphed here in Rome, remembering that in times past thou wert a companion of my travel: I sent immediately to certify thee of my triumphs: For the noble hearts do more rejoice of their friend's joy, than they do of their own proper delights.  
If thou wilt take pains to come when I send to call thee, be thou assured, that on the one part, thou shalt have much pleasure to see the great abundance of riches that I have brought out of Asia, and to behold my receiving into Rome: and on the other, thou canst not keep thyself from weeping to see such a sort of Captives (the which entered in before the triumphant chariots) bound and naked, to augment the conquerors most glory: and also to them vanquished to be a greater ignomy. Seldom times we see the Sun shine bright all the day long, but first in the Summer there hath been a mist, or if it be in the winter, there hath been a frost.  
By this Parable, I mean, that one of the miseries of this world is, that we shall see few in this world which now be prosperous: but before have had fortune, in some cases, very malicious: For we see by experience, some come to be very poor, and other chance to attain to great riches: so that through the empouerishing of those, the other become rich and prosperous.  
The weapon of the one causeth the other to laugh: so that if the bucket that is empty above, doth not go down, the other which is full beneath cannot come up.  
Speaking therefore according to sensuality, thou wouldst have been glad that day to have seen our triumph, with the abundance of riches, the great number of Captives, the diversity of beasts, the valiantness of the Captains, the sharpness of wits 
Dangers incident to wars.  which we brought from Asia, and entered into Rome, whereby thou mightest well know the dangers that we escaped in the ware.  
Wherefore speaking the truth the matter between us and our enemies was so debated, that those of us that escaped best, had their bodies sore wounded, and their veins also almost without blood.  
I let thee know my Cornelius, that the Parthians are warlike men, & in dangerous enterprises very hardy and bold. And when they are at home in their Country, every one with a stout hart defendeth his house: and surely they do it like good men, and valiant Captains: For if we other Romans, without reason, and through ambition, do go to take an other man's, it is meet and just, that they by force do defend their own.  
Let no man through the abundance of malice, or want of wisdom envy the Roman Captain; for any triumph that is given him by his mother Rome: for surely to get this only one days honour, he adventureth his life a thousand times in the field: I will not speak all that I might say of them that we led forth to the wars, nor of them which we leave here at home in Rome, which be all cruel judges of our fame: for their judgement is not upright according to equity, but rather proceedeth of malice and envy. Though they take me for a patient men, and not far out of order, yet I let thee know my Cornelius, that there is no patience can suffer, nor heart dissemble to see many Romans to have such great envy, (which through their malicious tongues) pass not to backbite other men's triumphs. For it is an old disease of evil men, through malice to backbite that with their tongue, which through their cowardness, they never durst enterprise with their hands.  
Notwithstanding all this, you you must know, that in the war you must first often hazard your life, and 
Envy and malice a deadly foe to true honour.  afterwards to the discretion of such tongues commit your honour. Our folly is so foolish, and the desires of men so vain, that more for one vain word, then for any profit, we desire rather to get vain glory with trave), then to seek a good life, with rest. And therefore willingly we offer our lives now, to great travel and pain: only that among vain men hereafter we may have a name.  
I swear by the immortal Gods, unto thee my Cornelius, that the day of my triumph, whereas to the seeming of all those of this world, I went triumphing in the chariot openly: yet I ensure thee my heart wept secretly: Such is the vanity of men, that though of reason we be admonished, called, 
Man putteth his life in danger only to win honour.  and compelled, yet if we fly from her, and contrary: though we be rebuked, evil handled, and despised of the world, yet we will serve it.  
If I be not deceived, it is the prosperity of Foolish men, and want of good judgements, that cause the men to enter into others Houses by force, rather than to be desirous to be quiet in their own, with a good will. I mean that we should in following virtue sooner be virtuous, then in haunting vices, be vicious: for speaking the truth, men which in all, and for all desire to please the world, must needs offer themselves to great travel and care.  
Oh Rome, Rome, cursed be thy folly, and cursed be he that in thee brought up so much pride, and be he cursed of men, and hated of Gods, which in thee hath invented such pomp. For, very few are they, that worthily unto it have attained: but infinite are they, which through it have perished.  
What greater vanity, or what equal lightness can be, then that a Roman captain, because he hath conquered Kingdoms, troubled quiet men, destroyed cities, beaten down castles, robbed the poor, enriched tyrants, carried away treasures, shed much blood, made infinite widows, and taken many Noble men's lives, should be afterwards (with great triumph of Rome,) received in recompense of all this damage?  
Wilt thou now that I tell thee a greater folly, which above all other is greatest? I let thee know, infinite are they that die in the wars, and one only carrieth away the glory thereof: So that these woeful and miserable men, though for their carcase they have not a grave, yet one captain goeth triumphing alone through Rome. By the immortal Gods I swear unto thee, and let this pass secretly, as between friends, that the day of my triumph, when I was in my triumphant chariot, beholding the miserable captives, laden with irons, and other men carrying infinite treasures, which we had evil gotten: and to see the careful widows weep for the death of their Husbands, and remembered so many noble Romans that lost their lives in Africa: though I seemed to rejoice outwardly, yet I ensure 
How little the Emperor Marc: Aurelius esteemed vain honours.  thee I did weep drops of blood inwardly. For he is no man borne in the world, but rather a Fury, bred up in hell among the Furies: that can at the sorrows of another take any pleasure.  
I know not in this case what reputation the Prince, or Captain should make of himself, that cometh from the Wars, and desireth to enter into Rome? For, if he think (as it is reason) on the wounds he hath in his body, or the treasures which he hath wasted, on the places that he hath burnt, on the perils that he hath escaped, on the injuries which he hath received, the multitudes of men which unjustly are slain, the Friends which he hath lost, the enemies which he hath gotten, the little rest that he hath enjoyed, and the great travels that he hath suffered: in such case I say, that such a one with sorrowful sighs ought to lament, & with bitter tears ought to be received. In this case of triumphing. I neither commend the Assyrians, nor envy the Persians, nor am content with the Macedonians, nor allow the Chaldeans, nor content me with the greeks.  
I curse the Troyans', and condemn the Cathagenians, because that they proceeded not according to the zeal of justice, but rather of the rage of pride, to set up triumphs, endamaged their countries, and left an occasion to undo us.  
O cursed Rome, cursed thou hast been, cursed thou art, and cursed thou shalt be: For if the fatal destinies 
Wherefore the Emperor cursed Rome.  do not lie unto me, and my judgement deceive me not, and fortune fasten not the nail: they shall see of thee Rome in time to come, that which we others presently see of the realms past. Thou oughtest for to know, that as thou by tyranny hast made thyself Lady of Lords: so by justice thou shalt return to be the servant of servants.  
O unhappy Rome, and unhappy again, I return to call thee. Tell me I pray thee, why art thou at this day so dear of Merchandise, & so cheap of folly? where are the ancient fathers which builded thee, and with their virtues honoured thee? in whose stead presently thou magnifyest so many tyrants, which with their vices deface thee. Where are all those noble and virtuous Batons, which thou hast nourished, in whose stead thou hast now so many vicious and vagabonds? Where are those, which for thy liberty did shed their blood, in whose stead now thou hast those, that to bring thee into subjection, have lost their life? Where are thy valiant Captains, which with such great travel did endeavour themselves to defend the walls from enemies, in whose stead have succeeded those that have plucked them down, and peopled them with vices and vicious? where are thy great priests, they which did always pray in the temples, in whose stead have succeeded those, that know not but to defile the churches, and with their wickedness to move the gods to wrath? where are those so many Philosophers and Orators which with their counsel governed thee? in whose stead have now succeeded so many simple and ignorant, which with their malice do undo thee? O Rome, all those Ancients have forsaken thee, and we succeeded those which now are new, & if thou knewest truly the virtue of them, and didst consider the lightness of us: the day that they ended their life, the self same day not one stone in thee should have been left upon another. And so those fields should have savoured of the bones of the virtuous, which now stink of the bodies of the vicious.  
Peradventure, thou art more ancient than Babylon, more beautiful than Jerusalem, more rich than Carthage, more strong than Troy, more in circuit than Corinth, more pleasant 
Rome in ancient time the most flourishing City of the world.  than Tirus, more fertile than Constantinople, more high than Camena, more invincible than Aquileta, more privileged than Gandes, more environed with Towers than Capua, and more flourishing than Cantabria.  
We see that all those notable Cities perished, for all their virtuous defenders: and thinkest thou for to remain, being replenished with so much vice, and peopled with so many vicious?  
O my mother Rome, take one thing for a warning, that the glory which now is of thee, was first of them, and the same destruction that was of them shall hereafter light upon thee for such is the world.  
For thus goeth the world, even as we presently see the troubles of them that be past: so shall those that be to come, see ours that be present.   

CHAP. XV. Marcus Aurelius goeth on with his Letter, and declareth the order that the Romans used in setting forth their men of war, and of the outrageous villainies which Captains and Soldiers use in the war.  
I Will now declare unto thee, my friend Cernelius, the order which we have to 
The Emperor goeth on with his letter, touching the order of war.  set forth men of War and thereby thou shalt see the great disorder that is in Rome: For in the old time there was nothing more looked unto, nor more corrected than was the discipline of War: And for the contrary, now a days there is nothing so dissolute, as are our wen of war.  
News once spread abroad through the Empire, how the Prince doth take upon him any war, immediately divers opinions engender amongst the people, and every one judgeth diversly upon the war: For as much as one sayeth it is just, and the Prince that taketh it upon him is just. Others say, that it is unjust, and that the Prince which began it is a tyrant: The poor and sedtious persons do allow it, to the end they might go, and take other men's goods by force. The rich and patient do condemn it, because they would enjoy their own in quiet: So that they do not justify or condemn war, according to the zeal of justice: but according to the little or much profit, that shall follow them of that enterprise: I command which am a Roman Emperor, war to be proclaimed, because a City or province hath rebelled, and that according to their Custom they do not observe the ceremonies of Rome. First you must understand, the Priests must be called to go immediately to pray to the immortal 
Customs which the Romans used before they went to the war.  Gods: for the Roman people never went to shed the blood of their Enemies in wars: but first the Priests did shed the tears of their eyes in the Temples.  
Secondly, all the sacred Senate doth go to the Temple of the God jupiter, and there they swore all with a solemn oath, that if the enemies, (against whom they go) do require a new confederation with Rome, or demand pardon of their faults committed: that (all revengement laid aside) they shall not deny to give them mercy.  
Thirdly, the Consul which is appointed for to be the Captain of the war, went to the High Capitol, and there he maketh a solemn vow to one of the Gods, which liketh him best, that he will offer him a certain jewel, if he return victorious of the same War: and though the jewel which he doth promise, be of great value, yet all the people are bound for to pay it.  
The fourth is, that they set up in the Temple of Mars the Ensign of the Eagle, which is the ancient Roman Ensign, and that is, that all the Romans take it for commandment, that no spectacle nor feast be celebrated in Rome, during the time that their brethren be in the wars.  
The fifth, A praetor mounteth up to the roppe of the gate of Salaria: and there he bloweth the Trumpet for to muster men of War, and they bring forth the Standards and Ensigns, to divide them among the Captains.  
How fearful a thing it is to see, that so soon as the Captain is environed with the ensign, so soon hath he licence to commit all evils and villainies. So that he taketh it for a bravery to rob the Countries whereby he passeth, and to deceive those with whom he practiseth. What liberty Captains and Governors of war have to do evil, and to be evil, it is very manifest in those whom they lead in their company: For the sons leave their fathers, the servants their Lords, the Scholars their Masters, the Officers, their offices, the Priests their Temples, the amorous their loves: and this for none other cause, but that under the colour of the war, their vices should not be punished by justice.  
O my friend Cornelius, I know not how I should begin to say that which I will tell thee. Thou oughtest to know, that after our men of war are gone out of Rome, they neither fear the Gods, neither honour the Temples, they reverence not the Priests, they have no obedience to their Fathers, nor shame to the people, dread of justice, neither compassion of their Country, nor remember that they are children of Rome: and yet very few of them think to end their life, but that all shame laid aside, they love the condemned idleness, and hate the just travel. Therefore hark, I will tell thee more, & though it seemeth much that I speak, I ensure thee it is but little in respect of that they do, for so much as some rob temples, others spread rumours: these break the doors, and those rob the Gods. Sometimes they take the free, 
The great outrages that the Roman soldiers did.  sometimes they lose the bond. The nights they pass in plays, the days in blasphemies, to day they fight like Lions, to morrow they fly like cowards. Some rebel against the Captains, and others fly to the enemies. Finally, for all good they are unable: and for all evil they are meet. Therefore to tell thee of their filthiness, I am ashamed to describe them.  
They leave their own wives, and take the wives of others, they dishonour the daughters of the good, and they beguile the innocent Virgins: there is no neighbout but they do covet, neither hostess but that they do force, they break their old wedlock, and yearly seek a new marriage: so that they do all things what they list, and nothing what they ought.  
Dost thou think presently, my friend Cornelius, that there are few evils in Rome, sith so many evil women do go to the war? here for their sake, men offend the Gods: they are traitors to their Country, they deny their patentage, they do come to extreme poverty, they live in infamy, they rob the goods of others, they waste their own, they never have quiet life, neither remaineth any truth in their mouths: Finally, 
Lewd women oftentimes the cause of war.  for the love of them, oftentimes war is moved again, and many good men lose their lives. Let us leave the reasons, and come to Histories.  
Thou knowest right well, that the greatest part of Asia, was conquered and governed, more with the Women Amazons, then with any barbarous people.  
That young, noble and valiant Porro, King of judea, for want of men and abundance of women, was overcome of the great Alexander. Hannibal the terrible Captain of the Carthagenians was always Lord of Italy, until he did permit women to go to the war. And when he fell in love with a maden of Capua, they saw him immediately turn his shoulders unto Rome. If Scipio the African had not scoured the Roman Armies of Lechery, the invincible Numantia had never been won.  
The captain Sylla in the wars of Mithridates, and the courageous Marius, in the wars of the Zimbres, had over their enemies so many victories, because in their Camps they suffered no women.  
In the time of Claudius the Emperor, the Tharentines and Capuanes were very mortal enemres: insomuch as the one against the other, pitched their Camps; and by chance one day in the camp of the Capuanes, two captains fell at variance, because they both loved one Woman: and when the Tharentines perceived their dissension, immediately with their power they gave them the onset.  
Whereof ensued, that through the 
What mischief followed, by the ●●●●●dnes of a strumpet.  naughtiness of one evil woman, was lost the Liberty of that goodly City.  
I had in this war of Parthes' sixteen thousand Horsemen, and twenty four thousand footmen, and 35. thousand women, and the disorder in this case was so great, that from the Host I sent my wife Faustine, and the wives of divers other Senators home to their houses, that they should keep the old, and nourish the young.  
Our Fathers led women in the old time to the wars, to dress mere for the whole, and to cure the wounded: but now we lead them to the end cowards should have occasion to be Effeminate, and the valiant to be vicious. And in the end, their Enemies do break their heads, but the women do wound their hearts.  
I will that thou know many other things (my Cornellus,) and they are, that the Gauls, the Vulcan's, the Flaminii, the Regii, the which are Priests of the Mother Sibylla, of the God Vulcan, of the God Mars, and of the God jupiter: the fear of the Gods set aside, leaving their Temple's desert, laying off their honest garments, nor remembering their holy Ceremonies, breaking their straight vows, an infinite number of them go to the Camp, where they love more dishonestly then others: For, it is a common thing, that those which once presume to be solicity and shamefast after they are once fleshed, exceed all others in shame and vice.  
It is a most dishonest thing to carry Priests to the Wars, for their office is to pacify the Gods with tears, and not to threaten men with Weapons.  
If perchance Princes would say, It is good to carry Priests to the wars to offer Sacrifices to the Gods: To 
priests exempt from war.  this I answer, that the Temples are built to pray, and the Fields ordained for to fight: So that in one place the Gods would be feared, and in an other honoured and sacrificed.  
In the year of the Foundation of Rome. 315. the Consul Vietro passed in to Asia, and went against the Palestines the which were rebelled against the Romans, and by the way he passed by the temple of Apollo, in the isle of Delphos: and as there he made a prayer unto the God Apollo, very long, to the end he would reveal unto him whether he should return victorious from Asia, or not?  
The Oracle answered.  
Oh Consul Victro, if thou wilt return victorious from thine Enemies, restore 
The answer of the Oracle of Apollo.  our Priests, which thou hast taken from our Temples: For we other Gods will not, that the man whom we choose for our divine service, ye others should lea●e, to all the vices of the World.  
I● this be true (as it is true indeed) that the God Apollo said unto the Consul Vietro, me thinketh it is no just thing to condescend that the consecrated Priests should go, and endanger to lose themselves, in the Wars,  
For as thou knowest Cornelius, without doubt, greater is the offence which they do commit in going for to undo themselves, than they do in the service which they do to Princes, being desirous to fight.  
Let us have the Priests in the Temples to pray, and let us see how the Captains are wont to govern themselves, and in this case thou shalt find that the day that the Senate 
How the Rumanes were wont to make trial of their Captains.  do appoint a Senator for Captain, they prove him if he can play at the Weapons in the Theatre.  
The Consul leadeth him to the high Capitol with him, the Eagle is hanged at his breast, they cast the purple upon his shoulders, they give him money of the common treasure, immediately he groweth into such pride, that forgetting the poverty past which he suffered in his Country, he thinketh one day to make him Emperor of Rome.  
It is a common thing that when fortune exalteth men of low estate, to high degree, they presume much, and know little, and much less what they are worth. So that if their feeble force were coequal to their high mind, one alone should suffice to overcome their enemies, and also to win many realms.  
The Captains have taken a custom now in Rome, and they tell me that it is an invention of Manritane, that is, that they do tease their beards, they crule their hairs they clip their words, they do change their garments, they accompany with murderers, they go the most part armed, they go very fast to seem fierce, and to conclude they little esteem to be beloved and take it a great glory to be feared.  
And to the intent thou shouldest know, my Cornelius, how much they would be feared, I will recite thee an history, which is, That I standing one day in Penthapolin, a Captain of mine, I hearing him, and he not seeing me, for so much as they would not let him do all that he would have done in the house, he said unto an hostess of his.  
Ye other villains did never know Captains of Arms, therefore know it, if thou dost not know it mother, that the earth can never tremble but when it is threatened with a Roman Captain, and the Gods do never suffer the Sun to shine, but where we others are obeyed.  
Since thou hast now heard that he said, hear also the valiantness that he hath done. Within a short space after, the Captain went unto a battle in Arabia, where he was the first that fled, and left the Standard alone in the field, the which had 
A reward given by the Emperor to a cowardly Captain.  almost made me to lose the battle: But I to recompense his valiant deed commanded his head to be cut off: For in giving the onset upon the enemies, the flying of one man doth more hurt, than the fight of two thousand doth profit. I have oftentimes heard the Emperor trajan my Lord say, That the men which in peace seem most fierce, in wars commonly are most cowards.  
It chanceth that divers things are compassed, for having only a good eloquence, others for having witchcraft, others for being very diligent, others for opening their purse, and truly this is the most and best mean that is occupied in Rome. But the affairs of war do not consist in talking many words before their friends: but in fight manfully in the field against their enemies: For in the end, men most full of words, are for the most part cowards in deeds. What wilt thou I tell thee more, my Cornelius, of the injuries which the Captains do in the Cities, whereby they pass, of the slanders which they raise in the provinces where they abide? I let thee know, that the little worm doth not so much harm that gnaweth the wood, the moth to the garments, the spark unto the tow, the Locust unto the corn, neither the wyvell to the garners, as the Captains to the people. For they leave no beast but they lull, nor orchard but they rob, nor wine but they drink, nor dove house but they climb, nor temple but they spoil, nor chase but they hunt, no sedition but they raise, no villainy but that they commit. And they do more than they ought to do, for they eat without meaning to pay, and they will not serve unless they be well paid: and the worst of all is, that if they have their pay, immediately they change or play it If they be not paid they rob and mutiny forthwith: so that with poverty they are not content, and with riches they wax vicious and insolent. The matters is now come to such corruption, and there is at this day men of war in Rome so careless, that here no captain seems but an example of murderers, a stirrer up of seditious persons, an enuyer of the good, a partaker with all evil, a thief of thieves, a Pirate of rovers, and finally, I do not say that they seem to be: but I do affirm that they are the scourge of your virtuous, and a refuge of the vicious.  
I would not say this, but yet not withstanding, I ought to say it, because it is a thing so far out of order, and so much to be laughed at: that these wicked men though they are our familiar enemies, there is no Prince that ruleth them, nor justice that correcteth them, nor fear that doth oppress them, nor law that subdueth them, nor shame that refraineth them, nor parents that correct them, nor punishment that doth abase them, nor yet death that doth end them, but now as men which are without remedy, we let them eat of all.   

CHAP. XVI. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius pursueth his Letter, showing the great damages that have ensued for the wars begun with strange realms.  
O Unfortunate Rome who was not wont 
Marcus Aurelius continueth his letter, showing the detriment that followeth wars.  to have such evil luck, but the elder thou art, the more unlucky I see thee: For by writings we read, and also with our eyes we see, that the more fortunate a city or person hath been in the beginning, the more froward fortune is unto him in the ending. Truly in those ancient times, and in those glorious worlds, I say, when they were peopled with true Romans, and not as now (they which have no children but bastards) the Armies were so well taught that came from Rome as the philosophers which were in the schools of Greece. If the Greek writings do not lie unto me, Philip the great King of Macedony, for this is so renowned in histories, and his son the Great Alexander for this was so fortunate in the Wars, that they had their armies so well correct, that it rather seemed a Senate which governed, than a Camp which fought.  
In that we can gather out of Titus Livius, and other Writers, from the time of Quintus Cincinnatus Dictator, until the noble Marcus Marcellus, were the most prosperous times of the Roman Empire. For before Kings did travel, and afterwards it was persecuted with Tyrants.  
In these so happy times, one of the greatest felicities that Rome had, was to have the warlike discipline well 
What felicity the ancient Romans took in warlike discipline.  corrected. And then Rome began to fall when our Armies began to do damage: For if those of the war have truce with vices, the others of the Common wealth cannot have peace with virtues.  
O cursed be thou Asia, and cursed be the day that with thee we had conquest: For we have not seen the good that have followed us of thy conquest, until this present, and the loss & damage which from thee come unto us shall be lamented in Rome for ever.  
O cursed Asia we spend our treasures in thee, and thou hast given unto us thy vices. In change of our valiant men, thou hast sent us thy fine mineons, we have won thy Cities, and thou triumphest of our virtues. We battered thy forts, and thou hast destroyed our manners: we triumph of thy Realms, and thou didst cut the throats of our friends. We made to thee cruel wars, & thou conquerest from us the good peace. With force you were ours, and with good will we are yours: We are unjust Lords of thy riches, and just tenants of thy vices.  
Finally, thou Asia, art a woeful grave of Rome, and thou Rome art a filthy sink of Asia. Since our ancient Fathers did content themselves with Rome alone, why should not we their children content ourselves with Rome and Italy? but that we must go to conquer Asia, where we adventured our honour, and spend our treasure? If those ancient Romans, being as they were, so princely Barons of life, and so valiant in fight, and so hardy for to command, did content themselves with this little border: why should not we content ourselves, not being as they are, having a Realm rich, and vicious? I know not what toy took us in the head, to go conquer Asia, and not to content ourselves with Rome? Italy was not so poor of riches, nor so destitute of Cities, nor so unpeopled of people, nor so solitary of beasts, nor so undecked with buildings, nor so barren of good fruits: but that of all these things we had more than our father's wished, and also more than we their children deserved: For me I would say, that it is for want of judgement, or abundance of pride, for us to seek to exceed our Forefathers in Signiory, when we are not coequal unto them in virtue. I was contented with all things of my forefathers, save only that they were a little proud and seditious, and herein we their children do resemble them well.  
For so much as we are not only proud and feditious, but also covetous and malicious: so that in virtuous things we go backward, and in unlawful works we go forward. What is become of the great victories that our forefathers had in Asia? What is become of the infinite Treasure they have robbed in the Country? What is become of the great number of captives, that they took in the war: What is become of the riches which every one brought home to his house? What is become of the valiant Kings which they took in that Conquest?  
What is become of the Feasts and Triumphs, wherewith they entered triumphing into Rome?  
What wilt thou I say more unto thee in this case? (my friend Cornelius) but that all they which invented the war are dead, all those which defended that Country are dead, all those which entered triumphing into Rome are dead: and finally, all the riches and triumphs which our Fathers brought from Asia, they and those in short space had an end, except the vices and pleasures whereof we see there is no end.  
O if the valiant Princes knew, what a thing it is to invent wars in strange Realms, what travels they seek for their persons, what cares in their hearts, what trouble to their subjects, what waste to their treasures, what poverty to their friends, what pleasures to their enemies, what destruction of the good, what liberty of the evil, and what occasion they give to strangers to speak, what universal evil they sow in their natural Countries, and what evil poison they do leave to their heirs: I swear by the faith of a good man, that if as I feel it, Princes did feel it, and as I taste it, Princes did taste it, and also as I have proved it, princes did prove it: I do not say, that with effusion of blood I would take realms by force: but also they offering them to me with tears, I would not take them willingly. For speaking the truth, It is not the point of valiant Princes for to sustain an other man's, to put their own in jeopardy.  
I ask now, what profit took Rome of the conquest of Asia? I admit that it durst conquer it, that it was hardy in winning it, obstinate in fight, and happy in taking it: should it therefore be fortunate in maintaining it? I say and affirm, and of that I say, I do not repent me: That it is possible to take Asia, but it is but a folly to presume to maintain and defend it.  
Dost thou not think it a great folly to presume to maintain Asia, since there never cometh news of a victory, but that it is occasion of 
What mischief came to Rome by conquering Asia.  an other battle, and that for to sustain water, they rob all Italy? In Asia our money is spent, our children are perished.  
In Asia died our Fathers, for Asia they make us pay tributes: In Asia the good horses are consumed: Into Asia they carry all our corn: In Asia all the thieves are nourished: From Asia cometh all the seditious persons: In Asia all the good do perish: From Asia, they send us all the vices. And finally, in Asia all our treasures are spent, and in Asia all our excellent Romans are killed.  
And sith this is the service that Asia doth to Rome, why will Rome continue war with Asia? Other Princes before us have conquered Asia, taken Asia, and possessed Asia: but in the end, when they saw that it was a Country, where they feared not the Gods, nor acknowledged subjection to their Princes, neither that they were apt to retain laws, they determined to forsake them, because they found by experience, that they neither weary their bodies with wars, neither win their hearts with benefits. Those Princes being hardy, nor so bold to sustain Asia by land, should we others presume to succour it by sea? They forsake it being neighbours, and will we others maintain it being strangers? In my opinion, Asia is a Country, where all the valiant men have employed their valiantness, where all the fools have proved their folly, where all the proud have showed their pride, where all the Princes entered in with might, where all thetyrants have employed their Life: but in the end, it neither profiteth the one to will it, nor to the others to know it, and yet much less to vanquish it.  
I know not the man that loveth Asia, that willeth well to Asia, that speaketh well of Asia, or that favoureth the things of Asia: since she giveth us occasion to speak daily, to sigh nightly, and to weep hourly.  
If men attained to the secret to know the Fatal Destinies, with the which the Gods have created Asia: they would not strive so much in the conquest thereof. For, the Gods have created it in such a sign, that it should be a common pasture where all feed, 
The great miseries that were specified of Asia.  a common Market, where all sell: a common-Inne, where all rest: a common table where all play: a common House, where all dwell: a common Country, where all remain: and thereof it cometh, that Asia is desired of many, and governed of few. For, being as it is a common country, every man will make it his own proper.  
Peradventure thou wilt think my friend Cornelius, that I have spoken now all the evils of Asia: but harken yet I will form thee a new question again. For, according to the damages which have followed (from Asia) to our mother Rome, time shall rather want to write, than matter to declare. Not without tears I say, that which I will say, that there was never any Roman captain that did kill ten thousand Asians, with the weapons he brought into Asia: but that he lost a hundredth thousand Romans, with the vices they brought to Rome. So that the Asians by the hand of their enemies died with honour, and left us Romans alive, full of their vices with infamy.  
I ask now what they were that invented to dine in common places, to sup in secret gardens, to apparel the women as men in the theatres, to colour the flesh of Priests with yellow? to noint the Women as men in the Bath, the Senators going smelling to the Senate? Princes to be appareled with purple, against the ancient decree? To eat twice in the day, as the tyrant Dennys did, to keep Harlots and concubines as they of tire do: to speak blasphemy against the gods, which were never heard of before in the Empire? These said vices of Asia, 
What vices were brought to Rome, from Asia.  Asia hath presently sent to Rome.  
At the same time, when in those parts of the Orient, the war was kindled: ten valiant captains brought these vices to Rome, whose names my pen shall pardon to tell, because their vile offences should not obscure their valiant deeds. Before that Rome conquered Asia, we were rich, we were patient, we were sober, we were wise, we were honest, and above all, we lived well contented.  
But now since that time we have given ourselves to forget the pollicyes of Rome, and to learn the pleasure of Asia: so that all vices may be learned in Rome, as all Sciences may be heard in Greece.  
By this above rehearsed, all warlike Princes may see, what profit they have to conquer strange Realms, etc. Let us now leave the vices, which in 
What inconvenience cometh by conquering strange Realms,  the wars are recovered; and talk of money which the princes covet and love. And in this I say, that there is no Prince brought into such extreme poverty, as he which conquereth a strange country.  
Oh Cornelius: thou hast not seen how Princes more of a will, then of necessity, do waste their treasures: how they demand that of another man's, and how their own doth not suffice them: they take those of Churches: they seek great Lones, they invent great Tributes: they demand great Subsidies: they give strangers occasion to speak, and make themselves hated of their subjects. Finally, they pray their subjects, and humble themselves to their enemies.  
Since I have declared the damages of war: I will now declare what the original of war is.  
For it is unpossible that the physician apply unto the sick agreeable medicine, if we know not of what humour the sickness doth proceed.  
Princes, since they came of men, are nourished with men, do counsel with men, and live with men, and to conclude, they are men. Sometimes through pride, which aboundeth in them, sometimes through want of counsel, they themselves imagine, and other flatterers telleth, that though they have much in respect of other princes, yet they can do little. Also they say unto them, that if their substance be great, their Fame ought to be greater.  
Further, they tell them, that the good Prince ought little to esteem that he hath inherited of his predecessors, in respect of the great deal more he ought to leave to his successors, Also they tell them, that never prince left of him any great memory, but inventing some cruel War against his enemy. Also they tell them that the hour that one is chosen Emperor of Rome, he may boldly conquer the whole earth.  
These vain reasons being heard of the princes, afterwards as their Fortune is base, and their minds high, immediately they defy their enemies, they open their Treasures, they assemble great armies, and in the end of all, the Gods suffer, that they thinking to 
War the mean & occasion to make a commonwealth poor.  tkae an other man's goods, they waste and lose their own.  
Oh Princes, I know not who doth deceive ye, that you which by peace may be rich, and by war willbe poor? Oh Princes, I know not who doth deceive you: that you which may be loved, do seek occasions to be hated? Oh princes, I know not who doth beguile ye, that ye which may enjoy a sure life, do adventure yourselves to the mutability of Fortune? Oh princes, I know not who doth deceive you: that you so little esteem and weigh your own abundance, and so greatly set by the wants of others? Oh princes, I know not who doth deceive you, that all having need of you, you should have need of others?  
I let thee to know, my Cornelius, though a prince be more quick and careful than all other his predecessors have been in Rome; yet it is unpossible that all things touching war, should succeed unto him prosperously. For, 
How uncertain the event of War is,  in the greatest need of wars, either he wanteth money, or his subjects do not succour him, or time is contrary unto him, or he findeth perilous pasges, he lacketh Artillery, or the captains rebel, or else succour cometh to his adversaries: so that he seeth himself so miserable, that thoughts do more oppress his heart, than the enemies do harm his land. Though a prince had no war, but for to suffer men of war, yet he ought to take upon him no war.  
I ask thee now my Cornelius, what travel so great to his person, or what greater damage to his Realm can his Enemies do, then that which his own men of war do, & c?  
The Enemies, to do the worst they can, will but rob our Frontiers: but our men of War do rob the whole country. The Enemies we dare, and may resist, but to ours we cannot, nor dare not speak. The Enemies, the worst they can do, is once in a month to rob and run their ways: but ours daily do rob, and remain still. The Enemies fear their enemies only: but ours do fear their enemies, and have no pity on their friends.  
The enemies, the further they go on, the more they diminish: but ours, the further they go, the more they increase.  
I know no greater war that Princes can have then to have men of war in their realms: For as experience doth show us, before the Gods they are culpable, to Princes importunate, and to the people troublesome: so that they live to the damage of all, and to the profit of none. By the God Mars I swear unto thee, (my friend Cornelius) as he may direct my hands in the war, that I have more complaints in the Senate, of the thefts which my Captains did in Illyria, then of all the enemies of the Roman people.  
Both for that I say, and for that I kept secret, I am more afraid to create an Ensign of two hundred men of war, then to give a cruel battle to thirty thousand men: For that battle, fortune (good or evil) forthwith dispacheth, but with these I can be sure no time of all my life. Thou wilt say unto me (Cornelius) that since I am Emperor of Rome, I should remedy this since I know it: For that Prince which dissembleth with the fault of another, by reason he will condemn him, as if it were his own.  
To this I answer, that I am not mighty enough to remedy it, except by my remedy there should spring a greater inconvenience. And since thou hast not been a Prince, thou couldst not fall into that I have, nor yet understand that which I say: For Princes by their wisdom know many things, the which to remedy they have no power: So it hath been, so it is, so it shall be, so I found it, so I keep it, so will I leave it them, so I have read it in books, so have I seen it with my eyes, so have I heard it of my predecessors: And finally, I say, our Fathers have invented it, and so will we their children sustain it, and for this evil we will leave it to our heirs. 
No greater hindrance to a Common wealth then to keep men of war.   
I will tell thee one thing, and imagine that I err not therein, which is, considering the great damage and little profit, which men of war do bring to our Common wealth: I think to do it, and to sustain it, either it is the folly of men, or a scourge given of the Gods. For there can be nothing more just, then for the Gods to permit, that we feel that in our own houses, which we cause others in strange houses to lament.  
All those things I have written unto thee, not for that it skileth greatly that I know them: but that my heart is at ease for to utter them: For as Alcibiades said, the chests and the hearts, ought always to be open to their friends.  
Panutius my Secretary goeth in my behalf to visit that Land, and I gave him this Letter to give thee: with two Horses? wherewith I do think thou wilt be contented, for they are Genets.  
The Weapons and riches which I took of the Parthians, I have now divided, notwithstanding I do send thee two Chariots laden with them.  
My wife Faustine greeteth thee, and she sendeth a rich glass for thy Daughter, and a jewel with stones for thy sister. No more but I do beseech the gods to give thee a good life, and me a good death.   

CHAP. XVII. An Admonition of the Author to Princes and great Lords, to the intent that the more they grow in years, the more they are bound to refrain from vices.  
AVlus Gelius in his book De noctibus Atticis sayeth, that there was an ancient custom among the Romans, to 
A custom among the ancient Romans.  honour and have in great reverence aged men. And this was so inviolate a Law amongst them that there was none so noble of blood and lineage, neither so puissant in riches, neither so fortunate in battles that should go before the aged men, which were laden with white hairs: so that they honoured them as they did the Gods.  
Amongst other, the aged men had these pre-eminences, that is to say, that in feasts they sat highest, in the Triumphs they went before, in the Temples they did sit down, they spoke to the Senate before all others, they had their garments furred, they might eat alone in secret, and by their only word they were credited as witnesses.  
Finally, I say, that in all things they served them, and in nothing they annoyed them. After the people of Rome began war with Asia, they forsook all their good Roman customs immediately.  
And the occasion hereof was, that since they had no men to sustain the Commonwealth, by reason of the great multitude of people which died in the war: they ordained that all the young men should marry, the young maids, the widows, the free and the bond, and that the honour which had been done until that time unto the old men, from henceforth should be done unto the married men, though they were young: So that the most honoured in Rome was he, not of most years, but he that had most children. This Law was made a little before the first battle of Carthage.  
And the custom that the married men were more honoured than the old, endured until the time of the Emperor Augustus, which was such a friend of Antiquities, that he renewed all the walls of Rome with new stone, and renewed all the ancient customs of the Commonwealth.  
Lycurgus' in the laws which he 
Lycurgus' his Laws to the Lacedæmonians.  gave to the Lacedæmonians, ordained, that the young men passing by the old, should do them great reverence: and when the old men did speak, than the younger should be silent.  
And he ordained also, that if any old man by casualty did lose his goods, and came into extreme poverty, than he should be sustained of the Common wealth: and that in such sustentation they should have respect, not only to succour him, for to sustain him, but further to give him to live competently. Plutarch in his Apothegms declareth, that Cato the Censor visiting the corners of Rome, found an old man sitting at his door weeping, and shedding many tears from his eyes. And Cato the Censor demanding him why he was so evil handled, and wherefore he wept so bitterly? the good old man answered him.  
O Cato, the Gods being the only Comforters, comfort thee in all thy tribulations, since thou art ready to comfort me at this woeful hour. As well as thou knowest that the consolations of the Heart are more necessary, than the physic of the body: the which being applied sometimes doth heal, and an other time they do harm. Behold my scabby hands, my swollen legs, my mouth without Teeth, my peeled Face, my white beard, and my bald head: for thou (being as thou art) discreet, shouldest be excused to ask me why I weep?  
For men of my Age, though they weep not for the little they feel: yet they ought to weep for the overmuch they live. The man which is loaden with tears, tormented with diseases, 
Death maketh an end fall worldly misery.  pursued with Enemies, forgotten of his friends, visited with mishaps, and with evil will and poverty: I know not why he demandeth long life? For there can be no sharper revengement of vices, which we commit: then to give us long life.  
Though now I am aged, I was young, and if any young man should do me any injury, truly I would not desire the Gods to take away his life, but that they would rather prolong his life. For, it is great pity to hear the man (which hath lived long) recount the troubles, which he hath endured.  
Know thou Cato, if thou dost not know it, that I have lived 77. years, and in this time, I have buried my Father, my Grandfather, two Aunts, and five uncles. After that I had buried 9 Sisters, and 11. brethren. I have buried afterwards, two lawful wives, and five bondwomen, which I have had as my lemen.  
I have buried also 14. children, and 7. married daughters: and therewith not contented, I have buried 37. Nephews, and 15. Nieces, and that which grieveth me most of all is, that I have buried two good friends of mine: One of the which remained in Capua, and the other which remained was resident here at Rome.  
The death of whom hath grieved me more, than all those of my alliance and parentage. For, in the world there is no like loss to that, where a man looseth him whom entirely he loveth, and of whom also he is dearly beloved.  
The fatal Destinies ought to content themselves, to have annoyed my house with so many misfortunes. But all this, and above all this, they have left me a wicked nephew, which shall be mine heir, and they have left unto me, that all my life I shall lament.  
Oh Cato, for that thou owest to the Commonwealth; I do desire thee: and by the immortal Gods I do conjure thee, that since thou art a virtuous Roman, and Censor of the people, that thou provide for one of these two things: that is to say, that this my nephew do serve me, or else ordain that I die forthwith. For, it is a great cruelty that those do pursue me, which are alive, since it is now forty years, that I ceased not to bewail the dead.  
Cato being well informed of that the old man had told him, and since he found all that true which he spoke, he called unto his presence the young Nephew, and said unto him these words:  
If thou wert such a Child as thou oughtest to be, thou shouldest excuse me of pain, and thyself of travel. But since it is not so, I pray thee take patiently that which I shall command thee: and be thou well assured, that I will not command thee any thing but that which shall be correspondent to justice. 
A wise Sentence of Cato.   
For, the vicious younglings (as thou art) ought to be more ashamed of the unbridled youthfulness they have committed: then for all the punishments which is given unto them:  
First, I command thou be whipped, because thou art become so disobedient, and troublesome to thy Grandfather.  
Secondly, I command that thou be banished the limits of Rome: because thou art a vicious young man.  
Thirdly, I command that of all the goods which thou hast enherited, thou shalt be disinherited, because thou dost not obey thy Grandfather.  
And the cause why I give such severe sentence is, to the end that from henceforth the young shall not disobey the Aged, and also that those which have inherited great treasures, shall not think that men should permit them to be more vicious than others.  
Phalaris the Tyrant writing to a Friend of his, which was very aged, said these words: the which seemed rather spoken of a Philosopher, then 
A saying of Phalaris the Tyrant.  of a tyrant. I have marveled at thee, and am offended with thee (my friend 〈◊〉) to know as I do, that in years thou art very aged, and in works very young: and also it grieveth me that thou hast lost the credit of knowledge in the Schools.  
It grieveth me more, that through thee the privileges should be lost, which the old men have accustomed to have in Greece: that is to say, that all the thieves, all the perjured, and all the murderers were more sure, when by white hairs they seemed to be old: when they retired to the Altars of the Temples.  
Oh what goodness, Oh what wisdom, what valiantness, and what innocency ought the aged men to have in the ancient time: since in Rome, they honoured them as Gods, and in Greece they privileged those white hairs as the temples?  
Pliny in an Epistle he wrote to Fabarus saith, that Pyrrus king of the Epyrotes, demanded of a philosopher, which was the best city of the world? who answered him thus:  
The best City of the world is Molerda, a place of three hundredth Fires in Achaia: because all the walls are of black stones, and all those which govern have hoary heads.  
And further he said: Woe be unto thee Rome: Woe be unto thee Carthage: 
A wise answer of a philosopher  Woe be unto thee Numantia: Woe be unto thee Egypt: and woe be unto thee Athens; five Cities which count themselves for the best of the World: whereof I am of a contrary opinion.  
For, they avaunt themselves to have white Walls: and are not ashamed to have young Senators.  
This philosopher said very well, and I think no man will say less than I have said.  
Of this word Senex, is derived the name of a Senator: For so were the governors of Rome named: because the first King (that was Romulus,) chose an hundred aged men to govern the Commonwealth: and commanded that all the Roman youth should employ themselves to the wars.  
Since we have spoken of the honour which in the old time was given to the ancient men, it is reason we know now, from what years they accounted men aged: to the end they should reverently be honoured as aged men.  
For the makers of laws, when they had established the honours which ought to be done to the Aged, did as well ordain, from what day and year they should begin.  
divers ancient philosophers did put six ages, from the time of the birth of man, until the hour of his death. That is to say: Childhood, which lasteth until seven years: Infancy, which lasteth until seventeen years: Youth, which continueth till thirty years: Man's estate, which remaineth 
The six Ages of man's life said open & explained.  till fifty and five years. Age, which endureth till threescore, and eighteen years: Then last of all, Crooked-age, which remaineth till death.  
And so after man had passed five and fifty years, they called him aged.  
Aulus Gelius in his tenth book in the 27, Chapter saith, that Fuluius Hostilius (who was King of the Romans) determined to count all the old and young which were amongst the people: and also to know which should be called Infants, which young and which old. And there was no little difference among the Roman Philosophers, and in the end it was decreed by the King, and the Senate, that men till seventeen years should be called Infants, and till six & forty should be called young, and from six and forty upwards they should be called old.  
If we will observe the Law of the Romans, we know from what time we are bound to call and honour the aged men. But adding hereunto it is reason that the old men know, to what prowesses and virtues they are bound, to the end that with reason, and not with fainting they be served: for speaking the truth, if we compare duty to duty, the old men are more bound to virtue then the young to service. We cannot deny but that all states of Nations (great & small, young and old) are bound to be virtuous: but in this case, the one is more to be blamed then the other.  
For oftentimes if the young men do offend, it is for that he wanteth experience: but if the old man offend it is for the abundance of malice:  
Seneca in an Epistle said these words: I let thee know my friend Lucillus that l am very much offended, 
A grave sentence of Senses.  and I do complain not of any friend or foe, but of myself and none other. And the reason why I think this, is that I see myself old in vices: so little is that wherein I have served the Gods, and much less is that I have profited him.  
And Seneca sayeth further, He which praiseth himself most to be aged, and that would be honoured for being aged, aught to be temperate in eating, honest in appartell, sober in drinking, soft in words, wise in counsel, and to conclude, he ought to be very patient in adversity, and far from vices which attempt him.  
Worthy of praise is the great Seneca for those words: but more worthy shall the old men, if they will conform their works according to these words: For if we see them for to abandon vices, and give themselves to virtues: we will both serve them, and honour them.   

CHAP. XVIII. That Princes when they are aged, should be temperate in eating, sober in drinking, modest in apparel, and above all, true in communication.  
IT is consonant to the counsel of Seneca, 
Good counsel of Seneca, worthy to be followed both of old and young.  that the aged should be temperate in eating which they ought to do, not only for the reputation of their persons, but also for the preservation of their lives.  
For the old men which are drunk and amorous, are persecuted with their own diseases, and are defamed by the tongues of other. That which the ancient men should eat (I mean those which are noble and virtuous, aught to be very clean, and well dressed, and above all, that they do take it in season & time: for otherwise, too much eating of divers things, causeth the young to be sick, and enforceth the old to die.  
Young men though they eat dishonestly, very hastily, and eat speaking, we can do no less but dissemble with them: but the old men which eat much, and hastily, of necessity we ought to reprove them. For men of 
How circumspect & wary men ought to be in eating & 〈◊〉,  Honour ought to eat at table with a great gravity: as if they were in any counsel, to determine causes. It is not mine intention to persuade the feeble old men not to eat, but only to admonish them to eat no more than is necessary.  
We do not prohibit them to eat delicate things, but to beware of superfluous things. We do not counsel them to leave eating, having need: but to withdraw themselves from curiosity.  
For though it be lawful for aged men to eat sufficient, it is not honest for them to eat, to overcome their stomachs.  
It is a shame to write it, but more shame ought they to have which do it; which is: that the goods which they have won and inherited by their predecessors, they have eaten and drunken: so that they have neither bought House not vine, nor yet married any Daughter: but they are naked, and their poor children go to the Taverns and Inns: and the miserable Fathers to the Hospitals, and Churches.  
When any man cometh to poverty, for that his house is burned, or his ship drowned: or that they have taken all from him by Law: or that he hath spent it in pleading against his enemies, or any other in convenience is come unto him: me thinketh we are all bound to succour him, and the hart hath compassion to behold him: but he that spendeth it in Apparel not requisite, to seek delicious Wines, and to eat delicate meats: To such a one (I would say,) that the poverty which he suffereth, is not sufficient for his deserts. For of all troubles there is none so great, as to see a man suffer the evil, whereof he himself hath been the occasion.  
Also, according to the counsel of Seneca, the Ancients ought to be well advertised, in that they should not only be temperate in eating, but likewise they should be sober in drinking: and this both for the preservation of their health: as also for the reputation of their honesty.  
For, if the old physicians do not 
Discommodities that come by excess of eating and drinking.  deceive us, humane bodies do dry and corrupt, because they drink superfluously, and eat more than Nature requireth.  
If I should say unto the old men, that they should drink no wine: they might tell me, that it is not the counsel of a Christian. But presuppose they ought to drink, and that for no opinion they should leave it: yet I admonish, exhort, and desire them, that they drink little, and that they drink very temperate.  
For the disordinate and immeasurate drinking, causeth the young men to be drunk, and the old men, both drunk and foolish. Oh how much authority lost they, and what gravity do honourable and ancient men lose, which in drinking are not sober?  
Which seemeth to be true, forasmuch as the man being laden with wine, although he were the wisest in the world, he should be a very fool, that would take counsel of such one in his affairs plutarch in a book which he made, of the Fortunes of the romans, said: that in the Senate of Rome, there was an Ancient man, who made great exclametions, that a certain young man had in such heinous sort dishonoured him, that for the injuries he had spoken, he deserved death.  
And when the young man was called for to answer to that he had said unto him; he answered: Father's conscript, though I seem young unto you, yet I am not so young, but that I knew 
The answer of a young man to the Senate or Rome.  the Father of this old man, who was a virtuous and noble Roman, and somewhat a kin to me. And I seeing that his Father had gotten much goods fight in the wars, and also seeing this oldeman spending them in eating and drinking: I said unto him one day.  
I am very sorry my Lord and uncle, for that I hear of thy honour in the market place: and am the more sorry, for that I see done in thy house, wherein we saw fifty men armed before in our hour, and now we see a hundred knaves made drunk.  
And worse than that, as thy Father showed to all those that entered into his house the Ensigns he had won in the Wars: so now to those that enter into thy house, thou showest them divers sorts of Wines.  
My uncle complained of me, but in this case I make the Plaintiff judge against me the defendant. And I would by the immortal Gods he deserved no more pain for his works, than I deserve by my words.  
For if he had been wise, he would have accepted the correction which secretly I gave him: and had not come openly, to declare his faults in the Senate.  
The complaint of the old man being heard by the Senate, and the excuse in like manner of the youngman: they gave judgement, that they should take all the goods from the old man, and provide him of a Tutor which should govern him and his house.  
And they commanded the Tutor, That from hence forward he should not give him one cup of Wine, since he was noted of drunkenness. Of truth the sentence which the Senate gave was very just: 
The judgement of the Senate against drunkenness  For the old man which giveth himself to wine, hath as much need to have a Governor, as an Infant, or a fool.  
Laertius made a book of the Feasts of Philosophers, and declareth sundry ancient banquets, among the which he putteth one, where were assembled many great Philosophers. And admit that the meats were mean, and simple: yet the bidden guests were sage.  
And the cause why they did assemble, was not to eat, but to dispute of some grave doctrines, whereof the Philosophers did somewhat doubt: For in those days, the greater the Stoyckes and the Peripatetikes were in number: so much the more were the Philosophers divided amongst themselves.  
When they were so assembled, truly they did not eat, nor drink out of measure: but some pleasant matter was moved between the masters and the scholars, between the young and the old, that is to say, which of them could declare any secret of Philosophy, or any profound sentence. O happy were such feasts, and no less happy were they that thither were bidden,  
But I am sorry that those which now bid, and those that are bidden, for a truth are not as those Ancients were: For there are no feasts now a days of Philosophers, but of gluttons, not to dispute, but for to murmur, not to open doubtful things, but to talk of the vices of others, not to confirm ancient amities, but to begin new dissensions, not to learn any doctrines, but to approve some novelty. And that which worst of all is, the old strive at the table with the young, not on him which hath spoken the most gravest sentence: but of him which hath drunk most wine, and hath rinsed most cups.  
Paulus Diaconus in the history of the Lumbards' declareth, that four old Lumbards' made a banquet, in the which, the one drank to the others years, and it was in this manner: They made defiance to drink two to two, and after each man had declared how many years old he was: the one drank as many times as the other was years old, and likewise his companion pledged him. And one of these four companions had at the least 58. years: the second 63, the third 87. the fourth 92. so that a man knoweth not what they did eat in this banquet, either little or much: but we know that he that drank least, drank 58. cups of wine. 
An evil qustome used among the Goths.   
Of this so evil custom came the Goths to make this Law, which of many is read, and of a few understood, where it sayeth, We ordain and command on pain of death, that no old man drink to the others years being at the table. That was made because they were so much given to Wine, that they drank more oft than they did eat morsels. The Princes and great lords which now are old, aught to be very sober in drinking, since they ought greatly to be regarded & honoured of the young.  
For speaking the truth, and with liberty, when the old man shall be overcome with wine, he hath more necessity that the young man lead him by the arm to his house, then that he should take off his cap unto him with reverence.  
Also Princes and great Lords ought to be very circumspect, that when they become aged, they be not noted for young in the apparel which they wear: For although hat for wearing a fine and rich garment, the Prince doth not enrich or impoverish his Commonwealth: yet we cannot deny, but that it doth much for the reputation of his person: For the vanity and curiosity of garments, doth show great lightness of mind. According to the variety of ages, so ought the diversity of apparel to be, which seemeth to be very clear, in that the young maids are attired in one sort, the married women of an other sort: the widows of an other.  
And likewise I would say, that the apparel of children ought to be of one sort, those of young men of an other, and those of old men of an other, which ought to be more honester than all.  
For men of hoary heads ought not to be adorned with precious garments: but with virtuous works: 
Every man ought for to wear apparel according to his calling.  To go cleanly, to be well appareled, and to be well accompanied, we do not forbid the old, especially those which are noble and valiant men: but to go fine, to go with great trains, and to go very curious, we do not allow. Let the old men pardon me, for it is not the office but of young fools: for the one showeth honesty, and the other lightness. It is a confusion to tell it, but it is greater shame to do it, that is to say, that many old men of our time take no small felicity to put cawls on their heads, every man to wear jewels on their necks, to lay their caps with agglets of gold, to seek out divers inventions of metal, to load their fingers with rich rings, to go perfumed with odoriferous savours, to wear new fashioned apparel: and finally, I say, that though their face be full of wrinkles, they cannot suffer one wrinkle to be in their gown. All the ancient histories accuse Quint. Hortensius the Roman, for that every time when he made himself ready, he had a glass before him: and as much space and time had he to straighten the pleytes of his gown, as a Woman had, to trim the hairs of her head.  
This Quintus Hortensius being Consul, going by chance one day through Rome, in a narrow street met with the other Consul: where through the straightness of the passage, the plights of his Gown were undone: upon which occasion he complained unto the Senate of the other Consul, that he had deserved to lose his life.  
The Author of all this is Macrobius, in the third book of the Saturnales.  
I can not tell if I be deceived, but we may say, that all the curiosity that old men have to go fine, well appareled, and clean, is for no other thing but to shake off Age, and to pretend right to youth. What a grief is it to 
Pride in the aged, aught to be neglected.  see divers ancient men, the which as ripe Figs do fall: and on the other side it is a wonder to see how in their age they make themselves young. In this case (I say) would to God we might see them hate vices, and not to complain of their years which they have.  
I pray and exhort all Princes and great Lords, whom our sovereign Lord hath permitted to come to age, that they do not despise to be aged: For speaking the truth, the man which hath envy to seem old, doth delight to live in the lightness of youth. Also men of honour ought to be very circumspect: for so much as after they are become aged, they be not suspected 
A lie in a young man hateful, but in an old man abominable.  of their friends, but that both unto their friends and foes, they be counted faithful. For a Lie in a young man's mouth, is esteemed but a lie: but in the mouth of an ancient or aged old man, it is counted as a heinous blasphemy.  
Noble Princes and great Lords after they are become aged, of one sort they ought to use themselves to give, and of the other to speak. For, good Princes ought to sell their words by weight, and give rewards without measure.  
The Ancient do oftentimes complain, saying: That the young will not be conversant with them; and truly if there be any fault therein, it is of themselves. And the reason is, that if sometimes they do assemble together, to pass away the time: if the old man set a talking, he never maketh an end. So that a discrete man had rather go a dozen miles on foot, then to hear an old man talk three hours,  
If with such efficacy we persuade old men, that they be honest in their apparel: for a truth we will not give them licence to be dissolute in their words, since there is a great difference to note some man in his Apparel, or to accuse him to be malicious, or a babbler. For to wear rich and costly Apparel, iniurieth few, but injurious words hurt many.  
Macrobius in his first book of the dreams of Scipio, declareth of a Philosopher named Crito: who lived an hundred and five years: and till fifty years he was far out of course.  
But after he came to be aged, he was so well measured in his eating and drinking, and so wary in his speech, that they never saw him do any thing worthy reprehension: nor heard him speak word, but was worthy of noting.  
On this condition we would give licence to many, that till fifty years 
A worthy lesson, etc.  they should be young: So that from thenceforth they would be clothed as old men, speak as old men, and they should esteem themselves to be old But I am sorry, that all the Spring time doth pass in flower, and afterwards they fall into the grave as rotten, before they find any time to pull them out.  
The old do complain that the young do not take their advise, and their excuse herein is, that in their words they are too long: For if a man do demand an old man his opinion in a case, immediately he will begin to say, that in the life of such, and such Kings, and Lords of good memory, this was done, & this was provided: so that when a young man asketh them counsel how he shall be have himself with the living: the old man beginneth to declare unto him the life of those which be dead.  
The reason why the old men desire to speak so long is that since for their age they cannot see, nor go, nor eat, nor sleep, they would that all the time their members were occupied to do their duties, all that time their tongue should be occupied to declare of their times past. All this being spoken, what more is to say, I know not, but that we should content ourselves, that the old men should have their flesh as much punished, as they have their tongue with 
Old men ought to be a lantern to youth.  talk martyred. Though it be very vile for a young man to speak, and slander to a young man not to say the truth, yet this vice is much more to be abhorred in old Princes, and other noble and worshipful men, which ought not only to think it their duty to speak truth, but also to punish the enemies thereof, For otherwise the noble and valiant Knights should not lose a little of their authority, if a man saw on their heads but white hairs, and in their mouths found nothing but lies.   

CHAP. XIX. Of a letter of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, to Claudius and Claudinus, reproving them being old men, and that they lived youthfully.  
MARK Emperor, borne in Mount Celio, 
A Letter of the Emperor, reproving light behaviour in old men.  desireth to you my neighbours, claud and Claudine health of your persons, and amendment of your lives, I being as I am, at the Conquest of Asia, and you remaining always in the pleasures of Rome, we understand your news very late, and I think our letters arrive there as late. Notwithstanding, to those which go thither, I give answers for you others, and of all those which come hither, I demand of your health. And do not demand of others how well and how much I love you, but of your own proper hearts: and if your heart say, that I am a feigned friend, than I take myself condemned. If perchance your hearts do tell you that I love you, being true indeed that I hate you, or if I tell you that I hate you, being true that I love you: of truth I would pluck such a heart out of my body, and give it to be eaten of the beasts. For there is no greater deceit, then that which the man doth to himself.  
If a stranger beguile me, I ought to dissemble it, if an enemy deceive me, I ought to revenge it, if my friend misuse me, I ought to complain of him: but if I deceive myself, with whom shall I comfort myself? For there is no patience that can suffer the heart to deceive himself in any thing, which he hath not deepaly considered. Peradventure, ye will say, I do not esteem you, and that I have not written any letter unto you of long time, To this I answer.  
That you do not attribute the fault to my negligence, but to the great distance of countries that there is from hence to Rome: and also to the great affairs of Asia: For amongst other discommodities, the war hath this also, that it depriveth 
A discommodity that war bringeth.  us of the sweet conversation of our Country.  
I have always presumed to be yours, and at this present am at no man's pleasure, more than at yours: And since you have always known of me, what you desired to know, I have espied in you others that, which of force I must speak. For in the end I have not seen any possess so much, to be worth so much, to know so much, nor in all things to be so mighty, but that one day he should need his poor friend.  
The divine Plato said, and also well, That the man which loveth with his heart, neither in absence forgetteth, neither in presence becometh negligent, neither in prosperity he is proud, nor yet in adversity abject, neither he serveth for profit, nor yet he loveth for gain: and finally, he defendeth the case of his friend as his own.  
divers have been of the opinions which the Ancients held to affirm, 
For four causes Friends are to be esteemed.  for what end friends were taken, and in the end they were fully resolved, that for four causes we ought to choose friends.  
The first, we ought to have friends to treat, and to be conversant with all: for according to the troubles of this life, there is no time so pleasantly consumed, as in the conversation of an assured friend.  
The second is, we ought to have friends, to have friends, to whom we may disclose the secrets of our hearts: for it is much comfort to the woeful hart, to declare to his friend his doubts, if he perceive that he doth feel them in deed.  
The third, we ought to search & choose friends, to the end they help us in our adversities: For little profiteth it my heart, that with tears the friends do hear all that I bewail, unless afterwards in deed he will take pains to reform the same.  
The fourth, we ought to seek and preserve friends to the end they be protectors of our goods, and likewise judges of our evils: for the good friend is no less bound to withdraw us from the vices whereby we are slandered, then to deliver us from our enemies, by whom we may be slain.  
The end why I told you all this was, if that in this letter you chance to light upon any sharp word, that you take it patiently, considering that the love that I bear you, doth move me to speak, and the faith which I owe unto you, doth not suffer me that I should keep it close. For many things ought to be borne among friends, though they tell them in earnest, which ought not to be suffered of others, though they speak it in jest. I come therefore to show the matter, and I beseech the immortal Gods, that there be no more than that you have told me, and that it be less than I suspect.  
Gaius Furius your Kinsman, and my especial friend, as he went to the Realm of Palestine, and Jerusalem, came to see me in Antioch, and hath told me news of Italy & Rome; and among others, one above all the residue I have committed to memory, at the which I could not refrain laughing, and less to be troubled after I had thought of it. O how many things do we talk in jest, the which after we have well considered, give occasion to be sorry.  
The Emperor Adrian my good lord had a jester, whose name was Belphus young, comely and stout, albeit he was very malicious, as such are accustomed to be: and whiles the Ambassadors of Germany supped with the Emperor in great joy: the same Belphus began to jest of every one that was present, according to his accustomed manner with a certain malicious grace. And Adrian perceiving that some changed colour, others murmured, and others were angry: he said unto this jester: Friend Belphus, if thou love me and my service, use not these spiteful 
The speech of the Emperor Adrian to his jester.  jests at our supper, which being considered on, may turn us to evil rest in our beds.  
Gaius Furius hath told me so many slanders chanced in Italy, such novelties done in Rome, such alteration of our Senate, such contentions and strife between our Neighbours, such lightness of you two, that I was astonied to hear it, and ashamed to write it. And it is nothing to tell after what sort he told them unto me, unless you had seen how earnestly he spoke them: imagining that as he told them without taking any pains, so did I receive them (as he thought) without any grief: though in deed every word that he spoke, seemed a sharp piercing arrow unto my heart For oft times some telleth us things, as of small importance, the which do prick our hearts to the quick.  
By the opinion of all, I understand that you are very old, and yet in your own fantasies, you seem very young. And further they say, that you Apparel yourselves a new now, as though presently you came into the world: and moreover they say, that you are offended with nothing so much, as when they call you old, and that in theatres where comedies are played: and in the Fields, where the brute beasts do run, you are not the hindmost, and that there is no sport, nor lightness invented in Rome, but first it is registered in your house. And finally, they say, that you give yourselves so unto pleasures, as though you never thought to receive displeasures.  
O claud and Claudine, by the God jupiter I swear unto you, that I am ashamed of your unshamefastness, and am greatly abashed of your manners: and above all, I am exceedingly grieved for your offence. For at that time that you ought to lift your hands, you are returned again into the filth of the world. Many things men commit, which though they seem grave, yet by moderation of the person that committeth them, they are made light: but speaking according to the truth, I find one reason, whereby I might excuse your lights: but to the contrary, I see ten whereby I may condemn your follies.  
Solon the Philosopher in his Laws said to the Athenians, that if the young offended, he should be gently admonished, 
The difference of Solon and Lycurgus in opinion.  and grievously punished, because he was strong: and if the old err, he should be lightly punished, and sharply admonished, sith he was weak and feeble.  
To this Lycurgus in his laws, to the Lacedæmonians, said contrary: That if the young did offend, he should be lightly punished, and grievously admonished, since through ignorance he did err: and the old man which did evil, should be lightly admonished, and sharply punished, since through malice he did offend.  
These two philosophers being (as they have been) of such authority in the world that is past, and considering that their laws and sentences were of such weight, it should be much rashness in not admitting the one of them.  
Now not receiving the one, nor rereproving the other: Me thinketh that there is no great excuse to the young for their ignorance, and great condemnation to the aged for their experience.  
Once again I return to say that you pardon me, my friends, and you ought not greatly to weigh it, though I am somewhat sharp in condemnation, since you others are so dissolute in your lives: for of your black life my pen doth take ink.  
I remember well that I have heard of thee claud, that thou hast been lusty and courageous in thy youth: so that thy strength of all was envy, and the beauty of Claudine of all men was desired.  
I will not write unto you in this letter, my friends and neighbours, neither reduce to memory, how thou claud hast employed thy forces in the service of the commonwealth: and thou Claudine hast won much honour of thy beauty: for sundry times it chanced, that men of many goodly gifts are noted of grievous offences. Those which strived with thee are all dead, those whom thou desirest are dead, those which served thee Claudine are dead, those which before thee Claudine sighed, are dead: those which for thee died, are now dead: and since all those are dead with their lightness, do not you others think to die, and your follies also? I do demand now of thy youth one thing, and of thy beauty another thing, what do you receive of these pastims of these good entertainments, of these aboundances, of these great contentations, of the pleasures of the world, of the vanity that is past, and what hope you of all these to carry into the narrow grave?  
O simple, simple, and ignorant persons, how our life consumeth, and we perceive not how we live therein. For it is no felicity to enjoy a short or long life: but to know to employ the same either well or evil,  
O children of the earth, and Disciples of vanity, now you know that Time flieth, without moving his wings, the life goeth without lifting up his feet, the World dispatcheth us not telling us the cause, men do beguile us not moving their lips, our flesh consumeth to us unawares: the heart dieth, having no remedy: and finally our glory decayeth, as it it had never been, and death oppresseth us without knocking at the door.  
Though a man be never so simple, or so very a fool, yet he cannot deny, but it is impossible for to make a fire in the bottom of the sea, to make a way in the air, of the thin blood to make rough sinews, and of the soft veins to make hard bones. I mean that it is unpossible, that the green flower of youth, be not one day withered by age.   

CHAP. XX. The Emperor followeth his Letter and persuadeth Claudius and Claudinus being now old, to give no more credit to the World, nor to any of his deceitful flatteryes.  
THat which I have 
The continuation of the emperors letter to his friends.  spoken now, tendeth more to advertise the young, then to teach the old: For you others have now passed the prime time of childhood, the summer of youth, and the harvest of adolescency, and are in the winter of age, where it seemeth an uncomely thing, that those your hoary hairs should be accompanied with such vain follies. Sithence young men know not that they have to end their youth, it is no marvel, that they follow the world: but the old men, which see themselves fall into this guile, why will they run after vices again?  
O world, for that thou art the world, so small is our force, & so great our debility, that thou willing it, and we not resisting it, thou dost swallow us up in the most perilous gulf, and in the thorns most sharp thou dost prick us: by the priviest ways thou leadest us, & by the most stony ways thou carriest us. I mean, that thou bringest us to the highest favours, to the end that afterwards with a push of thy pike thou mightest overthrow us. O world, wherein all is worldly, two and fifty yeeares have passed since in thee I was first borne, during 
The vanity of the world and the uncertainty thereof.  which time thou never toldest me one truth: but I have taken thee with ten thousand lies. I never demanded the thing but thou didst promise it me, and yet it is nothing at all that ever thou didst perform. I never put my trust in thee, but ever thou beguiledst me, I never came to thee, but thou didst undo me: finally, never saw I ought in thee whereby thou deservest love, but always hatred.  
This presupposed, I know not what is in thee. O world, or what we worldlings want: for if thou hatest us we cannot hate thee, if thou dost us injury, we can dissemble it, if thou spurn us with thy feet, we will suffer it, if thou beatest us with a staff, we will hold our peace, also though thou persecutest us, we will not complain, though thou take ours, we will not demand it of thee, though thou dost beguile us, we will not call ourselves beguiled, and the worst of all is, that thou dost chase us from thy house, yet we will not depart from thence. I know not what this meaneth, I know not from whence this cometh: I know not who ought to praise this same, that we covet to follow the world, which will none of us, and hate the gods which love us: oft times I make account of my years past, sometimes also I turn and toss my book to see what I have read, and another time I desire my friends to give me good counsel: and for no other end I do it, then to attain to that I have spoken, and to know that I will say. I reading Rhetoric in Rhodes, Adrian my lord maintaining me there, knowing that I was two and thirty years of age, it happened in the Spring time I found myself solitarily, and soluarinesse with liberty smelled the world, and smelling it, I knew it, and know-it, I followed it, and following it, I attained it, & attaining unto it, thereunto I joined myself, and joining myself therewith, I proved it, and in proving it, I tasted it, and in tasting it, me thought it bitter, and in finding it bitter I hated it, and hating it I left it, and leaving it, is returned, and being returned, I received it again.  
Finally, the world inviting me, and I not resisting it, two and fifty years we did eat our bread together, and in one house we have always remained, wilt thou know after what sort the world and I do live in one house together, or better for to say, in one heart remain? hearken then, and in one word I will tell it thee.  
When I saw the world brave, I served him, when he saw me sad, he flattered me, when I saw him wealthy, I asked him, when he saw me merry, he begulled me, when I desired any thing, he holp me to attain to it, and afterwards when the same I best enjoyed, than he took it from me, when he saw me not pleased, he visited me, when he saw me, he forgot me, when he saw me overthrown, he gave me his hand to relieve me, when he saw me exalted, he tripped me again to overthrow me.  
Finally, when I think that I have somewhat in the world, I find that all that I have is a burden.  
If this which I have spoken of the world be any thing, more is that a great deal which yet of myself I will say, which is, that without doubt my folly is greater than his malice, since I am beguiled so oft, and yet always I follow the deceiver.  
O world, world, thou hast such moods and fashions in thy proceeding, that thou leadest us all to perdition. Of one thing I marvel much, whereof I cannot be satisfied. Which is, since that we may go upon the bridge, and yet without any gain we do wade through the water, and where as the shallow is sure, we seek to run into the gulf, and where the way is dry, we go into the plash, where we may eat wholesome meats to nourish the life, we receive poison to hasten death, we seek to destroy ourselves, whereas we may be without danger.  
Finally I say, without profit we commit a fault, though we see with 
How wary every man ought to be  our eyes the pain to follow. Wise men ought circumspectly to see what they do, to examine that they speak, to prove that they take in hand, for to beware whose company they use and above all, to know whom they trust: For our judgement is so corrupt, that to beguile us, one is enough, and to make us not to be deceived, ten thousand would not suffice. They have so great care of us, I do mean the world to be guile us, and the flesh to flatter us, that the high way being as it is narrow, the pathway dangerous, and full of pricks, the journey is long, and the life short: our bodies are never but laden with vices, and our hearts are full of sorrows and cares.  
I have wondered at divers things in this World, but that which astonieth me most is, that those which be good, we make them believe they are evil, and those which are evil, we persuade others to believe that they are good. So that we shoot at the white of virtues, and hit the butt of vices.  
I will confess one thing, the which being disclosed, I know that infamy will follow me, but peradventure some virtuous man will marvel at it, that is, that in those two and fifty years of my life, I have proved all the vices of this world, for no other intent but for to prove if there be any thing where in man's malice might be satisfied.  
And afterwards all well considered, all examined, and all proved, I find, that the more I eat, the more I die for hunger, the more I drink, the greater thirst I have, the more I rest, the more I am broken, the more I sleep, the more drousier I am: the more I have, the more I covet: the more I desire, the more I am tormented, the more I procure, the less I attain.  
Finally, I never had so great pain through want, but afterwards I had more trouble with excess: it is 
No man ever contented with his estate in this world,  a great folly to think, that as long as a man liveth in this flesh, that he can satisfy the flesh: for at the last cast, she may take from us our life; but we others cannot take from her, her disordinate covetousness: if men did speak with the Gods, or that the Gods were conversant with men, the first thing that I would ask them, should be, why they have appointed an end to our woeful days: and will not give us an end of our wicked desires? O cruel Gods, what is it you do? or what do you suffer us? it is certain, that we shall not pass one good day of life only, but in tasting this, and that life consumeth. O intolerable life of man, wherein there are such malices, from the which we ought to beware, and such perils to fall in, and also so many things to consider, that then both she and we do end to know ourselves, when the hour of death approacheth.  
Let those know that know not, that the World taketh our will, and we others like ignorants cannot deny it him, and afterwards having power of our will, doth constrain us to that which we would not: so that many times we would do virtuous works, and for that we are now put into the World's hands, we dare not do it.  
The World useth another subtlety with us, and to the end we should not strive with it, it praiseth the 
Every man ought to fly the vain enticements of the world.  times past, because we should live according to the time present.  
And the World sayeth further, that if we others employ our forces in his vices, he giveth us licence, that we have a good desire of virtue. O would to God in my days I might see, that the care which the World hath to preserve us, the Worldlings would take it to withdraw them from his vices. I swear that the Gods should then have more servants, and the World and the flesh should not have so many slaves.   

CHAP. XXI. The Emperor proceedeth in his Letter, and proveth by good reasons, that sith the aged persons will be served and honoured of the young, they ought to be more virtuous and honest than the young.  
I Have spoken all this before rehearsed, for occasion of you claud and Claudine 
The prosecution of the emperors letter teaching old men to be virtuous  the which at 60 and 10 years will not keep out the prison of the world: You, I say, which have your bodies weak and corrupted, what hope shall we have of young men which are but 25. years of age (if my memory deceive me not, when I was there, you had Nephews married, and of their children made sure, and two of the children borne: and since that is true, me thinketh when the fruit is gathered, the fruit is of no value, and after the meal is taken from the mill, evil shall the mill grind.  
I mean that the old man ought to desire that his days might be shortened in this world. Do not think my friends, that a man can have his house full of Nephews, and yet say, that he is very young? for in loading the tree with fruits, the blossoms immediately fall, or else they become withered. I have imagined with myself, what it is that you might do to see me young, and cut of some of your years: and in the end I know no other reason, but when you married Alamberta your daughter with Drusius, and your Niece Sophia the fair, with Tuscidan, which were so young, that the daughters were scarce 15. veares old, nor the young men 20. I suppose, because you were rich of years, and poor of money, that he gave to every one of them in stead of money for dowry ten years of yours: hereof a man may gather, that the money of your Nephews have remained unto you, and you have given unto them of your own years. I understand my friends, that your desire is to be young, and very young: but I greatly desire to see you old and very old I do not mean in years, which in you doth surmount, but in discretion, which in you doth want.  
O claud and Claudine, note that which I will say unto you, and bear it always in your memory.  
I let you know, that to maintain youth, to deface age, to live contented, to be free from travels, to lengthen life, and to avoid death: These things are not in the hands of men, which do desire them, but rather in the hands of those which giveth them: the which according to their justice, and not according to our covetousness, do give us life by weight, and death without measure.  
One thing the old men do, which is cause of slandering many, that is, that they will speak first in counsels, they will be served of the young in feasts, they will be first placed, in all that they say they will be believed, in Churches they will be higher than the residue, in distributing of offices they will have the most honour, in their opinions they will not be gainsaid. Finally, they, will have the credit of old sage men, and yet they will lead the life of young doting fools. All these pre-eminences and privileges, it is very just that old men 
What is required in every old man.  should have spent their years in the service of the commonwealth: but with this I do advise & require them, that the authority given them with their white hairs, be not diminished by their evil works.  
Is it a just thing that the humble & honest young man do reverence to the aged man, proud and disdainful? Is it a just thing that the gentle and gracious young man do reverence to the envious and malicious old man? is it a just thing that the virtuous and patient young man do reverence to the foolish and unpatient old man? is it a just thing, that the stout and liberal young man do reverence to the miserable & covetous old man? is it just that the diligent and careful young man do reverence to the negligent old man? is it just that the abstinent and sober young man do reverence to 
What duty is required of the young man to the old.  the greedy and gluttonous old man? is it just that the chaste and continent young man do reverence to the lecherous and dissolute old man? Me thinketh these things should not be such, that thereby the old man should be honoured, but rather reproved and punished. For old men offend more, by the evil example they give, then by the fault which they commit. Thou canst not deny me, my friend claud, that it is 33. years since we both were at the theatres to behold a play when thou camest late, and found no place for thee to sit in, thou saidest unto me who was set, Rise my son Mark, and sithence now thou art young, it is but just that thou give me place which am aged.  
If it be true, that it is three and thirty years sithence thou askedst place in the theatres as an old man: Tell me, I pray thee, and also I conjure thee, with what ointment hast thou anointed thyself, or with what water hast thou washed thyself to become young. O claud, if thou hadst found any medicine, or discovered any herb, wherewith thou couldst take white hairs from men's heads, and from women the wrinccles of their face: I swear unto thee, and also I do assure thee, that thou shouldest be more visited and served in Rome, than the God Apollo is in his Temple at Ephesus. Thou shouldest well remember Annius Priscus, the old man, which was our Neighbour, and somewhat a kin to thee: the which, when I told him that I could not be filled with his good words, and to behold his ancient white hairs, he said unto me.  
Oh my Son Mark, it appeareth well that thou hast not been aged, because thou talkest as a young man: For if white hairs do honour the person, they greatly hurt the hart. For at that hour when they see us aged, the strangers do hate us, and ours do not love us. And he told me more: I let thee know my son Mark, that many times my wife and I, talking of the years of another particularly, when she beholdeth me, and that I seem unto her so aged: I say unto her, and swear that I am yet young, and that these white hairs came unto me by great travels, and the age by sickness.  
I do remember also, that this Annius Priscus was Senator one year: and because he would not seem aged, but desired that men should judge him to be young, he shaved his beard and his head, which was not accustomed among the Senators nor Censors of Rome: And on a day among the other Senators, he entered into the high Capitol, one said unto him thus. 
A Question demanded of a● Senator of Rome.   
Tell me man, from whence comest thou? What wilt thou? and why comest thou hither? How dared thou being no Senator, enter into the Senate? He answered, I am Annius Priscus the aged: How chanceth it now you have not known me? They replied unto him: if thou wert Annius Priscus, thou wouldst not come hither thus shaven.  
For, in the sacred Senate can none enter to govern the commonwealth, unless his person be endued with virtues, and his head with white hairs: and therefore thou art banished, and deprived of thy Office. For the old, which live as the young aught to be punished.  
Thou knowest well claud and Claudine, that that which I have spoken, is not the feignings of Homer, neither a Fable of ovid: but that you yourselves saw it with your eyes, and in his banishment I did help him with money: and moreover he was banished another time for the lightness he did commit in the night in the City: and I marvel not hereof; For we see by experience, that Old men which are fleshed in vices, are more obstinate to correct then the young.  
Oh what evil fortune have the old men, which have suffered themselves to wax old in vice? For, more dangerous is the fire in an old house then in a new: and a great cut of a sword is not so perilous, as a rotten Fistula.  
Though old men were not honest and virtuous, for the service of the Gods and the commonwealth, for the saying of the people, nor for the example of the young: yet he ought to be honest, if it were but for the reverence of their years.  
If the poor old man have no teeth, how shall he eat? If he have no heat in his stomach, how can he digest? If he have no taste, how can he drink? if he be not strong, how can he be an adulterer? if he have no feet, how can he go? if he have the palsy, how can he speak: if he have the gout in his hands, how can he play? Finally, such like worldly & vicious men, have employed their forces being young, desirous to prove all these vices: and when they are old it grieveth them extremely that they cannot acomplish their desire  
Amongst all these faults in old men (in mine opinion,) this is the chiefest, that since they have proved all things, that they should still remain in their obstinate folly. There is no part but they have traveled, no villainy but they have essayed, no Fortune but they have proved, no good but they have persecuted, no evil but hath chanced unto them, nor there is any wickedness, but they have attempted  
These unhappy men which in this 
Old men by experience know and feel many dangers.  sort have spent all their youth, have in the end their combs cut, with infirmities and diseases: yet they are not so much grieved with the vices (which in them do abound) to hinder them from virtues, as they are tormented for want of corporal courage, to further them in their lusts.  
Oh if we were Gods, or that they would give us licence to know the thoughts of the old, as we see with our eyes, the deeds of the young.  
I swear to the God Mars, and also to the Mother Berecynthia, that without comparison, we would punish more the wicked desires which the aged have to be wicked: then the light deeds of the young.  
Tell me claud and Claudine, do you think though you behave yourselves as young, you shall not seem to be old? Know you not that our nature is the corruption of our body: and that our body hindereth our understandings, and that the understandings are kept of our soul, and that our soul is the mother of desires and that our desires are the scourge of our youth, and that our youth is the ensign of our age, and age the spy of death, and that death in the end is the house where life taketh his harbour: & from whence youth flieth a foot, & from whence age cannot escape a horseback?  
I would rejoice that you claud and Claudine, would but tell me what you find in this life, that so much therewith you should be contented: since no we you have passed fourscore years of life, during the which time, either you have been wicked in the world, or else you have been good. If you have been good, you ought to think it long until you be with the good Gods: if you have been evil, it is just you die, to the end you be no worse.  
For speaking the truth, those which in threescore and ten years have been wicked in works, leave small hope of their amendment of life.  
Adrian my Lord, being at Nola in Campania, one brought unto him a nephew of his from the study, whereas the young child had not profited a little: for he became a great Grecian, and Latinist: and moreover, he was fair gracious, and honest.  
And this Emperor Adrian loved his Nephew so much, that he said unto him these words: My Nephew, I know not whether I ought to say unto 
A speech of the Emperor Adrian.  thee that thou art good, or evil: For, if thou be evil, life shall be evil employed on thee, and if thou be good, thou oughtest to die immediately: and because I am worse than all, I live longer than all.  
These words which Adrian my Lord said, do plainly declare and express, that in short space the pale and cruel death doth assault the good, and lengtheneth life a great while to the evil.  
The opinion of a philosopher was, that the gods are so profound in their secrets, high in their mysteries, and so just in their works, that to men which least profit the commonwealth, they lengthen life longest: and though he had not said it, we others see it by experience. For the man which is good, and that beareth great zeal & friendship to the Commonwealth: either the Gods take him from us, or the Enemies do slay him, or the dangers do cast him away, or the travels do finish him. When the great pompeius and julius Caesar became enemies, and from that enmity came to cruel wars, the Gronicles of the time declare, that the kings and people of the occidental part became in he favour of julius Caesar, and the mightiest, and most puissant of all the oriental parts, came in the aid of great Pompeius, because these two Princes were loved of a few, and served and feared of all:  
Amongst the diversity and sundry nations of people which came out of the Oriental part, into the host of the great Pompeius, one nation came marvelous, and cruel barbarous, which said, they dwelled on the other side of the mountain Riphees, which go unto India.  
And these Barbarians had a Custom, not to live no longer than fifty years: and therefore when they came to that age, they made a greater 
A custom among the Barbarians.  fire, and were burned therein alive; and of their own wills they sacrificed themselves to the Gods. Let no man be astonished at that we have spoken, but rather let them marvel of that we will speak (that is to say) that the same day any man had accomplished fifty years, immediately he cast himself quick into the fire, and his friends made a great feast. And the feast was, that they did eat the flesh of the dead half burned, and drank in wine and water the ashes of his bones: so that the stomach of the children being alive, was the grave of the Father's being dead.  
All this that I have spoken with my tongue, Pompeius hath seen with his eyes, for that some being in the camp did accomplish fifty years; and because the case was strange, he declared it oft in the Senate.  
Let every man judge in this case, what he will, and condemn the barbarians at his pleasure, yet I will not cease to say what I think. O golden world, which had such men. O blessed people, of whom in the World to some shall be a perpetual memory, What contempt of world? what forgetfulness of himself? what stroke of fortune? what whip for the flesh? what little regard of life? O what bridle for the virtuous? O what confusion for those that love life. O how great example have they left us, not to fear death. Sithence those here have willingly despised their own lives, it is not to be thought that they died to take the goods of others, neither yet to think that our life should never have end, nor our covetousness in like manner.  
O glorious people, and ten thousand fold happy, that the proper sensuality being forsaken, have overcome the natural appetite to desire to live, not believing in that they saw, and that having faith in that they never saw, they strived with the fatal Destinies. By the way they assaulted fortune, they changed life for death, they offered the body to death, and above all, have won honour with the Gods, not for that they should hasten death, but because they should take away that which is superfluous of life. Archagent a Surgeon of Rome, and Antonius Musus, a Physician of the Emperor Augustus, and Esculapius, father of the Physic, should get little money in that Country. He that then should have sent to the barbarous to have done as the Romans at that time did, that is to say, to take syrups in the mornings, pills at night, to drink milk in the morning, to anoint themselves with grome●seed to be let blood to day, and purged to morrow, to eat of one thing, and to abstain from many, a man ought to think, that he which willingly, seeketh death, will not give money to lengthen life.   

CHAP. XXII. The Emperor concludeth his letter, and showed what perils those old men live in, which dissolutely like young children pass their days, and giveth unto them wholesome counsel for the remedy thereof.  
But returning to thee claud and to thee Claudine, me thinketh 
The conclusion of the emperors letter, reproving old men which live dissolutely, like young children.  that these barbarous men being fifty years of age, and you others having above threescore and ten, it should be just, that sithence you were elder in years, you were equal in virtue, and though (as they) you will not accept death patiently, yet at the least you ought to amend your evil lives willingly.  
I do remember, that it is many years sithence, that Fabritius the young, son of Fabritius the old, had ordained to have deceived me: of the which, if you had not told me great inconveniences had happened: and sithence that you did me so great a benefit, I would now requite you the same with another the like. For amongst friends there is no equal benefit, then to deceive the deceiver: I let you know, if you do not know it, that you are poor aged folks, your eyes are sunk into your heads, the nostrils are shut, the hairs are white, the hearing is lost, the tongue faultereth, the teeth fall, the face is wrinkled, the feet swollen, and the stomach cold. Finally I say, that if the grave could speak, as unto his Subjects, by justice he might command you to inhabit his house.  
It is great pity of the young men and of their youthful ignorance; for then unto such their eyes are not opened, to know the mishaps of this miserable life, when cruel death doth end their days, and adiorneth them to the grave.  
Plato in his book of the Common wealth said, that in vain we give good counsels, to fond and light young men: for youth is without experience of that it knoweth, suspicious of that it heareth, incredible of that is told him, despising the counsel of an other, and very poor of his own. For so much as this is true that I tell you claud, and Claudine, that without comparison, the ignorance which the young have of the good, is not so much: but the obstination which the old hath in the evil is more: For the mortal Gods many times do dissemble with a thousand offences committed by ignorance, but they never forgive the offence perpetrated by malice.  
O claud, and Claudine, I do not marvel that you do forget the gods, (as you do) which created you, and your Fathers, which begot you, and your parents which have loved you, and your friends which have honoured you: but that which I most marvel at is, that you forget yourselves: For you never consider what you ought to be, until such time as you be there where you would not be, and that without power to return back again.  
Awake, awake, since you are drowned in your dreams, open your eyes since you sleep so much, accustom yourselves to travels, sithence you are vagabonds, learn that which behoveth you, since now you are old. I mean, that in time convenient you agree with death, before he make execution of life.  
Fifty two years have I known the things of the world, and yet I never saw a Woman so aged through years, nor old man with members so feeble, that for want of strength could not (if they list) do good: nor yet for the same occasion should leave to be evil, if they list to be evil.  
It is a marvelous thing to see, and worthy to note, that all the corporal members of Man waxeth old, but the inward hart, and the outward tongue: For the heart is always given to invent 
All the members of man wax feeble in time, but only the heart and tongue.  evils, and the tongue is always able to tell Lies.  
Mine opinion is, that the pleasant Summer being passed, you should prepare yourselves for the untemperate winter which is at hand. And if you have but few days to continue, you should make haste to take up your lodging. I mean that sith you have passed the days of your life with travel, you should prepare yourselves against the night of death, to be in the haven of rest.  
Let mockeries pass as mockeries, and accept truth as truth: that is to say, that it were a very just thing, and also for your honour necessary, that all shose which in times past have seen you young and foolish, should now in your age, see you grave and sage. For there is nothing that so much forgetteth the lightness and follies of youth, as doth gravity and constancy in Age.  
When the Knight runneth his career, they blame him not for that the Horse's mane is not finely combed: but at the end of his race he should see his horse amended, and looked unto: What greater confusion can be to any person, or greater slander to our mother Rome, then to see that which now a days therein we see? That is to say: that the old which can scarcely creep through the streets, to behold the plays and games as young men, which search for nought else but only pomp and vanity?  
It grieveth me to speak it, but I am much more ashamed to see, that the old romans do daily cause the white hairs to be plucked out of their heads, because they would not seem old, to make their beard small, to seem young, wearing their hosen very close, their shirts open before: the gown of the Senator embroidered, the Roman sign richly enameled, the collar of gold at the neck, as those of Dace: Fringes in their gowns, as those of sapphire, hoops in their hats, as the greeks, and pearls on their fingers, as those of India.  
What wilt thou I tell thee more, than I have told thee? but that they wear their Gowns long and large, as those of Tharento, and they wear 
The pride of the ancient Senators of Rome.  them of the colour as men of war: and every week they have change, as players: and the worst of all is, that they show themselves as doting with love, now in their Age, as others have done heretofore in their youth.  
That old men are overcome by young desires, I do not marvel, for that brutish Lust is as natural, as the daily food: but the old men (being old men) should be so dissolute: herewith men justly aught to be offended. For the old men covetous, and of Flesh vicious, both offend the Gods, and slander the commonwealth.  
Oh how many I have known in Rome, who in their youth have been highly praised and esteemed, and after wards through giving themselves to very much lightness in their age, have been of all abhorred. And the worst of all is, that they have lost all their credit, their parents, their favour, and their poor innocent Children their profit? For many times the Gods permit, that the Father's committing the offences, the pains should fall upon their own children.  
The renowned Gaguino Cato, who descended from the high lineage of the sage Cato's, was five years Flamen priest, and administrator to the Vestal virgins, three years Praetor, two years Censor, one year Dictator, & five times Consul, being 75. years old, he gave himself to follow, serve and to desire Rosana, and daughter of Gneus Cursius, a Lady of truth very young and fair, and of many desired, and much made of: time afterwards passing away, and God Cupid doing his office, the love was so kindled inwardly in the heart of this old man, that he ran almost mad: So that after he had consumed all his goods in serving her daily, he sighed, and nightly he wept, only for to see her.  
It chanced that the said Rosana fell sick of a burning ague, wherewith she was so distempered, that she could eat no meat, but greatly desired to eats grapes: and sithence there were none ripe at Rome, Gaguino Cato sent to the river of Rhine, to fetch some, being far, and many miles distant from thence,  
And when the thing was spread through Rome, and that all the people knew it, and the Senate understanding the folly of him: the Fathers 
A severe sentence given by the Senators of Rome upon an old man.  commanded that Rosana should be looked up with the Vestal Virgins, & the old man banished Rome for ever, to the end, that to them it should be a punishment, and to others an example.  
Truly it grieved me sore to see it, and also I had great pains in writing it: For I saw the Father die in infamy, and his children live in poverty: I believe that all those which shall hear this example, and all those which shall read this writing, shall find the fact of this amorous old man, both vile and filthy, and they will allow the sentence of the Senate which they gave against him for good and just.  
I swear, that if Gaguino Cato had had as many young men in his banishment as he left old men Lovers that followed his example in Rome: there should not be cast away so many men, neither so many women evil married.  
It chanceth oft times, that when the old men (specially being noble and valiant) are advertised of their servants, are rebuked of their parents, are prayed of their friends, and accused of their enemies to be dishonest in such a place, they answer, That they are not in love, but in jest.  
When I was very young, no less in wisdom, then in age, one night in the Capitol I met with a neighbour of mine, the which was so old, that he might have taken me for his nephew: to whom I said these words: Lord Fabritius, are you also in 
A question demanded of an old man and his answer.  Love? he answered me. You see that my age suffereth me not that I should be a lover, if I should be, it is but in sport.  
Truly I marveled to meet him at that hour, and I was ashamed to have such an answer. In old men of great age and gravity such request cannot be called love, but grief, not pastime, but loss of time, not mocrie, but villainy: for of love in jest, ensueth infamy indeed.  
I ask you claud and Claudine, what a thing is it, to see an old man be in love? Truly it is no other, but as a garland before the Tavern doors: where all men think that there is wine, and they sell nought else but vinegar. They are eggs white without, & rotten within, they are golden pills, the taste whereof are very bitter, and as empty boxes in shops, which have new writings on them, or as a new gate, and within in the house is full of filth and cobwebs.  
Finally, the old Lover is a knight of Exchetes, which helpeth to lose money, and can deliver no man from peril. Let this word be noted, and always in your memory committed, That the old man that is vicious, is but 
A good example, and worthy to be noted.  as a Leek which hath the head white, and the tale green.  
Me thinketh that you ought to break the wings of time, since that you have feathers to fly withal: deceive not yourself, nor your friends and neighbours, saying, that there is time for all. For the amendment is in your hands, but time is in the hands of God to dispose.  
Let us come now to remedy this great damage, do what you can by the day of youth, and defer it not until the night of age, for ill cutteth the knife, when the edge thereof is dulled: and ill can he gnaw the bones which is accustomed to eat the flesh. I tell you, and advertise you, that when the old and rotten houses begin to fall, underset not them with rotten wood, but with hard timber. I mean with the upright thoughts of accounts, which we ought to give the Gods of our life, and to men of our renown.  
For I say, that if the Vine be gathered of our virtues, we ought to graff again the amendment: and if the shreds of our gatherings be dry and withered through our perverse works, we ought to set them again with new mould and good desires.  
The Gods are so gentle to serve, and so good to content, that if for all the services we owe them, and for the gifts which they give us, we cannot pay them in good works: they demand no more in pavement but good wills.  
Finally, I say, that if thou claud and Claudine have offered the meal of youth to the world, offer now the blood of age to the Gods.  
I have written longer than I had thought to have done. Salute all my neighbours, specially Drusio the Patrician, and noble Roman widow. I remember that Gobrine your niece did me a pleasure, that day of the Feast of the mother Berecinthia, wherefore I send two thousand Sesterces, one thousand to help to marry her: and the other thousand to help for to relieve your poverty.  
My wife Faustine is sick, and I send you another 1000 Sesterces to give to the Vestal virgins, to pray to the Gods for her.  
My wife sendeth to thee Claudine a coffer: by the immortal Gods I swear unto thee, I cannot tell what is in it. I beseech the Gods sithence you are aged to give you a good death, and to me and Faustine, they suffer us to lead a good life. Marcus of mount Celio with his own hand writeth this.   

CHAP. XXIII. Prince's ought to take heed that they be not noted of avarice, for that the covetous man is both of God and man hated.  
THe great Alexander King of Macedony, and Darius the unfortunate 
What caused Alexander to be loved and honoured  King of Persians, were not only contrary in wars and conquests, which they made, but also in the conditions and inclinations which they had: For Alexander naturally loved to give and spend: and Darius to the contrary, to heap, lock and keep. When the fame of Alexander was spread abroad throughout all the word to be a Prince of honour, and not covetous, his own loved him entirely, & strangers desired to serve him faithfully.  
The miserable King Darius, as he 
King Darius noted of covetousness.  was noted of great avarice, and of small liberality, so his did disobey him, and strangers hated him: whereof may be gathered that Princes and great Lords by giving, do make themselves rich: and in keeping, they make themselves poor.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms declareth, that after King Darius was dead, and Alexander had triumphed over all the Oriental parts, a man of Thebes being in the market place of Athens, setting forth the fortune of Alexander for the sundry Countries which he had conquered, and describing the evil fortune of Darius, for the great number of men which he had lost, a Philosopher with a loud voice said, O man of Thebes, thou art greatly deceived, to think that one prince loseth many signiories, and that the other Prince winneth many Realms. For Alexander the Great, wann nought but stones and coverings of Cities: for with his liberality he had already gotten the good wills of the Citizens: and on the contrary, the unfortunate Darius did not lose but stones, and the covertures of Cities, for with his covetousness and avarice he had now lost all the hearts of those of Asia.  
And further, this Philosopher said unto him, that Princes which will enlarge their estates, and amplify their realms in their conquests, ought first to win the hearts, and to be noble and liberal; and afterwards to send their armies to conquer the Forts, and walls, for otherwise little availeth it to win the stones, if the hearts do rebel.  
Whereby a man may gather, that that which Alexander wan, he wan by liberality and stoutness: and that which King Darius lost, he lost for being miserable and covetous.  
And let us not marvel hereat, for that Princes and great Lords which are overcome with avarice, I doubt whether ever they shall see themselves Conquerors of many realms. The vice of avarice is so detestable, so evil, 
The vice of avarice so odious, that it cannot be sufficiently expressed.  so odious, and so perilous, that if a man should employ himself for to write all the discommodities thereunto belonging, my pen should do nought else, then to presume to dry up all the water in the sea: For the stomach where avarice entereth, causeth a man to serve vices, & worship Idols.  
If a virtuous man would prepare himself to think on the great travel, and little rest that this cursed vice beareth with him, I think that none would be vicious therein. Though the covetous man had no other travel, but always to go to bed with danger, and to rise up with care: Me thinketh that it is a trouble sufficient for such a one when he goeth to bed, thinketh that he should be killed in his bed, or that sleeping his coffers should be rifled: and from that time he riseth, he is always tormented with fear to lose that which he hath won, and careful to augment that little too much.  
The divine Plato in the first book of his Commonwealth said these words. The men be made rich, because they never learned to be rich: for he which continually, and truly will become rich, first ought to abhor covetousness, before he begin to occupy himself to lock up goods. For the man which setteth no bond to his desire shall always have little though he see himself Lord of the world.  
The sentence of the Stoyckes doth satisfy my mind much, whereof Aristotle in his politics, maketh mention, where he saith: That unto great affairs, are always required great riches: and there is no extreme poverty, but where there hath been great abundance, 
A worthy saying of Aristotle.  etc. Thereof ensueth, that unto Princes and great Lords which have much, they want much: because unto men which have had little, they can want but little.  
If we admonish worldlings not to be vicious, they will always have excuses to excuse themselves, declaring why they have been vicious: the vice of Avarice excepted, to whom, and with whom they have no excuse. For, if one vain reason be ready to excuse, there are two thousand to condemn them. Let us put example in all the principal vices, and we shall see how this only of Avarice remaineth condemned, and not excused?  
If we reason why a noble Prince or great Lord is haughty and proud? He will answer that he hath great occasion. For the natural disposition of men is, rather to desire to command with travel, then to serve with quietness and rest.  
If we reprove any man that is furious, and given to anger: he will answer us, that we marvel not, since we marvel not of the proud: For that the enemy hath no more authority to trouble any man, than the other to take revenge of him.  
If we blame him for that he is fleshly and vicious: he will answer us, that he cannot abstain from that sin: For, if any man can eschew the acts, he fighteth continually with unclean thoughts. If we say that any man is negligent, he will answer us, that he deserveth not to be blamed: For, the vileness of our nature is such, that if we do travel it, immediately it is weary: and if we rest it, immediately it rejoiceth. If we rebuke any man that is a glutton, he will answer us, that without eating and drinking, we cannot live in the world: for the Divine Word hath not forbidden man to eat with the mouth, but the unclean thoughts which come from the heart.  
As of these few vices we have declared, so may we excuse all the residue: but to the vice of covetousness, none can give a reasonable excuse. For with money put into the coffer, the soul cannot profit, nor the body rejoice.  
Boetius in his book of consolation said, That Money is good, not when we have it in possession, but when we want 
A true saying o● Boetius.  it: And in very deed the sentence of Boetius is very profound: For, when man spendeth money, he attaineth to that he will, but having it with him, it profiteth him nothing.  
We may say of these rich and covetous men, that if they heap and keep, they say it is for dear and dry years, and to relieve their parents and friends. We may answer them, that they do not heap up to remedy the poor in like necessities, but rather to bring the Commonwealth to greater poverty. For than they sell all things dear, and put out their money to great usury: so that this covetous man doth more harm with that he doth lend them, than the dry: year doth, with that it hath taken from them.  
The noble and virtuous men ought not cease to do well, for fear of dry years: For, in the end if one dear year come, it maketh all dear: and at such a time, and in such a case, he only may be called happy, which for being free and liberal in Alms, shall rejoice that his table should be costly?  
Let all covetous men beware, that for keeping of much goods, they give not to the devil their souls: For, it may be that before the dear year cometh to sell their Corn, their bodies shallbe laid in the grave.  
Oh what good doth GOD to the Nobles, giving them liberal hearts: and what ill luck have covetous men (having as they have) their hearts so hard laced: For if covetous men did taste how sweet and necessary a thing it is to give, they could keep little for themselves.  
Now sithence the miserable and covetous men have not the heart to give to their friends, to depart to their parents, to succour the poor, to lend to their neighbours, nor to sustain the Orphans, It is for to be thought that they will spend it on themselves.  
Truly I say no more, for there are men so miserable, and so hard of that they have, that they think that as evil spent, which among themselves they spend: as that which one robbeth from them of their goods. How 
The description of a miserable and covetous man.  will the covetous and miserable wretch give a garment to a naked man, which dare not make himself a coat? How will he give to eat to the poor familiar, which as a poor slave eateth the bread of bran, and selleth the flower of meal? How shall the Pilgrims lodge in his house, who for pure misery dare not enter? and how doth he visit the Hospital, and relieve the sick, that oft times hazardeth his own health and life, for that he will not give one penny to the Physician? how shall he succour secretly the poor and needy, which maketh his own children go barefoot and naked? how can he help to marry the poor maids being orphans, when he suffereth his own daughters to wax old in his house? how will he give of his goods to the poor Captives, which will not pay his own men their wages? how will he give to eat to the children of poor Gentlemen, which always grudgeth at that his own spend? how should we believe that he will apparel a widow, which will not give his own wife a hood? How doth he daily give alms, which goeth not to the Church on the Sunday, because he will not offer one penny? how shall the covetous man rejoice the heart, sith for spending of one penny, oft times he goeth supperless to bed? And finally, I say, that he will never give us of his own proper goods, which weary always for the goods of another.   

CHAP. XXIIII. The Author followeth his matter, and with great reasons discommendeth the vices of covetous men.  
ONe of the things 
Poverty far better, than riches with covetousness  wherein the divine providence showeth, that we do not understand the manner of her government, is to see that she giveth understanding to a man to know the riches, she giveth him force to seek them, subtly to gather them, virtue to sustain them, courage to defend them, and also long life to possess them.  
And with all this she giveth him not licence to enjoy them, but rather suffereth him, that as without reason he hath made himself Lord of an other man's, of right he should be made slave of his own: thereby a man may know, of how greater excellency virtuous poverty is, than the outrageous covetousness: for so much as to the poor, God doth give contentation of that little he hath, & from the rich man he taketh contentation of the great deal he possesseth,  
So that to the covetous man we see troubles increase hourly, and the gain cometh unto him but monthly. Let us compare the rich and covetous man to the poor potter, and we shall see who shall profit most, either the potter with his pots that he maketh of the earth, or else the covetous with his money, which he hath in the earth. Though I make no answer to this, yet answer herein hath already been made, that the one is much better at ease with the earth, than the other is with the good: For the Potter getteth his living by selling pots, and the covetous man loseth his soul by keeping riches.  
I humbly require the high Princes and also I beseech the great Lords, and further I admonish the other nobles and Plebeians, always to have this word in memory. I say and affirm, that the more strongly the man keepeth, and locketh his treasure, 
The desire of covetous men never satisfied.  the more strongly and privily is he kept: for if he put two keys to keep his treasure, he putteth seven to his heart not to spend them. Let the noble and valiant men beware, that they give not their minds to heap up treasures: for if once their hearts be kindled with covetousness, for fear of spending a half penny, they will daily suffer themselves to fall into a thousand miseries. The Plebeians which are very rich may say, that they have not heaped up much treasures, sithence they cannot behold a hundred, or two hundred ducats. To this I answer, that the estates considered, ten duccates do as much harm to a Treasurer, as to others ten thousand: For the fault consisteth not in keeping, or hiding (much or little) riches: but forsomuch as in keeping them, we cease to do many good works. To me it is a strange matter, that niggardliness hath a greater force to the covetous, than conscience hath in others: For there are many, which notwithstanding conscience, do profit with the goods of others, and the covetous having more misery than conscience, cannot yet profit with their own: With much care and less diligence the covetous men do provide that the millers do not rob the meal, that their beasts make no wastes, that the Hunters run not through the corn, that their wine perish not, that those which owe them any thing, do not go and make themselves bankrupts, that wynets do not eat their corn, and the thieves rob not their goods: but in the end they watch none so well as themselves: for all the others, (early or late) have always opportunity to rob from them somewhat: but the covetous hath never the heart to change a duccate.  
Men ought to take great pity of a covetous man, who by his own will 
The description of a covetous man.  and not of necessity, weareth his gown all to torn, his shoes out, his points without agglets, an evil favouted girdle, his coat rend, his hat old, his hose seam rend, his cap greasy, and his shirt lousy. Finally, I say, that divers of these misers feign that they have a great sum to pay, and it is for no other thing, but for not wearing a good garment. What can the covetous do more, then for keeping a penny in his purse, he will go two months, and not trim his beard? Since it is true that these pinchpenies do behave their persons so evil, do ye think they have their houses any thing the better furnished? I say no, but you shall see their chambers full of cobwebs, the doors out of the hinges, the windows riven, the glasses broken, the planches loose, the covertures of the house without gutters, the stools broken, the beds worm-eaten, and chimneys ready to fall: so that to harbour a friend or kinsmen of theirs, they are constrained to Lodge him in their neighbour's house, or else to send to borrow all that they want. And passing over the garments they wear, & the houses wherein they dwell, let us see what Tables they keep: For of their Gardens they eat no fruit, but that that falleth off the tree, of their vines but rotten grapes, of their sheep the sickest, of their Corn the wettest, of wine, that which hath taken wind, of Lard that is yellow, of milk, that is turned. And finally I say, the felicity that gluttons have in eating, the self same have they in keeping.  
Oh unhappy are the gluttons, and much more the covetous: for the taste of one consisteth only in the throat, & the felicity of the other consisteth 
A comparison between the glutton, & the usurer.  in that he may lock up in his chest.  
We have now seen how the covetous wear simple apparel, keep a poor Table, and dwell in a filthy house: and yet they less regard those things that touch their honour. For, if they had their ears as open to hear, as they have their hearts bend at each hour to gather and heap up: they should hear how they are called misers, usurers, niggards, pinchpennies, oppressors, cruel, unthankful, and unfortunate. Finally I say, that in the commonwealth they are so hated, that all men had rather lay hands upon their bodies to kill them, than tongues on their renown, to defame them. The covetous man is of all other the most unlucky. For, if he fall at strife with any, he shall find no one friend that will come to visit him in his house: but he shall have a hundred thieves which will rob him of his goods. For to revenge a covetous enemy, a man need desire nought else but that he live long: for, he is more tormented in his life with his own covetousness, than he can be otherwise with any penance. If rich men would say unto me, that they do not rejoice to have fair houses, sithence they have them, neither of curious apparel, since they may wear it, nor of dainty meats, sithence they may eat them, and that that which they do, is not to be covetous, but for that they are good Christians.  
In so just a thing, reason would my pen should cease: but I am sorry, they so little esteem things touching their honour, and much less the matters touching their conscience.  
If the avaricious say, he keepeth goods to do alms, I do not believe it: for daily we see, if a poor man ask him alms, he answereth them immediately, God help you, for he hath neither purse nor money. The covetous 
The alms of the covetous man, if he give any.  useth this, that he never giveth alms in his house, but fat meat, resty bacon, rotten cheese, & hoary bread: so that it seemeth rather that they make clean their house, then give alms to the poor. If the covetous man would tell us, that that which they have, is to discharge some debts of their predecessors, wherewith they are burdened. I say, it is a vain excuse, sithence we see that the wills of their fathers, of their mothers, and of their grandfathers, be not as yet performed, neither will they think to perform them, which seemeth very true. For since the hour that they laid their fathers in the grave, they never had any thought of their dead Fathers.  
He which of pure covetousness and misery, suffereth himself to die for hunger and cold: I think he hath small devotion for to give alms, and much less to do any man good. If the covetous man say unto us, that that which he keepeth, is for none other cause but for to build a sumptuous Chapel, and to leave of them some memory: To this I answer, That if such a one doth it with his own proper sweat, and maketh restitution of all the evil that he hath done, it shall be sanctified, and of all good men commended: but if the covetous will that many live in great poverty, only to make a rich tomb, God doth not command that, neither doth the Church admit it: for sacrifice done to God with the cries of others is not acceptable.  
If the covetous tell us, that though they heap treasures, it is not but at their death to distribute it unto the poor, and to be brought honestly to the ground: I say that I commend this purpose, so his intent be accordingly performed: but I am sorry the covetous man should think hereby to merit, and that he should thus discharge the wickedness of his life, for the distribution of a little money after his death.  
I would think it more sure, that Princes & great Lords should spend their goods to marry poor maidens being Orphans in their life, then to command money to be dealt after their death. For oft times the heirs or their executors, the body interred, do little perform the will of the Testator: and much less observe the Legacies bequeathed, though it be to the utter undoing of the poor Orphans.  
O what guerdon and commendation deserveth he that justly and truly dischargeth the Legacies of the dead, and of the surplus (if any be) or with their own, relieve the Orphans, and marry the poor maidens, keeping them from the vices of the world. Suppose that a covetous man chanceth to traffic at Medine in Spain, at Lions in France, at Lisbon in Portugal, at London in England, at Antwerp in Flaunders, at Milan in Lombardy, at Florence in Italy, at Palermo in Scicill, at Prage in Bohemia, and at Buda in Hungary: Finally, with his eyes he hath seen all Europe, and by traffic he hath knowledge of all Asia. Admit now that in every place he hath gotten goods, and that which he hath gotten, was not with whole conscience, but according to the companies, so hath the offences been divers.  
In this case, if at the hour of death when the covetous man divideth his money between the children, he might also divide his offences, so that he dispossessing himself of the goods, might thereby be free from the offences, than it were well. But alas it is not so, for the wicked children live triumphing on the earth with the goods, and the miserable father goeth weeping to hell with his sins.   

CHAP. XXV. Of a letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote to his friend Cincinnatus, who being a Roman Knight became a merchant of Capua, wherein he toucheth those Gentlemen which take upon them the trade of Marchanaize against their vocation. It is divided into three Chapters,  
Mark the Emperor with his brother Annius Verus, fellow in the Empire, wisheth to thee Cincinnatus 
The Emperor showeth the abuse of those that leave their calling.  of Capua, health to thy person, and grace against thy evil fortune. From the feast of our mother Berecinthe, I have seen neither servant of thy house, nor read letter of thy hand, which maketh me suspect greatly that thy health is in danger, or that thou mistrustest our friendship: for earnest friendship requireth daily communication or visitation: I pray thee be not so careless from henceforth, and do not forget us in such wise. I mean that thou wilt come and see us, or at the least that thou wilt write unto us often: for the letters of faithful friends, though utterly they do not take from us the desire of the presence: yet at the least, they make us hope for a meeting. I know that thou mayest answer me, that in the Common wealth of Capua thou art so busied, that it is impossible thou shouldest write unto me: hereto I answer thee.  
That in no affairs thou canst be so occupied, that it be a lawful let, not to communicate, or write unto thy friend: For we may well call the time which we live, to be well employed, which is spent in the service of God, and in the conversation of our friends.  
All the residue that we waste in talking, traveling, sleeping, eating & resting, we ought not to write it in the book of life, but in the Register of death: For albeit that in such semblable works the body is refreshed, yet therewith the heart cannot be comforted.  
I swear unto thee therefore my friend, that it is impossible that man take any contentation of any worldly thing, where the heart is not at rest: for our comfort is not in the sinews or in the bones of the body, but in the lively power of the soul, It is long sithence that you and I have known together, it is long time likewise that I loved thee, and thou me: and sith we are so true old friends, it is but reason, that with good works we do renew our friendship. For falsely they usurp the name of friendship, which are not conversant one with the other, no more than if they were strangers. The man which speaketh not to me, which writeth not to me, which seeth me not, which visiteth me not, which giveth me not, and to whom I give not.  
I would not he were my enemy: but it little availeth me that he call me friend, for particular friendship consisteth not in abundance, but that friends do open their hearts, and talk with their persons.  
Peradventure thou wilt say, that the great distance which is from Rome to that Country, hath been occasion to diminish our friendship: for the noble hearts are on fire with the presence of that they love, and have great pain with the absence of that they desire.  
I answer, that the farther the delicious wines are sent, from the place where they grow, the greater strength they have. I mean, that herein true 
Wherein true friendship consisteth.  friends are known, when their persons are furthest severed: for then are their wills most conjoined.  
Tell me I pray thee Cincinnatus, sithence always thou hast found me a diligent friend in thy service, why dost thou mistrust my faithful good will? The green leaves outwardly do show that the tree inwardly is not dry, I mean, that the good works outwardly do declare the ferventness of the heart inwardly. If thou Cincinnatus presumest to be a true friend of thy friend, I will thou know this rule of friendship which is: where perfect love is not, there wanteth always faithful service: and for the contrary he that perfectly loveth, assuredly shall be served. I have been, am and will be thine, therefore thou shalt do me great injury, if thou art not mine.   

CHAP. XXVI. The Emperor proceedeth in his Letter, & declareth what virtues men ought to use, and the vices which they ought to eschew.  
IN times past, I being young and thou old, I did succour thee with money, 
The Emperor showeth what virtues men ought to use, and the vices they ought to eschew.  and thou me with good counsel: but now the world is otherwise changed, in that thy white hairs do judge thee to be old, and thy works do cause thee to be young: Therefore necessity compelleth me, that we change our style, which is: that I secure thee with counsel, though thou give me no money therefore: for I count thy covetousness to be such, that for all the good counsel, and counsellors of Rome, thou wilt not vouchsafe to give one quatrine of Capua.  
Now for the good that I wish thee, and for that which I owe to the Law of friendship, I will presently give thee a counsel, whereby thou mayest know what a good man ought to do, to be beloved of God, and feared and loved of men. If thou wilt quietly lead thy life in this miserable World, retain this well in memory which I write unto thee,  
First, the good deeds thou hast received of any, those shalt thou remember: and the wrongs thou hast sustained, them shalt thou forget. Secondarily, esteem much thy own little, and weigh not the much of an other. Thirdly, the company of the good always covet, and the conversation of the evil daily fly. Fourthly, to the great show thyself grave, and to the small more conversant. Fiftly, to those which are present, do always good works: and of those that be absent, always speak good words. Sixtly, weigh little the loss of fortune, and esteem much things of honour. The seventh, to win one thing, never adventure thou many: nor for many things doubtful do not adventure any one thing certain. Finally, and lastly, I pray thee, and advertise thee that thou have no enemy, and that thou keep but one friend. He which among the good, will be counted for good, none of these things he ought to want, I know well that thou wilt have great pleasure to see these my counsels well written: but I ensure thee, I shall have greater pleasure to see them in thy deeds well observed: For by writing to give good counsel, it is easy: but by works to follow the same, is marvelous hard.  
My faithful friendship to thee plighted, and thy great ability considered, caused me always for thee in Rome to procure honourable offices, and by my suit thou hast been Edite, and Tribune, and master of the horses, wherein thou behavedest thyself with such wisdom, that all the Senate therefore yielded me most hearty thanks, I procuring them for thee, and thou for thyself winning such perpetual renown. One thing of thee I understand, which with good will I would not have known, and much less that any such thing by thee should have been committed: that is to say; That thou leaving thy Office of Praetorship in the ware by Land, hast taken upon thee the traffic of a Merchant by sea: so that those which in Rome knew thee a knight, do see thee now in Capua, a Merchant. My pen enditing this my letter, for a time stood in suspense for no other cause, but only to see what thing in thee first I might best blame: either the noble office which thou didst forsake, or the vile and base estate which thou hast chosen. And though thou be so much bereaved of thy senses, yet call to mind thy ancient predecessors which died in the wars, only to leave their children, and nephews armed knights: and that thou presently seekest to lose thy liberty through thy covetousness, which they won by their valiantness. I think I am not deceived, that if thy predecessors were revived, as they were ambitious of honour, so would they be greedy to eat thee in morsels, sinews, bones & all. For the children which unjustly take honour from their Fathers, of reason ought to lose their lives.  
The Castles, Towns, houses, mountains, woods, beasts, jewels, and silver, which our predecessors have left us, in the end by long continuance do perish: and that which causeth us to have perpetual memory of them, is, the good renown of their life. And therefore if this be true, it is a great shame for their parents to have such children, in whom the renown of their predecessors doth end. In the flourishing time of Cicero the Orator, when by his counsel the whole Commonwealth was governed, he being then of power, both in knowledge, and of money: Sallust said unto him in his invective, that he was of base stock: whereunto he answered: Great cause have I to render thanks unto the Gods, that I am not as thou art, by whom thy high Lineage is ended: 
A worthy saying of Cicero.  but my poor stock by me doth now begin to rise. It is great pity to see, how many good, noble, and valiant men are dead: but it is more grief to see presently their children vicious & unthrifts. So that there remaineth as much memory of their infamy, as there doth of the others honesty. Thou makest me ashamed, that thou hast forsaken to conquer the enemies as a Roman knight, and that thou art become a merchant, as a poor Plebeian.  
Thou makest me to muse a little, my friend Cincinnatus, that thou wilt harm thy familiars, and suffer strangers to live in peace. Thou seekest to procure death to those which give us life: and to deliver from death, those which take our life. To Rebels thou givest rest, and to the peacemakers, thou givest annoyance. To those which take from us our own thou wilt give, and to those which giveth us of theirs, thou wilt take. Thou condemnest the innocents, and the condemned, thou wilt deliver. A defender of thy country thou wilt not be, but a tyrant of thy Commonwealth. To all these things adventureth he, which leaveth weapons, and falleth to Merchandise. With myself oft times I have mused, what occasion should move thee to forsake Chivalry, wherein thou hadst such honour, and to take in hand merchandise, where of followeth such in famie? I say, that it is as much shame for thee to have gone from the wars as it is honour for those which are born to office in the commonwealth.  
My friend Cincinnatus, my end tendeth not to condemn merchandise nor merchants, nor to speak evil of those which traffic, by the trade of buying and selling. For, as without the valiant knights, wars cannot be achieved: so likewise without the diligent merchants, the commonwealth cannot be maintained? I cannot imagine for what other cause thou shouldest forsake the wars, and traffic merchandise, unless it were, because thou now being old and wantest force to assault men openly in the straits: shouldst with more ease sitting in thy chair, rob secretly in the marketplace. O poor Cincinnatus, sithence thou buiest cheap & sellest dear, promisest much, & performest little: thou buiest by one measure, and sellest by another, thou watchest that none deceive thee, and playest therein as other merchants accustom. And to conclude, I swear, that the measure wherewith the Gods shall measure thy life, shall be much juster than that of thy merits.  
Thou hast taken on thee an office, wherewith, the which they companions in many days have robbed, thou in one hour by deceit dost get, and afterwards the time shall come, when all the goods which thou hast gotten, both by truth, and falsehood, shall be lost, not only in an hour which is long, but in a moment which is but short. Whether we give much, we have much, we may do much, or we live much, yet in the end the gods are so just, that all the evil we do commit shall be punished, and for all the good we work, we shall be rewarded, so that the Gods oftentimes permit, that one alone shall scourge many, and afterwards the long time punisheth all.   

CHAP. XXVII. The Emperor concludeth his letter, and persuadeth his friend Cincinnatus to despise the vanities of the world, and showeth though a man be never so wise, yet he shall have need of another man's counsel.  
IF I knew thy wisdom esteemed the world, and the vanities thereof, so 
The Emperor concludeth his letter, describing the vanities of the world.  much as the world doth possess thee, and thy days, as by thy white hairs most manifestly doth appear: I need not to take the pains to persuade thee, nor thou shouldest be annoyed in hearing me: Notwithstanding thou being at the gate of great care, reason would that some should take the clapper to knock threeat, with some good counsel: for though the razor be sharp, it needeth sometimes to be whet. I mean though man's understanding be never so clear, yet from time to time it needeth counsel.  
Virtuous men oft times do err, not because they would fall, but for that the things are so evil of digestion, that the virtue they have, sufficeth not to tell them what thing is necessary for their profit. For the which cause it is necessary, that his will be bridled, his wit fined, his opinion changed, his memory sharpened, and above all, now and then, that he forsake his own advise, and cleave unto the counsel of an other. Men which covet to make high, sumptuous, fair and large buildings, have great care that the foundation thereof be surely laid: for where the foundations are not sure, there the whole buildings are in great danger. The manners and conditions of this world, (that is to say) the prosperous estates whereupon the children of vanity are set, are founded of quicke-sand: in that sort, that be they never so valiant, prosperous and mighty, a little blast of wind doth stir them, a little heat of prosperity doth open them, a shower of adversity doth wet them, and unawares death striketh them all flat to the ground. Men seeing they cannot be perpetual, do procure to continue themselves, in raising up proud buildings, & leaving to their children great estates: wherein I count them fools, no less then in things superfluous: for admit the pillars be of gold, the beams of silver, and that those which join them be kings, & those which build them noble, & in that mining they consume a 1000 years before they can have it out of the ground, or that they can come to the bottoms: I swear unto them, that they shall find no steady rock, nor lively mountain, where they may build their house sure, nor to cause their memory to be perpetual.  
The immortal Gods have participated all things to the mortal men, immortality only reserved, & therefore they are called immortal, for so much as they never die, and we others 
The frailty and state of man described.  are called mortal, because daily we vanish away. O my friend Cincinnatus, men have an end, & thou thinkest the Gods never ought to end. Now green, now ripe, now rotten, fruit is severed from this life, from the tree of the miserable flesh, and esteem this as nothing, for so much as this is natural. But oftentimes in the leaf or flower of youth, the frost of some disease, or the peril of some mishap doth take us away: so that when we think to be alive in the morning, we we are dead in the night.  
It is a tedious and long work to weave a cloth: yet when in many days it is woven, in one moment it is cut. I mean, that it is much folly to see a man with what toil he enricheth himself, and into what peril he putteth himself to win a state of honour: and afterwards when we think little we see him perish in his estate, leaving of him no memory. O my friend Cincinnatus, for the love that is between us, I desire thee, and by the immortal Gods I do conjure thee, that thou give no credit to the world which hath this condition, to hide much copper under little gold, under the colour of one truth, he telleth us a thousand lies, and with one short pleasure he mingleth ten thousand displeasures. He beguileth those to whom he pretendeth most love, and procureth great damages to them, to whom he giveth most goods, he recompenseth them greatly which serve him in jest, and to those which truly love him, he giveth mocks for goods.  
Finally, I say, that when we sleep most sure, he waketh us with greatest peril. Either thou knowest the world with his deceit, or not: if thou knowest him not, why dost thou serve him, if thou dost know him, why dost thou follow him? Tell me, I pray thee, wouldst not thou take the thief for a fool, which would buy the rope, wherewith he should be hanged, and the murderer that would make the sword wherewith he should be beheaded, and the robber by the highway, that would show the well wherein he should be cast? and the traitor that should offer himself in place for to be quartered? the rebel that should disclose himself to be stoned? Then I swear unto thee, that thou art much more a fool which knowest the world, and will follow it, and serve it.  
One thing I will tell thee, which is such, that thou never oughtest to forget it, that is to say that we have great need of faith, not to believe the vanities which we see, then to believe the great malice which with our ears we hear. I return to advise thee, to read and consider this word which I have spoken, for it is a sentence of profound mystery.  
Dost thou think Cincinnatus, that Rich men have little care to get great riches? I let thee know that the goods of this world are of such condition, 
Cares that are incident to them that hoard up riches.  that before the poor man doth lock up in his chests an 100 crowns: he feeleth a thousand griefs and cares in his heart. Our predecessors have seen it, we see it presently, & our successors shall see it: that the money which we have gotten is in a certain number: but the cares and travels which it bringeth are infinite. We have few painted houses, and few noble estates in Rome, that within a little time have not great cares in their hearts, cruel enmityes with their neighbours, much evil will of their heirs, disordinate importunities of their friends, perilous malices of their Enemies, and above all in the Senate they have innumerable process: and oft times to lock up a little good in their chests, they make ten thousand blots in their honour.  
Oh how many have I known in 
deceivers never go unpunished, either in this life, or the other.  Rome, to whom it hath chanced, that all that they have gotten in Rome, to leave unto their best beloved Child: another heir (with little care,) of whom they thought not, hath enjoyed it.  
There can be nothing more just, then that all those which have beguiled others with deceit in their life, should be found deceived in their vain imaginations after their death.  
Injurious should the Gods be, if in all the evils that the evil propound to do, they should give them time and place to accomplish the same. But, the gods are so just and wise, that they dissemble with the evil, to the end they should begin, and follow the things according to their own wills and fantasies: and afterwards at their best time, they cut off their lives, to leave them in greater torment. The Gods should be very cruel, and to them it should be great grief to suffer, that that which the evil have gathered, to the prejudice of many good, they should enjoy in peace many years. Me thinketh it great folly, to know that we are borne weeping and to see that we die sighing: and yet for all this, we dare live laughing?  
I would ask of the world and his worldlings, sithence that we enter into the world weeping, and go out of the world sighing: why we should live laughing? For, the rule to measure all parts, aught to be equal.  
Oh Cincinnatus, who hath beguiled thee? to the end that for one bottle of water of the Sea of this world for thy pleasure, thou wilt blister thy hand with the rope of cares, and bruise thy body in the anchor of troubles: and above all to adventure thine own honour, for a glass of water of another man.  
By the faith of a good man, I swear unto thee, that for all that great quantity of Water thou drawest, for that great deal of money thou hast, thou remainest as much dead for thirst, drinking of that water, as when thou wert without water in the cup.  
Consider now thy years, if my counsel thou wilt accept, thou shalt demand death of the Gods, to rest thee as a virtuous man: and not riches 
A good counsel to reframe from covetousness.  to live as a Foole.  
With the tears of mine eyes I have bewailed many in Rome, when I saw them depart out of this world: and thee I have bewailed, and do bewail (my friend Cincinnatus) with drops of blood, to see the return into the world The credit thou hadst in the Senate, the blood of thy predecessors, my Friendship, the authority of thy person, the honour of thy parentage: the slander of thy Commonwealth, aught to withdraw thee from so great covetousness.  
Oh poor Cincinnatus, consider the white honoured hairs which do fall, aught to be occupied in the noble armies: sithence thou art noble of blood, valiant in person, ancient of years, and not evil willed in the Commonwealth. For, thou oughtest to consider, that more worth is reason, for the pathway of men which are good: then the common opinion, which is the large high way of the evil. For, if it be narrow to go on the one side, there is no dust wherewith the eyes be blinded, as in the other. I will give thee a counsel, and if thou feelest thyself evil, never count thou me for friend. Lust no more after the greasy fat of temporal goods, since thou hast short life: For we see daily many, before they come to thy age die, but we see few after thy age live.  
After this counsel I will give thee an advise, that thou never trust present prosperity: For, then always thou art in danger of some evil Fortune: If thou art mounted into such pricking thorns as a fool: me thinketh thou oughtest to descend as a Sage. And in this sort all will say amongst the people, that Cincinnatus is descended, but not fallen. My Letter I will conclude, and the conclusion thereof see well thou note, that is to say: That thou and thy Trade shall be cursed: where you other merchants will live poor, to die rich. Once again I return to curse you, for the covetousness of an evil man is always accomplished, 
Covetousness always accursed.  to the prejudice of many good.  
My wife Faustine doth salute thee, and she was not a little troubled when she knew thou wert a Merchant, and that thou keepest a shop in Capua. I send thee a Horse to ride upon, and one of the most richest Arras of Trypolie, to hang thy house withal, a precious ring, and a a pommel of a sword of Alexandrie: And all these things I do not send thee, for that I know thou hast need thereof: but rather not to forget the good custom I have to give. Pamphile thy aunt and my neighbour is dead, and I can tell thee, that in Rome died not a woman of a long time, which of her left such renown: for so much as she forgot all enmities: she succoured the poor, she visited the banished, she entertained friends, and also I heard say, that she alone did light all the temples. Prescilla thy cousin hath the health of body, though for the death of her mother her heart is heavy. And without doubt she hath reason: for the only sorrows which the Mothers suffer to bring us forth, though with drops of blood we should bewail them, yet we cannot recompense them. The Gods be in thy custody and preserve me, with my wife Faustine, from all evil Fortune.  
Mark of Mount Celio, with his own hand.   

CHAP. XXVIII. ¶ The Author persuadeth Princes and great Lords to fly covetousness and Avarice, and to become bountiful and liberal, which virtue is ever pertinent to the royal person, etc.  
PIsistratus, the renowned Tyrant among the Athenians, since his friends could not endure the cruelties that he committed, each one returned to his own house, and utterly forsook him. The which when the Tyrant saw, he laid all his treasure and Garments on a heap together, and went to visit his friends, to whom with bitter tears he spoke 
A saying of Pisistratus. the Tyrant.  these word. All my Apparel and money here I bring you, with determination, that if you will use my company, we will go all to my house, and if you will not come into my company, I am determined to dwell in yours. For, if you be weary to follow me, I have great desire to serve you: sithence you know that they cannot be called faithful Friends, where the one cannot bear with the other,  
Plutarch in his Apothegms saith: that this Tyrant Pisistratus was very rich, and extreme covetous: so that they write of him, that the gold and silver which once came into his possession, never man saw it afterwards: but if he had necessity to buy any thing, if they would not present it unto him willingly, he would have it by force.  
When he was dead, the Athenians determined to weigh him and his treasure: the case was marvelous, that the gold and silver he had weighed more than his dead body six times. At that time in Athens there was a Philosopher called Lido, of whom the Athenians demanded, what they should do with the treasure 
The opinion of the Philosopher Lido, concerning a covetous man.  and dead body? Me thinketh (qd, this Philosopher) That if those which are living, did know any silver or gold which the tyrant took from them, it should be restored again immediately: and do not marvel hereat, that I do not require it to be put in the common treasure: For God will not permit that the Common wealth be enriched with the theft of tyrants: but with the sweat of the Inhabitants. If any goods remain which do not appear from whom they have been taken, me thinketh that they ought to be distributed among the poor: for nothing can be more just than that which the goods wherewith the tyrant hath impoverished many, with the self same we should enrich some.  
As touching his burial, me thinketh he ought to be cast out to the fowls to be eaten, and to the dogs to be gnawn.  
And let no man think this sentence to be cruel: for we are bound to do no more for him at his death, than he did for himself in his life, who being so overcome with avarice that he would never disburse so much money, as should buy him seven foot of earth wherein his grave should be made, And will you know, that the Gods have done a great good to all Greece to take life from this tyrant: First, it is good, because much goods are dispersed, which heretofore lay hid, and served to no purpose.  
Secondly, that many tongues shall rest: for the treasures of this Tyrant, made great want in the Commonwealth, and our tongues the greatest part of the day were occupied, to speak evil of his person.  
Me thinketh this Philosopher hath touched two things, which the covetous man doth in the commonwealth, that is to say, that drawing much gold and silver to the hidden Treasure, he robbeth the merchandise wherewith the people do live: The other damage is, that as he is hated of all, so he causeth rancour and malice in the hearts of all: for he maketh the rich to murmur, and the poor to blaspheme.  
One thing I read of in the laws of the Lombard's, worthy (of truth) to 
A custom among the Lumbards', worthy to be noted and followed.  be noted and known, and no less to be followed, which is, that all those which should have gold, silver, money, silks, and clothes, every year they should be registered in the place of justice. And this was, to the end, not to consent, nor permit them to heap much, but that they should have to buy, sell, and traffic, whereby the goods were occupied among the people: so that he which did spend the money to the profit of his house, it was taken for good of the commonwealth. If Christians would do that which the Lumbards' did, there should not be so many covetous men in the common wealth: for nothing can be more unjust, then one rich man heap up that which would suffice 10000 to live with all: we cannot deny, but that cursed avarice to all sorts of men, is as prejudicial, as the moth which eateth all garments. Therefore speaking the truth, there is no house that it doth not defile: for it is more perilous to have a clod of earth fall into a man's eye, than a beam upon his foot.  
Agesilaus the renowned king of the Lacedæmonians, being asked of a man of Thebes, what word was most audible to be spoken to a King: and what word was that that could honour him most? he answered. The Prince with nothing so much aught to be annoyed, as to say unto him that he is rich, and of nothing he ought so much to rejoice, as to be called poor. For, the glory of the good Prince consisteth not in that he hath great treasures: but in that he hath given great recompenses.  
This word without doubt, of all the world was one of the most royalest and worthiest to be committed unto me morie, Alexander, Pyrrhus, Nicanor, Ptholomeius, Pompeius, julius Caesar, Scipto, Hannibal, Marcus Porlius, Augustus, Cato, trajan, th'eodose, Marcus Aurelius: etc. All these Princes have been very valiant and virtuous: but adding hereunto also, the Writers which had written the deeds that they did in their lives, have mentioned also the poverty which they had at their death. So that they are no less exalted, for the riches they have spent, then for the prowesses they have done.  
Admit that men of mean estate be avaricious, and Princes & great Lords 
Covetousness in great personages, a greater blemish than in the poor  also covetous: the fault of the one is not equal with the vice of the other, though in the end all are culpable: For if the poor man keep, it is for that he would not want, but if the knight hoard, it is because he hath too much. And in this case I would say, that cursed be the Knight which traveleth, to the end that goods abound, and doth not care that between two bows his renown fall to the ground.  
Sithence Princes and great Lords will that men do count them Noble, virtuous, and valiant, I would fain know what occasion they have to be niggards and hard?  
If they say, that that which they keep is to eat, herein there is no reason: for in the end, where the rich eateth least at his table, there are many that had rather have that which remaineth, then that which they provide to eat in their houses.  
If they say that that which they keep is to apparel them, herein also they have as little reason: for the greatness of Lords consisteth not in that they should be sumptuously appareled, but that they provide that their servants go not rend not torn. If they say it is to have in their chambers precious jewels, in their hals rich Tapestry, as little would I admit this answer: for all those which enter into Prince's Palaces, do behold more if those that haunt their chambers be virtuous, then that the Tapestries be rich.  
If they say it is to compass their Cities with walls, or to make fortresses on their frontiers: so likewise is this answer among the others very cold.  
For good Princes ought not to travel, but to be well willed, and if in 
The safety of Princes consists in the love of his subjects.  their realms they be well-beloved, in the world they can have no walls so strong, as in the hearts of their Subjects. If they tell us that that they keep is to marry their children, as little reason is that, for since Princes and great Lords have great inheritances, they need not heap much: For if their children be good, they shall increase that shall be left them: and if by mishap they be evil, they shall as well lose that which shall be given them.  
If they say unto us that which they heap is for the warts in like manner, that is no just excuse: For if such war be not just, the Prince ought not to take it in hand, nor the people thereunto to condescend: but if it be just, the commonwealth then and not the Prince shall bear the charges thereof. For in just wars, it is not sufficient that they give unto the Prince all their goods, but also they must themselves in person hazard their lives.  
If they tell us that they keep it to give and dispose for their souls, at their dying day: I say it is not only for want of wisdom, but extreme sollie. For, at the hour of death princes ought more to rejoice, for that they have given, then for that at that time they give.  
Oh how Princes and great Lords are evil counseled, since they suffer themselves to be slandered for being covetous, only to heap a little cursed treasure. For experience teacheth us, no man can be covetous of goods, but needs he must be prodigal of honour, and abandon liberty.  
plutarch, in the Book which he made of the fortunes of Alexander, saith: That Alexander the great had a private servant, called Perdiccas: the which seeing that Alexander liberally 
A Question demauded of great Alaxander, & his answer.  gave all that which by great travel he attained: on a day he said unto him: Tell me, most Noble Prince, sithence thou givest all that thou hast unto others, what wilt thou have for thyself?  
Alexander answered. The glory remaineth unto me, of that I have won and gotten: and the hope of that which I will give and win.  
And further he said unto him, I will tell thee Perdiccas: If I knew that men thought, that all that which I take were for covetousness, I swear unto thee by the God Mars, that I would not beat down one corner in a Town: and to win all the world, I would not go one days journey. My intention is, to take the glory unto myself, and to divide the goods amongst others.  
These words so high, were worthy of a valiant and virtuous Prince, as of Alexander which spoke them.  
If that which I have read in books do not beguile me, and that which with these eyes I have seen: to become rich, it is necessary that a man give: For that Princes and great lords, who naturally are given to be liberal, are always fortunate to have.  
It chanceth oft times, that some man giving a little, is counted liberal, and another giving much, is counted a niggard: the which proceedeth of this, that they know not, that liberality and niggardness consisteth not in giving much or little: but to know well how to give. For, the rewards and recompenses, which out of time are distributed, do neither profit them which receive them, neither agree to him which giveth them. A covetous man giveth more at one time, than a noble and free heart doth in twenty: thus saith the proverb, It is 
An old proverb.  good coming to a niggards feast.  
The difference between the liberality of the one, and the misery of the other is, that the noble and virtuous doth give that he giveth to many: but the niggard giveth that he giveth, to one only.  
Of the which unaduisement, princes ought carefully to beware. For if in such case one man alone should be found, which would commend his liberality, there are ten thousand which would condemn his covetousness.  
It happeneth oft times to princes and great Lords, that indeed they are free to recompense, but in giving, they are very unfortunate. And the cause is, that they give it not to virtuous persons and well conditioned, but to those which are unthankful, and do not acknowledge the benefit received.  
So that in giving to some, they they have not made them their friends, and in not giving unto others, they have made them their Enemies.  
It sufficeth not unto Princes and great Lords, to have a great desire to give, but to know, when, how, or where, and to whom they ought to give: For if they be accused, otherwise to heap up treasures, they ought also to be condemned for that they do give.  
When a man hath lost all that he hath in play, in Whores, in Banquets, and other semblable vices: It is but reason they be ashamed: but when they have spent it, like noble, stout, and liberal men, they ought not to be discontented; for the wise man ought to take no displeasure for that he loseth, but for that he evil spendeth: and he ought to take no pleasure for that he giveth, but for that he giveth not well.  
Dion the Grecian in the life of the Emperor Severus saith, That one day in the Feast of the God janus, when he had given divers rewards and sundry gifts, as well to his own servants, as to str●ngers, and that he was greatly commended of all the Romans, he said unto them.  
Do you think now (Romans) that I am very glad for the gifts, rewards, and recompenses which I have bestowed: and freely given, and that I am very glorious for the praises you have given me? by the God Mars I swear unto you, and let the God janus be so merciful unto us all this year, that the pleasure I 
A worthy ●aying of the Emperor Severus.  have is not so great for that I have given: as the grief is, for that I have no more to give.   

CHAP. XXIX. The Author followeth his intention, and persuadeth Gentlemen and those that profess Arms, not to abase themselves for gains sake, to take upon them any vile function or office.  
PLutarch in his Apothegms sayeth, that King Ptolomeus the first, was a 
The praise of King Ptolomeus.  Prince of so good a nature, and so gentle in conversation, that oft times he went to supper to the houses of his familiar friends, and many nights he remained there to sleep. And truly in this case he showed himself to be well-beloved of his: For speaking according to the truth, a Prince on whose life dependeth the whole state of the Commonwealth, aught to credit few at the Table, and also fewer in the bed. Another thing this Ptolomeus did, which was, when he invited his friends to dinner or supper, or other strangers, of some he desired to borrow stools, of others napkins, and of others cups: and so of other things, for he was a prodigal Prince: For all that his servants in the morning had bought, before the night following he gave it away.  
One day all the Nobles of his Realm of Egypt assembled together, and desired him very earnestly, that he would be more moderate in giving: for they said, through his prodigality, the whole Realm was impoverished. The king answered: You others of Egypt are marvelously deceived, that the poor and needy prince is troubled. In this I dare say unto you, that the poor and needy Prince ought to think himself happy: For good Princes ought more to seek to enrich others, then to heap up Treasures for themselves.  
Oh happy is the Commonwealth which deserveth to have such a prince, and happy is that tongue, which could pronounce such a sentence. Certainly 
A wise saying of King Ptolomeus.  this Prince to all princes gave good example and counsel, (That is to say) that for them it was more honour, and also more profit, to make others rich, then to be rich themselves. For if they have much, they shall want no cravers, and if they have little, they shall never want servants to serve them.  
Suetonius Tranquillus in the book of Caesar's, saith: that Titus the Emperor one night after supper, from the bottom of his heart fetched a heavy sigh: and he being demanded of those which were at his table, why he sighed so sore? he answered. We have lost at this day my Friends. By the which words the Emperor meant, that he counted not that day amongst 
A worthy saying of Titus the Emperor.  those of his life: wherein he had given no reward nor gift.  
Truly this Noble Prince was both valiant and mighty, since he sighed and had displeasure, not, for that which in many days he had given, but because that one day he had failed to give any thing.  
Pelopa of Thebes, was a man in his time, very valiant, and also Rich, and sith he was fortunate in getting, and liberal in spending: one asked him, why he was so prodigal to give? he answered. If to thee it seemeth that I give much, to me it seemeth yet I should give more: sithence the goods ought to serve me, and not I to honour them. Therefore, I will that they call me the spender of the goods, and not the stewards of the house.  
plutarch in his Apothegms, saith: that K. Darius flouting at K. Alexander, for being poor, sent to know where his Treasures were for such great Armies? To whom Alexander the great answered.  
Tell King Darius, that he keepeth in his coffers, his treasures of metal: and that I have no other Treasours, than the hearts of my Friends. And further tell 
A worthy saying of great Alex: to king Darius.  him, that one man alone can rob all his treasures: but he and all the world can not take my Treasures from me, which are my Friends. I durst say, affirming that Alexander said: That he cannot be called poor, which is rich of Friends. For, we say by experience, Alexander with his Friends, took king Darius' treasures from him: and king Darius with all his treasures, was not puissant enough to take Alexander's friends from him.  
Those which of their natural inclination are shamefast, and in estate Noble, they ought above all things to fly the slander of covetousness: For, without doubt greater is that honour which is lost, than the goods that are gotten.  
If Princes and great Lords, of their own natural inclination be liberal, let them follow their nature: but if perchance of their own nature they are inclined to covetousness: let them enforce their will. And if they will not do it, I tell them which are present, that a day shall come, when they shall repent. For, it is a general rule, that the disordinate covetousness, do raise against themselves all venomous tongues. Think that when you watch to take men's goods, that others watch in like manner to take your honour. I do not think that your life can be sure: For, there is no law that doth ordain, nor patience that can suffer, to see my neighbour live in quiet by the sweat of my brows.  
A poor man esteemeth as much a cloak, as the rich man doth his delicious life: Therefore it is a good consequent, that if the Rich man take the gown from the poor, the poor man ought to take the life from the rich.  
Photion amongst the greeks was greatly renowned: and this, not so much for that he was sage, as for that he did despise all worldly riches: unto whom, when Alexander the great (king of Macedonte,) had sent him an hundred marks of silver, he said unto those that brought it: Why doth Alexander send this Money unto me, rather 
A worthy saying of Photion, the philosopher.  than to other Philosophers of Greece? They answered him: He doth send it unto thee, for that thou art the least covetous, and most virtuous.  
Then answered this Philosopher, Tell Alexander, that though he knoweth not what belongeth unto a Prince, yet I know well what pertaineth to a Philosopher. For, the estate and office of Philosophers is, to despise the treasures of Princes: and the office of Princes, is to ask counsel of Philosophers.  
And further Photion said: You shall say also to Alexander, That in that he hath sent me, he hath not showed himself a pitiful Friend, but a cruel Enemy: for esteeming me an honest man (such as he thought I was) he should have holpen me to have been such.  
These words were worthy of a wise man. It is great pity, to see valiant and Noble men to be defamed of covetousness, and only for to get a few goods, he abaseth himself to vile offices: which appertain rather to mean persons, then to noble men and valiant knights. Whereof ensueth, that they live infamed, and all their friends slandered. Declaring further I say, that it seemeth great lightness, that a knight should leave the honourable estate of chivalry, to exercise the handycrafte of Husbandry: and that the Horses should be changed into Oxen, the spears to mattocks, and the weapons into ploughs: Finally, they do desire to toil in the fields, and refuse to fight in the Frontiers.  
Oh, how much some Knights of our time have degenerated, from that their fathers have been in times past: for their predecessors did advance themselves of the Infidels, which in the the fields they slew, and their children brag of their Corn and Sheep they have in their grounds,  
Our ancient knights were not wont to sigh, but when they saw themselves in great distress, and their successors weep now, for that it rained not in the month of May. Their Fathers did strive which of them could furnish most men, have most weapons, and 
Great difference between the ancient warriors, & these of our times.  keep most horses: but their children now a days contend, who hath the finest wit, who can heap up greatest treasures, and who can keep most sheep.  
The Ancients strived who should keep most men: but these worldlings at this day strive, who can have greatest revenues. Wherefore I say, since the one doth desire as much to have great Rents, as the others did delight to have many weapons: It is as though Fathers should take the Sword by the pommel, and the children by the scabbard All the good arts are perverted, and the art of Chivalry above all others is despised: And not without cause, I called it an art: for the ancient philosophers consumed a great time to write the laws that the knights ought to keep. And as now the order of the the Carthaginians seemeth to be most straight, so in times past, the order of Knighthood was the straightest. To whom I swear, that if they observed the order of chivalry, as good & gentle Knights: there remained no time vacant for them in life to be vicious, nor we should accuse them at their death as evil christians. The true and not feigned Knight, ought not to be proud, malicious, furious, a glutton, coward, prodigal, niggard, a liar, a blasphemer, nor negligent. Finally, I say, that all those ought not to be judged as Knights, which have golden spurs, unless he hath therewith an honest life.  
O if it pleased the King of Heaven, that Princes would now a days examine as straightly those, which have cure of souls, as the Romans did those which had but charge of armies. In old time they never dubbed any man Knight, unless he were of noble blood, proper of person, moderate in speech, exercised in the war, 
An ancient custom among the Romans.  courageous of heart, happy in arms, and honest in life: Finally, he ought of all to be beloved for his virtue, and of none hated for his vice. The Knights in whom these virtues shined bright in Rome, had divers liberties, that is to say, that they only might wear rings, ride on horseback through the streets, they might have a shield, shut the gates at dinner, they might drink in cups of silver, speak to the Senate, and make defyances, they might demand the ensign, wear weapons, take the charge of Embassage, and ward at the gates of Rome  
The Author hereof is Blondus in the book De Italia illustrata. If Pliny deceive us not in an Epistle, & Plutarch in his politics, Seneca in a Tragedy, and Cicero in his Paradoxes: There was nothing wherein the Ancients were more circumspect, then in electing of their knights: now it is not so, but that one having money to buy a Lordship, immediately he is made Knight: it is not to fight against the enemies in the field, but more freely to commit vices, and oppress the poor in the towns. To the end he may be a good Christian, he ought to think upon jesus crucified, & to be a good knight, he ought always to behold the arms of his shield, the which his Grandfather, or great Grandfather wan. For they they shall see, that they wan them not being in their houses: but in shedding of the blood of their enemies in the Frontiers.   

CHAP. XXX. Of a Letter which the Emperor wrote to Mercurius his neighbour, a Merchant of Samia, wherein men may learn the dangers of those which traffic by sea and also see the covetousness of them that travel by land.  
MArcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, born in mount Celio, wisheth to thee 
A Letter of the Emperor to Mercurius.  Mercurius his special friend, health, and consolation in the Gods, the only Comforters. It seemeth well, that we are friends, sithence we do the works of charity: For I understanding here thy mishap immediately sent a messenger to comfort thee, and in hearing my disease, thou sendest a friend of thine to visit me. Wherefore men may perceive if thou hadst me in mind, I did not forget thee.  
I understand that the messenger that went, and the other that came, met in Capua: the one carried my desire for thee, and the other brought thy letter for me. And if as diligently thou hadst read mine, as I attentiuly have heard thine: thou shouldest thereby plainly know, that my heart was as full of sorrow, as thy spirit was full of pain. I was very glad, & great thanks I yield thee, that thou sendest to comfort me in my fever tertian, & thy visitation came at the same hour that it left me. But if the Gods did leave this fact in my hands, even as they thought it good to fix the fever in my bones: I would not leave thee without comfort, nor give place to the fever to return again. Oh how great is our pride, and the misery of man's life.  
I speak this because I do presume to take many Realms from other, & yet I have not the power to pluck the fever out of my own bones. Tell me I pray thee (Mercurius) what profit is it to us to desire much, to 
What profiteth it a man to covet much, since his day ●s are so short.  procure much, to attain much, and to presume much, since our days are so brief, and our persons so frail? It is long time since we have been bound together in friendship, and many years have passed since we have known the one the other: and the day that thy friendship trusted my faith, immediately my faith was bound, that thy evils should be mine, and my goods thine: for as the divine Plato said, that only is true friendship, where the bodies are 2. and the wils but one.  
I count that suspicious friendship where the hearts are so divided, as the wills are fevered: for there are divers in Rome great friends in words, which dwell but x. house, a sunder, & have their hearts ten thousand miles distant.  
When thou went'st from Rome, and I came from Samia, thou knowest the agreement which we made in Capua, whereof I trust thou wilt not deceive me now, but that I am another, thou here, and that thou shouldest be another, I there: so that my absence with thy presence, and thy presence with mine absence be always together: By relation of thy messenger, I under stood that thou hast lost much goods but as by thy letter I was informed, the anguish of thy person was much greater. As we understand here thou didst send a ship laden with merchandise to Greece, and the Mariners and Factors desiring more to profit by their wisdom, then to accomplish thy covetousness: did cast the merchandise into the sea, and only they traveled to save their persons, In deed in so strait and perilous a case, thou hast no reason to accuse them, nor yet they are bound to satisfy thee: for no man can commit greater folly, then for the goods of others to hazard his own proper life.  
Pardon me (Mercury) I pray thee for that I have spoken, and also for that I will say, which is, that for so much as the Mariners and Factors were not thy children, nor thy Kinsmen, nor thy friends, so that thy merchandise might have come to the haven safe, thou hast little passed, if they had all been drowned in the deep gulf of the sea.  
Further, I say, though I would not say it, and thou much less hear it, that according to the little care which you other covetous men have, of the children and Factors of others, and according to the disordinate love which you have to your proper goods: whereas thou weepest bitterly for the loss of thy goods, though thou hadst seen all the Mariners drowned, thou wouldst not have shed one tear: For Roman merchants weep rather for ten crowns lost, which they cannot recover, then for ten men dying, the which ten crowns would have saved.  
Me thinketh it is neither just nor honest, that thou do that which they tell me thou dost, to complain of thy Factors, and accuse thy Mariners, only to recover of the poor men by land that which the fish have in their possession in the sea: For as thou knowest no man is bound to change health, life nor the renown of their persons, for the recovery of goods. Alas What pity have I on thee Mercury? in that the ship was loaden with thy merchandise: and the worst of all is: that according to my understanding, and thy feeling, the Pirates have not cast such farthells into the Sea, as thoughts have burdened and oppressed thy heart. I never saw man of such condition as thou art, for that thou seest the ship, (until such time) as they cast the merchandise over the board, could not sail safely: and yet thou dost load thyself with riches, to go to thy grave.  
O grievous and cursed riches, with the which neither in the deep Seas, neither yet in the main land, our persons are in safeguarde: Knowing thy property, I would rather bind myself to seek thy Lead and tin, than thy heart so wounded. For, in the end, 
Riches never letteth man be in quiet.  thy lead is together in some place in the bottom of the Sea: but thy covetousness is scattered through all the whole Earth.  
If perhaps thou shouldst die, and the Surgeons with the sharp rasours should open thy stomach, I swear unto thee, by the Mother Berecynthia, (which is the mother of all the Gods of Rome) that they should rather find thy heart drowned with the lead, then in life with thy body. Now thou canst not be sick of the Fever tertain as I am, for the heat within thy body, and the pain in thy head, would cause thee to have a double quartain: and of such disease thou canst not be healed on thy bed, but in the ship: not on land, but on the sea: not with physicians, but with pirates. For the physicians would carry away the money, and the pirates would show thee where thy lead fell.  
Trouble not thyself so much Mercury, for though thou hast not thy lead with thee in the land, it hath thee with it in the sea, and thou oughtest enough to comfort thyself: for whereas before thou hadst it in thy coffers, thou hast it presently in thy entrails. For, there thy life is drowned, where thy lead is cast.  
O Mercury, now thou knowest, that the day that thou didst recommend thy goods to the unknown rocks, and thy ship to the raging Seas, and thy outrageous Avarice unto the furious winds, how much that thy factors went desiring thy profit and gain, so much the more thou mightest have been assured of thy loss.  
If thou hadst had this consideration, and hadst used this diligence, thy desire had been drowned, & thy goods escaped. For, men that dare adventure their goods on the Seas, they ought not to be heavy for that is lost, but they ought to rejoice for that that is escaped,  
Socrates, the ancient and great philosopher, determined to teach us, not by words, but by works, in what estimation 
Socrates teacheth us how to esteem the goods of this world.  a man ought to have the goods of this world: for he cast into the Sea not lead, but gold, not little, but much, not of another man's, but of his own, not by force, but willingly, not by fortune, but by wisdom.  
Finally, in this worthy fact, he showed so great courage, that no covetous man but would have rejoiced, to have found so much on the land, as this philosopher did delight to have cast into the Sea. That which Socrates did was much, but greater ought we to esteem that he said, which was this: Oh ye deceitful goods, I will drown you, rather than you should drown me.  
Since Socrates feared, and drowned his own proper goods, why do not the covetousfeare to rob the goods of other? This wise philosopher would not trust the fine gold: and thou dost trust the hard lead. Draw you two lots, Socrates of Athens, and thou of Samia, see which of you two have erred, or done well: he to carry gold from the land to the sea, to bring gold to the land.  
I am assured, that the ancient Romans would say, that it is he: but the covetous of this present World would say, that it is thou. That which in this case I think is, that thou in praising it, dost dispraise thyself, and Socrates in dispraising it, of all is praised and esteemed.   

CHAP. XXXI. The Emperor followeth his matter, & concludeth his Letter, greatly reproving his friend Mercurius for that he took thought for the loss of his goods. He showeth him the nature of fortune, and describeth the conditions of the covetous man.  
THis messenger told me, that thou art very sad, that thou 
The conclusion of the emperors letter, showing the nature of covetous men.  criest out in the night, and importunest the Gods, wakest thy neighbours; and above all, that thou complainest of Fortune, which hath used thee so evil: I am sorry for thy grief: for grief is a friend of solitude, enemy of company, a lover of darkness, strange in conversation, and heir of desperation.  
I am sorry thou criest in the night; for it is a sign of folly, a token of small patience, the point of no wise man, and a great proof of ignorance: for at the hour when all the world is covered with darkness, thou alone dost discover thy hart with exclamations. I am sorry that thou art vexed with the Gods, saying, that they are cruel: Forsomuch as if they have taken any thing from thee for thy pride, they should restore it again for thy humility: for as much as we offend the Gods through the offence so much do we appease them with patience.  
O my friend Mercurius, knowest thou not that the patience which the Gods have in dissembling our faults, is greater, then that which men have in suffering their chastisements? for we others unjustly do offend them, and they justly punish us.  
I am sorry that with thy exclamations and complaints thou slaunderest thy neighbours: for as thou knowest, one neighbour always envieth another, in especially the poor the rich. And according to my counsel, thou shouldest dissemble thy pain, and take all things in good part: for if perhaps thy riches have caused thy sorrow, thy patience will move them to compassion. I am sorry thou complainest of thy fortune: For Fortune (sith she is known of all) doth not suffer herself to be defamed of one: and it is better to think with Fortune how thou mayest remedy it, then to think with what grief for to complain. For there are divers men which to publish their pain are very careful, but to seek remedy, are as negligent.  
O poor innocent Mercurius, after so long forgetfulness, art thou more advised to complain of fortune again, and darest thou defy fortune, with whom all we have peace? We unbend our bows, and thou wilt charge thy lances: thou knowest not what war meaneth, and yet thou wilt win the victory: all are deceived, and wilt thou alone go safe? what wilt thou more I say unto thee: since I see thee commit thyself unto Fortune? Dost thou know, that it is she that beateth down the high walls, and defendeth the Towne-ditches? Knowest thou not, that it is she that peopleth the unhabitable deserts, and dispeopleth the peopled Cities? Knowest thou not, that it is she that of enemies maketh friends: and of friends enemies? Knowest thou not, that it is she that conquereth the conquerors: Knowest thou not that it is she that of traitors maketh faithful, and of faithful suspicious. Finally, I will thou know, that Fortune is she which turneth realms, breaketh armies, abasheth Kings, raiseth Tyrants, giveth life to the dead, and burieth the living: dost thou not remember, that the second King of the Lacedæmonians had over his gates such words:  
The Palace here behold where men do strive,  
By fruitless toil to conquer what they can, 
A superscriptio written over the gates of the King of Lacedemonia.   
And fortune eke that Prince's fancies rind,  
By his unbridled will that always wan.  
Certainly these words were high, and proceeded of a high understanding. And if in this case I may be believed, they ought to be well noted of wise men, and not written before the gates, but imprinted within the hearts. Better knew he Fortune than thou, since he took himself for one disinherited, and not as heir: and when he lost any thing as thou, he knew that he received it by loan, and not that it was his own.  
Men in this life are not so much deceived for any thing, as for to think that the temporal goods should remain with them during life. Now that God doth suffer it, now that our woeful fortune doth deserve it, I see no greater mishaps fall unto any, then unto them which have the greatest estates and riches: so that truly we may boldly say, that he alone which is shut in the grave, is in safeguard from the unconstancy of fortune.  
Thy messenger hath told me further, that this summer thou preparedst thyself to Rome, and now that it is Winter thou wilt sail to Alexandria. O thou unhappy Mercury, tell me I pray thee, how long it is, sithence thou lost thy senses: for as much as when this life doth end, thy avarice beginneth a new: thou foundest two Cities very meet for thy traffic, that is to say, Rome which is the scourge of all virtues, and Alexandria, 
The vices of Rome and Alexandria laid open.  which is the chiefest for all vices. And if thou lovest greatly those two Cities, hear, I pray thee, what merchandise are sold therein. In Rome thou shalt load thy body with vices, and in Alexandria thou shalt swell thy heart with cares.  
By the faith of a good man I do swear unto thee, that if perchance thou buyest any thing of that which is here, or sellest aught of that thou bringest from thence: thou shalt have greater hunger of that thou shalt leave then contentation of that thou shalt bring. Thou dost not remember that we are in Winter, and that thou must pass the sea, in the which if the Pirates do not deceive me, the surest tranquillity, is a sign of the greatest torment. Thou mightest tell me that thy ships should return without fraught, and therefore they shall sail more surely. To this I answer thee, that thou shalt send them more laden with covetousness, than they shall return laden with silks. O what a good change should it be, if the avarice of Italy could be changed for the silk of Alexandria. I swear unto thee, that in such case thy silk would fraught a ship & our avarice would load a whole navy That covetousness is great, which the shame of the World doth not oppress: neither the fear of death doth cause to cease.  
And this I say for thee, that sithence in this dangerous time thou durst sail, either wisdom wanteth, or else avarice and covetousness surmounteth. To satisfy me, and to excuse thee with those which speak to me of thee, I cannot tell what to say unto them, but that God hath forgotten thee, and the seas do know thee. I pray thee, what goest thou to seek? since thou leavest the government of thy house, and sailest in Alexandrie? Peraduentur thou goest to the gulf Arpin, where the mariners cast in thy lead?  
Take heed Mercury, and consider well what thou dost, for peradventure where as thou thinkest for to take from the fish the hard lead, thou mayest leave unto them thy soft flesh, I have known many in Rome, which for to recover one part of that they have lost, have lost all that which was left unto them. O my friend Mercury, note, note; Note well this last word, whereby thou shalt know, what it is that you covetous men do 
What it is that covetous men do long for in this life.  gape for in this life? Thou seekest care for thyself, envy for thy neighbours, spurs for strangers, a bait for thieves, troubles for thy body, damnation for thy renown, unquietness for thy life, annoyance for thy friends, and occasion for thy enemies. Finally, thou searchest maledictions for thy heirs, and long suits for thy children.  
I cannot write any more unto thee, because the Fever doth so vehemently vex me. I pray thee pray to the Gods of Samia for me: for medicines little profit, if the Gods be angry with us.  
My wife Faustine saluteth thee, and she sayeth, that she is sorry for thy loss: she sendeth thee a rich jewel for Fabilla thy daughter, and I do send thee a Commission, to the end they shall give thee a ship in recompense of thy lead.  
If thou sailest with it, come not by Rhodes; for we have taken it from their Pirates. The Gods be in thy custody, and give me and Faustine a good life with ours, and a good name among strangers: I do not write unto thee with mine own hand, for that my sickness doth not permit it.   

CHAP. XXXII. That Princes and Noble men ought to consider the misery of man's Nature, and that brute beasts are in some points (reason set apart) to be preferred unto men.  
MIdas the ancient King of Phrygia, was in his government a cruel Tyrant, and contented not himself to play the Tyrant in his own proper Country, but also maintained Rovers on the Sea, and thieves in the land to rob strangers,  
This King Midas was well known in the Realms of the Orient, and in such sort, that a friend of his of Thebes said unto him these words. I let 
The tyranny of Midas described.  thee to know K. Midas, that all those of thy own Realm do hate thee, and all the other Realms of Asia do fear thee: and not for this that thou canst do much, but for the crafts and subtleties which thou usest: By reason whereof all strangers, and all thine own have made a vow to God never to laugh during the term of thy life, nor yet to weep after thy death.  
Plutarch in the book of Politics sayeth, that when this King Midas was borne, the Ants brought corn into his cradle, and into his mouth: and when the nurse would have taken it from him, he shut his mouth, and would not suffer any person to take it from him. They being all amazed with this strange sight, demanded the Oracle what this betokened: who answered, That the child should 
The answer of the Oracle concerning the life of King Midas.  be marvelous rich, and withal exceeding covetous: which the Ants did betoken in filling his mouth with corn And afterwards he would not give them one only grain, and even so it chanced, that King Midas was exceeding rich, and also very covetous: for he would never give any thing, but that which by force was taken from him, or by subtlety robbed.  
In the Schools of Athens at that time nourished a Philosopher called Sylenus, who in letters and pureness of life was highly renowned. And as King Midas was known of many, to have great treasures: so this Philosopher Silenus was no less noted for despising them.  
This Philosopher Silenus traveling by the borders of Phrygia, was taken by the thieves which rob the Country, and being brought before King Midas, the King said unto him: Thou art a Philosopher, and I am a King, thou art my prisoner, & I am thy Lord: I will that immediately thou tell me, what ransom thou canst give me to redeem thy person: for I let thee to know, that I am not contented any Philosopher should perish in my Country, because you other Philosophers say, that you will willingly renounce the goods of the World, since you cannot have it.  
The Philosopher Silenus answered him, Me thinketh (King Midas) that thou canst better execute tyranny then to talk of Philosophy, for we make no account that our bodies be taken, but that our wills be at liberty.  
Thy demand is very simple, to demand ransom of me for my person, 
Conference between Midas and the Philosopher Silenus.  whether thou takest me for a Philosopher or no. If I be not a Philosopher, what moveth thee to fear to keep me in thy Realm: for sooner shouldest thou make me a Tyrant, than I thee a Philosopher. If thou ●akstst me for a Philosopher, why dost thou demand money of me: since thou knowest I am a philosopher, I am a Crafts man, I am a Poet, and also a physician: so that the time that thou in heaping up riches hast consumed, the self same time have I in learning spent. Of a Philosopher to demand either gold or silver for ransom of his person, is either a word in mockery, or else an invention of tyranny: For sithence I was borne in the World, riches never came into my hands, nor after them hath my heart lusted. If thou (King Midas) wouldst give me audience, and in the faith of a prince believe me, I would tell thee what is the greatest thing, and next unto that the second, that the Gods may give in this life, and it may be, that it shall be so pleasant unto thee to hear, and so profitable for thy life, that thou wilt pluck me from my enemies, and I may dissuade thee from tyrannies.  
When King Midas heard these words, he gave him licence to say these two things swearing unto him to hear him with as much patience, as was possible.  
The Philosopher Silenus having licence to speak freely, taking an instrument in his hands, began to play and sing in this wise:  

The Senate of the Gods when they forethought  
On earthly Wights to still some royal grace, 
The speech of the Philosopher Silenus.   
The chiefest gift the heavenly powers had wrought,  
Had been to sow his seed in barren place.   

But when by steps of such divine constraint,  
They forced man perforce to fix his line,  
The highest good to help his bootless plaint  
Had been to slip, his race of slender twine.   

For then the tender babes both want to know  
The dear delight that life doth after hale,  
And eke the dread, that grisly death doth show,  
Ere Charon's boat, to Stygian shore doth sail.   
THese two things the Philosopher proved with so high and natural reasons, that it was a marvelous matter to see with what vehemency Sylenas' the Philosopher sang them, and with what bitterness Midas the Tyrant wept.  
Without doubt the sentences were marvelous profound, which the Philosopher spoke, and great reason had the king to esteem it so much: For if we do prepare ourselves to consider whereof we are, and what we shall be, that is to say, That we are of earth, and that we shall return to earth: We would not cease to weep, nor sigh.  
One of the greatest vanities which I find among the children of vanity is, that they employ themselves to 
A worthy thing to be considered of among Christians.  consider the influences of the stars the nature of the Planets, the motion of the heavens, and they will not consider themselves, of which consideration they should take some profit.  
For man giving his mind to think on strange things, cometh to forget his own proper.  
Oh if we would consider the corruption whereof we are made, the filth whereof we are engendered, the infinite travel wherewith we are born, the long tediousness wherewith we are nourished, the great necessities, and suspicions wherein we live, and above all, the peril wherein we die: I swear and affirm, that in such consideration we find a thousand occasions to wish death, and not one to desire life.  
The children of vanity are occupied many years in the Schools, to learn Rhetoric, they exercise themselves in Philosophy, they hear Aristotle, they learn Homer without book, they study Cicero, they are occupied in Xenophon, they harken Titus Livius, they forget not Aulus Gelius, and they know Ovid: yet for all this I say, that we cannot say, that the man knoweth little, which doth know himself.  
Eschines the Philosopher said well, that it is not the least, but the chiefest part of Philosophy to know 
A worthy saying of Eschynes the Philosopher.  man, and wherefore he was made: for if man would deeply consider what man is, he should find more things in him which would move him for to humble himself, then to stir him to be proud, If we do behold it without passion, and if we do examine it with reason, I know not what there is in man.  
O miserable, and frail nature of man, the which taken by itself, is little worth, and compared with an other thing is much less: For man seeth in brute beasts many things, which he doth envy: and the beasts do see much more in men, whereon if they had reason, they would have compassion. The excellency of the soul laid aside, and the hope which we have of eternal life, if man do compare the captivity of men to the liberty of beasts, with reason we may see, that the beasts do live a peaceable life, and that which men do lead is but a long death. If we prepare ourselves to consider, from the time that both man and beast come into this world, until such time as they both die, and in how many things the beasts are better than men: with reason we may say, that nature like a pitiful mother hath showed herself to beasts, and that she doth handle us an unjust stepmother.  
Let us begin therefore to declare more particularly the original of the one, and the beginning of the other, and we shall see how much better the brute beasts are endowed, and how the miserable men are disinherited.   

CHAP. XXXIII. The Author followeth his purpose, and excellently compareth the misery of men, with the liberty of beasts.  
WE ought deeply to consider, that no wild nor tame beast is so long before he come to his shape, as the miserable man is: who with corruption of blood and vile matter is nine months hid in the womb of his mother. We see the 
Beasts more provicent in their kind then man.  beast when she is great (if need require) doth labour all exercises of husbandry: so that she is as ready to labour when she is great as if she were empty. The contrary happeneth to women, which when they are big with child, are weary with going, troubled to be laid, they ride in Chariots through the market places, they eat little, they brook not that they have eaten, they hate that which is profitable, and love that which doth them harm: Finally, a woman with child is contented with nothing, and she fretteth and vexeth with herself. Since therefore it is tru●●hat we are noisome and troublesome to our mothers when 〈◊〉 bear us in their wombs, why do we not give them some safe conduct, when they are in delivering? O miserable state of man, since the brute beasts are borne without destroying their mothers: but the miserable men before they are born, are troublesome and careful, and in the time of their birth, are both perilous to themselves and dangerous to their mothers: which seemeth to be very manifest: for the preparation that man maketh when he will die, the self same aught the woman to do, when she is ready to be delivered: We must also consider, that though birds have but two feet, they can go, move, and run, immediately when it cometh forth: but when man is borne, he cannot go, nor move, and much less run. So that a Popingey aught more to be esteemed which hath no hands, than the man which hath both hands and feet. That which they do to the little babe 
The miserable estate of man in his infancy.  is not but a prognostication of that which he ought to suffer in the progress of his life: that is to say: That as they are not contented for to put the evil doer in prison, but they load his hands with irons, and set his feet in the stocks: so in like manner to the miserable man, when he entereth into the Cha●ter of his life, immediately they bind both his hands and his feet, and lay him in the Cradle. So that the innocent babe is first bound and rolled, before he be embraced, or have suck of the mother.  
We must note also, that the hour wherein the beast is brought forth: though it know not the Sire which begat it, at the least it knoweth the dam which brought it forth which is apparent for so much as if the mother have milk, the youngling forthwith doth seek her teats: and if perchance the have no milk, they go afterwards to 〈◊〉 themselves under her wings. Of the miserable man it is not so, but the day that he is borne, he knoweth not the Nurse, that giveth him suck, neither the Father which hath begotten him, the mother which hath borne him, nor yet the Midwife which hath received him: moreover he cannot see with his eyes, hear with his ears, nor judge with the taste, and knoweth neither what it is to touch or smell: so that we see him, to whom the Seignory over all brute beasts and other things (that are created) pertaineth to be borne the most unable of all other creatures.  
We must consider also, that though the beast be never so little, yet it can seek for the teats of his mother to suck, or to wander in the fields to feed, or to scrape the dunghills to eat, or else it goeth to the fountains and rivers to drink, and that he learneth not by the discourse of time, or that any other beast hath taught it; but as soon as it is borne, so soon doth it know what thing is necessary for it. The miserable man is not born with so many present commodities: he cannot eat, drink, nor go, make himself ready, ask, nor yet complain and that which is more, he knoweth not scarcely how to suck; for the mothers oft times would give to their children (if they could) the blood of their heart: and yet they cannot cause them to take the milk of their breasts. O great misery of man's nature, forsomuch as the brute beasts, as soon as they are come forth of their mother's womb can know and seek: but when 
Nature of men and beasts compared both together.  it is offered unto man, he cannot know it. We must note also, that to brute beasts nature hath given clothing, wherewith they may keep themselves from the heat of Summer, and defend themselves from the cold of Winter: which is manifest, for that to Lambs and sheep she hath given wool, to birds feathers, to hogs bristles, to horse's hair, to fishes scales, and to snails shells.  
Finally, I say, there is no beast, which hath need with his hands to make any garment, nor yet to borrow it of another. Of all this the miserable man is deprived, who is borne all naked, and dieth all naked, not carrying with him one only garment: and if in the time of his life he will use any garment, he must demand of the beasts, both leather and wool: & thereunto he must also put his whole labour and industry.  
I would ask Princes and great Lords, if when they are borne, they bring with them any apparel: and when they die, if they carry with them any treasure? To this I answer no: but they die as they are borne, as well the rich as the poor, and the poor as the rich.  
And admit that in this life fortune doth make difference between us in estates, yet nature in time of our birth, and death, doth make us all equal. We must also think and consider, that for so much as nature hath provided the beasts of garments, she hath hath also taken from them the care of what they ought to eat: for there is no beast that doth either plough, sow or labour, but doth content herself, and passeth her life either with the flies of the air, with the Corn that she findeth in the highways, with the herbs in the fields, with the Ants of the Earth, with the grapes of the vine, or with the fruits which are fallen. Finally (I say) that without care all beasts take their rest, as if the day following they should have no need to eat.  
Oh, what a great benefit should GOD do to the miserable man, if he had taken from him the travel to apparel himself, and the care to search for things to eat. But what shall the poor miserable man do, that before he eateth, he must till, sow, he must reap, and thrash the Corn, he must 
The cares & troubles that follow man in this life.  cleanse it, grind it, paste it, and bake it: and it cannot be provided without care of mind, nor be done without the proper sweat of the brows: And if perchance any man did provide for himself with the sweat of others, yet shall he live with his own offences.  
Also in other things the silly beasts do excel us: For, in the Flowers, in the leaves, in the herbs, in the straw, in the Oats, in the bread, in the flesh, or in the fruits which they eat, or in the waters which they drink, they feel no pain, although it be not sweet: nor take no displeasure, though their meats be not savoury. Finally, such as Nature hath provided them, without disguising, or making themselves better, they are contented to eat.  
Man could lose nothing, if in this point he agreed with beasts: but I am very sorry that there are many vicious and proud men, unto whom nothing wanteth, either to apparel, or eat: but they have too much to maintain themselves, and herewith not contented, they are such Drunkards, to taste of divers wines, and such Epicures, to eat of sundry sorts of meats, that oft times they spend more to dress them, than they did cost the buying.  
Now when the Beasts are brought forth, they have knowledge, both of that that is profitable, and also of that which is hurtful for them. For we see this, that the sheep doth fly the wolf, the cat flieth the dog, the rat flieth the cat, and the chicken the kite: so that the beasts in opening the eyes, do immediately know the friends, whom they ought to follow, and the Enemies whom they ought to fly. To the miserable man, was utterly denied this so great privilege. For, in the world there hath been many beastly 
Man of all other creatures subject to dangers.  men, who have not only attained that, which they ought to know whiles they lived: but also even as like beasts they passed their days in this life, so they were infamed at the time of their death.  
Oh miserable creatures that we are: which live in this wicked world; For, we know not what is hurtful for us, what we ought to eat, from what we ought to abstain, nor yet whom we should hate: we do not agree with those whom we ought to love, we know not in whom to put our trust, from whom we ought to fly, nor what it is we ought to choose, nor yet what we ought to forsake.  
Finally, I say, that when we think oft times to enter into a sure Haven, within three steps afterwards, we fall headlong into the deep Sea. We ought also to consider, that both to wild and tame beasts, nature hath ginen arms or weaponsto defend themselves, and to assault their enemies, as it appeareth: For, that to birds she hath given wings, to the Hearts swift feet, to the Elephant's tusks, to the Serpent's scales, to the Eagles talons, to the Fawkon a beak, to the lions teeth, to the Bulls horns, and to the bears paws. Finally I say, that she hath given to the Fox's subtlety, to know how to hide themselves in the Earth, and to the Fishes little fins, how to swim in the water.  
Admit that the wretched men have few enemies, yet in this they are none otherwise privileged then the beasts: for we see (without tears it cannot be told) that the beasts which for the service of Man were created: with the self same beasts, men are now a days troubled and offended. And to the end it seem not we should talk of pleasure, let every man bethink with himself, what it is that we suffer with the Beasts of this life: For, the Lions do fear us, the Wolves devour our sheep, the dogs do bite us, the Cat's scratch us, the Bear doth tear us, the Serpent's poison us, the Bulls hurt 
Brute beasts an instrument to punish man.  us with their horns, the Birds do overflye us, the Rats do trouble us, the spiders do annoy us, and the worst of all is, that a little Fly sucketh our blood in the day, and the poor Flea doth hinder and let us from sleeping in the night.  
Oh poor and miserable man, who for to sustain this wretched life, is enforced to beg all things that he needeth of the Beasts. For the beasts do give him wool, the beasts do draw him water, the beasts do carry him from place to place, the beasts do plough the Land, and carrieth the corn into their barns. Finally I say, that if the man receive any good, he hath not wherewith to make recompense: and if they do him any evil, he hath nought but the tongue to revenge.  
We must note also, that though a man load a beast with stripes, beat her, and drive her by the fowl ways, though he take her meat from her, yea, though her younglings die: yet for none of all these she is sad, or sorrowful, and much less doth weep: and though she should weep, she can not. For beasts little esteem their life, and much less fear death. It is not so of the unhappy and wretched man, which cannot but bewail the unthankfulness of their friends, the death of their Children, the wants which they have of necessaries, the cases of adversity which do succeed them, the false witness which is brought against them, and a thousand calamities which do torment their hearts. Finally I say, that the greatest comforts that men have in this life, is to make a river of water with the tears of their Eyes,  
Let us inquire of Princes and great Lords, what they can do when they are borne: whether they can speak as Orators, if they can run as Posts, if they can govern themselves as kings if they can fight as men of War, if they can labour as labourers, if they can work as masons, if they know to teach as masters? These little children would answer, that they are not only ignorant of all that we demand of them, but also that they cannot understand it,  
Let us return to ask them, what it is that they know, since they know nothing of that we have demanded them? They will answer, that they can do no other thing, but weep at their birth, and sorrow at their death.  
Though all those (which sail in this so perilous Sea) do rejoice and take pleasure, and seem to sleep sound: yet at the last there cometh the wind of adversity, which maketh them all know their follies. For, if I be not deceived, and if I know any thing of this world: those which I have seen at the time of their birth take ship weeping: I doubt whether they will take Land in the grave laughing?  
Oh unhappy life! (I should say rather death) which the mortals take for life: wherein afterwards we must spend and consume a great time, to learn all Arts, Sciences, and offices: and yet notwithstanding, that whereof we are ignorant, is much more than that which we know. We forget the greatest part, save only that of weeping, which no man needeth to learn: for we are borne, and live weeping, and until this present we have seen none to die in joy. We must note also that the beasts do live and die, with the inclinations wherewith they were borne: that is to say, that the Wolf followeth the sheep: and not the birds: the hound followeth the hares, and not the rats: the sparrow flieth at the birds, and not at the fish, the spider eateth the flies, and not the herbs. Finally, I say, that if we let the beast search his meat quietly, we shall not see him given to any other thing.  
The contrary of all this happeneth to men, the which though nature hath created feeble, yet God's intention was not they should be malicious: but I am sorry, since they cannot avoid debility, that they turn it into malice. The presumption which they have to be good, they turn to pride: and the desire they have to be innocent, they turn into envy. The fury which they should take against malice, they turn into anger, and the liberality they ought to have with the good, they convert into avarice: The necessity they have to eat, they turn into gluttony: and the care they ought to have of their conscience, they turn into negligence. Finally, I say, that the more strength beasts have, the more they serve, and the less men are worth, so much the more thanks have they of God: The innocency of the brute beasts 
Malicious men worse than brure beasts.  considered, and the malice of the malicious men marked without comparison, the company of the brute beast is less hurtful, than the conversation of evil men.  
For in the end, if he be conversant with a beast, ye have not but to beware of her: but if ye be in company with a man, there is nothing wherein ye ought to trust him: We must note also, that it was neither seen or read, that there was any beast that took care for the grave: but the beasts being dead, some were torn in pieces with Lions, other dismembered by the bears, others gnawn with dogs, other remain in the fields: other are eaten of men, and other by the Ants.  
Finally, the entrails of the one, are the graves of others. It is not so of the miserable man, the which consumeth no small treasure to make his Tomb, which is the most vainest thing that is in this miserable life: for there is no greater vanity nor lightness in man, then to be esteemed for his goodly and sumptuous sepulture, and little to weigh a good Life. I will swear, that at this day all the dead do swear, that they care little if their bodies be buried in the deep Seas, or in the golden Tombs, or that the cruel beasts have eaten them, or that they remain in the fields without a grave: so that their souls may be among the celestial Companies. Speaking after the Law of a Christian, I durst say, that it profiteth little the body to be among the painted and carved stones, when the miserable soul is burning in the fiery flames of hell. O miserable creatures, 
We ought not to regard where our dead corpses are interred.  have not we sufficient wherewith to seek in this life, to procure, to travel, to accomplish, to sigh, and also what to bewail, without having such care & anguish to know where they shall be buried? Is there any man so vain, that he doth not care that other men should condemn his evil life, so that they praise his rich tomb? To those that are living I speak and say of those that are dead, that if a man gave them leave to return into the World, they would be occupied more to correct their excess, and offences, then to adjourn and repair their graves, and tombs though they have found them fallen down. I cannot tell what to say more in this case, but to admonish men that it is a great folly to make any great account of the graves.   

CHAP. XXXIIII. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius writeth this letter to Domitius a Citizen of Capua to comfort him in his exile, being banished for a quarrel betwixt him and another about the running of a horse, very comfortable to those that have been in favour and now fallen in disgrace.  
Mark the Roman Emperor, borne at Mount Celio, to thee Domitius of 
A Letter of the Emperor to a banished man.  Capua, wisheth health and consolation from the gods the only Comforters. The bitter Winter in these parts have raised bosterous winds, and the winds have caused much rain, and the much rain hath caused great moistures: the which engendereth in me sundry diseases. Among the which the gout of my hands is one, and the Statica in my legs is another, Eschines the Philosopher said, that the liberty of the soul, and the health of the body, cannot be esteemed too much, and much less also bought for money. Tell me, I pray thee, what can he do, or what is he worth, that hath neither liberty nor health? The divine Plato in his books of his common wealth, reciteth three things.  
The first, that the man which oweth nothing, cannot say that he is poor: For the day that I owe money to another, another, and not 
When good orders were observed in Rome.  myself is Lord of mine own. The second, the man which is no servant nor captain, hath not reason to say, that any thing makes him unhappy: For Fortune in nothing showeth herself so cruel, as to take from us the liberty of this life.  
The second, which Plato said, is that among all temporal goods there is none more greater, nor greater felicity than the treasure of health: For the man which is persecuted with sickness, with riches can have no contentation.  
In the time of our old Fathers, when Rome was well corrected, they did not only ordain the things of their Commonwealth: but also they provided for that which touched the health of every person. So that they watched to cure the body, and they were circumspect to destroy vices. In the time of Gneus Patroclus and julius Albus, they say that the City of Rome was ordinarily visited with sickness: Wherefore first they did forbid, that in the month of july and August, there should be no stews for Women: For the blood of the young was corrupted in venerial acts.  
The third, that no man should bring any fruit from Salon or Campania to sell, during these two months in Rome: For the delicate Ladies of Rome for extreme heat, and the poor for their poverty, did not eat in summer but fruits: and so the market places were full of fruits, and the houses full of Agues. The third, they did defend that no inhabitant should be so hardy, to walk after the Sun was set: For the young men, through the lightness they used in the nights, took diseases which vexed them in the days.  
The fourth, they did prohibit that no man should be so hardy to sell openly in Rome, wine of Candie or Spain. For, in the great heat of the summer, as the Sun is very hot, so the wine as poison doth kill young men.  
The fifth, that they should purge the priveyes, and make clean the streets and Houses: For, of the corruption of the air, is engendered the plague among the people.  
When Rome was rich, when Rome prospered, all these things were observed in the commonwealth. But since Catilina the tyrant did rebel, since 
The time when good orders were broken in Rome.  Scylla and Marius did slander it: since Caesar and pompeius did play the Tyrants: since Octavius Augustus, and Marcus Antonius did rob it: since Caligula and Nero did defame it: they cared little whether they entered into Rome, to sell the wine of Spain or Candia. For, they feared more the knife of the enemies, than the heat of the summer. Great reason had the Ancients, to forbid those things in Rome, For to say the truth, they are not healthful.  
When I was young in Rome, my head did not ache, with talking in the night, nor I did feel my blood chased with drinking wine: Then I was not troubled to ieatte, in the heat in the summer, nor I was annoyed to go barelegged in the winter. But now that I am old, there is no heat but offendeth me, nor cold but pierceth me. For men through much evil rule in their youth, come to grievous diseases in their age.  
Oh if mortal men, after that they be old, could at any time work with the Gods, that they should become young again: I swear unto thee, by the faith of a good man, that they would behave themselves so well, that the world should not again deceive them. Since men have been vicious in their youth, I do not marvel though they are full of diseases when they are old. For, how can he love his health, which hateth virtue? All that which I have spoken here before is to the end you may know and believe that I am sick, and that I cannot write unto thee so long as I would, and as thou desirest: so that hereof it followeth, that I shall bewail thy pain, and thou shalt be grieved with my gout. I understood here how at the feast of the God janus, through the running of a horse, great strife is raised between thee and thy neighbour Patricius: And the brute was such, that they have confiscated thy goods, battered thy house, banished thy children, and deprived thee from the Senate for ten years.  
And further, they banished thee out of Capua for ever, and have put thy fellow in the prison Mamortine: 
The reason that Domitius was banished.  so that by this little fury, thou hast cause to lamet all the days of thy life: All those which come from thence do tell us, that thou art so woeful in thy heart, and so changed in thy person, that thou dost not forget thy heavy chances, nor receivest consolation of thy faithful friends.  
Think not that I speak this, that thou shouldest be offended: for according to the often changes which fortune hath showed in me, it is long since I knew what sorrow meant: For truly the man which is sorrowful, sigheth in the day, watcheth in the night, delighteth not in company, and with only care he resteth. The light he hateth, the darkness he loveth, with his bitter tears he watereth the Earth, with heavy sighs he pierceth the Heavens, with infinite sorrows he remembreth that that is past, and forseeth nothing that which is to come. He is displeased with him that doth comfort him, and he taketh rest to express his sorrows.  
Finally, the unfortunate man is contented with nothing, and with himself continually he doth chafe. Believe me Domitius, that if I have well touched the conditions of the sorrowful man, it is for no other cause, but for that my evil fortune hath made me taste them all.  
And hereof it cometh, that I can so well describe them: for in the end, in things which touch the sorrows of the spirit, and the troubles of the body, there is great difference from him that hath read them, & from him that hath felt them. If thou didst feel it there, as I do feel it here, it is sufficient to give thee and thy friends great dolour, to think that for so small a trifle thou shouldst undo thee, and all thy parentage: and speaking with the truth, I am very sorry to see thee cast away: but much more it grieveth me, to see thee drow ned in so little water.  
When men are noble, and keep their hearts high, they ought to take their enemies agreeable to their Estates. I mean, that when a Noble man shall adventure to hazard his person and his goods, he ought to do it for a matter of great importance: For in the end, more defamed is he that overcometh a Labourer, than he which is overcome with a knight: O how variable is Fortune, and in how short space doth happen an evil fortune? in that which now I will speak?  
I do condemn myself, and accuse thee. I complain to the Gods, I reclaim the dead, and I call the living, to the end they may see, how that before our eyes we suffer the griefs, and know them not, with the hands we touch them, and perceive them not, we go over them & see them not: they sound in our ears, and we hear them not: daily they do admonish us, and we do not believe them.  
Finally, we feel the peril, where there is no remedy for our grief: for as experience doth teach us, with a little blast of wind, the fruit doth fall, with a little spark of fire the house is kindled, with a little rock the ship is broken, at a little stone the foot doth stuinble, with a little hook they take great fish, and with a little wound dieth a great person.  
For all that I have spoken, I do mean that our life is so frail, and fortune so fickle, that in that part where we are surest harnessed, we are soon wounded. And Seneca writing to his mother Albina, which was banished from Rome, said these words.  
Thou Albina art my mother, and I 
A worthy speech of Seneca to his mother Albina.  thy son, thou art aged, and I am young: I never believed in fortune, though she would promise to be in peace with me.  
And further he said, All that which is in me, I count it at the disposition of Fortune, as well of riches, as of prosperity: And I keep them in such a place, that at any bower in the night when she listeth, she may carry them away, and never wake me. So that though she carry those out of my Coffers, yet she should not rob me of this in my Entrails, Without doubt such words were marvelous pithy, and very decent for such a a wise man.  
The Emperor Adrian my Lord, did wear a ring of gold on his finger, which he said was of the good Drusius Germanicus; and the words about the ring in Latin letters said thus: Illis est gravis fortuna quibus est repentina: Fortune to them is most cruel, whom suddenly she assaulteth.  
We see oftentimes by experience that in the fistula which is stopped, and not in that place which is open, the Surgeon maketh doubt. In the shallow water, and not in the deep seas, the Pilot despaireth. The good man of Arms is more afraid of the secret ambushmnt, then in the open battle. I mean, that the valiant men ought to beware, not of strangers but of his own, not of enemies but of friends, not of the cruel war, but of the feigned peace, not of the unjust damage but of the privy evil.  
O how many men we have seen, whom the mishaps of fortune could never change, and yet afterwards having no care she hath made them fall.  
I ask now what hope can man have, which will never trust to the prosperity of fortune: since for so light a thing, we have seen such trouble in Capua, and so great loss of thy person and goods? If we know fortune, we would not make so great complaint of her.  
For speaking the truth, as she is for all, and would content all, though in the end she mock all, she giveth 
How little we ought to regard the flatteries of forune.  and showeth us all her goods, and we others take them for inheritance. That which she dareth us, we take it for perpetual, that which in jest she giveth us, we take it in good earnest: and in the end, as she is the mocker of all, so she goeth mocking of us: thinking that she giveth us another man's, & she taketh our own proper.  
I let thee know, that knowing that of fortune which I know, I fear not the turmoils of her travels, neither doth her lightnings or thunders astonish me nor yet will I not esteem the pleasantness of her goodly fair flatteries. I will not trust her sweet rejoicings, neither will I make account of her friendships, nor I will join myself with her enemies, nor I will take any pleasure of that she giveth me, neither grief of that she taketh from me; nor I will have respect when she telleth me truth, nor I do not regard it, though she tell me a lie.  
Finally, I would not laugh for that she asketh me, nor I will weep for that she sendeth me. I will now tell thee (my friend Domitius) one thing, and heartily I desire thee for to keep it in memory: Our life is so doubtful, and fortune is so sudden, that when she threateneth she striketh not always, neither doth she threaten always when she striketh. The man which presumeth to be sage, and in all things well provided goeth not so fast, that at every step he is in danger of falling, nor so softly, that in long time he cannot arrive at his journeys end: for false fortune gauleth in stead of striking, and in stead of galling striketh. Therefore since in years I am older than thou, and have more experience of affairs: if thou hast marked that I have told thee, thou wilt remember well that which I will say unto thee, which is, that that part of thy life is troublesome, which unto thee seemeth to be most sure.  
Wilt thou that by example I tell thee all that, which by words I have spoken? Behold Hercules of Thebes, who escaped so many dangers both by sea and land, and afterwards came to die in the arms of a harlot. Agamemnon the great Captain of the greeks, in the x. years which he warred against Troy, never had any peril, and afterwards in the night, they killed him entering into his own house.  
The invincible Alexander the 
Alexaander the great after his so many conquests died by poison.  Great, in all the conquests of Asia did not die, and afterwards with a little poison ended his life in Babylon, Pompeius the Great, died not in the conquest of his enemies: and afterwards his friend Ptolomeus slew him. The courageous julius Caesar in 52. battles could not be overcome, and afterwards in the Senate, they slew him with 23. wounds.  
Hannibal, the terrible Captain of Carthage, slew himself in one moment (which the Romans could not do in 17. years) only because he would not come into the hands of his enemies. Asclipius medius, brother of great Pompeius, in 20. years that he was a Rover on the seas, never was in any peril: afterwards drawing water out of a well, was drowned therein. Ten Captains whom Scipio had chosen in the conquest of Africa, jesting on a bridge, fell into the water, and there were drowned. The good 
How quickly sudden death overtaketh many men.  Bibulus going triumphing in his Chariot at Rome, a tile fell on his head: so that his vain glory was the end of his good life.  
What wilt thou more I say unto thee, but that Lucia my sister having a needle on her breast, and her child between her arms; the child laying his hand upon the needle, and thrust it into her breast, whereby the mother died.  
Gneus Ruffirius, which was a very wise man, and also my Kinsman, one day combing his white hairs, strake a tooth of the comb into his head, wherewith he gave himself a mortal wound; so that in short space after his life had end, but not his doctrine nor memory.  
How thinkest thou Domitius: By the immortal Gods I do swear unto thee, that as I have declared to thee this small number, so I could recite thee other infinite. What mishap is this after so many fortunes? what reproach after such glory? What peril after such surety, what evil luck after such good success, what dark night after so clear a day, what evil entertainment after so great labour: what sentence so cruel after so long process? O what inconvenience of death after so good beginning of life? Being in their stead, I cannot tell, what I would, but I had rather choose unfortunate life and honourable death than an infamous death and honourable life. That man which will be counted for a good man, and not noted for a brute beast, ought greatly to travel to live well, and much more to die better: for the evil death maketh 
How careful men ought to be to live well.  men doubt that the life hath not been good, and the good death is the excuse of an evil life.  
At the beginning of my Letter, I wrote unto thee, how that the gout troubleth me evil in my hand. I say it were to much to write any longer: and though the Letter be not of my own hand; these two days the love that I bear thee, and the grief that holdeth me, have strived together. My will desireth to write, and my fingers cannot hold the pen. The remedy hereof is, that since I have no power to do what I would as thine: thou oughtest to accept what I can, as mine. I say no more herein, but as they tell me thou buildest now a house in Rhodes: wherefore I do send thee a thousand sexterces to accomplish the same.  
My wife Faustine saluteth thee, who for thy pain is sore grieved: They tell us thou hast been hurt, wherefore she sendeth thee a weight of the Balm of Palestine. heal thy face therewith, to the end the scars of that wound do not appear. If thou findest green Almonds, & new nuts, Faustine desireth thee that thou wilt send her some. By another man she sendeth a gown for thee, and a kirtle for thy wife. I conclude, and do beseech the immortal Gods to give thee all that I desire for thee, & and that they give me all that thou wishest me. Though by the hands of others I write unto thee, yet with my heart I love thee.   

CHAP. XXXV. That Princes and Noble men ought to be advocates for widows, Fathers of Orpnans, and helpers of those which are comfortless.  
MAcrobius in the 3. book of the Saturnals sayeth, That in the noble City of Athens, there was a temple called Misericordia, which the Athenians kept so well watched and locked, that without leave & licence of the Senate, no man might enter in. There were the Images of pitiful Princes only, and none entered in there to pray, but pitiful men.  
The Athenians abhorred always severe and cruel deeds, because they would not be noted cruel. And thereof cometh this manner of saying, that the greatest injury they could say unto a wan was, That he had never entered into the School of the Philosophers to learn, nor into the Temple of Misericordia to pray: So that in the one, they noted him for simple, and in the other they acused him for cruel.  
The Historiographers say, that the most noble lineage that was at that time, was of a King of Athens, the which was exceeding rich and liberal 
A worthy example of an Athenian King.  in giving, and above all very pitiful in pardoning. Of whom it is written, that after the great Treasures which he had offered in the temples, and the great riches he had distributed to the poor: he took upon him to bring up all the Orphans in Athens, and to feed all the widows.  
O how much more did that statute of the said pitiful King shine in that Temple, who nourished the Orphans: then the Ensigns which are set up in the Temples of the Captains which had robbed the widows. All the ancient Princes, I say, those that have been noble and valiant, & that have not had the name of Tyrants, though in some things they were noted: yet they always have been praised, esteemed, and commended to be merciful and gentle: so that they recompensed the fierceness and cruelty which they show to their enemies, with the mercy and clemency which they used to the Orphans.  
Plutarch in his Politics sayeth, that the Romans among themselves ordained, that all that which remained of banquets and feasts, which were made at marriages and triumphs should be given to Widows and 
A good custom among the ancient Romans.  orphans. And this custom was brought to so good an order, that if any rich man would use his profit of that which remained, the Orphans might justly have an action of felony against him, as a thing robbed from them.  
Aristides the Philosopher in an Oration he made of the excellency of Rome, saith: That the Princes of Persia had this custom, never to dine nor sup, but first the Trumpets should blow at their gates, the which were more loud, then harmonious. And it was to this end, that all the Widows and Orphans should come thither: for it was a Law amongst them, that all that which was left at the royal tables, should be for the poor and indigent persons.  
Phalaris the Tyrant writing to a friend of his, said these words: I have received thy brief Letter, with the rebuke likewise which thou gavest me therein, more bitter than tedious, And admit that for the time it grieved me, yet after I came to myself, I received thereby great comfort. For in the end, one loving rebuke of his friends is more worth than a feigned flattery of his enemy, 
A rebuke of a friend more acceptable, than the slattring words of foes.   
Amongst the things whereof thou accusest me, thou sayest that they take me for agreat tyrant, because I disobey the Gods, spoil the Temples, kill the Priests, pursue the innocents, rob the people, and the worst of all, that I do not suffer me to be entreated, nor permit that any man be conversant with me.  
To that they say I disobey the Gods, in very deed they say true. For if I did all that the Gods would I should do I should do little of that men do ask me. For as much as they say I rob the Temples: there unto also I grant: For the immortal Gods do demand rather of us pure hearts, then that we should build their Temples.: For that they say I kill the priests, I confess also that it is true. For they are so dissolute, that I think I do more services to the Gods to put them to death, than they do in doing their Sacrifices while they live.  
For that they say I rob the Temples, I also confess it: For I defending it as I do from Enemies, it is but meet and reasonable they find me and my servants: For that they say I suffer me not to be entreated, it is true: For daily and hourly they ask me so many unjust and unreasonable things, that for them and for me it is better to deny them, then for to grant them.  
For that they say that I am not conversant with any: I confess it is true, for ever when they come into my Palace, it is not so much to do me service, as to ask some particular thing for their profit. For that they say I am not pitiful among the miserable, and will not hear the Widows and Orphans, in no wise to that I will agree: For I swear unto thee, by the immortal Gods, that my gates were never shut to Widows and Orphans.  
Pulto in the life of the Emperor Claudius saith, that once a poor widow came before Claudius the Emperor with weeping eyes, to desire him of justice. 
The pittifulnes of the Emperor Claudius.   
The good Prince being moved with compassion, did not only weep as she: but with his own hands dried her tears. And as there was about the Emperor many Noble romans, one amongst them, said thus unto him: The authority & gravity of Roman Princes, to hear their Subjects in justice sufficeth only: though they dry not the tears of their faces.  
This Emperor Claudius answered, Good Princes ought not to be contented, to do no more then just ludges: but in doing justice a man must know that they are pitiful. For oftentimes those which come before Princes, do return more contented with the love they show them: then with the justice they minister unto them: And further he said. For as much as you say: That it is of small authority, & also of less gravity, that a Prince do weep with a widow, and with his hands wipe her eyes: I answer thee, that I desire rather to be partaker of the griefs with my Subjects, then to give them occasion to have their eyes full of tears.  
Certainly these words are worthy to be noted, and no less followed. Admit that clemency in all things deserveth to be praised: yet much more ought it to be commended, when it is executed on women. And if generally in all, much more in those which are void of health and comfort. For, Women are quickly troubled, and with greater difficulty comforted.  
plutarch and Quintus Curtius say, that good entertainment which Alexander the great, showed unto the wise and children of king Darius (after he was utterly vanquished) exalted his clemency: in such sort, that they gave rather more glory to Alexander, for the pity and honesty which he used with the children, then for the victory he had of the Father.  
And when the unhappy King Darius knew the clemency and pity, which the good King Alexander used towards his wife and his children, he sent unto him his Ambassadors, to the end that on his behalf, they should thank him for that that is past, and should desire him, that he would so continue in time to come: Saying, that it might chance, that the Gods and Fortune, would mitigate their wrath against him.  
Alexander answered unto the Ambassadors these words: Ye shall say in my behalf to your king Darius, 
The speech ●t King Alexander, to king Darius  that he give me no thanks, for the good and pitiful work which I have showed or done to his captive Women, since he is certain, I did it not for that he was my friend: and that I would not cease to do it, for that he is mine enemy. But I have done it, for that a gentle Prince is bound to do in this case.  
For, I ought to employ my clemency unto Women, which can do nought but weep: and my puissant power Princes shall feel, which can do nought else but wage battle, etc. Truly those words were worthy of such a Prince.  
Many have envy at the surname of Alexander, which is great. And he is called Alexander the great, because if his heart was great in the enterprises he took upon him, his courage was much more greater in Cities and Realms which he gave.  
Many have envy at the renown which they give pompeius: because they call him great: for, this excellent Roman, made himself conqueror of xxii. Realms, and in times past hath been accompanied with xxv. Kings. Many have envy at the renown of Scipto the African, because he overcame and conquered the great and renowned city of Carthage: the which city in riches was greater than Rome, in Arms and power, it surmounted all Europe. Many have envy at Scipio the Asian, who was called Asian because he subdued the proud Asia: the which until his time was not, but as a churchyard of romans.  
Many have great envy at the immortal name of Charles the great, because being as he was (a little king) he did not only vanquish and triumph over many Kings and Realms: but also forsook the royal Sea of his own Realm.  
I do not marvel that the proud Princes have envy against the virtuous and valiant Princes: but if I were as they, I would have more Envy at the renown of Anthoninus the Emperor, then of the name and renown of all the Princes in the world.  
If other Princes have attained such proud names, it hath been for that they rob many Countries, spoiled many Temples, committed much tyranny, dissembled with many Tyrants, pesecuted divers Innocents', and because they have taken from divers good men, not only their goods, but also their lives: For, the world hath such an evil property, that to exalt the name of one only, he putteth down 500  
Neither in such enterprises, nor yet with such Titles wan the Emperor Anthoninus Pius, his good name and renown.  
But, if they call him Authoninus the pitiful, it is because he knew not, but to be the Father of Orphans: and was not praised, but because 
Wherefore the worthy Anthoninus was renown. d.  he was the only Advocate of Widows.  
Of this most excellent Prince is read, that he himself did hear, and judge the complaints and process in Rome, of the Orphans: And for the poor, and Widows, the gates of his Palace were always open: So that the porters which he kept within his Palace, were not for to let the Entry of the poor: but for to let, and keep back the rich.  
The Historiographers, oftentimes say, that this good Prince said: That 
A worthy saying of the Emp: & worthy to be followed  the good and virtuous Princes, ought always to have their Hearts open, for the poor, and to remedy the Widows, and Fatherless, and never to shut their Gates against them.  
The God Apollo sayeth: that the Prince which will not speedily judge the causes of the poor, the Gods will never permit that he be well obeyed of the rich.  
O high and worthy words, that it pleased not the God Apollo, but our Living GOD, that they were written in the hearts of Noble Princes. For, nothing can be more unjust or dishonest, then that in the palaces of Princes and great Lords, the rich and the fools should be dispatched, and the Widows and Orphans friends, should have no audience?  
Oh happy: and not once, but an hundredth times treble happy is he, that will have commiseration: remembering the poor afflicted, and oppressed; and open his hand to comfort and relieve them: and doth not shut his coffers from helping them: unto him (I assure and promise) that at the straight day of judgement, the process of his life shall be judged with mercy and pity.   

CHAP. XXXVI. ¶ That the troubles, griefs, and sorrows of Widows are much greater than those of Widowers: wherefore Princes and Noblemen ought to have more compassion upon the Women then on men.  
IT is great pity to see a Noble and virtuous man sorrowful, alone, and a widower, if especially he lived contented when he was married. For if he will not marry, he hath lost his sweet company: and if he think to marry another, let him be assured he shall scarcely agree with his second wife.  
There is much sorrow in that house, where the woman that governed it is 
How accessary it is for a wife to be in her own house.  dead: For immediately the Husband forsaketh himself, the children do lose their obedience, the servants become negligent, the handmaids become wanton, the Friends are forgotten, the house decayeth, the goods waste, the apparel is lost: And finally, in the widowers house, there are many to rob, and few to labour.  
Both heavy and lamentable are the thoughts of the widower: For, if he thinketh to marry, it grieveth him to give his children a stepmother.  
If he cannot be married, he feeleth greater pain, seeing him all the day to remain alone: so that the poor miserable man sigheth for his Wife he hath lost, and weary for her whom he desireth to have.  
Admit that this be true, there is great difference from the cares and sorrows of women, to that of men. A thing very clear: for so much as the widower lawfully may go out of his house, he may go to the fields, he may talk with his Neighbours, he may be occupied with his friends, he may follow his suits, and also he may be conversant, and refresh himself in honest places. For, commonly men are not so sorrowful, in taking the death of their wives, as the wives are, in taking the death of their Husbands.  
All this is not spoken in the disfavour of wise and sage men, whom we see make small streams, with the tears of their eyes, for the death of their wives. But for many other vain and lightmen: which the 9 days (of the Funeral passed) a man doth see without any shame, to go throughout their streets, beholding the ladies and Dam sells, which are in the windows.  
Truly the woeful women which are honest, use not such lightness. For, whiles they are widows, it is not lawful for them to wander abroad, to go out of their houses, nor to speak with strangers, nor practise with her own, nor be conversant with her Neighbours, 
A custom used by widows in ancient times.  nor plead with their creditors, but agreeable to their woeful estate, to hide and withdraw themselves within their houses, and to lock themselves into their own Chambers: and they think it their duties, to water their plants with tears, and importune the Heavens with sobs and sighs.  
Oh how woeful? O how grievous? O how sorrowful is the state of Widows? For somuch as if a Widow go out of her house, they take her for dishonest. If she will not come out of her house, she loseth her goods: If she laugh a little, they count her light. If she laugh not, they count her an hypocrite. If she go to the Church, they note her for a gadder. If she go not to the Church, they say she is unthankful to her late husband. If she go ill appareled, they account her a niggard. If she go cleanly & handsome, they say now she would have a new husband. If she do maintain herself honestly, they note her for presumptuous.  
If she keep company, immediately they suspect her house. Finally I say, that the poor miserable Widows shall find a thousand which judge their lives, and they have not one that will remedy their pain.  
Much looseth that Woman which loseth her Mother, which hath borne her or her Sisters, which she loveth, or the friends which she knoweth, or the goods which she hath heaped up: But I say and affirm, that there is no greater loss in the world unto a woman, than the loss of a good Husband. For in other losses, there is but one only loss: but in that of the Husband, all are lost together.  
After that the wife doth see her loving Husband in the grave, I would ask her; What good could remain with her in her house? Since we know, that if her husband were good, he was the Haven of all her Troubles, 
What a comfort a good husband is to a woman  the remedy of all her necessities, the inventor of all her pleasures, the true love of her heart, the true lord of her person, and idol whom she honoured.  
Finally, he was the only faithful steward of her house, and the good father of all her children and family. Whether Family remaineth or not, whether children remaineth or not, in the one, and in the other, trouble and vexation remaineth most assuredly, to the poor Widow.  
If perchance she remain poor, & have no goods, let every man imagine what her life can be? For the poor, miserable, and unhappy woman, either will adventure her person to get, or will lose her honesty to demand. An honest woman, a Noble and worthy woman, a delicate woman: a sweet woman: a woman of renown: a woman that ought to have care to maintain Children and family, aught to have great reason to be full of anguish & sorrow: to see, that if she will maintain herself with the Needle, she shall not have sufficiently to find her bread and water. If she gain with her body, she looseth her soul;  
If she must demand of others, she is ashamed. If she fulfil the testament of her Husband, she must sell her Gowns. If she will not pay his debts, they cause her to be brought before the judges. As women naturally are tender, what heart will suffer them to endure such inconveniences? and what Eyes can abstain to shed infinite tears? If perchance goods do remain to the miserable widow, she hath no little care to keep them? She is at great charges and expenses, to sustain and maintain herself, in long suit about her lands, much trouble 
The care that Worldlings have.  to augment them: and in the end, much sorrow to depart from them. For all her children, and heirs, do occupy themselves more to bethink them, how they might inherit, then in what sort they ought to serve her.  
When I came unto this passage, a great while I kept my pen in suspense, to see whither I ought to teach this matter, or no: (that is to say) that oftentimes the poor Widows put openly the demand of their goods: and the judges do secretly demand the possession of their person.  
So that first, they do injury to her honour, before they do minister justice to her demands.  
Though perchance she hath no child, yet therefore she remaineth not without any comfort: and for that the parents of her Husband do spoil her of her goods. For, in this case their heirs oftentimes are so disordered, that for a worn cloak, or a broken shirt, they will trouble and vex the poor widow.  
If perchance the miserable widow have children: I say, that in this case she hath double sorrow: For, if they are young, she endureth much pain to bring them up: so that each hour and moment their Mothers live in great sorrows, to bethink them only of the life & death of their children. 
Sorrows that women have in bringing up their children.   
If perhaps the Children are old, truly the griefs which remain unto them are no less. For so much as the greatest part of them are either proud disobedient, malicious, negligent, Adulterers, gluttons, blasphemers, false liars, dull-headed, wanting wit, or sickly. So that the joy of the woeful Mothers is, to bewail the deaths of their well beloved Husbands, and to remedy the discords of their youthful children.  
If the troubles which remain unto the careful mothers with their sons be great: I say that those which they have with their Daughters, be much more. For if the Daughter be quick of wit, the Mother thinketh that she shall be undone, If she be simple, she thinketh that every man will deceive her. If she be fair, she hath enough to do to keep her. If she be deformed, she cannot marry her. If she be well mannered, she will not let her go from her. If she be evil mannered, she cannot endure her. If she be too solitary, she hath not wherewith to remedy her. If she be dissolute, she will not suffer her to be punished.  
Finally, if she put her from her, she feareth she shall be slandered. If she leave her in her house, she is afraid she shallbe stolen. What shall the woeful poor widow do, seeing herself burdened with daughters, and environed with sons, and neither of them of sufficient age: that there is any time to remedy them: nor substance to maintain them? Admit that she marry one of her sons, and one daughter, I demand therefore if the poor widow will leave her care & anguish? truly I say no: though she choose rich personages, & well disposed, she cannot scape, but that day that she replenished herself with daughters in law, the same day she chargeth her heart with sorrows, travels and cares.  
O poor widows, deceive not yourselves, and do not imagine that having married your sons and daughters, from that time forwards, ye shall live more joyful and contented: For that laid aside, which their Nephews do demand them, and that their sons in Law do rob them; when the poor old woman thinketh to be most surest, the young man shall make a claim to her goods: what daughter in Law is there in this world, who faithfully loveth her stepmother? And what son in Law is there in the world, that desireth not to be heir to his father in Law? Suppose a poor widow to be fallen sick, the which hath in her house a son in Law, and that a man ask him upon his oath, which of these two things he had rather have: either to govern his mother in Law, with hope to heal her, or to bury her, with hope to inherit her goods? I swear, that such would swear, that he could rejoice more to give a ducat for the grave, than a penny for a Physician to cure and heal her.  
Seneca in an Epistle sayeth, That the Fathers in Law naturally do love their daughters in Law, and the sons 
A saying of Seneca.  in Law are loved of the mothers in Law. And for the contrary he saith, that naturally the sons in law do hate their mothers in Law: but I take it not for a general rule, for there are mothers in Law which deserve to be worshipped, and there are sons in Law which are not worthy to be beloved.  
Other troubles chance daily to these poor widows, which is, that when one of them hath one only son whom she hath in stead of a husband, in stead of a brother, in stead of a son, she shall see him die: whom sith she had his life in such great love, she cannot though she would, take his death with patience: so that as they bury the dead body of the innocent child, they bury the lively heart of the woeful and sad mother. Then let us omit the sorrows which the mothers have when their children die, and let us ask the mothers what they feel when they are sick? They will answer us, that always, and as oftentimes as their children be sick, the death of their husband then is renewed, imagining that it will happen so unto them as it hath done unto others. And to say the truth, it is no marvel if they do fear. For, the vine is in greater peril when it is budded, then when the grapes are ripe.  
Other troubles oftentimes increase to the poor widows, the which amongst others, this is not the least: 
Troubles and cares incident to Widows.  (that is to say) the little regard of the Friends of her Husband, and the unthankfulness of those which have been brought up with him.: The which, since he was laid in his grave, never ented into the gates of his house, but to demand recompense of their old services, and to renew and begin new suits.  
I would have declared, (or to say better, briefly touched) the travels of widows, to persuade Princes that they remedy them, and to admonish judges to hear them, and to desire all virtuous men to comfort them. For, the Charitable work of itself is so Godly, that he deserveth more which remedyeth the troubles of the one only: then I which write their miseries altogether.   

CHAP. XXXVII. Of a letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote to a Roman Lady, named Lavinia comforting her for the death of her husband.  
MArcus of mount Celio, Emperor of Rome, chief Consul, Tribune of the people, high Bishop appointed against the Daces, wisheth health and comfort to thee Lavinia, noble and worthy Roman matron, the late wife of the good Claudinus.  
According to that thy person deserveth, to that which unto thy husband I ought, I think well that thou wilt suspect that I weigh thee little: for that unto thy great sorrows, complaints, and lamentations, are now arrived my negligent consolations. When I remember thy merits which cannot fail, and imagine that thou wilt remember my good will, wherewith always I have desired to serve thee: I am assured, that if thy suspicion accuse me, thy virtue and wisdom will defend me: For speaking the truth, though I am the last to comfort thee: yet I was the first to feel thy sorrows.  
As ignorance is the cruel scourge 
〈…〉.  of virtues, and sputre to all vices: so it chanceth oft times, that over much knowledge putteth wise men in doubt and slandereth the innocent: For as much as we see by experience, the most presumptuous in wisdom, are those which fall into most perilous vices. We find the Latins much better with the ignorance of vices, than the greeks with the knowledge of virtues. And the reason hereof is, for that of things which we are ignorant, we have no pain to attain unto them, and less grief also to lose them.  
My intention to tell thee this, was, because that I knew that which I would not have known, and have heard that which I would not have heard, that is to say, that the days and troubles of Claudinus thy husband are ended, and now thy sorrows (Lavinia his wife) do begin. It is now a good while that I have known of the death of the good Claudinus my friend, and thy husband, though I did dissemble it. And by the God Mars I swear unto thee, that it was not for that I would not bewail him, but because I would not discomfort thee: For it were extreme cruelty, that she which was so comfortless, and sorrowful, for the absence of so long time: should be killed with my hand, through the knowledge of the death of her so desired husband. It were too unkind and unseemly a thing, that she, of whom I have received so many good works, should receive of me so evil news.  
The ancients of Carthage held for 
An ancient Law among the Carthagenians.  an inviolable Law, that if the Father did tell the death of his son, or the son the death of the Father, or the woman the death of her husband, or the husband the death of his wife, or any other semblable, woeful, and lamentable death: that he should be cast into the prison among them, which were condemned to die. It seemed to those of Carthage, that he which said unto another, that his brother, kinsman or friend was dead, immediately they should kill him, or he ought to die, or at the least he should never be seen in his presence.  
If in this case the Law of the Carthaginians was inst: than I ought to be excused, though I have not told this heavy news. For as oft as we see him, who hath brought us any evil tidings: our sorrows by his sight, is renewed again.  
Since Claudinus thy Husband died, I have not had one hour of rest, for to pass the time away: for fear lest such woeful and sorrowful news, should come to thy knowledge. But now that I know that thou knowest it. I feel double pain. For now I feel his death, my care, and thy want of consolation: and the damage by his death shall follow the Roman Empire.  
Thou hast lost a noble Roman, valiant in blood, moderate in prosperities, patient in adversities, courageous 
The life & virtues of Claudinus described.  in dangers, diligent in affairs, wise in counsels, faithful to his friends, subtle and wary of his Enemies, a lover of the commonwealth, and very honest in his person: and above all, and whereof I have most envy is, that he never offended man in his life, nor hurt any with his tongue.  
We find seldom times so many virtues assembled in one man. For saying the truth, if a man do narrowly examine the vices of many, which presume to be very virtuous: I swear that he should find more to reprove, then to praise. Since thou hast lost so good a Husband, and I so faithful a Friend: we are bound, thou to bewail so great a loss, and I, to sigh for so good a companion. And this I do not desire for Claudine, who now resteth among the Gods: but for us others, which remain in danger of so many evils. For the dead do rest, as in the sure Haven: and we others do fail, as yet in raging Sea.  
O thou heavy heart, how do I see thee, between the Bell and the clappers (that is to say) that thou wantest the company of the good: and art environed with the flock of evil. For the which occasion I doubt often times, whether I may first bewail the evil which live: or the good which are dead? because in the end, the evil men do offend us more, which we find: then doth the good men which we lose. It is a great pity to see the good and virtuous men die: but I take it to be more sorrow to see the evil and vicious men live.  
As the divine Plato sayeth, the gods to kill the good which serve them, and to give long life to the evil which offend them, is a mystery so profound, that daily we do lament it, and yet we can never attain to the secrets thereof.  
Tell me I pray thee Lavinia, knowest thou not now, that the Gods are so merciful, with whom we go when we die, and that men are so wicked, with whom we be whiles we live: that as the evil were borne to die: so the good dye to live. For the good man though he die, liveth: and the evil man though he live dieth,  
I swear unto thee by the Mother Berecynthia, and so the God jupiter do preserve me, that I speak not this, which I will speak feignedly: which is, that considering the rest that the dead have with the Gods, and seeing the sorrows and troubles we have here with the living: I say and affirm once again, that they have greater compassion of our life, than we others have of their death.  
Though the death of men were as the death of beasts, that is to say, that there were no Furies nor devils, which should torment the evil, and that the Gods should not reward the good: yet we ought to be comforted, to see our friends die, if it were for no other, but to see them delivered, from the thraldom of this world.  
The pleasure that the Pilot hath to be in sure Haven, the glory that the captain hath to see the day of victory, the rest that the traveler hath to see his journey ended, the contentation that the workman hath, to see his work come to perfection, all the same have the dead, seeing themselves out of this miserable life.  
If men were borne always to live, it were reason to lament them, when we see them die: but since it is true that they are borne to die, I would say, since needs die we must, that we 
How little this life is to be respected.  ought not to lament those which die quickly, but those which live long.  
I am assured that Clandine thy Husband, remembering that which in this life he hath passed and suffered, and seeing the rest that he hath in the other: though the Gods would make him Emperor of Rome, he would not be one day out of his grave. For returning to the world, he should die again, but being with the Gods, he hopeth to live perpetually.  
Lady Lavinia, most earnestly I desire thee, so uchemently not to pierce the heavens with thy so heavy sighs, nor yet to wet the earth with thy so bitter tears: since thou knowest that Claudine thy husband is in place where there is no sorrow, but mirth, where there is no pain, but rest: where he weary not, but laugheth, where he sigheth not, but singeth, where he hath no sorrows, but pleasures, where he feareth not cruel death, but enjoyeth perpetual life. Since therefore this is true, it is but reason the widow appease her anguish, considering that her husband endureth no pain.  
Oftentimes with myself I have thought, what the Wddowes ought to imagine, when they see themselves in such cares and distress.  
And after my count made, I find that they ought not to think of the company past, nor woeful solitariness wherein they are presently, and much less they ought to think on the pleasures of this world: but rather to remember the rest in the world to come For the true widow ought to have her conversation among the living: and her desire to be with the dead.  
If till this present thou hadst pain and trouble, to look for thy Husband to come home: have thou now joy, 
How little we ought to esteem of this life.  that he looketh for thee in Heaven: wherein I swear unto thee, that thou shalt be better used of the Gods, than he was here of men. For, in this world we know not what glory meaneth, and there they know not what pains are.  
Licinius and Posthumius thy uncles, told me that thou art so sorrowful, that thou wilt receive no comfort: but in this case I think not that thou bewailest so much for Claudinus: that alone dost think thou hast lost him: For since we did rejoice together in his life, we are bound to weep together at his death.  
The heavy and sorrowful hearts, in this world feel no greater grief: then to see others rejoice at their sorrows. And the contrary hereof is, that the woeful and afflicted heart feeleth no greater joy, nor rest in extreme mishaps of Fortune, then to think that others have sorrow and grief of their pain.  
When I am heavy and comfortless, I greatly joy to have my friend by me: and my heart doth tell me, that what I feel, he feeleth: So that all which my Friend with his eyes doth bewail, and all that which of my griefs he feeleth, the more wherewith he burdeneth himself, and the more thereof he dischargeth me.  
The Emperor Octavian Augustus, (the Histories say) on the river of Danuby, found a kind of people which had this strange custom, that with eyes was never seen, nor in books at any time never read: which was, that two Friends assembled, and went to the altars of the Temples, and there one friend confederate with another: so that their hearts were married, as man and wife are married: touching their bodies, swearing, and promising there to the gods, never to weep, nor to take sorrow, for any mishap that should come to their persons. So that my friend should come to lament and remedy my troubles, as if they had been his own: and I should lament and remedy his, as if they had been mine.  
Oh glorious world, O age most happy, O people of eternal memory! wherein men are so geentle, & friends so faithful: that their own travels they forgot, and the sorrows of strangers they bewailed. O Rome without Rome, O time evil spent, O time to us others evil employed, O wretches that always are careless, now a days the stomach and entrails, are so severed from the good, and the hearts so joined with the evil: that men forgetting 
Men in their kind, more cruel than beasts.  themselves to be men, become more cruel than beasts.  
I labour to give thee life: and thou seekest to procure my death. Thou weepest to see me laugh, and I laugh, to see thee weep. I procure that thou do not mount, and thou seekest that I might fall. Finally, without the profit of any, we cast ourselves away: and without gain, we do rejoice to end our lives.  
By the faith of a good man I swear unto thee (Lady Lavinia) that if thy remedy were in my hands, as thy grief is in my heart: I would not be sorry for thy sorrows, neither thou so tormented for the death of thy husband. But alas, though I miserable man have the heart to feel thy anguish, yet I want the power to remedy thy sorrows.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. ¶ The Emperor proceedeth in his letter, and persuadeth widows to put their wills to the will of God, and exhorteth them to live honestly.  
SInce thy remedy, & my desire cannot be accomplished, because it is a thing 
The prosecution of the emperors letter to widows.  unpossible to receive, & speak with the dead: and not having power, me thinks that thou and I should refer it to the Gods: who can give, much better than we can ask.  
O Lady Lavinia, I desire thee earnestly, and as a Friend I counsel and admonish thee, and with all my heart I require thee, that thou esteem that for well done, which the Gods have done: that thou conform thyself to the will of the Gods, and that thou will nought else, but as the Gods will. For they only know they err not: wherefore they have assaulted thy husband with so sudden death, and unto thee his wife, have lent so long life.  
The Gods being as they are, so mighty, and so sage, what is he that can be judge of their profound judgements. The Gods know right well those which serve them: and those which offend them: those which love them, and those which hate them: those that praise them, and those that blaspheme them: those that yield them thanks, and those which are unthankful.  
And I tell thee further, that oftentimes the Gods are served more with them which are buried in the graves, then with those which go weeping through the Temples.  
Wilt thou now enter into account with the Gods? thou oughtest to note and consider, that they have left thee Children to comfort thyself, they have left thee goods, wherewith thou mayest avoid poverty, they have left thee Friends, by whom thou shalt be favoured, they have left thee parents, of whom thou art beloved, they have left thee a good name for to be esteemed: and health, wherewith thou mayest live.  
Finally I say, that small is that which the Gods take from us, in respect of that they leave us. After one sort we ought to behave ourselves with men, and after another we ought to serve the Gods. For to men sometimes it is requisite, to show a countenance for to humble them: but to the Gods it is necessary, to lie flat on the ground with thy stomach to honour them. 
The duty that every Christian ●●eth to God.   
And if the Oracle of Apollo do not deceive us, the Gods are sooner with humility, (wherewith we worship them) appeased: then with presumptuous Sacrifices (which we offer unto them) contented.  
Since thou art widow (Lady Lavinia) and art a wise and virtuous Woman: beseech the Gods to preserve thy children, to defend thy renown, and not to sever thy Friends from thee, and that thou scatter not thy goods: to preserve thy person in health, and above all, to be in their favour. Thou canst not win, nor lose so much in all thy life, as the Gods can give, or take from thee in one hour.  
Would to GOD the widow knew, how little she winneth among men, and how much she loseth among the Gods, when she is not patient in adversity: For impatience oftentimes provoketh the Gods to wrath.  
We see it in man's body by experience, that there are sundry diseases, which are not cured with words spoken: but with the herbs thereunto applied. And in other diseases, the contrary is seen, which are not cured with costly medicines, but with comfortable words.  
The end of this comparison tendeth to this effect, that all the afflicted hearts should know, that sometimes the the hart is more comforted with one benefit which they do: then with an hundred words which they speak, And at an other time, the sorrowful hart is more lightened with one word of his friends mouth: then with all the service of others in the world.  
Oh wretch that I am: for, as in the one, and in the other, I am destitute, So in all I do want. For, considering thy greatness, and weighing my little knowledge, I see myself very unable: For, that to comfort thee, I want science: and for to help thee I want riches. But I cease not to have great sorrow: if sorrow in payment may be received. That which with my person I can do, neither with paper or iuke I will requite. For the man which with word only comforteth (in effect being able to remedy) declareth himself to have been a feigned Friend in times past: and showeth, that a man ought not to take him for a faithful friend in time to come.  
That which the romans with the 
A custom used by the Romans in visiting widows.  widows of Rome have accustomed to do, I will not presently do with thee (Lady Lavinia) that is to say, that thy Husband being dead, all go to visit the Widow, all comfort the widow: and within a few days after, if the woeful widow have need of any small favour with the Senate, they withdraw themselves together, as if they had never known her Husband, nor seen her.  
The renown of Roman widows is very dainty: For of their honesty or dishonesty, dependeth the good renown of their person, the honour of their parents, the credit of their children, and the memory of the dead. For this therefore, it is healthful counsel, for wise men to speak few words to widows, and to do infinite good works. What availeth it woeful widows, to have their Coffers filled with letters and promises, and their ears stuffed with words, and flatteries? If hitherto thou hast taken me for thy neighbour, and parent of thy husband, I beseech thee henceforth that thou take me for a husband in love, for father in counsel, for brother in service, and for advocate in the Senate. And all this so truly shall be accomplished, that I hope thou wilt say: that which in many I have lost, in Marcus Aurelius alone I have found. I know well (as thou dost in like manner) that when the hearts with sorrows are overwhelmed, the spirits are vexed and troubled, the memory is dulled, the flesh doth tremble, the spirit doth change, and reason is withdrawn. And since that presently sorrow and care, in thy house do remain: let the gods forsake me, if I abandon thee, let them forget me, if I remember thee not. But as Claudine remained thine, wholly till the hour of death: so Marcus Aurelius will evermore be thine, during his life. Since I love thee so entirely, and thou trustest me so faithfully, and that thou with sorrows art so replenished, and my heart with care so oppressed: let us admit, that thou Lady Lavinia, hast the authority to command me in thy affairs, and I licence to counsel & advertise thee of things, touching thy honour and person. For oftentimes the widows have more need of a mean remedy, then of a good counsel: I earnestly desire thee to leave the lamentation 
A custom used among the Roman widows.  of the Roman widows, that is to know: to shut the gates, to tear their hairs, to cut their garments, to go bare legged, to paint the visage, to eat solitarily, to weep on the graves, to chide her Chamberlains, to pour out water with tears, to put Acorns on the graves, and to bite their nails with the teeth: For these things, and such other semblable lightness, behoveth not the gravity of Roman Matrons, either to see them or else to know them. Since there is no extremity but therein vice is annexed: I let thee know (Lady Lavinia) if thou be ignorant thereof, that the widows which are so extreme, do torment themselves, do trouble their friends, do offend the gods, do forsake theirs, & in the end they profit not the dead: and to the envious people, they give occasion to talk. I would think and me seemeth, that the women which are Matrons, and widows, aught to take upon them such garment, and estate, the day that the gods take life from their husbands: as they intend to wear during their life. What availeth it that a widow be one month shut up in her house, and that afterwards within a year she is met in every place of Rome, what availeth it, 
An admonition of the Emperor to widows to leave off mourning.  that for few days she hideth herself from her parents, and friends, and afterwards she is found the first at the theatres: what profiteth it, that widows at the first do mourn, and go evil attired, and afterwards they dispute, and complain of the beauty of the Roman wives? what forceth it, that widows for a certain time do keep their gates shut, and afterwards their houses are more frequented than others? What skilleth it, that a man see the widows weep much for their husbands, and afterwards they see them laugh more for their pastimes? Finally, I say, that it little availeth the woman, to seem to suffer much openly for the death of her husband: if secretly she hath another husband already found? For the virtuous, and honest widow immediately as she seeth another man alive, she reneweth her sorrow for her husband that is dead.  
I will show thee (Lady Lavinia) a thing that befell in Rome, to the end thou think not I talk at pleasure. In the old time, in Rome there was a noble & worthy Roman Lady, wife of the noble Marcus Marcellus, whose came was Fulvia. And it happened so, that this woman seeing her husband buried in the field of Mars, for the great pries she had, she scratched her face, she ruffled her hair, she tore her gown, and fell down to the earth in a sound, by the reason whereof two Senators kept her in their arms, to the end she should torment herself no more. To whom Gneus ●l●uius the Censor said. Let Fulvia go out of your hands, she will this day do all the penance of widows Speaking the truth, I know not whether this Roman spoke with the Oracle, or that he were a Divine: but I 
〈…〉  am assured that all he spoke came to pail. For that this Fulvia was the wise of so excellent a Roman, as that good Marcus Marceilus was: I would that so unlucky a chance had not happened unto her, which was: that whiles the bones of her husband were a burning, she agreed to be married to another: and which was more, to one of the Senators that lifted her up by the arms, she gave her hand, as a Roman to a Roman, in token of a faithful marriage. The case was so abominable, that of all men it was dispraised that were present: and gave occasion that they never credit widows afterwards. I do not speak it (Lady Lavinia) for that I think thou wilt do so. For by the faith of a good man, I swear unto thee, that my heart neither suspected i●, nor yet the authority of so grave a Roman doth demand it: for to thee only the fault should remain, and to me the wonder. Heartily I commend unto thee thy honesty, which to thyself thou oughtest, and the care which behoveth so worthy and notable a widow. For if thou art tormented, with the absence of the dead: thou oughtest to comfort thee, with the reputation of the living. At this present I will say no more to thee, but that thy renown among the present be such, and that they speak of thee so in absence: that to the evil, thou give the bridle to be silent: and to the good, spurs to come and sefue thee. For the widow 
What punishment ought to be inflicted upon a widow of light behaviour.  of evil renown, aught to be buried quick. Other things to write to thee I have none. Secret matters are dangerous to trust, considering that thy heart is not presently disposed to hear news. It is reason thou know that I with thy parents and friends have spoken to the Senate, which have given the office that thy husband had in Constantinople, to thy son. And truly thou oughtest no less to rejoice of that, which they have said of thee, then for that they have given him. For they say, though thy husband had never been Citizen of Rome: yet they ought to have given more than this, only for thy honest behaviour. My wife Faustine saluteth thee, and I will say I never saw her weep for any thing in the world so much, as she hath wept for thy mishap. For she felt thy loss, which was very great: and my sorrow, which was not little. I send thee four thousand sexterces in money, supposing that thou hast wherewith to occupy them, as well for thy necessaries, as to discharge thy debts. For the complaints, demands, and processes which they minister to the Roman Matrons are greater, then are the goods that their husbands do leave them. The gods which have given rest to thy husband O Claudine, give also comfort to thee his wife Lavinia. Marcus of mount Celio, with his own hand.   

CHAP. XXXIX. That Princes and Noble men ought to despise the world, for that there is nothing in the world but plain deceit.  
PLato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democrates, Seleucus, Epicurus, Diogenes, Thales, and Methrodorus, had among them so great contention to describe the 
The opinion of sundry Philosophers of the description of the world.  world, his beginning and property: that in maintaining every one his opinion, they made greater wars with their pens, than their enemies have done with their lances. Pythagoras' said, that that which we call the World is one thing, and that which we call the universal is an other: the Philosopher Thales said, that there was no more but one World: and to the contrary, Methrodorus the Astronomer affirmed, there were infinite worlds: Diogenes said, that the world was everlasting. Seleucus said, that it was not true: but that it had an end: Aristotle seemed to say, that the world was eternal. But Plato said clearly, that the world hath had beginning, and shall also have ending.  
Epicurus said, that it was round as a ball, Empedocles said, that it was not as a bowl, but as an egg. Chilo the Philosopher (in the high Mount Olympus) disputed that the world was as men are: that is to say, that he had an intellectable and sensible soul.  
Socrates in his School sayeth, and in his doctrine wrote that after 37 thousand years, all things should return as they had been before: That is to say, that he himself should be borne anew, and should be nourished and should read in Athens. And Dennis the Tryant should return to play the Tyrant in Syracuse. julius Caesar to rule Rome, Hannibal to conquer Italy, and Scipio to make war against Carthage, Alexander to fight against King Darius, and so forth in all others past.  
In such and other vain questions and speculstions, the ancient Philosophers consumed many years. They in writing many books have troubled their spirits, consumed long time, traveled many Countries, and suffered innumerable dangers, and in the end they have set forth few truths and many lies. For the least part of that they knew not, was much greater than all that which they ever knew.  
When I took my pen in my hand to write the vanity of the world: my intention was not to reprove this material world, the which of the four Elements is compounded: that is to say, of the earth that is cold and dry: of the water that is moist and cold: of the air that is hot and moist, of fire that is dry and hot: so that taking the world in this sort, there is no reason why we should complain and lament of it, since that without him we cannot live corporally, When the Painter of the world came into the world, it is not to be believed, that he reproved the water which bore him, when he went upon it: nor the air that ceased to blow in the sea, nor the earth that trembled at his death, nor the light which ceased to light, nor the stones which broke in sunder, nor the fish which suffered themselves to be taken, not the trees which suffered themselves to be dry, nor the monuments that suffered themselves to be opened: For the creature acknowledged in his Creator omnipotency, and the Creator founded in the creature due obedience. Oftentimes, and of many persons we hear say, O woeful world, O miserable world, O subtle world, O world unstable, and unconstant!  
And therefore it is reason we know what the world is, whereof the world is, from whence this world is, whereof this world is made, and who is lord of this world? since in it all things are unstable, all things are miserable, all 
〈…〉.  things deceitful, & all things are malicious, which cannot be understood of this material world. For, in the fire, in the air in the earth, and in the water, in the light, in the Planets, in the stones, and in the Trees, there are no sorrows, there are no miseries, there are no deceits, nor yet any malice.  
The world wherein we are borne, where we live, and where we die, differeth much from the world whereof we do complain: for the world against whom we fight, suffereth us not to be in quiet one hour in the day.  
To declare therefore my intention, this wicked World is no other thing, but the evil life of the Worldlings, the Earth is the desire, the fire the covetise, the water the inconstancy, the air the folly the stones are the pride, the flowers of the Trees the thoughts, the deep Sea, the heart.  
Finally I say, that the Sun of this world is the prosperity, and the moon is the continual change. The Prince of this so evil a world is the devil, of whom JESUS CHRIST laid; The prince of this world shall now be cast out: and this the Redeemer of the World sayeth: For, he called the worldlings and their worldly lives the world: For since they be servants of sin, of necessity they must be subjects to the devil. The pride, the avarice, the envy, the blasphemy, the pleasures, the lechery, the negligence, the gluttony, the ire, the malice, the vanity, & the folly. This is the world against which we fight all our life, and there the good are princes of vices, and the vices are Lords of the vicious.  
Let us compare the travels which we suffer of the Elements, with those which we endure of the vices, and we shall see, that little is the peril we have on the sea and the land, in respect of that which increaseth our evil life. Is not he in more danger that falleth through malice into pride, than he which by chance falleth from a high rock? Is not he who with envy is persecuted, in more danger than he that with a stone is wounded? Are not they in more peril that live among vicious men, than others that live among brute and cruel beasts. Do not those which are tormented with the fire of covetousness, suffer greater danger than those which live under the mount Ethna.  
Finally, I say, that they be in greater perils, which with high imaginations are blinded, them the trees which with the importunate winds are shaken. And afterwards this world is our cruel enemy, it is a deceitful friend, it is that which always keepeth us in travel, it is that which taketh from us our rest, it is that that robbeth us of our treasure, it is that 
The deceitfulness of the world laid open.  which maketh himself to be feared of the good, and that which is greatly beloved of the evil, It is that which of the goods of other is prodigal, and of his own very miserable.  
He is the inventor of all vices, & the scourge of all virtues. It is he which entertaineth all his in flattery, and fair speech.  
This is he which bringeth men to dissension, that robbeth the renown of those that be dead, and putteth to sack the good name of those that be alive.  
Finally, I say, that this cursed World is he, which to all aught to render account, and of whom none dare ask account.  
Oh vanity of vanities, where all walk in vanity, where all think vanity, where all cleave to vanity, where all seemeth vanity: and yet this is little to seem vanity, but that indeed it is vanity. For, as false witness should he bear, that would say, That in this World there is any thing Assured, Healthful, and True: as he that would say, that in Heaven there is any unconstant, variable, or false thing.  
Let therefore vain Princes see how vain their thoughts be: and let us desire a vain Prince to tell us how he hath governed with him the vanities of the world? For, if he believe not that which my pen writeth, let him be leeve that which his person proveth.  
The words written in the book of Ecclesiastes are such.  

I David's Son that sways the Kingly seat,  
With hungry thirst, have thrown amid my breast:  
A vain desire to prove what pleasures great 
A worthy saying of K. Solomon:   
In fleeting Lise have stable foot to rest.   

To taste the sweet that might suffice my will,  
With rained course to shun the deeper way,  
Whose streams of high delight, should so distil,  
As might content my restless thoughts to stay.   

For lo, Queen Follies Imps through vain belief  
So proudly shape their search of tickle reach  
That though desert avails the wave of grief,  
To Science top their climbing will doth stretch.   

And so to draw some nice delighting end  
Of Fancies toil that feasted thus my thought:  
I largely weighed my wasted bounds to bend,  
To swelling Realms, as wisdoms Dial wrought.   

I Royal Courts have reached from the soil  
To serve to lodge my huge attending train:  
Each pleasant house that might be heaped with toil  
I reared up, to wield my wanton rain.   

I caused to plant the long unused vines,  
To smooth my taste with treasure of the Grape:  
I sipped have the sweet inflaming Wines,  
Old rust of care by hid delight to scape.   

Fresh Arbours I had closed to the skies,  
A shrouded space to use my fickle Feet:  
Rich Gardens I had dazzling still mine Eyes,  
A pleasant plot, when dainty Food was meet.   

High shaking-trees by Art I strove to set,  
To freight desire with Fruits of liking taste:  
When boiling flame of Summers-Sunne did heat,  
The blossom'de Boughs his shooting beams did waste.   

From Rocky hills I forced to be brought  
Cold silver Springs to bain my fruitful ground:  
Large throwne-out Ponds, I laboured to be wrought,  
Where numbers huge of swimming Fish were found:  
Great compassed Parks I gloried long to plant  
And wild Forests, where swarmed Herds of Dear  
Thousands of Sheep, ne cattle could not want,  
With new increase to store the wasted year,   

Whole rowtes I kept of servile wights to serve  
defaults of Princely Courts with irk some toil  
Whose skilful hand from cunning could not serve,  
Their sway was most to deck my dainty soil.   

The learned weights of Musics curious art  
I trained up, to please me with their play  
Whose sugared tunes so sailed to my heart  
As flowing grief, agreed to eble away.   

The tender Maids, whose stalk of growing years  
Yet reached not to age his second rain  
Whose royal am s, were swallowed in no cares  
But burnt by love, as Beauties lot doth gain.   

Lo I enjoyed to feed my dulled spirit  
With strained voice of sweet alluring song  
But yet to mount the Stage of more delight  
I joyed to see their comely Dances long.   

The hills of massy Gold that I up heaped  
So huge were by hoard of long excess,  
That clottered clay with prouder price was kept  
In sundry Realms, when ruthful need did press,  
In some I say my bodies rolling guide  
Did gaze for nought, but subject lay to sight:  
My judge of sounds wished nothing to abide,  
But was instilled to kindle more delight.   

The clother of my corpse yet never felt  
That pleased him aught but aye it touched again  
My sicher of savours, if ought be smelled,  
That might content, his would was never vain.   

The greedy sighs of my devoured breast  
Traveled in thought to conquer no delight,  
But yielded straight as wire to the wrest  
To office such, as wanton will be height.   

But when the door of by abused eyen,  
Where hoist up with looks and looks again  
And that my eager hands, did aye incline  
To touch the sweet, that season still their pain.   

When wanton taste, was fed with each conceit  
That strange devise brought forth from flowing wit  
When restless will was ballast with the weight,  
Of princely reach, that did my compass fit.   

I saw by search, the sorry unstable bloom:  
The blasted fruit, the flitting still delight,  
The fickle joy, the oft abused doom,  
The slipper stay, the short contented sight   

Of such as set their heaven of singing life  
In pleasure's lap, that laugh at their abuse  
Whose froward wheel, with frowning turn is rise  
To drown their bliss, that blindly slept with use.   

For lo, the course of my delighting years  
That was embraced in arms of Fancies past  
When wisdoms Sun, through follies clouds appears  
Doth blush to hear the count that pleasures cast.   

So now I see the mass of huge delight  
With flattering face doth promise but decay  
Whose flitting foot, enticed one to flight  
His restless wings, do seek to sore away.  
Lo thus he slips, reclaimed with endless pain,  
Possessed a while, departing soon again   
Thus sayeth the sage Solomon, talking of the things of the world: the which as he spoke of the world, so had he proved it in deed, in his own person.  
Crediting, as it is reason to such high doctrine, I cannot tell what my pen can write more in this case: since he saith, that after he had all proved, 
Nothing in this world but vanity,  experimented, possessed, and tasted, he found that all we procure and have in this world is vanity.  
Oh Noble Princes and great Lords, I beseech you, and in the Name of JESUS CHRIST, I exhort you, with great discretion, to enter into this deep Sea: since this order is so disordered, that it bringeth all disorders, and evil customs. For all those which shall travel by the way, when they shall think to go most sure in the midst of their journey, they shall find themselves to be lost.  
None ought to agree with the world, for that he might live secure in his house: for day and night to all worldlings he hath his gates open, making their entry large and sure. But let us beware we enter not, and much more that we load not ourselves with his vices, and be delighted with his pleasures.  
For, since we do wax worse and that we are entered therein, though we do repent, by no way we find the sure coming out, but that first we must well pay for our lodging.  
I marvel not though the Worldlings at every moment be deceived: since superficiously they behold the 
The vain hope of the worldly minded man,  world with their eyes, and love it profoundly with their hearts. But if they desired as profoundly to consider it, as they do vainly follow it, they should see very plain, that the world did not flatter them with prosperity, but threaten them with adversity.  
So that under the greatest point of the die, which is the vi. is hidden the least, which is the Ace,  
I would counsel Noble-Princes, and great Lords, that they would not believe the world, nor his Flatterers, and much less believe themselves nor their vain imaginations. The which for the most part do think that after they have traveled, & heaped up great treasure, they shall enjoy but their own travel, without the trouble of any man, or that any man do go again them.  
Oh how vain is such thought, and how often doth it change contrary? The world is of such an evil conditition, that if he let us rest, our first sleep, as well us, as that which we have gotten, immediately in the morning, yea oftentimes, an hour from thence, he awaketh us with a new care and now he hath prepared for us some mean, to occupy ourselves about some other trouble.   

CHAP. XL. ¶ The Author followeth his intention, and speaketh vehemently against the deceits of the World.  
THe Emperor trajan said one day to his master (which was plutarch, the great philosopher) 
The speech of the Emp: trajan.  Tell me master; why there are commonly more evil than good? & why without comparison, there are more which follow vices, than those which embrace virtue? The great Plutarch answered. As our natural inclination is more given to lasciviousness and negligence, then to chastity and abstinency: so the men which do enforce 
The answer of Plutarch  themselves to follow virtue are few, and those which give slack the reins unto vices are many. And know thou (if thou knowest it not, most Noble Prince) that all this evil proceedeth, that men do follow men, and that they suffer not reason to follow reason  
Feeble, and miserable is our nature, but in the end we cannot deny, that for our travels we may find remedy in it, which seemeth to be true.  
For so much if the sun doth annoy us, we retire to the shadow. If we are grieved going on foot, we do remedy it going on Horseback. If the sea be dangerous, we sail with ships. If the cold do vex us, we approach near the Fire. If thirst doth trouble us, we do quench it with drink. If the rain doth wet us, we go into houses. If the plague be in one place, we fly into another. If we have enemies, we comfort ourselves with our friends.  
Finally I say, that there is no sorrow, nor travel, but that a man hath found some rest and remedy.  
This presupposed to be true (as it is truth indeed) now I ask all the worldlings, if they have found any remedy against the troubles and deceits of this world? If I be not deceived, and if I understand any thing of this world the remedy which the world giveth for the troubles, certainly are greater travels, than the travels themselves: so that they are salves, that do not heal our wounds, but rather burn our flesh.  
When the diseases are not very old rooted, nor dangerous, it profiteth more oftentimes to abide a gentle fever: then to take a sharp purgation: I mean, that the world is such a deceiver, and so double, that he doth contrary to that he punisheth. That is to say, that if he do persuade us to revenge an injury: it is to the end that in revenging that one, we should receive a thousand inconveniences.  
And whereas we think it taketh from us, it increaseth infinite. So that this cursed guide, maketh us to believe it leadeth us upon the dry land among our friends: causeth us to fall into the Ambushments of our enemies.  
Noble Princes & great Lords, in the thoughts they have, and in the words that they speak, are greatly esteemed: and afterwards in the works which they do, and in the affairs they travel, are as little regarded.  
The contrary of all this doth the wicked world, who with all those he 
How little we ought to esteem the flatteries of the world.  acompanyeth, in his promises he is very gentle: and afterwards in his deeds, he is very proud. For speaking the truth, oft times it costeth us dear, and we others do sell it good cheap.  
I say much, in saying that we sell it good cheap: but in a manner I should say better, that we give it willingly. For few are those in number which carry away wages of the world: and infinite are those which do serve it, only for a vain hope. Oh Noble Princes and great Lords, I counsel and require you, that you do not trust the world, neither in word, deed, nor promise, though he swear and swear again, that he will keep all he hath promised with you. Suppose that the world doth honour you much, flatter you much, visit you oft, offer you great treasures, and give you much: yet it is not because he will give it you by little and little, but that afterwards he might take it all from you again in one day. For it is the old custom of the world, that those which above all men he hath set before: now at a turn, they are furthest behind. What may we have in this 
The inconstancy of the world.  world and in his flatteries, since we do know, that one day we shall see ourselves deprived thereof? and that which is more, he useth such craft and subtlety with the one and with the other, that in old men whom reason would should not be vicious, he (the more to torment their persons) hath kindled a greater fire in their hearts, so that this malicious world putteth into old riches, a new covetousness: and in the aged, engendereth cruel avarice, and that in that time, when it is out of time. We ought greatly to consider, how by the world we are deceived: but much more we ought to take heed, that we be not by it destroyed. For whereas we think to be in open liberty: he keepeth us secret in prison. We think we are whole, and he giveth us sickness. We think we have all things, yet we have nothing. We think that for many years long shall be our life, when that at every corner we are assaulted of death. We think that it counteth us for men that be wise, when he keepeth us bound like unto fools. We think that it increaseth our good, when that in deed it burdeneth our conscience. Finally I say, that by the way where we think to continue our renown, and life: we lose without recovery, both life and fame.  
O filthy world, that when thou dost receive us, thou dost cast us off: when thou dost assemble us, thou dost separate us: when thou seemest to rejoice us, thou makest us sad: when thou pleasest us, how thou displeasest us: when thou exaltest us, how thou humblest us: and when thou dost chastise us, how thou rejoicest. Finally I say, that thou hast thy drinks so empoisoned, that we are without thee, with thee, and having the thief within the house, we go out of the doors to seek him. Though: men be divers in gestures: yet much more are they variable in their appetites. And sith the world hath experience of so many years, it hath appetites prepared for all kind of people. For the presumptuous he procureth honours, to the avaricious he procureth riches, and to those which are gluttons, he 
How the world deceiveth sinful men.  presenteth divers meats. The fleshly he blindeth with women, and the negligent he letteth rest: and the end why he doth all these things, is that after he hath fed them as flesh, he casteth upon them the nets of all vices.  
Note Princes, and great Lords, note noble men, though a Prince do see himself Lord of all the world, he ought to think that of no value is the signory, unless he himself be virtuous. For little it profiteth that he be Lord of the vicious: which is himself the servant of all vices.  
Many say that the world doth beguile them: and other say that they have no power against the world. To whom we may answer. That if at the first temptations we would have resisted the world: it is unpossible that so oftentimes it durst assault us. For of our small resistance, cometh his so great audacity. I cannot tell if I shall dissemble, I shall hold my peace, or whether I shall say that I would say, since it grieveth my heart so much, only to think of it. For I feel my eyes readier to lament it, than my fingers able to write it, It is so, that every man suffereth himself to be governed so of the world, as if God were not in heaven, and he had not promised to be a good Christian here in 
The vain opinion of the worldly minded men,  earth. For all that he will, we will, that which he followeth, we follow, and that which he chooseth, we choose. And that which is greatest sorrow of all, if we do refrain ourselves from adversity, it is not for that of our own nature we would cease from it: but because the world will not command us to do it.  
Little is that which I have spoken, in respect of that I will speak: which is that the world hath made us now so ready to his law, that from one hour to another, it changeth the whole state of this life. So that to day he maketh us hate that, which yesterday we loved, he maketh us complain of that, which we commended: he maketh us to be ofended now with that, which before we did desire: he maketh us to have mortal enemies of those, which before were our special friends.  
Finally I say, that the world maketh us to love that in our life, which afterwards we bewail at the hour of death. If the world did give unto his minions, any perfect and accomplished thing: it were somewhat that for a time a man should remain in the service of his house: But since that in the world all things are granted not during life, but as lending, which ought to be rendered the day following: I know not what man is so very a fool, that in the world doth hope for any perpetual thing? For all that he giveth, he giveth with such condition, that they shall render it unto him when he shall demand it: and not at the discretion of him that doth possess it. Peradventure the world can give us perpetual life? I say certainly no. For in the sweetest time of all our life, then suddenly we are assaulted of cruel death. Peradventure 
How suddenly Death assaulteth us,  the world can give us temporal goods in abundance? I say certainly no. For no man at any time had so much riches: but that which he wanted was more, then that he possessed. Peradventure the world can give us perpetual joy? I say certainly no. For exempting those days which we have to lament, and also the hours which we have to sight: there remaineth not for us one moment to laugh. Peradventure he can give us perpetual health? I say certainly no. For to men of long life, without comparison the diseases are more which they suffer: then the years are which they live. Peradventure the world can give us perpetual rest? I say certainly no. For if the days be few, wherein we see the elements without clouds: fewer are the hours, which we feel our hearts without cares.  
Therefore since that in this miserable world there is no health perpetual, nor life perpetual, nor riches perpetual, nor joy perpetual. I would know what it is that the worldlings would of the world, since they know that it hath no good thing to give them, but only by lending, or by usury? If it be usury, there is no gain of money: but rather return, with restitution of vices.  
O children of vanity, O masters of lightness, since it is so, that ye now determine to follow and serve the world: look not of the world to have any thing, but things of the world. In it is nothing but pride, envy, lechery, hate, ire, blasphemy, avarice, and folly. And if ye ask if he have in his governance any virtuous thing, he will answer you, that he doth never sell such merchandise in his shop. Let no man think that the world can give us that, which it hath nor for itself. And if we will change any thing with it, and it with us: he is so subtle to sell, and so curious to buy, that that which he taketh shall be of great measure, and that which he selleth us, shall want much weight.   

CHAP. XLI. ¶ Of a Letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote unto his friend Torquatus, to comfort him in his banishment, which is notable, for all men to learn the vanities of this World.  
Marcus' Emperor of Rome, companion in the Empire, with his Brother Annius Verus, to thee Torquatus, of the city of 
comfort 〈…〉 if the Emp: Marc: Aur.  Gaietta, wisheth all health to thy person, and strength against thy evil Fortunes. I being in the Temple of the Vestal virgins, about three month since, I received a Letter of thine: the which was in such sort, that neither mine eyes for that time could make an end to read it, or since I have had the heart to answer it. For in the inconnueniences of our friends, if we have no faculty nor might for to remedy it, at the least we are bound to bewail it. Thy sorrow maketh me so heavy, thy pain doth trouble me so much, I am so careful of thy anguish, so tormented with thy grief, that if the Gods had given power to woeful men to impart their sorrows, as they have given to rich men to impart their goods: by the faith I owe to God, I swear, that as I am the greatest of thy Friends, I would be he which should take the most part of thy griefs.  
I know right well, and as well as he that hath proved it, that as much difference as there is between the ba●ke and the tree, the marrow and the bone, the corn and the straw, the gold, and the dross, the truth and the dreams: so much is there to hear the Travels of another, and to taste his own. Notwithstanding, comfort thyself, my friend Torquatus: for where the friends be true, the goods and the evils are common betwixt them.  
Oftentimes with myself I have marveled, to what end or intention, the immortal Gods have given Travel, and torments to men, since it is in their powers to make us live without them. I see no other thing, why the mishaps ought patiently to be suffered: but because in those, we know who are our faithful friends. In battle the valiant man is known, in tempestuous weather the Pilot is known, by the Touchstone the gold is tried, 
How a true friend is to be known,  and in adversity, the true Friend is known.  
For my friend doth not enough to make me merry, unless also he doth take part of my sorrow. I have heard say here, and now by thy letter I have seen, how they have banished thee from Rome, and confiscated thy goods, and that for pure sorrow thou art sick in thy bed: whereof I marvel not that thou art sick, but to be as thou art alive. For saying to thee the Truth, where the heart is sore wounded, in short space it hath accustomed to yield up unto the body. I see well, that thou complainest, and thou hast reason to complain, to see thyself banished from Rome, and thy goods confiscate, to see thyself out of thy country, without any parentage: yet therefore thy sorrows ought not to be so extreme, that thou shouldst put thy life in hazard. For he alone ought to have licence, and also is bound to hate life, which doth not remember that he hath served the Gods, nor hath done any profit to men.  
If the affairs of the Empire did not occupy me, and the Imperial Majesty did not withdraw me: I would immediately 
The love of Marcus Aurelius to his friend,  have come to comfort thy person, where thou shouldest have seen by experience, with what grief I feel thy troubles. And therefore, if thou takest me for thy friend, thou oughtest to believe of me, that which in this case I would of thee (which is) that as thou hast been the most entire Friend which I had in Rome: So is this the thing that most I have felt in this life.  
Tell me my friend Torquatus, what is it thou sufferest there, that I do not lament here? It may be that sometime thou laughest, but I always weep: sometimes thou comfortest thyself, but I am always sad. It may be that thou lightnest thy pain: but I am in sighing. It may be that sometimes thou castest from thee sorrow: but for me I cannot receive consolation. It may be that thou hopest remedy of long life: but for me I find no remedy more healthful, then present death. Finally (I say) that here I feel all that thou feelest there: and furthermore, I suffer all that, which as a friend I ought to suffer here: so that both our pains are made one most cruel sorrow, wherewith my woeful life is tormented. I would greatly desire to come and see thee, and to help to disburden thee of this charge.  
And since it is unpossible that thou shalt find some comfortable words: For, thou knowest, that if the true Friends cannot do that which they ought: yet they do accomplish it, in doing that they can.  
If my memory deceive me not, it is well two and thirty years since we two have known together in Rome, during the which, Fortune hath made here between us divers alterations, in the which time I never saw thee one day contented. For if thou were sad, nothing did make thee merry, but wert as a man without taste:: and if thou were joyful, thou esteemedst it little, as a man being troubled. Therefore if the truth be so (as indeed it is) that in travels thou were laden with sorrows, and in prosperities thou wert evil content, so that of nothing in the world thou takest any taste: why is it (my friend Torquatus) that now again thou art in despair, as if thou camest new into this world? Thou didst rejoice thyself xxxii. years, with the Triumphs and prosperity of Rome: and thou complainest only of three months, that Fortune hath been contrary unto thee.  
O Torquatus, Torquatus, dost thou 
The considerations that every man ought to have,  know that the wise men (in whom wisdom reigneth) have more fear of two unhappy days in this life: then of two hundredth of prosperous Fortune?  
Oh how many have I seen go out of their prosperities, with the charges of another man, and their own proper vices: so that the vainglory and the failing prosperities endured few days: but the grief of that they have lost, and the enmities which they have recovered, endure many years.  
The contrary of all this cometh to unfortunate men, which escape out of their tribulations, spoiled of vices, environed with virtues, persecutors of evils, zealous of good, friends of all, and enemies of none: contented with theirs, and not desiring others. Finally, they are escaped wisely from the snare, and have gathered the Rose, not hurting themselves with the pricks.  
What wilt thou that I say more unto thee, but that the most Fortunate ate vanquished in peace: and the unfortunate are conquerors in war.  
One of the Sentences which most have contented me, of those which the Ancients have spoken, is this, of the divine Plato, That those which are in prosperity have no less need of good counsel, than the unhappy have of remedy; For no less do they travel, which go always in the plain way, than those 
A worthy saying of Plato.  which mount on the sharp craggy mountain.  
According to that I have gathered of thy letter, me seemeth that when we hope most rest, greatest travel hath succeeded to thee. And hereof I do not marvel, nor thou oughtest not be offended: for as experience teacheth us, when the trees have the blossoms, than they are most subject to the frost: and when glasses are drawn out of the furnace they break. The Captains having won the victory, do die. When they will put the key in the door, the house doth fall. The Pirates perish within the kenning of land,  
By that I have spoken, I mean, that when we think to have made peace with fortune, than she hath a new demand ready forged. All new changes of Fortune, causeth all ways new pain to the person: but often times it is cause of more great fortress: for the tree beareth not so much fruit where it first grew, as there where again it is planted: and the savours are more odoriferous, when they are most chafed. I mean that men of high thoughts, the more they are wrapped in the frownings of Fortune, the more valiant and stout they show themselves. The man utterly is foolish, or hath great want of understanding, who hopeth at any time to have perfect rest, imagining that the World will give no assault upon him: but that the time shall come, wherein he shall be without care and fear.  
This miserable life is of such condition, that daily our years do diminish, and our troubles increase. O Torquatus, by the immortal Gods I do desire thee, and in the faith of a friend I do require thee, thou being borne in the world, nourishing thyself in the world, living in the world being conversant in the world, being a child of the world, and following the world, what didst thou hope of the world but things of the world? Peradventure, thou alone wilt eat the flesh without bones, give battle without peril, travel without pain, and sail by the sea without danger. I mean, that ●s unpossible for mortal men to live in the world, unless 
No man in safety to long as he liveth in this world.  they will become subject to the sorrows of the world. The world hath always been the world, and now the world shall be after us, and as a world shall handle the worldlings.  
The wise men, and those which of their estates are careful, are not contented to see, nor superficialy to know the things: but rather weigh them profoundly. I say this, because if thou knewest thy debelity, and knewest fortune, and her change, if thou knewest the men, and their malices, if thou knewest the world and his flatteries, thou shouldest win no little honour, where as otherwise thou may's chance to get infamy. We are now come to so great folly, that we will not serve the Gods which have created us, nor abstain from the World which persecuteth us: And the best is, that he not willing us (but rather rejecting us) we say, that of our own wills we will love and serve him: and yet knowing that those which longest have served the world, do go out of his house, most bitterly lamenting. Oftentimes I stay for to think, that according to the multitude of men which follow the world (being always evil handled of the World) if the World did pray them as he doth annoy them, if he did comfort them, as he doth torment them, if he kept them, as he banisheth them, if he exalted them, as he abuseth them, of he received them, as he expelleth them, if he did continue them as he consumeth them: I think that the Gods should not be honoured in heaven, nor the temples worshipped in the earth.  
O Torquatus my friend, that which I will now say of thee, thou mayest say of me: that is to say, how much we put our confidence in fortune, how lewdly we pass our days, and how much we are ●inded in the world: yet for all that we credit his word as much, as though he had never mocked any.   

CHAP. XLII. Marcus Aurelius goeth on with his Letter, and by strong and high reasons persuadeth all that line in the world, not to trust the world, nor any thing therein.  
Tell l me I pray thee Torquatus, what wilt thou hear more? What wilt thou see more? and 
The Emperor perswedeth men to trust in the world  what wilt thou know more? to know the world? seeing how until this present thou hast been handled of the world, thou demandest rest, and he hath given thee trouble: thou demandest honour, and he hath given thee infamy. Thou demandest riches, and he hath given thee poverty: thou demandest joy, and he hath given thee sorrow. Thou demandest to be his, and he hath given thee his hand. Thou demandest life, and he hath given thee death: Therefore if it be true, that the world hath handled thee in this wise, why dost thou weep to return again to his wicked house? O filthy world, how far art thou from just: and how far ought they to be from thee, which desire to be just: For naturally thou art a friend of novelties, and enemy of virtues. One of the Lessons which the world readeth to his children is this: that to be true worldlings they should not be very true: The which experience plainly showeth us, for the man which meddleth much with the world, leaveth always suspicion of him that he is not true: The World is an Ambassador of the evil, a scourge of the good, chiefest of vices, a tyrant of the virtuous, 
What the world is compared unto.  a breaker of peace, a friend of war, a sweet water of vices, the gall of the virtuous, a defender of lies, an inventor of novelties, a traveller of the ignorant, a hammer for the malicious, a table of gluttons, and a furnace of concupiscence. Finally, it is the peril of Charibdes, where the hearts do perish: and the danger of Scylla, where the thoughts do waste.  
Presuppose that these he the conditions of the world. The truth is, that if there be any worldling who complaineth to be evil content with the world, shall he therefore change his style? Truly no and the reason is, that if perchance one worldling should go out the house of the world, there are x. thousand vanities at his Gate:  
I know not what wise man will live in the World, with such conditions, since the vices wherewith we do rejoice ourselves are very few, in respect of the torments which we suffer. I say not that we do hear it by hearsay, and read them in books: but we see with our own eyes, the one to consume and waste the goods: others by misfortune to fall and lose their credit, others to fall and lose their honour, and others to lose their life: and all these miseries seen, yet nevertheless, every man thinketh to be free by privilege, where there is none privileged.  
Oh my dear Friend Torquatus, of one thing I assure thee, which is: that the men which are born of women are so evil a generation, and so cruel is the world wherein we live, and Fortune so empoisoned, with whom we frequent: that we cannot escape without being spurned with his feet, bitten with his Teeth, torn with his nails, or empoisoned with his venom.  
Peradventure thou mayest say unto me that thou hast seen some in Rome which have lived longtime, Fortune never being against him. To this I answer thee, that thou oughtest rather to have pity upon him, than envy: For it is not for his profit, but for his great hindrance. For the World is 
How malicious & unconstant the world is,  so malicious, that when it seemeth to be most our Friend, than it worketh us most displeasure.  
The healthful men die rather of a short disease in few days, than the dry and feeble men do, with a disease of many years. By this comparison I mean, that since man cannot escape, nor live without travel: it is much better, that by little and little he tasteth them, than they enter all at one time into his house.  
Oh how much aught the man to be hated of the immortal Gods: who knoweth not what travel meaneth in this world? For he only ought to fear Fortune, who knoweth not Fortune's force.  
Since the Gods would permit, and thy mishap hath been such, that thou hast found more danger, where thou thoughtst most surety, as a man evillfortuned: it is reason that we apply unto thee some new ware, to the end thou lose not thy good renown, since thou hast lost thy evil goods.  
Tell me I pray thee (Torquatus) why dost thou complain as a man sick? why criest thou as a fool? why sighest thou as a man in despair? and why dost thou weep as a Child? Thou art come out of the way: And thou complain'st to have lost thy way. Thou sailest by the broiling Seas: and thou wonderest that the Waves do assault thee. Thou hast ascended the steep and craggy Mountains: and thou complainest that thou art weary. Thou walkest by the thorns, and wilt not that thy gown be torn.  
Didst thou think on the top of the high Mountain to live most sure? By that I have spoken, I will ask what diligent service thou hast done to the world, that thou wouldst the Gods of heaven should recompense thee?  
wouldst thou of Fortune a safe conduct, she being (as she is) enemy of many, Nature being not able to give it, the which is mother of all?  
Oh my Friend Torquatus, that which that pitiful Nature cannot promise 
Fortune & Nature two contrary enemies.  thee, didst thou think that Fortune, (which is the just stepmother) should give?  
It is unpossible that the Sea should always promise us surety, and the heavens clearness, the Summer dews, and the Winter, Frosts. Mark well, my Friend Torquatus, that all natural things are subject to change every year: but all the Worldlings ought to endure, to Eclipse every moment.  
Since the natural Gods cannot always be in one man's custody, being necessary, it is just that the goods of Fortune perish, since they are superfluous. Unjust should the Gods be, if that which is to the damage of so many, they had made perpetual: and that which is to the profit of all, they had made mortal. I will no more reduce to thy memory, the prosperities which thou hast had in times past: before that we treat how Fortune handleth thee at this present.  
The deceitful Fortune, when at thy gate she sold her Merchandise, knowing that she soldeunto thee, and thou being ignorant of that thou boughtest: she gave thee fruitful ground, and afterwards made it unto thee painful. She hath given thee sour for sweet, and the sweet she hath returned to the sour. She hath given thee the evil for the good: and where that thou hast sold her good, she returneth unto thee evil. Finally she hath beguiled thee in the just price, thou not supposing that thou hadst received any damage. We can do no less in this case but to have compassion upon thee: yet though they condemn malicious Fortune for selling, they will note thee simple in buying. For in the shop of Fortune, all Merchandise are suspicious.  
Oh unhapie that we are, I say those which meddle with the Word: for in his Market they see nought but lies, and we do not trust but in the overthrows of our renown: which are not paid, but with the cost of our life. And the factors of that Fair, give us nothing by weight or measure: for they are a sort of vagabonds: And the worst of all is, knowing that they ought to lose with Fortune, all seek to buy at her shop.  
Give thyself to the World, love the world much, serve the world well, follow the world well, and feel the world well: For, in the end of thy 
Do what thou canst at last the world will deceive thee,  journey, the world requireth thee to be like unto his inconstancy.  
I would enter into count, not with the World, which in the end is the world: but with the worldlings which are in love with the world. For, in thè end, either it is good or evil. If the world be good for them, whereof do they complain? If he be evil, why do they follow him? They cannot (though they would) deny one of the two errors, wherein the worldlings fall: that is to say, that they serve an evil master, or that they murmur of a good lord.  
Now tell me, my Friend Torquatus, what didst thou hope, since thou madest so long time a countenance to the world? Two and thirty years thou hast served the world, and hast been in his favour: wherefore it were now high time, that between thee and him were some discord. For between the Grandfathers and the Nephews, between the Father and the children, between the uncles and the nephews, daily we see great strifes: And didst thou think, that between thee and Fortune, perpetual peace should be?  
She gave not to Belus, king of the Assyrians, but lx. years of prosperity. To the queen Semiramis, six only. To Label King of the Lacedæmonians, 
Examples of the unconstancy of the world.  five: To the K of the Chaldeans, four.  
To the great Alexander of Macedony, four. To the great Amilcar, King of Carthage, two. To our julius Caesar, one: and to infinite others, she gave not one.  
If the world were patient, he should be no world, if the world were constant, he should be no world, if the world were sober, he should be no world, if the world were true, he should be no world, if the world were corrigible, he should be no world. Finally I say, that for nought else the world is world, but because there is nothing in him worthy to be beloved: and many things in it deserveth to be reproved. If thou wert wise, and knewst any thing of the world, in all the discourse of those xxxii. years, thou hadst not eaten without care, nor hadst gone without guiles, and hadst not spoken without suspicion, nor slept without assault, nor trusted any friend.  
For the War, men do bethink them all ways wherein their enemies do beguile them, wherein they themselves may fail, and wherein fortune may let them. I know not if it be that the world of himself be happy, or that the Worldlings are fools: For if one stranger, one neighbour, or our proper brother doth envy us, we will never (though he do require us) pardon him, and we cease not to follow the world, though we know he persecuteth us. So that we draw our swords against flies: and will kill the Elephants with needles. There is no greater ill in the world, then to think all things in the world are in extremity: for if we be abased, we sigh always to mount, & if we be high, we weep always for fear of falling. Such overthrows hath the world, and his snares are so secret, that we are no sooner shipped but we see both our hands and feet entangled with vices: by the which our liberty is brought into such extreme and cruel captivity, that we bewail our mishaps with roaring voice as brute beasts, but as men we dare not once utter them. I know not whereof this cometh, for some I see which willingly fall, and other I see which would recover themselves. I see divers that would be remedied, and I see all do complain, but in the end I see no man that doth amend.  
These things I have written unto thee, for no other thing, but because from henceforth thou shouldst live more circumspectly: for as thou know est, I say nothing, whereof I have not long experience.  
The colt which thou hast sent me is proved very good, especially for that he leapeth very well, and for the career he is exceeding ready, and hath a comely grace. I send thee two thousand sexterces, wherewith thou mayst relieve thy necessities.  
Finding opportunity, as touching thy banishment I will speak to the Senate in thy behalf. I say no more to thee, but that the consolations of the gods, and the love of the gods be with thee Torquatus.  
The malice of the evil, and the ire of the furies, be absent from me Marcus. My wife Faustine saluteth thee and in her behalf, and mine, recommend us to thy fair daughter in law Solophonia, and thy daughter Amilda. Mark of Mount Celio, writeth to thee Torquate, with his own hand.   

CHAP. XLIII. Princes and Nobles ought not to bear with jugglers, jesters, Parasites, and common Players, nor with any such kind of rascals, and loiterers. And of the laws which the romans made in this behalf.  
LIcurgus Promotheus, Solon, and Numa Pompilius famous inventors and maintainers of Laws, showed the subtlety of their wits, and the zeal which they had to their people, in ordaining many Laws which they taught: not only what they ought to do: but that which they ought to fly.  
For the good and expert Physicians do deserve more praise for to preserve us before we are sick: then to heal us after that we are diseased.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms 
Plutarch commendeth the Lacedæmonians in observing their laws  never ceaseth to exalt the Lacedæmonians, saying, That when they did observe their Laws, they were the most esteemed of all the greeks, and after they broke them, they were the most vilest Subjects, which ever the Romans had, The felicity or infelicity of Realms, doth not consist to have good or evil Laws, but to have good or evil Princes: For little profiteth us the Laws to be just, if the King be wicked.  
Sextus Cheronensis in the life of Nero saith: When the romans and the greeks had wars together, and that the Ambassadors of those two Nations were at controversy, which of them should have the Rhodians to be their Friends? The Greek Ambassador said to the Roman: Ye ought 
A saying of Plutarch,  not to make yourselves equal. O Romans, with the greeks, since the truth is, that ye came from Rome to Greece to seek Laws. The Roman Ambassador answered him: I grant thee, that from Rome we sent to seek Laws in Greece, but thou wilt not deny, that from Greece you have brought the vices to Rome. I say unto thee the truth, that without comparison, greater damage have the vices done unto us, than your Laws hath profited us.  
Plutarch in an Epistle he wrote to trajan, said these words: Thou writest unto me (most noble Prince) that thou art occupied in ordaining new Laws: but in my opinion it had been much better, that thou hadst kept, and caused to be kept the old. For, little profiteth it to have the Books full of good Laws, and that the Commonwealth be full of evil customs. I have seen very few Princes but to make Laws they had ability sufficient: and to keep them, they have felt in themselves great debility, and weakness.  
Hereof we have example: For, Nero was he which made the best Laws in Rome: and that afterwards of life was most corrupt. For, the Gods oftentimes permit, that by the hands of some evil men, the others should be constrained to be good.  
plutarch saith further. If thou wilt (Noble Prince) trust thine own understanding, in my poor counsel, in few words, I would recite unto thee all the ancient laws. I will send thee very brief and sweet Laws: not to the end thou shouldest publish them in Rome: but to the end thou keep them in thy house. For since thou hast made Laws for all, I will make Laws for thee.  
The first Law is, that thou behave thyself in such sort, that thou be not detected 
The laws of plutarch.  of any notable vice: For, if the Prince be virtuous in his Palace, none dare be dissolute in his house.  
The second Law is, that equally thou keep justice, as well to him which liveth far off, as to him which is near about thee: For, it is much better that thou depart of thy goods to thy Servants, then that thou shouldest give that justice, which appertaineth to others.  
The third Law is, that thou delight in word and deed to be true: and that they take thee not in this default to speak too much: For Princes which in their words are uncertain, and in their promises doubtful shall be hated of their Friends, and mocked of their enemies.  
The fourth Law is, that thou be very gentle of behaviour and conditions, and not forgetful of services done: For unthankful Princes are hated of GOD, and despised of men.  
The fifth Law is: that as a Pestilemce thou drive and chase awày from thee all cunning Sycophants and Flatterers: For, such with their evil life, do disturb a whole Common wealth: and with their Flatteryes do obscure and darken thy Renown.  
If thou (most Noble Prince) wilt observe these five Laws: thou shalt need to make no more Laws. For, there is no need of other Laws, in the Common wealth, then to see that the Prince be of good life, etc.  
This wrote plutarch to the Emperor trajan: and every virtuous man ought to have them written in his hart.  
I was willing to touch this History, only to show the profit of this last Law, where it sayeth: that Princes admit into their conversation no Flatterers: of whom it is reason we talk of now. For so much as there are divers men, with whom they lose their time, and spend their goods.  
When Rome was well ordered, two Officers were greatly esteemed to the romans: The one was the masters of Fence, which were as men that fought & turned, and many times in that fight they were slain. And the cause to invent this play, was: to the 
Wherefore the Romans esteemed Fencers.  end young men (not expert in war) should see the Swords drawn, sharp spears, shooting of Crossbows, to give blows with their Sword, shed blood, to give cruel wounds, and to slay men: For, in this sort they lost fear, and in going to the wars they recovered courage.  
The man which hath once passed a Fourd in the water, though it be in the night, dare pass it again: But he which hath never passed it over, although it be in the day, dare not once adventure it. I mean, that the Romans were very Sage, to show unto their children the dangers, before they did put them therein. For, this is the difference between the fearful hart, and the courageous stomach: in that the one flieth from a distaff, and the other is not afraid of a sword.  
The second Office which was esteemed in Rome was, that of the jugglers, jeasters, Comediants, and of such others, which invented plays and pastimes: and the romans devised these sports, to rejoice the people: & in especially men of war, whom they feasted at their going forth, and much more at their coming home. For the Romans thinking that they should be with such glory received: went with determination, either to win the victory, or to die in battle.  
The ancients and true Romans had such care for the Commonwealth of their people, that they consented that jeasters should jest, jugglers should juggle, and the Players of Interludes should play: But this was not through abundance of vanity, nor for want of gravity, but to take from the Plebeians 
An ancient custom among the romans,  occasion of idleness, and to keep them occupied in other particular Plays: they would that all the pleasures should be taken together: Not without cause (I say) that the pleasures were taken in common: that is to say, that no Roman could play any Plays particularly, make any Banquets, represent Comedies, nor make any Feasts, besides those which they made to rejoice the whole people: so that in Rome they traveled severally, and rejoiced together. I would to GOD that such, and so excellent a Roman custom were observed in our Christian Commonwealth.  
But now I am very sorry that indifferently Rich and poor, great and small, do play Comedies, run the Bulls, make iousts, ordain banquets, wear devices, feast the Ladies, spend in banquets, and invent Feasts.  
The which things altogether, do redound to the damage of the Commonwealth, to the waste of the goods, and to the corruption of the manners: For, the particular pastimes do increase new vices to breed in men.  
These Players did serve in Rome to make pastime, at the great Feasts of their Gods: For since romans were great worshippers of their Gods, and so careful of their Temples, they sought to feast them all the ways they could invent. Truly this was done by the divine sufferance: for their Gods being laughingstocks (as indeed they were) the living GOD would they should be served, honoured, and feasted, by jeastures and mocks. Blondus in the third book De Roma triumphant, mentioneth that which I have spoken, and saith, That the Romans were no less curious to give laws to the jugglers and jesters which went mocking up and down Rome, then to the captains which were fight in the war: For though they did permit jesters, players and suglers, to exercise 
The reason wherefore the Romans allowed jesters,  their offices: yet they did command them that their lives might be upright and just. Amongst others, such were the Laws which the romans ordained for these jesters, jugglers, Players and Tumblers.  
The first Law was, which they commanded that they should all be known and examined, to see if they were honest men, wise and sage: for the more their offices were vain, so much the more they provided, that they were given to wise men.  
The second Law commanded to examine them, to see if they were able and comely to exercise their offices: and indeed in this case, as well as in the other, they had reason, as very a fool as he which for hearkening to a fool not pleasant, as the fool himself.  
The third law was that they did not permit any Roman juggler for to exercise such feats, unless he had some other craft: so that if they occupied the Holy days to play and show pastime in the streets, the other days they should work at home at their houses.  
The fourth Law was, that no juggler nor Vice should be so hardy in his ostentation to speak any malices: & indeed it was a Law very necessary: For oftentimes they are few which do rejoice at their mockeries: and many which do complain of their malices.  
The fifth Law was, that no juggler nor jester should be so bold to make any pastimes in any particular Houses but in open places: for otherwise those which spoke them became hardy, and those which heard them were vicious.  
The Romans not contented to have made these Laws ordained that the jugglers for no pastimes showed, or any other thing spoken should 
Allowance given by the Romans to jugglers.  be so bold as to receive any money: And to avoid their complaints, and to satisfy their pains, they allowed every one of them a thousand sexterces yearly out of the common treasure.  
We ought greatly to praise the providence of the Romans, which have prescribed a kind of life for the jesters to live, even as they did to other men of Rome, and to the Captains of war. And in this place no less then in an other grave thing, they showed their wisdom: For a Governor of a Commonwealth traveleth more to correct fools, then to govern the sage.   

CHAP. XLIIII. How some jesters were punished by the Ancients, and of the jesters, and Loiterers of our time.  
IVlius Capitolinus in the book of the manners of the ancients saith, that in times past, the jesters and jugglers were greatly esteemed. And we will not deny but that they had reason, since with them they honoured the gods they took their pleasures, they rejoiced their feasts, they were very quick men, not importunate, nor covetous.  
The jester hath no grace, unless immediately a man putteth his hand to the purse. We find some fragments of an Oration which Cicero made in the Senate, greatly reproving the Senators, and all the people, because they so willingly gave ear to this jester, who stirred up sedition among the Commons, his name was Roscio, who was so greatly esteemed in Rome, that the romans did more willingly hear that which he said in his jests, then that which Cicero spoke in good earnest. This jester Roscio and Cicero strived which of them both were of greater wit, Roscio for presenting a thing with divers jests, or Cicero pronouncing weighty matters in earnest.  
When I read in julius Capitolinus that which I have spoken, I will not cease to confess my innocency, for that I could not then keep myself from laughing, to see that Roscio being Prince of folly, did presume to 
The difference between Roscio the jester and Cicero,  dispute with Cicero, which was Father of eloquence: Sith all these things are unstable in one, so from one day to another we see them chance. The Romans did greatly esteem the policy of the Commonwealth, the discipline of war, the nurture of children, the exercise of the young, and the honesty of the Players and jugglers, the which in time came to be dissolute, that very oft they were occasion of great slander among the people. The which by the Romans seen and considered, and that the jesters which were wont to show them pleasures, were cause of dissension (& where all they commanded them to be resident in their offices, they were vagabonds, and that using them as sages, they lived as loiterers & fools, & not contented with that they gave them of the common Treasure, but they went begging of every man) the Senate of Rome determined among themselves to banish all the jugglers, and jesters out of the Commonwealth.  
On this execution of these loyteterers, sprang divers dissensions among the people: For the Princes which were good, cast them out, and those which were evil called them in: So that one of the tokens which were in Rome, to know a virtuous or vicious Prince, was to see if he maintained jesters, jugglers or vagabonds among the people.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms sayeth, that the Lacedæmonians did never Permit any juggler or jester to be in the Commonwealth. And when one 
A good and ancient Law among the Lacedæmonians.  did demand a Lacedaemonian, by an Ambassador of Rhodes, what was the occasion to make such a law, since that the jesters and players showed pleasure to the people, and the people lost nought but laughed at their folly: The Lacedaemonian answered; Lycurgus saw, heard, felt, or read some great damage, the jesters, jugglers, or Players, might do in the commonwealth, since against them he made this so strait a law: But that which I know is that we greeks are better weeping with our Sages, then are the Romans laughing at their fools Dio in the life of trajan declareth, that there came a juggler to Rome from Africa, whose conveyance was so clean, that it was a wonderful thing to see what feats he did and to he are what words he spoke.  
And when they prayed the good Emperor trajan, that it would please him to hear him, he answered. It is not for the authority of a grave and virtuous Prince, that in his presence any such vain thing should be showed: For in such a case, he should be no less noted of lightness, than the other accused of folly.  
And further he said, Before princes a man should not be so hardy to speak dishonest words, nor show light representations. And in such case as much pain deserve they which move him thereto: as those which do represent them: For a man ought not to put before Princes the things which should allure them to vices, but things which should move them to virtues.  
Certainly these words were worthy of such a parsonage. Suetonius Tranquillus in the life of Augustus declareth, that in Rome there was a jester very pleasant, and of an excellent wit, called Epifanius, who one day upon a Holy day to show the Emperor some pleasure, and hoping to have a good reward, went to the Palace at one time in the attire of a Page, and another time in the habit of a Roman Matron: and so truly counterfeited every thing, that it seemed not to be him, but the self same person her represented.  
The Emperor Augustus was greatly displeased with that the jester had done, and commanded forthwith that he should be whipped three times about the Theatre. And when he complained, that the Emperor commanded vacabonds to be whipped once, and he thrice: the Emperor Augustus answered, Once they shall 
Punishment infflicted by Augustus upon a jester.  whip thee, for the injury thou didst to the Roman matron whom thou didst sepresent. The second time they shall whip thee for the presumption that thou hast to represent it before my person. The third for the time that thou hast made divers lose for beholding and hearing thee: For jesters do not deserve so much punishment in the jests and mockeries they do say, as for the time which they lose, and cause others to lose.  
Certainly, the punishment which was given to the jester, was very just, and exceeding good were the words which Augustus said. There was an other in the time of Augustus, whose name was Pilas, And when the Emperor had banished all the jesters and jugglers from Rome, this Pilas was so pleasant and merry with all persons, that with great instance they besought the Emperor to revoke that sentence. And the request indeed was so great, as if it had been for a Philosopher, they could not have done more.  
For vain and light men, employ rather that they have on him, who bringeth unto them some folly, then on one which teacheth and correcteth their life. The Emperor condescended to the request of the people, on such condition, that they should give a Master and Tutor unto Pilas that should chastise and correct him as a fool; saying, That since Sages took fools to be their Masters, that the fools also should have Sages for their Masters.  
The case was that one day he that had the charge of Pilas, did rebuke him for certain lightness that he had done, whereat Pilas was exceeding wroth with him: The which the Emperor understaunding, commanded he should be whipped and banished for ever.  
When Augustus gave this sentence they say, he said these words: Rome hath been mighty & puissant enough, to make her enemies stoop, and now she is not able to banish jesters and fools. And 
An other worthy sentence of the Emperor Augustus,  that that is worst of all, they have presumption to vex us, and we have not courage to reprove them. The Lacedæmonians had great reason, and also the Romans, to rid their commonwealth of jesters: for they are idle, vicious, dishonest, malicious, and prejudicial to the commonwealth: these jesters and jugglers are idle: seeing that more than others they eat the sweat of others. They are vicious, for they cannot exercise their offices but in vices, and in treating with vicious men.  
They are dishonest, for they get not to eat by doing good works, but by speaking dishonest words. They are malicious, for they have accustomed when they love not a man, immediately to speak evil of him: They are unprofitable for the common wealth for they mock us and sell us vain words, and we pay them good money.  
The world is come to so great 
The vanity of men in maintaining jesters & such idle persons:  folly and corruption, that even as grave and wise men think it great inconvenience, to be conversant with vain and fond men: so the Lords of Estate think it an honour, to have in their house, some foolish jesters, yea better to say (with reverence of speech) railing knaves, which speak not to please, and show pastime, but to offend the present, and rail at the absent, as well of the high as the low: and that that is more yet then this, is that they are not contented to have given this entertainment and welcome to the Noble men and Gentlemen that are at their lords board: but they must needs have a cast at my Lord himself to cheer him withal: which intolerable abuse ought not to be suffered, but with most sharp correction punished.  
But what shall we say, that for the most part the Lords are so vain, and the jesters so presumptuous and arrogant, that the Lords have more care to content them, than they have to please the Lords. In the house of a Lord, a fool at the end of the year will ask more than any other of those which are most ancient, so that the follies of the one are more acceptable than the services of all. It is shame to speak it, and no less for to write it, that the children of vanity are so vain, that they bribe a fool or a jester no less in these days, to the intent he may be a mean for them unto the Prince, than they did in times past desire Cicero, to make an Oration for them before the Senate. It is for want of understanding, and through the vilety of the person, oppression of the heart, and dispraise of renown, to be desirous by the means of fools, to attain to any thing: For he can have no great wisdom which putteth his hope in the favour of a fool.  
What remaineth for me to say, when I have said that which I will say? And it is, that if a jester or fool say openly to some Lord, God save your life, my good Lord. Oh he is a Noble man indeed, he will not stick to give him a gown of silk: and entering into a Church, he would not give a poor man a half penny.  
O what negligence is there of Princes? O what vanity of Lords? since they forsake the poor and wise, to enrich the jesters and fools: they have enough for the world, and not for jesus Christ: they give to those that ask for his lovers sake, and not to those which ask for the health of the soul.  
He ought not to do so: for the Knight which is a Christian, and not a worldling, ought rather to will that the poor do pray for him at the hour of death, then that the fools and jesters should praise him in his life.  
What doth it profit the soul, or the body, that the jesters do praise thee for a cote thou hast given them: and that the poor accuse thee for the bread thou hast denied them? Peradventure 
How necessary it is to be beneficial to the poor.  it will profit thee as much that a fool or a flatterer go before a Prince appareled with a new livery of thine: as the poor man shall do thee damage before God, to whom thou hast denied a poor ragged shirt? All Gentlemen, and Noble Parsonages, in the name of our Saviour jesus Christ, I admonish, exhort, and humbly require, that they consider well what they spend, and to whom they give: for the good Princes ought to have more respect of the necessities of the poor, then of the follies of counterfeities.  
Give as ye will, divide as ye list, for at the hour of death, as much as ye have laughed with the fools, for that ye have given them, so much shall ye weep with the poor, for that you have denied them. At the hour of death it shall be grievous pains to him that dieth, to see the flesh of the Orphans all naked, and to he hold counterfeit fools laden with their garments.  
Of one thing I am amazed, that indifferently every man may become a fool, and no man let him; and the worst of all is, if once a fool become covetous, all the world afterwards cannot make him to be in his right senses. Truly such one which hath no reason to be a fool, at the least he hath good occasion: since he getteth more to eat playing, than the others do by working. O what negligence of the Princes, and what small respect of the Governors of the Common wealth is this? that a young 
How hateful jesters and loiterers ought to be in a Commonwealth.  man, whole, stout, strong and valiant, should be suffered to go from house to house, from table to table, and only for babbling vain words, and telling shameful lies, he should be counted a man of an excellent tongue? Another folly there is in this case, that their words are not so foolish, as their deeds are wicked though they have a good or evil grace, yet in the end, they be counted in the Common wealth, as loiterers and fools. I know not whether in this case is greater, either their folly, or our lightness: for they use us as fools, in telling us lies, and we pay them good money.  
The Romans did not permit in their Common wealths, old stale jesters, nor we Christians ought to retain into our houses idle loiterers: Ye ought to know, that more offendeth 
A custom used by the Romans, worthy to be used of every Nation:  he which sinneth with a deformed woman, than he which sinneth with a beautiful Lady. And he which is drunk with sour Ale, offendeth more than he which is drunk with sweet wine.  
And so in like manner, greater offence commit they which lose their times with fools that have no grace, then with jesters which have good wits: for it may be permitted sometime, that the Sage man for the recreation of his Spirits, do frequent the company of some pleasant man.   

CHAP. XLIV. Of a Letter which the Emperor wrote to Lambertus his friend, Governor of Hellespont, certifying him that he had banished from Rome all fools, and loitering Players: and is divided into three Chapters: a notable Letter for those that keep counterfeit fools in their houses.  
MArcus Aurelius only Emperor of Rome, Lord of Asia, confederate with Europe, friends of Africa, and enemy of the wars, wisheth health to thee Lambert, Governor of the Isle of Hellespont. With the furs which thou didst send me, I have caused my gown to be furred, and am girded with the girdle which thou didst present me, and am greatly contented with thy hounds: For all is so good, that the body doth rejoice to possess it, and the eyes to behold it, and also the heart to render thanks for it. Where I did ask a few things of thee in jest, thou hast sent me many in earnest, wherein not as a servant but as a friend thou hast showed thyself: For the office of noble and worthy hearts, is to offer to their friends, not only that which they demand, but that also which they do think they will demand. Truly thou hast better measured thy services by thy nobleness: then I thee demand by my covetousness: For if thou dost remember, I did demand of thee only 12. skins, and thou hast sent me 12. dozen. I told thee that I desired 6. hounds for to hunt, & thou hast sent me 12. of the best that can be found in the Isle. In such sort, that I had honour, and thou hast won renown: For in the little I have demanded, thou shalt see my little covetousness: and in the much thou hast sent me, they shall perceive thy great liberality. I esteem highly that which thou hast sent me, and I beseech the Gods send thee good luck. For thou knowest we may render thanks for the benefits received, but we have not the power to requite the gentleness showed. For the man which dare receive of another any gift, doth bind himself to be his slave. I cannot be thy slave, for I am thy friend, and thereof thou oughtest to rejoice, more than another. For being a servant, I should serve thee with fear, but being a friend, I will profit thee with friendship.  
Therefore to declare the chief occasion wherefore I write unto thee at this present, I say, I send thee three 
The cause wherefore the Emperor wrote this letter.  ships laden with jesters and jugglers, Loiterers, Vacabondsand fools: and yet I do not send unto thee all the vacabonds which are in Rome, for then thy Isle should be peopled with strangers. The office that they had, was that some of them jested and railed at the table, some sang sundry malicious songs at marriages, others told lies and news for their dinners at the gates, others played common plays in the streets, other entertained the Roman matrons with foolish novels and tales, others set forth vain and light books of rhymes and ballets, & yet I swear unto thee by the God Hercules, these Loiterers wanted no fools to hear them. I let thee know my friend Lambert, that these Loiterers are such, and their Scholars in number so many, that though the Masters may be in 3. ships carried, yet the Scholars could not be in an hundred transported.  
Of one thing I marvel much, and also I affirm, that the Gods be offended, since the earthquakes overthrew the houses, the great waters carry away the bridges, the frost freeze the vines, the corrupt air infecteth the Wise men: and yet there is no plague that consumeth the fools? O how unhappy art thou Rome, unto him that 
The Emperor bewaileth the folly of the Romans.  shall well behold thee, and diligently search thee: For in thee wanteth valiant Captains, honest Senators, just Censors, faithful officers, and virtuous Princes: and only there aboundeth fools, jesters, Players, Dicers, Loiterers, and vagabonds,  
O what service thou shouldst do to the Gods, and profit to our mother Rome. if for three ships of fools, thou didst send us one bark only of wise men? I would not say, (but I will not cease to say) that I have seen fools, that I have heard many follies, but I never saw so great fools, nor heard such extreme folly, as that of some noble Romans and Italians, who think it a great act to keep a fool in their house. I judge him to be a greater fool, that desireth to keep a fool, than the fool himself: for a fool hath a semblance of the sage, after he accompanieth with a Sage: but the Sage showeth himself a fool, after he accompanieth with a fool. Why do men seek things of mockery? since all that is in the World is mockery? Why seek we fools, since all that we say, is nothing but folly? Why do we rejoice with those that flatter us, since there are none that say one only truth? Why do we seek feigned fools, since that all, or the most part of us all, are very fools? I see divers in Rome, the which though they company with honest men, are dissolute, companying with Sages they are simple, treating with wise men, they are without consideration, and being conversant with fools, they think to be sage: if we keep company with pitiful. we shall be pitiful.  
If we be conversant with the cruel, 
Such company as men haunt, the same shall they show in their life.  we shall be cruel: If we communicate with liars, we shall be liars: If we haunt the true, we shall be true: and if we desire the foolish, we shall be fools: for according to the masters and doctrines we have, such shall be the sciences which we shall learn, and the works which we shall follow.  
The famous tyrant Dionysius the Syracusane, which was in Scicill, said unto the Philosopher Diogenes.  
Tell me Diogenes, what kind of men ought we to have in our houses: and with what persons ought we to divide our goods?  
Diogenes answered him. The wise man which will live in peace with the Common wealth, and that will not see his goods evil employed, ought not to give to eat, nor to accompany with any, but with the aged persons which should counsel them, & with the young which should serve them, with friends which should favour them, and with the poor, to the end they should praise them.  
Dennis the tyrant greatly commended that which Diogenes the Philosopher told him: but he could never profit with that counsel: for as he showed himself a tyrant in robbing: so he showed himself also undiscreet in spending. Presuppose that which Diogenes the Philosopher spoke were true, that is to say, that we ought to 
To what sorts of people men ought to give to eat.  feed the aged servants, friends and poor.  
We see by this answer, it is not just to give to eat, either to jesters, Parasites, Flatterers, Loiterers or fools. First, me seemeth, that a man ought not to think that fools are capable to give counsel, since they have it not for themselves: for it should be great folly to use men as Sages, which of their own will have made themselves fools.  
The second, me seemeth that it is a vain thing to think, that the jesters should serve as servants: For these unhappy people, to fly travel only, have taken upon them this office so slanderous.  
Thirdly, it seemeth to be a shamefast thing, and of great inconvenience that any Noble and sage man should determine to have any Flatterer or jester for his familiar friend: for such ought not, nor cannot be counted among the true friends, since they love us not for the virtue we possess, but for the goods which we have.  
Fourthly, me thinketh it a vain thing to think, that under the colour of poverty it should be just, to give meat to jesters or Loiterers; for we cannot say, that such are poor, for that they want riches, but that folly aboundeth in them.  
Since therefore a man is defamed to have such jesters, Flatterers, for friends, and that for being servants they are unable, and without wit to ask them counsel: me thinketh it a great folly to spend his goods on such loiterers: For as their intentions to the Gods only are manifest, and to men secret: so there is nothing wherein the good do approve, and manifest their intentions to be good or evil, more than in the words which they speak, and in the Companies which they keep.   

CHAP. XLVI. Marcus Aurelius goeth forward with his letter, and declareth how he found the sepulchers of many learned Philosophers in Hellespont, whereunto he sent all these Loiterers.  
I Will thou know Lambert that thy Isle is consecrated with the bones of many excellent men the which were banished by sundry tyrannous Princes of Rome. The Ancients greatly commend that Isle, because there are therein stones called Amethysts, tame Deer, fair women, familiar wolves, swift dogs of feet, & pleasant fountains.  
Yet notwithstanding, I will not cease to commend these things which rejoice those that be present, and 
The Emp: commendeth the isle of Hellespont.  also comfort those that be to come: For I esteem more the bones which the earth do cover: then the riches, which groweth thereon. If thou hast not lost the sense of smelling, as that Isle doth savour unto me of Sages: so doth Rome stink of fools: For, for the time it is less pain to endure the stink of the beast: then to hear the words of a fool. When the wars of Asia were ended, I returned home by that Isle, wherein I visited all the living people, and all the graves of the dead Philosophers. And for a truth I tell thee Lambert, that that journey was very troublesome unto me: for herein my person endured much pain, on the land I suffered divers dangers, and on the Sea I saw myself in sundry perils.  
In the city of Corinthe (where thou art resident at this present) in the midst of the Marketplace, thou shalt find the grave of the philosopher Panimio, to whom the strait friendship availed little, which he had with ovid: but the enmity greatly endamaged him which he had with Augustus the Emperor. Two miles from Theadfonte, at the foot of the 
How reverently the Sages were esteemed in former time  mountains Arpines, thou shalt find the grave of the famous Orator Armeno, who was by the Consul Scylla unjustly banished. And of truth, as here was much blood lost, because Scylla should not enter into Rome: so there were not few tears shed in Italy, for the banishment of this learned Philosopher.  
In the gate of Argonauta, hard by the water, on the top of a high Rock, thou shalt find the bones of Celliodorus the philosopher, who observed all the ancient laws: and was a great enemy of those which brought in new customs and statutes.  
This good Philosopher was banished, in the prosperity and fury of the Marian's: not for the evils they found in him, but for the vices he reproved in them. In the fields Heliny, there was a great tomb, within the which were the bones of Selleno the philosopher, who was as well learned in the seven. Liberall-arts, as if he himself had first invented them.  
And he was banished by the Emperor Nero: for because he persuaded this cruel Emperor to be merciful, and pitiful. In the fields Helini, out of the Woods, towards the west part, thou shalt find the grave of the philosopher Vulturnus: a man in Astrology profoundly learned, which little availed him in the time of his banishment. For he was banished by Marcus Antonius: not for that Marcus Antonius would have banished him (for he was not offended by him) but because his love Qu. Cleopatra hated him, as her mortal enemy. For Women of an evil life, do commonly revenge their angry hearts, with the death of their especial friends.  
divers other Tombs in that isle I saw, the names whereof though in writing I have them: yet at this present I cannot call them to memory. 
The noble minded respect antiquities.  Well, by the faith of an honest man I swear unto thee, that thou shalt find all true which I have told thee.  
Now I tell thee Lambert, that I visiting those graves, their Disciples did not bear them greater obedience, when thee were alive, than I did reverence now they are dead. And it is true also, that in all that time mine eyes were as much wet with tears, as their bones were covered with earth.  
These worthy and learned Philosophers were not banished, for any mischiefs by their persons committed, nor for any slanders they had done in the commonwealths: but because the deeds of our fathers deserved that they should be taken from their company: and we their children were not worthy, to have the bones of such famous and renowned Sages in our custody.  
I cannot tell, if the envy I have to that isle be greater: or the pity I have of this miserable Rome: for the one is immortal by the graves of the dead, and the other is defamed with the bad life of the living.  
I desire thee heartily as a friend, and do command thee as a servant, that thou keep the Privileges, which I gave to that Isle, without breaking any one. For, it is very just, that such cities, peopled with such dead, should be privileged of the living: By this Centurion, thou shalt know all things which are chanced amongst the prisoners.  
For, if I should write unto thee all the whole matter as it was done: I ensure thee, unto me it would be much pain to write it, and unto thee great trouble to read it. It sufficeth presently to say, that the day of the great solemnity of the Mother Berecynthia, a 
What unloke for mischiefs arise at such meetings.  slander arose in Rome, by the occasion of these jesters, Scoffers, & Loiterers: and by the faith of a good man, I swear unto thee, that the blood which was shed through the places, surmounted the wine which was drunk at the Feast. And think not that which I say to be little, that the blood which was shed, surmounted the wine that was drunk.  
For, as thou now knowest, the Citizens are come to so great folly: that he which was on that day most drunk, they said that he had offered unto the God's greatest sacrifices. I am yet afraid to remember the cruelties, which that day I saw with mine own eyes: But I am much more ashamed of that which they talk of us in strange Realms.  
For, the Noble and worthy hearts, do not account it so much, to receive a great wound: as to take it of a cowardly man.  
There is great difference between the Nets wherewith they use to take Birds, and no less is there between the hooks, wherewith they take Fish. I mean, that the knife which cutteth the Flesh, differeth much from the knife which hurteth the heart. For, the hurts of the body, with Surgeon's help may be healed: but the Gods only are the physicians of the perils of the heart.  
I beheld and saw Rome, which was never vanquished by valiant men, at that day overcome by loiterers. Rome which could never be won by those of Carthage, is now won by jesters, Players and Vacabonds: Rome which triumphed of all the Realms, is now vanquished of the loiterers, jesters and idle persons.  
Finally, we saw that Rome which in times past gave laws to the barbarous, is now become the slave of fools: In this case I have been so troubled, that I cannot tell what to say, and less what I write unto thee: One thing comforteth me, that since Rome and her Romans do not rejoice themselves but with fools, that she and her children be not punished but by the hands of fools. I think not that in this case the Gods do any wrong, if Rome which laughed through mockery at the players, do weep one day with the loiterers in good earnest.  
Thou mightst demand me Lambert, since we other Princes are bound to maintain equal justice with all: wherefore we do dissemble many offences which others have done in earnest, and yet we will not pardon those jesters, since all that they have invented, was for mirth and pastime? I promise thee, though their offences were great indeed, yet I do not banish them so much for the blood they have shed, as for the good orders which they have perverted.  
Once again I return to say unto thee, that I have not banished them so much for because they were occasion 
The reason wherefore the Emperor banished fools and loiterers.  of murders, as to be teachers of all lies. Without comparrison greater is the offence to the gods, & greater is the damage to the Commonwealth to take away (as the loiterers have done) the senses of wise men, then that which the murderers do, to take life from their enemies.  
The end of these jests, Scoffers, jugglers, idle men, and those kind of raskalr, is always to persuade men that they speak continually in mockeries, treat continually in mockeries, and to rid them of their sorrows, and all this is but to deceive them of their goods.  
In the which case I say, and so pleased it the gods, that they should content themselves with the goods, without robbing us of our wisdom. When Scipio the African had ended the wars of Africa, he went thorough Rome, accompanied not with valiant Captains, but with the Players, jesters, and jugglers. The which a Philosopher seeing, said unto him these words.  
O Scipio, according to the much they have talked of thee, and the little I see in thee, it had been better thou hadst died in Africa, then to come to Rome: for thy high Acts in thy absence did astonish us, and thy lightness in thy presence doth offend us. To thee it is great infamy, and to the sacred Senate little honesty, that thou having conquered so mighty Princes in Africa, shouldst go accompanied with fools and mad men in Rome. I let thee to understand, that thy Life had not then so much peril among thy enemies, as thy honour hath at this present among fools.  
These words were very good, although 
The reward a poor Philosopher had for speaking truth.  they were evil received of human malice: for by reason of these words, the poor aged Philosopher was banished by the friends of Scipio, out of Iraly, and sent to the Isle of Hellespont.   

CHAP. XLVII. The Emperor endeth his Letter, and showeth the cause and time, why, and when these jesters and jugglers were admitted into Rome.  
AFter that these Loiterers & vagabonds shall land in thy Isle thou shalt let them go at liberty, and shalt take none of their goods: but thou shalt advertise them that they be not so hardy to exercise their crafts nor feats: For if they do the contrary thou mayest make them lose their life in thy Isle, which I have conditionally pardoned here in Rome. One thing I command thee, and I beseech thee forget it not, that is to say, that thou compel them to labour, and that in no means thou suffer them to be idle.  
For idleness is the mother of all vices in the person, and the causer of all slanders which arise in the common 
Idleness the mother of all vices.  wealth.  
Since we know not but to labour, and the loiterers know not but to loiter: I would say, that with more reason they might say, that we were not sage, than we might say, that they are fools. For wrongfully are they called fools, which by craft eat the sweat of others: seeing the little regard we have to these Loiterers, and considering how much we presume: by the faith of a good man I swear unto thee Lambert, that with greater reason they should mock our works, than we others should laugh at their words: for they profit more with our goods, than we do of their folly. In the 251. of the foundation of Rome a sore plague came into Italy. The which being ended, they determined to tell not the thousands of men that were dead, but the small number of those which remained alive. Rome afterwards being so solitary, and Italy so desolate, only to rejoice the people, and to the end the Cities should not remain unhabited: the first theatres were invented, and then first were these players received: For until that time the Romans knew no other thing, but to offer sacrifice to their gods in the temples, and to fight against their enemies in the fields. O lamentable thing to hear, that this plague lasted only 24. months, and the rage and folly of these players and idle men hath endured more than 53. years. Would to the immortal gods that the plague had ended those few which remain, before this cursed generation had brought so abominable customs into Rome: For much better had it been for our mother Rome, that she had wanted inhabiters, than such rascals should have come and dwelled therein.  
I know Lambert, that those persons do greatly complain of me, & that the complaints which they do in the beginning, shall not have an end there: but I care not much for the complaints of the evil which do serve for no other thing but to reprove the justices which are ministered unto them by the good.  
The Princes in that they command and the judges in that they execute, ought not much to esteem the complaints of all those which say they have wrong: Provided that the cause be justified, and that under the colour of justice they do not wrong in deed.  
In the flatteries which they tell us concerning our glory, and in the slanders which they speak of us, concerning our reproach, wise men ought well to note the nature of the person which speaketh it, whether that be true which he speaketh, and what moveth him to tell it: For as it is a shame for to be rebuked of a man, which is honest: so it is no small infamy to be praised of those which are evil.  
Since the time I was borne, I never saw any thing less profitable in the commonwealth, nor more vain, neither worse inventions, nor colder recreations than these are, which these jesters, players, and jugglers do invent.  
What thing can be more monstrous then to see the folly of a fool, bring divers wise men out of their wits? What greater mockery can there be, then that all do think that the jests of a fool ought to be rejoiced 
The folly of fools ought to be contemned of the wise.  at, with the laughter of the Sage? What greater slander can there be, then that in the offices of the noble and worthy Romans, the gates should always be open for fools, and the wise men should find them always shut? What greater cruelty can there be in Rome, then that the Senators & rich men give more to a Player for a song which he singeth in one hour, than they do to the servants for serving them a whole year? what greater theft can there be then this, that the Garrisons which are in Illyria want, and Players, jesters, jugglers, Flatterers, and Loiterers, in Rome have too much?  
What greater shame can Rome receive then this, when it shall be said in time to come, that jugglers, Players, Parasites, jesters, and Flatterers, have won more with their juggling, playing, (jesting and flattering, then divers Captains with their weapons and triumphs? Behold therefore Lambert, what difference there is between Captames and Loyrerets.  
For when the one went through Rome, sowing their follies from gate to gate: the others went from realm to realm, consuming their goods, adventuring their lives, fight against the barbarous people, & shedding their own proper blood.  
And in the hindermost part of Spain, when those of Seville had war with the Gaditanes, it chanced that even in the midst of the time those of Seville wanted money, and two Parasites offered themselves for 2 years 
The great riches of two Parasites.  to sustain the wars with their own proper goods; so that with the riches of two fools, many wise men were overcome.  
When the Amazons were Ladies of Asia, than they built the great temple of the goddess Diana. And as the histories account, only with that they took away from a player, was built this noble Temple. If the histories of the Egyptians do not deceive me, King Ca●mus, who with a 1000 gates built the great City of Thebes, for such a building, so high and monstrous a City, all his subjects together gave him not so much, as two Parasites did alone.  
When the good Emperor Augustus renewed the walls of Rome, & made them of hard stone, which before that time were only of earth, and brick, towards such a costly Work, he had more of two Parasites which were drowned, then of all the City beside.  
I being in the City of Corinthe, saw an ancient Tomb, wherein the Corinthians say their first King was buried. And the Historiographers say, that this King was a great wrestler, other say, he was a Parasite: others say, he was a juggler, but howsoever it was, he was first a jester, and obtained a Realm in earnest.  
Behold Lambert, how they are neglected of the gods, and favoured of fortune, and in how little estimation the goods of this life ought to be esteemed, since some by counterfeiting the fools, leave of them as great memory of their folly, as the others do by their wisdom.  
There is one thing only of these loiterers that pleaseth me, that is to say, that in his presence they make every man laugh with the follies they speak, and after that they are gone, all remain sad for the money they 
The property of jugglers.  carry away. Truly it is a just sentence of the gods, that those which have taken vain pleasures together, do weep afterwards for their loss severally. At this present I will write no more unto thee, but that I send thee this letter written in Greek, to the end thou mayest read it to all those of that Isle. And thou shalt immediately dispatch the ships, to the end they carry the provisions to the men of war in Illyria. Peace be with thee Lambert, health and good fortune to me Mark.  
The Senate saluteth thee, and do send thee the propagation of the government for the next year. In the Calends of january thou shalt say, Gaude foelix. My wife Faustine commendeth her to thee, and sendeth thee for thy daughter a rich girdle: In payment of thy services, I do send thee two rich jewels, two light horses, and one laden with 4000 Sexterces. Marcus of Mount Celio with his own hand writeth unto thee.   

CHAP. XLVIII. That Princes and Noble men ought to remember that they are mortal, and must die, wherein are sundry notable consolations against the fear of death.  
CLeobolus and Biton, were the sons of a renowned woman, the which was Nun to the goddess juno: & when the day of that solemn feast was celebrated, her children prepared a Chariot, wherein their mother should go to the Temple: For the greeks had this custom, the day that the Priests went to offer any sacrifice, either they were carried on men's arms, or in Chariots. They adorned their temples so well, they esteemed their Sacrifices so much, and did so much honour their Priests, that if any Priest did set his foot on the ground, that day they did not permit him to offer any sacrifices to the Gods.  
It chanced as this Nun went in her Chariot, and her children Cleobolus & Biton with her, the beasts which drew the Chariot, suddenly fell down dead, ten miles from the Temple of the goddess juno. The children seeing the beasts dead, and that their 
A true pattern for good and virtuous children.  mother could not go a foot, and that the Chariot was all ready, and that there was no beasts to draw it: they (as loving children) determined to yoke themselves, and draw the chariot, as if they had been dumb beasts. And as the mother carried them nine months in her womb, so did they draw her in the chariot x. miles. Now for that they passed through infinite numbers of men to the feast of the goddess juno, every man seeing Cleobolus and Biton yoked in the Chariot like beasts, were greatly amazed, saying that these two children deserved with great rewards to be recompensed. And truly they said justly, and so they deserved it: For they deserved as much to be praised for the example which they showed to all children to reverence their parents, as for carrying their mother in the Chariot to the Temple: So after that the Feast was ended, the mother not knowing how to require the benefit of her children, with many tears besought the goddess juno, that she with the other gods would be contented to give her two children the best thing that the gods could give to their friends.  
The Goddess juno answered her, that she was contented to require the other Gods, and that they would do it. And the reward was, that for this noble fact the gods ordained, that Cleobolus and Biton should sleep one day well, and in the morning, when they should wake, they should die.  
The mother pitifully bewailing the death of her children, and complaining of the gods, the Goddess juno said unto her; Thou hast no cause why to complain, since we have given thee that thou hast demanded, & hast demanded that which we have given thee. I am a goddess, and thou art my servant, and therefore the gods have given to thy children the thing, which they count most dear, which is death: For the greatest revenge which among the gods we can take of our enemies, is to let them live long: and the best thing that we keep for our friends, is to make them to die quickly.  
The author of this history is called Hisearchus in his politics, and Cicero in his first book of his Tusculans.  
In the Isle of Delphos, where the oracle of the god Apollo was, there was a sumptuous Temple, the which for want of reparation fell down to the ground, as oftentimes it chanceth to high and sumptuous buildings, which from time to time are not repaired: For if the walls, dungeons, Castles, and strong houses could speak, as well would they complain for that they do not renew them, as the old men do for that we do not cherish them.  
Triphon and Agamendo, were two noble Personages of Greece, and counted for sage and rich men, the which went unto the Temple of Apollo, and built it new again, as well with the labour of their persons, as with the great expenses of their goods. When the building was achieved, the god Apollo said unto them, that he remembered well their good service, wherefore he would they should demand him any thing in reward of their travel, and with a good will it should be granted: for the gods use for a little service to give a great reward.  
Triphon and Agamendo answered unto the god Apollo, that for their good will, for their travel, and for their expenses, they demanded no other reward, but that it would please him to give them the best thing that might be given unto man, and that unto them were most profit, saying: That the miserable men have not the power to eschew the evil, nor wisdom to choose the good,  
The god Apollo answered, that he was contented to pay them their service which they had done, and for to 
Death the best gift that can be given to mortal men.  grant them that which they had demanded. By reason whereof, Triphon and Agamendo having dined, suddenly at the gates of the temple fell down dead: so that the reward of their travel was to pluck them out of their misery. The reason to declare these two examples, is to the end that all mortal men may know, that there is nothing so good in this world, as to have an end of this life: and though to lose it there be no savour, yet at the least there is profit. For we would reprove a traveler of great foolishness if sweeting by the way he would sing: and after, at his journeys end he should begin to weep.  
Is not he simple, which is sorry for that he is come into the Haven? is not he simple, that giveth the battle, and fighteth for that he hath got the victory? Is not he stubborn which 
How little we ought to esteem of Death.  is in great distress, and is angry to be succoured? Therefore, more foolish, simple, and stubborn is he, which traveleth to die, and is loath to meet with death. For, death is the true refuge, the perfect health, the sure Haven, the whole victory, the flesh without bones, Fish without scales, and corn without slrawe. Finally, after death we have nothing to bewail, and much less to desire.  
In the time of Adrian the Emperor, a Philosopher called Secundus, (being marvelously learned) made an oration at the funeral of a Noble Roman Matron, (a Kinswoman of the Emperors) who spoke exceedingly much evil of life, and marvelous much good of death. And when the Emp: demanded him what death was?  
The philosopher answered thus: Death is an eternal sleep, a dissolution of the body, a terror of the rich, a desire of the poor, a thing inhetitable, a pilgrimage uncertain, a Thief of men, a kind of sleeping, a shadow of life, a separation of the living, a company of the dead, a resolution of all travels, and the end of all idle desires. Finally, Death is the scourge of all evil, and the chief reward of the good.  
Truly this Philosopher spoke very well, and he should not do evil, which profoundly would consider, that he had spoken.  
Seneca in an Epistle, declareth of a Philosopher whose name was Bessus: to whom, when they demanded what evil a man can have in Death, since men fear it so much? He answered. If any damage or fear is in him who dieth: it is not for the fear of death: but for the vice of him which dieth.  
We may agree to that the Philosopher said: that even as the deaf cannot judge harmony, nor the blind colours: so likewise they cannot say evil of death, especially he which never tasted it. For, of all those which are dead, none returned again to complain of Death: and of these few that live, all complain of life.  
If any of the dead returned hither to speak with the living, and as they 
Comforts against the fear of death.  have proved it, so they would tell us.  
If there were any harm in secret death, it were reason to have some fear of death? But though a man that never saw, heard, felt nor tasted death, doth speak evil of Death, should we therefore fear Death?  
Those aught to have done some evil in their life, which do fear & speak evil of death. For, in the last hour, in the straight judgement, the good shallbe known, & the evil discovered.  
There is no Prince nor Knight, rich nor poor, whole nor sick, lucky nor unlucky, which I see with their vocations to be contented, save only the dead: which in their graves are in peace & rest, and are neither covetous proud, negligent, vain, ambitious, nor dissolute. So that the state of the dead aught to be best, since we see none therein to be evil contented. And since therefore those which are poor, ●oe seek the means wherewith to endch themselves: those which are sad, rio seek whereby to rejoice, and those which are sick, to seek to be healed: why is it, that those which have such fear of Death, do seek remedy against that fear? In this case I would say, that he which will not fear to die, let him use himself well to live. For the guyltles taketh away fear from death.  
The divine Plato demanded Socrates how he behaved himself in life: and how he would behave himself in death? He answered, I let thee know, 
A Question of Plato, demanded of Socrates.  that in youth, I have traveled to live well, and in age I have studied to die well: and sith my life hath been honest, I hope my death shall be joyful: And although I have had sorrow to live, I am sure I shall have no pain to die.  
Truly these words are worthy of such a man. Men of stout hearts suffer marvelously, when the swear of their travel is not rewarded, when they are faithful, and their rewards answereth nothing to their true service: when for their good services, their Friends become unthankful to them, when they are worthy honour, and that they prefer them to honourable room and office. For the noble and valiant hearts do not esteem to lose the reward of their labour: but think much unkindness, when a man doth not acknowledge their travels.  
Oh happy are they that die: For, without inconvenience, and without pain every man is in his grave. For, in this Tribunal, justice to all is so equally observed, that in the same place where we have deserved life, in the same place we merited death.  
There was never nor never shall be judge so just, nor in justice so upright, that giveth reward by weight, and pain by measure: but that sometimes they chasten the innocent, & absolve the guilty: they vex the faultless, and they dissemble with the culpable. For, little availeth it the plaintiff to have good justice: if conscience want to the judge that should minister it.  
Truly it is not so in Death, but all aught to account themselves happy. For he which shall have good justice, shall be sure on his part to have the sentence.  
When great Cato was Censor in Rome, a famous Roman died, who showed at his death a marvelous courage: and when the Romans praised him for that he had so great virtue, and for the words he had spoken, Cato the Censor laughed at that they said, for that they praised him. And he being 
A question demanded of Cato, & his answer,  demanded the cause of his laughter? annswered. Ye marvel at that I laugh, and I laugh at that ye marvel: For the perils and travels considered wherein we live, and the safety wherein we die, I say, that it is more needful to have virtue and strength to live, than courage to die. The Author hereof is Plutarch in his Apothegms.  
We cannot say, but that Cato the Censor spoke as a wise man: since daily we see, shamefast and virtuous persons suffer hunger, cold, thirst, travel, poverty, inconvenience, sorrows, enmities, and mishaps: of the which things we were better to see the end in one day, then to suffer them every hour. For it is less evil to suffer an honest death, then to endure a miserable life.  
Oh how small consideration have men to think, that they ought to die but once: Since the truth is, that the day when we are born, and come inthiss world, is the beginning of our death: and the last day is when we do cease to live. If death be no other but an ending of life, than reason persuadeth us to think, that our infancy dieth, our childhood dieth, our manhood dieth, and our Age shall die: whereof we may consequently conclude that we die every year, every day, every hour, and every moment.  
So that thinking to lead a sure life, we taste a new death. I know not why men fear so much to die, since that from the time of their birth, they seek none other thing but death. For time never wanteth for any man to die: neither I knew any man that ever failed of this way.  
Seneca in an Epistle declareth, that as a Roman Woman lamented the death of a Child of hers, a Philosopher said unto her: Woman, why 
A worthy sentence of Seneca.  bewailest thou thy child? She answered. I weep because he hath lived xxv. years, and I would he should have lived till fifty. For, amongst us mothers we love our Children so heartily, that we never cease to behold them, nor yet end to bewail them. Then the Philosopher said: Tell me I pray thee woman: Why dost thou not complame of the Gods, because they created not thy Son many years before he was borne: as well as thou complaunest that they have not let him live fifty years? Thou weepest that he is dead so soon: and thou dost not lament that he is borne so late.  
I tell thee true Woman, that as thou dost not lament for the one, no more thou oughrest to be sorry for the other. For without the determination of the Gods, we cannot shorten death: and much less lengthen our life.  
So Pliny said in an Epistle, that the chiefest law which the Gods have 
A sentence of Pliny,  given unto human nature was, that none should have perpactual life. For, with dis-ordinate desire to live long, we should rejoice to go out of this pain.  
Two Philosophers disputing before the great Emperor Theodose: the one said that it was good to procure death: and the other likewise said, it was a necessary thing to hate life: The good Theodose taking him by the hand said: All we mortals are so extreme in hating and loving: that under the colour to love and hate life, we lead an evil life. For, we suffer so many travels for to preserve it, that sometimes 
A worthy speech of the Emp: Theodose  it were much better to lose it. And further he said: divers vain men are come into so great follies, that for fear of Death, they procure to hasten death. And haviwg consideration to this, me seemeth that we ought not greatly to love life, nor with desperation to seek Death. For the strong and valiant men ought not to hate Life, so long as it lasteth: nor to be displeased with death when he cometh. All commended that which the Emperor Theodose spoke, as Paulus Dyacon: saith in his life.  
Let every man speak what he will, and let the Philosophers counsel what they lift, in my poor judgement, he alone shall receive death without pain, who long before is prepared to receive the same. For, sudden death is not only bitter unto him which tasteth it, but also it seareth him that hateth it.  
Lactantius said, that in such sort man ought to live, as if from hence an hour after he should die. For those men which will have Death before their eyes, it is unpossible that they should give place to vain thoughts.  
In my opinion, and also by the advise of Apuleius It is as much folly to fly from that which we cannot avoid: as to desire that we can not attain. And this is only spoken for those that would fly the voyage of death which is necessary: and desire to come again, which is unpossible.  
Those that travel by long ways, if they want any thing, they borrow it of their company. If they have forgotten aught, they return to seek it at their lodging, or else they write unto their friends a letter. But I am sorry, that if we once die, they will not let us return again, we cannot speak, and they will not agree we shall write: but such as they shall find us, so shall we be judged. And that which is most fearful of all, the execution and sentence is given in one day.  
Let Noble Princes and great Lords believe me in this: Let them not leave that undone till after their death: which they may do, during their life. And let them not trust in that they command: but in that whiles they live they do.  
Let them not trust in the works of an other: but in their own good deeds. For in the end one sigh shall be more worth than all the friends of 
None ought to procrastinate or deny their amendment.  the world. I counsel, pray, and exhort all wise and virtuous men: and also myself with them, that in such a sort we live, that at the hour of death, we may say we live. For we cannot say that we live, when we live not well. For, all that time which without profit we shall live, shall be counted unto us for nothing.   

CHAP. XLIX. ¶ Of the death of Marcus Aurelius the Emperor, and how there are few Friends which dare say the truth to sick men.  
THe good Emperor Marcus Aurelius; now being aged, not only for the years he had: but also for the great travels he had in the wars endured: It chanced, that in the xviii. year of his Empire, and lxxij. years from the day of his birth, and of the foundation of Rome, five hundredth xliii. being in the war of Pannonie (which at this time is called Hungaria) besieging a famous city called Vendeliona, suddenly a disease of the palsy took him, which was such, that he lost his life, and Rome her Prince, the best of life, that ever was borne therein.  
Among the Heathen princes some had more force than he, others possessed more riches than he, others were as adventurous as he, and some have known as much as he: but none hath been of so excellent and virtuous a life, nor so modest as he. For, his life being examined to the uttermost, there are many princely virtues to follow, and few vices to reprove.  
The occasion of his death was, that that in going one Night about his Camp, suddenly the disease of the palsy took him in his arm: so that from thence forwards he could not put on his gown, nor draw his sword, and much less carry a staff.  
The good Empreour being so loaden with years, and no less with cares the sharp Winter approaching more and more, great abundance of water 
A great discouragement to lo●e so worthy a parsonage.  and snow fell about the Tents: so that another disease fell upon him, called Lethargy, the which thing much abated his courage, and in his Host caused great sorrow. For, he was so beloved of all, as if they had been his own Children.  
After that he had proved all medicines and remedies that could be found, and all other things, which unto so great and mighty Princes were accustomed to be done, he perceived in the end, that all remedy was passed. And the reason hereof was, because his sickness was exceeding vehement, and he himself very aged, the Air unwholesome, and above all, because sorrows and cares oppressed his hart.  
Without doubt greater is the disease that proceedeth of sorrow, then that which proceedeth of the Fever quartain. And thereof fensueth, that more easily is he cured, which of corrupt humours is full: then he which with profound, thoughts is oppressed.  
The Emperor then being sick in his chamber, and in such sort that he could not exercise the feats of arms: as his men ran out of their Camp to skirmish, and the Hungarians in like manner to defend: the fight on both sides was so cruel, through the great effusion of blood, that neither the Hungarians had cause to rejoice, nor yet the romans to be merry.  
Understanding the evil order of his, and especially that v. of his Captains were slain in the conflict, and that he for his disease could not be there in person: such sorrows pierced his hart, 
Extreme sorrows oppressed the good Emp: M: Aur.  that although he desired forthwith to have died, yet he remained 2. days and 3. nights, without that he would see light, or speak unto any man of his.  
So that the heat was much, the rest was small, the sighs were continual, and the thirst very great: the meat little, and the sleep less: and above all his face wrinkled, and his lips very black.  
Sometimes he cast up his eyes, and at other times he wrong his hands: always he was silent, and continually he sighed. His tongue was swollen, that he could not spit: and his eyes very hollow with weeping. So that it was a great pity to see his death: and no less compassion, to see the confusion of his palace, and the hindrance of the war.  
Many valiant captains, many noble romans, many faithful servants, and many old friends, at all these heaviness were present. But none of them durst speak to the Emperor Mark, partly for that they took him to be so sage, that they knew not what counsel to give him: and partly for that they were so sorrowful, that they could not refrain their heavy tears. For, the loving and true Friends, in their life ought to be beloved: and at their death to be bewailed. Great compassion ought men to have of those which die, not for that we see them die: but because there are none that telleth them what they ought to do.  
Noble Princes and great Lords are in greater peril when they die, than the plebeians. For the counsellor dare not tell unto his Lord at the hour of death, that which he knoweth: and much less will tell him how he ought to die, and what things he ought to discharge whiles he is alive.  
Many go to visit the sick, that I would to GOD they went some other where. And the cause hereof is, that they see the sick man's eyes hollow, the flesh dried, the arms without flesh, the colour inflamed, the ague continual, the pain great, the tongue swollen, nature consumed, and besides all this, the house destroyed: and yet they say unto the sick man, Be of good cheer, I warrant you, you shall live.  
As young men naturally desire to live, and as death to all old men is dreadful: so though they see themselves in that distress, yet they refuse 
Men ought to provide a clear conscience to depart this life, etc.  no medicines, as though there were great hope of life. And thereof ensueth oftentimes, that the miserable creatures depart the world, without confessing unto GOD, and making restitutions unto men.  
Oh if those which do this, knew what evil they do. For to take away my goods, to trouble my person, to blernish my good name, to slander my parentage, and to reprove my life, these works are of cruel enemies: but to be occasion to lose my soul, it is the works of the devil of hell.  
Certainly he is a Devil which deceiveth the sick with flatteryes: and that in steed to help him to die well, putteth him in vain-hope of long life. Herein he that sayeth it, winneth little: and he that believeth it, adventureth much. To mortal men it is more meet to give counsels to reform their consciences with the truth: then to hazard their houses with lies. With our friends we are ashamelesse in their life, and also bashful at their death. The which ought ought not to be so: For, if our Fathers were not dead, and that we did not daily see these that are present die: me thinketh it were a shame, and also a fear, to say to the sick that he alone should die: But since thou knowest as well as he, and he knoweth as well as thou, that all do travel in this perilous journey: what shame hast thou to say unto thy friend, that he is now at the last point?  
If the dead should now revive, how would they complain of their friends? 
Good counsel against the fear of death.  And this for no other cause, but for that they would not give them good counsel at their death. For, if the sick man be my Friend, and that I see peradventure he will die: Why shall not I counsel him to prepare himself to die?  
Certainly oftentimes we see by experience, that those which are prepared, and are ready for to die, do escape: and those which think to live, do perish. What should they do, which go to visit the sick, persuade them that they make their. Testaments, that they confess their sins, that they discharge their conscience, that they receive the Communion: and that they do reconcile themselves to their enemies. Certainly, all these things charge not the lance of death, nor cut not the thread of life.  
I never saw blindness so blind, nor ignorance so ignorant, as to be ashamed to counsel the sick, that they are bound to do when they are whole. As we have said here above.  
Princes and great Lords, are those above all others, that live and die most abusedly. And the only cause in this, that as their Servants have no hearts to persuade them, when they are merry: so have they no audacity to tell them truth, when they are in peril. For such servants care little, so that their masters bequeath them any thing in their wills, whether they die well, or live evil.  
O what misery and pity is it, to see a Prince, a Lord, a gentleman, and a rich person die, if they have no faithful friend about them, to help them to pass that pain? And not without a cause I say, that he ought to be a faithful friend. For many in our life do gape after our goods, & few at our deaths are sorry for our offences.  
The wise and sage men, before nature compelleth them to die, of 
Wise men prepare themselves before death.  their own will ought to die. That is to say, that before they see themselves in the pangs of death, they have their consciences ready prepared. For if we count him a fool, which will pass the sea without a ship: truly we will not count him wise, which taketh his death without any preparation before.  
What losest a wisest man to have his will well ordained? in what advenuenture of honour is any man before death, to reconcile himself to his enemies: and to those whom he hath borne hate and malice? What loseth he of his credit, who in his life time restoreth that, which at his death they will command him to render? wherein may a man show himself to be more wise, then when willingly he hath discharged that, which afterwards by process they will take from him?  
O how many Princes, and great Lords are there, which only not for spending one day about their testament, have caused their children and heirs, all the days of their life to be in traverse in the Law? So that they supposing to have left their children wealthy, have not left them, but for Attorneys and Counsellors of the law. The true and unfeigned Christian, ought every morning so to dispose his goods, and correct life, as if he should die the same night. And at night in like manner he ought to commit himself to GOD: as if he hoped for no life until morning. For, to say the truth, to sustain life, there are infinite travels: but to meet with death, there is but one way.  
If they will credit my words, I would counsel no man in such estate to live, that for any thing in the world he should undo himself. The rich and the poor, the great and the small, the Gentlemen, and the plebeians, all 
Death terrible to all men.  say and swear, that of death they are exceeding fearful. To whom I say and affirm, that he alone feareth death in whom we see amendment of life.  
Princes and great Lords, ought also to be perfect, to end before they end, to die before they die, and to be mortified, before they be mortified. If they do this with themselves, they shall as easily leave their life, as if they changed from one house to another. For the most part of men delight to talk with leisure, to drink with leisure, to eat with leisure, and to sleep with leisure, but they die in haste: Not without cause, I say they die in haste, since we see them receive the sacrament of the Supper of the Lord in haste, male their wills by force, and with speed to confess and receive. So that they take it, and demand it so late, and so without reason: that often times they have lost their Senses, and are ready to give up the spirit, when they bring it unto them.  
What availeth the Shipmaster, after the ship is sunk? what do weapons, after the battle is lost? What availeth pleasures after men are dead? By this which I have spoken, I will demand what it availeth the sick? being heavy with sleep, and bereft of their senses, to call for Confessors, unto whom they confess their sins? Evil shall he be confessed, which hath no understanding to repent himself? What availeth it to call the confessor to understand the secrets of his Conscience, when the sick man hath lost his speech?  
Let us not deceive ourselves, saying in our age, we will amend hereafter: and make restitution at our death. For, in mine opinion, it is not the point of wise men, nor of good Christians, to desire so much time to offend, and they will not espy any to amend.  
Would to GOD, that the third part of the precious time which men occupy in sin, were employed about the 
Repentance not to be omitted.  meditations of Death, and the cares which they have to accomplish their Fleshly lusts, were spent in bewailing their filthy sins.  
I am very sorry with my heart, that they so wickedly spend and pass their-life, in vices and pleasures, as if there were no GOD, unto whom they should render account for their offences.  
All worldlings willingly do sin, upon a vain hope only in Age to amend, and at death to repent: But I would demand him that in this hope sinned: what certainty he hath in age of amendment, and what assurance he hath to have long warning before he die:  
Since we see by experience, there are more in number which die young, then old: it is no reason we should commit so many sins in one day, as that we should have cause to lament afterwards all the rest of our life. And afterwards to bewail the sins of our long life, we desire no more but one space of an hour. Considering the the Omnipotency of the Divine mercy it sufficeth: yea, and I say, that the space of an houreiss to much to repent us of our wicked life: but I would counsel all, since the sinner for to repent taketh but one hour, that that be not the last hour. For, the sighs and repentance, which proceed from the bottom of the heart, penetrate the high Heavens: but those which come of necessity, doth not pierce the bare ceiling of the House.  
I allow and commend, that those which visit● the sick, do counsel them to examine their consciences, to receive the Communion, to pray unto GOD, to forgive their enemies, and to recommend themselves to the devout prayers of the people, and to repent them of their sins.  
Finally I say, that it is very good to do all this: But yet I say, it is better to have done it before. For, the diligent and careful Pirate, prepareth for the Tempest, when the Sea is calm.  
He that deeply would consider, how little the goods of this life are to be esteemed: Let him go to see a rich man when he dieth, and what he doth in his bed. And he shall find that the wife demandeth of the poor husband her dowry, the Daughter the 
What care is had to inherit transitory goods.  third part, the other the fifth, the child the pre-eminence of age, the Son in law his Marriage, the physician his duty, the Slave his liberty, the Servants their wages, the creditors their debts, and the worst of all is, that none of those that aught to inherit his goods, will give him one glass of water.  
Those that shall hear or read this, aught to consider, that that which they have seen done at the death of their neighbours: the same shall come unto them, when they shall be sick at the point of death. For, so soon as the Rich shutteth his eyes, forthwith there is great strife between the children for his goods. And this strife is not to unburden his soul: but which of them shall inherit most of his possessions, In this case, I will not my pen travel any further, since both rich and poor do daily see the experience hereof. And in things very manifest, it sufficeth only for wise men to be put in memory, without wasting any more time to persuade them.  
Now the Emperor Marcus Aurelius had a secretary very wise, & virtuous, through whose hands the affairs of the Empire passed. And when this secretary saw his Lord and Master so sick, and almost at the hour of death, and that none of his parents or friends durst speak unto him: he plainly determined to do his duty, wherein he showed very well the profound knowledge he had in wisdom, and the great good will he bore to his Lord. This Secretary was called Panutius, the virtues and life of whom Sextus Cheronensis in the life of Marcus Aurelius declareth.   

CHAP. L. Of the Comfortable words which the Secretary Panutius spoke to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius at the hour of his death.  
O My Lord and Master, mytongue cannot keep silence, 
The worthy secretary Panurius his speech.  mine eyes cannot refrain from bitter tears, nor my heart leave from fetching sighs, nor yet reason can use his duty: For my blood boileth, my sinews are dried, my powers be open, my heart doth faint, and my spirit is troubled. And the occasion of all this is, to see that the wholesome counsels which thou givest to others: either thou canst not, or will not take for thyself. I see thee die my Lord, and I die for that I cannot remedy thee.  
For if the gods would have granted me my request, for the lengthening of thy life one day, I would give willingly my whole life.  
Whither the sorrow be true or feigned, it needeth not I declare unto thee with words, since thou mayest manifestly discern it by my countenance. For mine eyes with tears are wet, and my heart with sighs is very heavy.  
I feel much the want of thy company. I feel much the damage, which (of thy death) to the whole commonwealth shall ensue. I feel much thy sorrow which in thy palace shall remain. I feel much for that Rome this day is undone: but that which above all things doth most torment my heart, is to have seen thee live as wise, and now to see thee die as simple.  
Tell me I pray thee my Lord, why do men learn the Greek tongue? travel to understand the Hebrew: sweat 
The reason why men study, is to learn to live well.  in the Latin, change so many Masters, turn so many books, and in study consume so much money, and so many years: if it were not to know how to pass life with honour, and take death with patience?  
The end why men ought to study, is to learn to live well. For there is no truer science in man, then to know how to order his life well. What profiteth it me to know much, if thereby I take no profit? what profiteth me to know strange Languages, if I refrain nor my tongue from other men's matters? what profiteth it to study many books, if I study not but to begyule my friends? what profiteth it to know the influence of the stars: and the course of the Elements: if I cannot keep myself from vices?  
Finally I say, that it little availeth to to be a master of the Sage, if secretly he be reported to be a follower of fools. The chief of all Philosophy consisteth to serve GOD, and not to offend men.  
I ask thee, most Noble Prince, what availeth it the Pilot to know the Art of Sailing, and after in a Tempest by negligence to perish? What availeth it the valiant Captain, to talk much of Wars, and afterwards he knoweth not how to give the Battle? What availeth it the guide to tell the nearest way, and afterwards in the midst to lose himself?  
All this which I have spoken, is said for thee my Lord: For, what availeth it that thou being in health, shouldest sigh for death? since now when he doth approach, thou weepest because thou wouldst not leave life?  
One of the things wherein the wise man showeth his wisdom, is to know 
Steadfastness of mind is commendable.  how to love, and how to hate. For, it is great lightness (I should rather say folly) to day to love him, whom yesterday we hated: and to morrow to slander him whom this day we honoured.  
What Prince so high, or what Plebeian so base hath there been, or in the world shall ever be, the which hath so little (as thou) regarded life: and so highly commended death? What things have I written (being thy Secretary) with mine own hand, to divers Provinces of the world: where thou speakest so much good of death, that sometimes thou madest me to hate life? What was it to see that letter which thou wrotest unto the noble Roman, Claudinaes' widow, comforting her of the death of her Husband, which died in the wars? Wherein she answered: that she thought her trouble comfort, to deserve that thou shouldst write her such a Letter.  
What a pitiful and sundry letter hast thou written to Antigonus, on the death of thy child Verissimus, thy son so much desired? Whose death thou tookest so, that thou exceedest the limits of Philosophy? but in the end with thy princely virtues, thou didst qualify thy woeful sorrows. What Sentences so profound, what words so well couched didst thou write in that book entitled The remedy of the sorrowful, the which thou didst send from the war of Asia, to the Senators of Rome: and that was to comfort them after a sore plague. And how much profit hath thy doctrine done since: with what new kind of consolation hast thou comforted Helius Fabatus the Sensour, when his son was drowned in the river? where I do remember, that when we entered into his house, we found him weeping: and when we went from thence, we lest him laughing.  
I do remember that when thou went'st to visit Gneus Rusticus in his last disease, thou didst speak to him so effectuously, that with the vehemency of thy words, thou madest the tears to run down his cheeks. And I demanding him the occasions of his lamentations, he said: The Emperor 
The words of a wise man works strange effects:  my Lord hath told me so much evils that I have won, and of so much good that I have lost, that I weep, I weep not for life which is short, but for death which is long. The man whom above all thou hast loved, was Torquatus whom thou didst obey as thy father, and servedst as thy master.  
This thy faithful friend being ready to die, and desiring yet to live, thou sendest to offer sacrifices to the gods, not for that they should grant himself, but that they should hasten his death.  
Herewith I being astonished, thy nobleness to so satisfy my ignorance, said unto me in secret these words. Marvel not Panutius to see me offer sacrifices to hasten my friend's death: and not to prolong his life: for there is nothing that the faithful friend ought so much to desire to true friend, as to see him rid from the travels of the earth, and to enjoy the pleasures of heaven.  
Why thinkest (thou most noble Prince) that I reduce all these things to thy memory, but for to demand thee how it is possible, that I which have heard thee speak so well of death, do presently see thee so unwilling to leave life? since the gods command it, thy age willeth it, thy disease doth cause it, thy feeble nature doth permit it, the sinful Rome doth deserve it, and the sickle fortune agreeth, that for our great misery thou shouldest die. Why therefore sighest 
How loath great men are to die.  thou so much for to die? The travels which of necessity must needs come, with stout heart ought to be received. The cowardly heart falleth before he is beaten down: but the stout and valiant stomach, in greatest peril, recovereth most strength. Thou art one man, and not two, thou owest one death to the gods, and not two: Why wilt thou therefore, being but one, pay for two? and for one only life, take two deaths? I mean, that before thou endest life, thou diest for pure sorrow.  
After that thou hast sailed, and in the sailing, thou hast passed such peril, when the gods do render thee in the safe Haven, once again thou wilt run into the raging Sea, where thou scapest the victory of life, and thou diest with the ambushments of death. Threescore and two years hast thou fought in the Field, and never turned thy back: and fearest thou now, being enclosed in the Grave? Hast thou not passed the pikes, and briars, wherein thou hast been enclosed: and now thou tremblest, being in the sure way? Thou knowest what damage it is, long to live, and now thou doubtest of the profit of death, which ensueth. It is now many years since death and thou have been at defiance, as mortal enemies: and now to lay thy hands on thy Weapons, thou fliest and turnest thy back.  
Threescore and two years are past, since thou wert bend against fortune and now thou closest thy eyes, when thou oughtest over her to triumph. By that I have told thee, I mean, that since we do not see thee take death willingly at this present: we do suspect that thy life hath not in times past been very good: For the man which hath no desire to appear before the gods, it is a token he is loaden with vices.  
What meanest thou most noble Prince? why weepest thou as an infant, and complainest as a man in despair? If thou weepest because thou diest: I answer thee, that thou laughest as much when thou livedst. For of too much laughing in the life, proceedeth much wailing at the death. Who hath always for his heritage, 
Too much merriment in life breedeth woe in death.  appropriated the places being in the common wealth. The unconstancy of the mind, who shall be so hardy to make steady? I mean that all are dead, all die, & all shall die: & among all wilt thou alone live? Wilt thou obtain of the gods, that which maketh them gods? That is to say; that they make thee immortal as themselves? Wilt thou alone have by privilege, that which the gods have by nature? My youth demandeth thy age what thing is best, or to say better which is less evil, to die well, or to live evil. I doubt that any man may attain to the means to live well, according to the continual and variable troubles and vexations which daily we have accustomed to carry between our hands, always suffering hunger, cold, thirst, care, displeasures, temptations, persecutions, evil fortunes, overthrows, and diseases.  
This cannot be called life, but a long death: and with reason we will call this life death, since a thousand times we hate life. If an ancient man did make a show of his life, from time he is come out of the entrails of his mother, until the time he entereth into the bowels of the earth, and that body would declare all the sorrows that he hath passed and the heart discover all the overthrows of fortune, which he hath suffered: I imagine the gods would marvel, and men would wonder at the body which hath endured 
A custom of the Grecians and Romans.  so much, and the heart which hath so greatly dissembled, I take the Greeks to be more wise, which weep when their children be borne, and laugh when the aged dye: then the Romans which sing when their children are borne, and weep when the old men die. We have much reason to laugh, when the old men die, since they die to laugh: and with great reason we ought to weep, when the children are borne, since they are borne to weep.   

CHAP. LI. Panutius the Secretary continueth his exhortation, admonishing all men willingly to accept death, & utterly to forsake the world and all his vanities.  
SInce life is now condemned for evil, there remaineth nought else, but to approve death to be good. Oh if it pleased the immortal gods, that as I oftentimes have heard the disputation of this matter: so now that thou couldst therewith profit. But I am sorry that to the Sage and wise man, counsel sometimes (or for the most part) wanteth. None ought to cleave much to his own opinion, but sometimes he should follow the counsel of the third person: For the man which in all things will follow his own advise, ought well to be assured that in all, or the most part, he shall err.  
O my Lord Mark, sith thou art sage, lively of spirit, of great experience, and ancient, didst not thou think, that as thou hadst buried many, so likewise some should bury thee? What imaginations were thine to think, that seeing the end of their days, others should not see the end of thy years? Since thou diest rich, honourably accompanied, old, and above all, seeing thou diest in the service of the commonwealth, why fearest thou to enter into thy grave? Thou hast always been a friend, as much to know things past, as those which were hid and kept secret. Since thou hast proved what honours and dishonours deserve, riches and poverty, prosperity and adversity, joy and sorrow, love and fear, vices and pleasures: me seemeth that nothing remaineth to know, but that it is necessary to know what death is.  
And also I swear unto thee (most noble Lord) that thou shalt learn more in one hour, what death is, then in an hundred years what life meaneth: Since thou art good, and presumest to be good, and hast lived as good, is it better that thou die, and go with so many good; then that thou scape, and live amongst so many evil? That thou feelest death, I marvel nothing at all, for thou art a man: but I do marvel that thou dissemblest it not, since thou art discreet Many things do the sage men feel, 
Wise men do outwardly dissemble inward griefs.  which inwardly do oppress their heart, but outwardly they dissemble them, for the more honour. If all the poison which in the sorrowful heart is wrapped, were in small pieces in the feeble flesh scattered: then the walls would not suffice to rubbbe, neither the nails to scratch us.  
What other thing is death, but a trap or door wherewith to shut the shop, wherein all the misery, of this woeful life are vendible? What wrong or prejudice do the gods unto us, when they call us before them, but from an old decayed house, to change us to a new builded Palace? And what other thing is the grave, but a strong fort, wherein we shut ourselves from the assaults of life, and broils of fortune: Truly we ought to be more desirous of that we find in death, then of that we have in life. If Helia Fabricia thy wife do grieve thee, for that thou leavest her young, do not care: for she presently hath little care of the peril wherein thy 
The custom of many widows.  life dependeth. And in the end, when she shall know of thy death, she will be nothing grieved. Trouble not thyself for that she is left a widow: for young women (as she is) which are married to old men (as thou) when their husbands die, they have their eyes on that they can rob, and their hearts on them whom they desire to marry. And speaking with due respect, when with their eyes they outwardly seem most for to bewail: then with their hearts inwardly do they most rejoice.  
Deceive not thyself in thinkeing that the Empress thy wife is young, and that she shall find none other Emperor with whom again she may marry. For such, and the like, will change the cloth of gold, for gowns of skins. I mean, that they would rather the young shepherd in the field, than the old Emperor in his royal palace. If thou takest sorrow for the children whom thou leavest I know not why thou shouldst do so? For truly if it grieve thee now, for that thou diest: they are more displeased for that thou livest. The son that desireth not the death of his father, may be counted the only Phoenix of this world, for if the father be poor, he wisheth him dead for that he is not maintained; and if he rich he desireth his death to inherit the sooner.  
Since therefore it is true (as indeed it is) it seemeth not wisdom that they sing, and thou weep. If it grieve thee to leave these goodly palaces, and these sumptuous buildings, deceive not thyself therein. For by the god jupiter I swear unto thee, that since that death doth finish thee, at the end of threescore and two years: time shall consume these sumptuous buildings in less than 40. If it grieve thee to forsake the company of thy friends and neighbours, for them also take as little thought, since for thee they will not take any at all. For amongst the other compassions that they ought to have of the dead, this is true, that scarcely they are buried, but of their friends and neighbours they are forgotten. If thou takest greatest thought for that thou wilt not die, as the other Emperors of Rome are dead: me seemeth that thou oughtest also to cast this sorrow from thee: for thou knowest right well, that Rome hath accustomed to be so unthankful to those which serve her: that the great Scipio also would not be buried therein.  
If it grieve thee to die, to leave so great a signory, as to leave the Empire, I cannot think that such vanity be in thy head: for temperate and reposed men, when they escape from semblable offices, do not think that they lose honour, but that they be free of a trouble some charge. Therefore if none of all these things move thee to desire life, what should let thee that through thy gates enter not death it grieveth men to die for one of these 
There are two things that grieve men at their death.  two things, either for the love of those they leave behind them, or for fear of that they hope. Since therefore there is nothing in this life worthy of love, nor any thing in death why we should fear: why do men fear to die? According to the heavy fighes thou fetchest, the bitter tears thou shedst, and according also to that great pain thou showest, for my part I think, that the thing in thy thought most forgotten was, that the gods should command thee to pay this debt. For admit that all think that their life shall end, yet no man thinketh that death will come so soon. For that men think never to die, they never begin their faults to amend: so that both life and fault have end in the grave together.  
Knowest not thou (most noble Prince) that the long night cometh the midst morning. Dost thou not know, that after the moist morning there cometh the clear Sun? Knowest not thou that after the clear Sun cometh the cloudy Element. Dost thou not know that after the dark mist, there cometh extreme heat: And after the heat, cometh the horrible thunders: and after the thunders, the sudden lightnings: and after the perilious lightnings cometh the terrible hail: Finally I say, that after the tempestuous and troublesome time, commonly cometh clear and fair weather.  
The order that time hath to make 
The same order that Time keepeth, man ought to follow.  himself cruel and gentle, the self same ought men to have, to live and die. For after the infancy cometh childhood, after childhood cometh youth, after youth cometh age, and after age cometh the fearful death: Finally, after that fearful death, cometh the sure life. Oftentimes I have read, and of thee not seldom heard that the gods only which had no beginning, shall have also no ending. Therefore me thinketh (most noble Prince) that sage men ought not to desire to live long: Foremen which desire to live much: either it is for that they have not felt the travels past, because they have been fools, or for that they desire more time to give themselves to vices. Thou mightest not complain of that, since they have not cut thee in the flower of the herb, nor taken thee green from the tree, nor cut thee in the spring tide, and much less eat thee eager before thou wert ripe.  
By that I have spoken, I mean, if death had called thee when thy life was sweetest: though thou hadst not had reason to have complained, yet thou mightest have desired to have altered it: For it is a greater grief, to say unto a young man that he must die, and forsake the world. What is this (my Lord) now that the wall is decayed ready to fall, the flower is an hered the grape doth rot, the teeth are lose the gown is worn, the lance is blunt the knife is dull, and dost thou desire to return into the world, as if thou hadst never known the world? These threescore and two years thou hast lived in the proportion of this body, and wilt thou now that the iron fetters have rot thy legs, desire yet to lengthen thy days, in this so woeful prison? They that will not be contented to live threescore years and five 
This transitory life not worth the desiring.  in this death, or to die in this life: will not desire to live threescore thousand years.  
The Emperor Augustus Octavian said: That alter men had lived fifty years, either of their own will they ought to die; or else by force they should cause themselves to be killed. For at that time, all those which have any humane felicity, are at the best. Those which live above that age, pass their days in grievous torments. As in the death of children, in the loss of goods, and importunity of son in laws, in maintaining processes, in discharging debts, in sighing for that is past, in bewailing that that is present, in dissembling injuries, in hearing woeful news, and in other infinite travels. I So that it were much better, to have their eyes shut in the grave: then their hearts and bodies alive, to suffer 
Man never happy till death.  so much in this miserable life. He whom the gods take from this miserable life at the end of fifty years, is quitted from all these miseries of life. For after that time he is not weak, but crooked, he goeth not, but rowlleth, he stumbleth nor but falleth.  
O my Lord Mark, knowest thou not, that by the same way whereby goeth death, death cometh? Knowest not thou in like manner that it is 62. years that life hath fled from death: & that there is another time as much, that death goeth seeking thy life? and death going from Illiria where he left a great plague, & thou departing from thy palace ye two have now met in Hungary? Knowest not thou, that where thou leapedst out of thy mother's entrails to govern the land, immediately death leapt out of his grauè to seek thy life? Thou hast always presumed, not only to be honoured, but also to be honourable, if it be so, since thou honouredst the Ambassadors of Princes which did send them the more for their profit, then for thy service, why dost thou not honour thy messenger, whom the gods send more for thy profit, then for their services? Dost thou not remember well, when Vulcan my son in law poisoned me, more for the covetousness of my gods, than any desire that he had of my life? thou Lord that didst come to comfort me in my chamber, and toldst me that the gods were cruel to slay the young, and were pitiful to take the old from this world. And thou saidst further these words: Comfort thee Panutius, for if thou wert borne to the, now thou dressed to live.  
Since therefore (noble Prince) that I tell thee that which thou toldst me, and counsel thee the same which thou counselest me: I render to thee that which thou hast given me. Finally of these vines I have gathered these cluster of grapes.   

CHAP. LII. The answer of the Emperor Marcus to Panutius his Secretary, wherein he declareth that he took no thought to forsake the world: but all his sorrow was to leave behind him an unhappy child to inherit the Empire,  
PAnutius blessed be the milk which thou hast sucked in Dacia, the bread which thou hast eaten in Rome, the larning which thou hast learned in Greece, and the bringing up which thou hast had in my palace. For thou hast served as a good servant in life, and givest me good counsel as a trusty friend at death. I command Commodus my son to recompense thy service, and I beseech the immortal gods, that they acquit thy good counsels. And not without good cause I charge my son with the one, and requrie the gods of the other. For the payment of many services, one man alone may do; but to pay one good counsel, it is requisite to have all the gods. The greatest good that a friend can do to his friend, is in great and weighty affairs, to give him good and wholesome counsel. And not without cause I say wholesome: For commonly it chanceth, that those which think with their counsel to remedy us, do put us oftentimes in greatest perils. All the travels of life are hard, but that of death is the most hard and terrible. All are great, but this is the greatest. All are perilous, but this is most perrillons. All in death have end except the travel of death, whereof we 
The travel of death is harder than all the travel of life.  know no end, that which I say now, no men perfectly can know, but he which seeth himself, as I see myself now at the point of death.  
Certainly Panutius, thou hast spoken unto me as a wise man: but for that thou know'st not my grief, thou couldst not cure my disease, for my sore is not there, where thou hast laid the plaster. The fistula is not there where thou hast cut the flesh. The oppilation is not there; where thou hast laid the ointments. There were not the right veins, where thou didst let me blood. Thou hast not yet touched the wound, which is the cause of all my grief. I mean that thou oughtest to have entered further with me to have known my grief better.  
The sighs which the heart fetcheth (I say those which come from the heart) let not every man think which heareth them, that he can immedialy understand them: For as men cannot remedy the anguishs of the spirit, so the gods likewise would not that they should know the secrets of the heart.  
Without fear or shame many dare say, that they know the thought of others, wherein they show themselves to be more fools, then wise. For since there are many things in me wherein I myself doubt: how can a stranger have any certain knowledge therein.  
Thou accusest me Panutius, that I fear death greatly, the which I deny: but to fear it as man, I do confess: For to deny that I fear not death, should be to deny that I am not of flesh.  
We see by experience, that the Elephants do fear the Lion, the Bear the Elephant, the wolf the Bear, the Lamb the Wolf, the Rat the Cat, the Cat the Dog, the Dog the man: Finally the one and the other do fear for no other thing, but for fear that one killeth not the other. Then since bruit beasts refuse death, the which though they die, fear not to fight with the suries, nor hope not to rest with the gods: so much the more ought we to fear death, which die in doubt, whether the furies will tear 
The cause why men fear death.  us in pieces with their torments, or the gods will receive us in to their houses with joy.  
Thinkest thou Panutius, that I do not see well my vine is gathered, and that it is not hid unto me, that my palace falleth in decay? I know well, that I have not but the kernel of the Raison, & the skin: and that I have not but one sigh of all my life, until this time. There was great difference between me and thee, & now there is no great difference betwixt me and myself. For about the ensign, thou dost place the army. In the rivers, thou castest thy nets; within the parks thou huntest the bulls: in the shadow thou takest cold. By this I mean, that thou talkest so much of death, because that thou art sure of thy life.  
O miserable man that I am, for in short space, of all that is life I have possessed: with me I shall carry nothing but only my winding sheet.  
Alas how shall I enter into the field, not where of fierce beasts I shall be assaulted: but of the hungry worms devoured. Alas I see myself in that distress, from whence my frail flesh cannot escape. And if any hope remain, it is in thee O death. When I am sick, I would not that he that is whole should comfort me. When I am sorrowful, I would not that he which is merry should comfort me. When I am banished I would not that he which is in prosperity should comfort me. When I am at the hour of death, I would not that he should comfort me, which is not in suspicion of life. But I would that the poor should comfort me in poverty, the sorrowful in my sorrows, the banished in my banishment, and he which is in as great danger of his life, as I am now at the point of death. 
He gives best counsel to the sorrowful that is himself likewise tormented.   
For there is no counsel so healthful, nor true, as that of the man which is in sorrow, when he counseleth another, which is likewise tormented himself. If thou considerest well this sentence, thou shalt find that I have spoken a thing profound, wherein notwithstanding my tongue is appeased. For in my opinion evil shall he be comforted, which is weeping with him, that continually laugheth. I say this to the end thou know, that I know it; and that thou perceive that I perceive it.  
And because thou shalt not live deceived, as to my friend I will disclose the secret: and thou shalt see, that small is the sorrow which I have, in respect of the great, which I have cause to have. For if reason had not strived with sensualtie, the sighs ended my life, and in a pond of tears, they had made my grave.  
The things which in me thou hast seen, which abhor meat, to banish sleep, to love care, to be annoyed with company, to take rest in sighs, and to take pleasures in tears: may easily declare unto thee, what torment is in the sea of my heart, when such tremble do appear in the earth of my body.  
Let us now come to the purpose, and we shall see why my body is without consolation, and my heart overcome with sorrows: for my feeling greatly exceeds my complaining, because the body is so delicate, that in scratching it, it complaineth: and the heart is so stout and valiant, that though it be hurt, yet it dissembleth.  
O Panutius, I let thee know, that the occasion why I take death so grievously, is because I leave my son 
The occasion why Aurelius took his death heavily  Commodus in this life: who liveth in this age most perilous for him, and no less dangerous for the Empire. By the flowers are the fruits known, by the grapes the vines are known, and by the face men are known: by the colt the horse is judged, and by the infant, youth is known.  
This I say by the Prince my son, for that he hath been evil in my life, I do imagine that he will be worse after my death. Since thou (as well as I) know'st the evil conditions of my son, why dost thou marvel at the thoughts and sorrows of the father? My son Commodus in years is young, and in understanding younger. He hath an evil inclination, and yet he will not enforce himself against the same, he governeth himself by his own sense, and in matters of wisdom he knoweth little: of that he should be ignorant, he knoweth too much: and that which is worst of all, he is of no man esteemed. He knoweth nothing of things past, nor occupieth him about any thing present.  
Finally, for that which mine eyes have seen, I say, and that which within my heart I have suspected I judge: that shortly the person of my son shall be in hazard, and the memory of his father perish. O how unkindly have the gods used themselves toward us, to command us to leave our honour in the hands of our children? for it should suffice, that we should leave them our goods: and that to our friends we should commit our honour. But yet I am sorry, for that they consume the goods in vices: and lose the honour for to be vicious. The gods being pitiful as they are, since they give us the authority to divide our goods: why do they not give us leave to make our wills of the honour.  
My sons name being Commodus in the Roman tongue, is as much to say, as profit: but as he is, we will be content to be without little profit, which he may do to some, so that we may be excused of the great damage, which he is likely to do to all. For I suppose he will be the scourge of men, and the wrath of God. He entereth now into the pathway of youth, alone without a guide. And for that he hath to pass by the high and dangerous places: I fear lest he be lost, in the wood of vices.  
For the children of Princes and 
Children brought up in liberty & wantonness easily falls into vices.  great Lord● for so much as they are brought up in liberty and wantonness, do easily fall into vices, and voluptuousness: and are most stubborn to be withdrawn from folly.  
O Panutius, give attentive ear to that I say unto thee. Seest thou not that Commodus my son is at liberty, is rich, is young, and is alone? By the faith of a good man, I swear unto thee, that the least of these winds would overthrow, not only a young tender Ash, but also a mighty strong Oak. Riches, youth, pride, and liberty are four plagues which poison the Prince, replenish the common wealth with filth, kill the living, and defame the dead. Let the old men believe me, and the young men mark me well what I say, that where the gods have given many gifts, it is necessary they have many virtues to sustain them.  
The gentle, the peaceable, the counterfeit, the simple, and the fearful, do not trouble the common wealth: but those whom nature hath given most gifts. For as experience teacheth us, with the fairest women the stews are furnished, the most proper parsonage are unshamefast, the most stout and valiant are murderers, the most subtle are thieves, and men of clearest understanding, oft times become most fools.  
I say, and say again, I affirm, and affirm again, I swear and swear again, 
It is perilous to be adorned with natural gifts, & to want requisite virtues.  that if two men which are adorned with natural gifts, do want requisite virtues, such have a knife in their hands, wherewith they do strike and wound themselves, a fire on their shoulders, wherewith they burn themselves, a rope at their necks to hang themselves, a dagger at their breast wherewith they kill themselves, a thorn in their foot, wherewith they prick themselves, and stones whereat they stumble: so that stumbling they fall, and falling they find themselves with death whom they hate, and without life, which so much they loved.  
Note well Panutius note, that the man which from his infancy hath always the fear of the gods before his eyes, and the shame of men, saith truth to all, and liveth in prejudice to none: and to such a tree, though evil fortune do cleave, the flower of his youth do wither, the leaves of their favours dry, they gather the fruits of his travels, they cut the bough of his offices, they bow the highest of his branches downwards; yet in the end though of the winds he be beaten, he shall never be overcome.  
O happy are those Fathers, unto whom the Gods have given quick children, wise, fair, able, light, and valiant: but all these gifts are but means to make them vicious. And in such case, if the Fathers would be governed by my counsel, I would rather desire that members should want in them, than that vices should abound. Of the most fairest children which are borne in the Empire, my son Commodus the Prince is one: But I would to the immortal Gods, that in face he resemble the blackest of Ethiope: and in manners, the greatest Philosopher of Greece: For the glory of the Father is not, nor ought not to be, in that his child is fair of complexion, and handsome of person 
What parents should glory of in their children.  but that in his life he be very upright.  
We will not call him a pitiful Father, but a great enemy, who exalteth forth his child for that he is fair, and doth not correct him, though he be vicious. I durst say, that the father which hath a child endued with many goodly gifts, and that he doth employ them all to vices: such a child ought not to be borne in the world, and if perchance he were borne, he ought immediately to be buried.   

CHAP. LIII. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius concludeth his matter, and showeth that sundry young Princes for being vicious have undone themselves, and impoverished their Realms.  
O What great pity is it to see how the father buyeth his child of the gods with sighs, how the mother delivers than with pain, how, they both nourish them with travels, how they watch to sustain them, how they labour to remedy them, & afterwards they have so rebelled, and be so vicious, that the miserable Fathers oftentimes do die not for age, but for the griefs wherewith their children torment them. I do remember, that the Prince Commodus my son being young, and I aged (as I am) with great pains we kept him from vices: but I fear, that after my death he will hate virtues. I remember many young Princes, which of his age, have inherited th'Empire of Rome: who have been of so wicked a life, that they have deserved to lose both honour and life..  
I remember Dennys, the famous tyrant of Scycile: of whom is said, that as great reward he gave to those that invented vices, as our Mother Rome did, to those which conquered realms: Such work could not be, but of a tyrant to take them for most familiar, which are most vicious.  
I remember four young Princes, which governed the Empire, but not with such valiantness as the great Alexander: that is to say, Alexander, Antiochus, 
Many young vicious princes in Rome.  Silvius, and Ptholomeus: unto whom for their vanity and lightness, as they called Alexander the Great, Emperor in Greece: so likewise do they call these young men, tyrants in Asia.  
Very happy was Alexander in life, and they unhappy after his death. For all that which with glorious triumphs he wan, with vile vices they lost. So that Alexander divided between them four, the world: and afterwards it came into the hands of more than four hundredth.  
I do remember, that king Antigonus little esteemed that, which cost his Lord Alexander much. He was so light in the behaviour of his person, and so defamed in the affairs of the Commonwealth: that for mockery and contempt, in the steed of a crown of gold, he bore a garland: in the steed of a sceptre, he carried nettles in his hand: and of this sort and manner he sat to judge among his counsellors, & used to talk with strangers.  
This young Prince doth offend me much, for the lightness he committed: but much more I marvel at the gravity of the Sages of Greece, which suffered him. It is but meet he be partaker of the pain, which condescended to the fault.  
I do remember Caligula the fourth Emperor of Rome, who was so young and foolish, that I doubt of these two things, which was greatest in his time, That is to say: The disobedience that the people bore to their Lord, or the hate which the Lord bore to his people. For, that unhappy creature was so disordered in his manners: that if all the romans had not watched to take life from him: he would have watched to take life from them.  
This Caligula wore a brooch of 
The cruel inscription, in Coligulaes' brooch  gold in his cap, wherein were written these words: utinam omnis populus unam precise ceruicem haberet, ut uno ictu omnes necarem: Which is to say: would to God all the people had but one neck, to the end I might kill them all at a stroke.  
I remember the Emperor Tiberius, th'adoptive son of the good Caesar Augustus, which was called Augustus: because he greatly augmented the Empire. But the good Emperor did not so much augment the state of his Commonwealth, during his life, as Tiberius did diminish it, after his death. The hate and malice which the Roman people bare to Tiberius in his life, was manifestly discovered after the time of his death. For the day that Tiberius died (or better to say, when they killed him) the Roman people made great processions, and the Senators offered great presents in the temples, and the priests gave great Sacrifices to their Gods: and all to the end their gods should not receive the soul of this Tyrant amongst them, but that they would send it to be kept among the Furies of hell.  
I remember Patrocles (2. K. of Corinth) inherited the realm at xxii. years of his age, who was so disordered of his flesh, so indiscreet in his doings, so covetous of goods, & such a coward of his person, that where his father had possessed the Realm 40. years, the son did not possess it thirty months.  
I remember Tarquin the proud, who though among eight Knights of Rome was the last, and comlyest of gesture, valiant in Arms, Noblest of blood, and in giving most liberal: yet he employed all his gifts and grace● which the Gods had given him evil. For, he employed his beauty to riot, and his forces to tyranny. For, through the treason & villainy, which he committed with the Roman Lucretia, he did not only lose the realm, and flying saved his life: but also for ever was banished, and all his Lineage likewise.  
I remember the cruel Emperor Nero, who lived, inherited, and died young: and not without a cause (I say) that he lived and died young. For, in him was graffed the stock of the noble & worthy Caesars: and in him was renewed the memory of those tyrants: To whom thinkest thou Panutius this Tyrant would have given life, since he with his own hand gave his Mother her death?  
Tell me (I pray thee) who thinkest thou hath made that cursed heart, who slew his Mother, out of whose 
The cruelty of Nero, to his Mother.  womb he came? opened the breasts which gave him suck? Shed the blood where of he was born? Tore the arms in which he was carried? & saw the entrails wherein he was form.  
The day that the Emperor Nero slew his mother, an Orator said in the Senate: jure interficienda erat Agrippina, qua tale portentum peperit in populo Romano.  
Which is to say, justly deserved Agrippina to be put to death, which brought forth so strange a Monster, amongst the Roman people.  
Thou oughtest not therefore to marvel (Panutius) at the novelties which thou hast seen in me: For in these three days that I have been troubled in my mind, and altered in my understanding: all these things are offered unto me, and from the bottom of my hart I have digested them. For the careful men are not blinded, but with their own imaginations. All these evil conditions which these Princes had scattered amongst them (of whom I have spoken) do meet together, in my Son Commodus.  
For, if they were young, he is young: if they were rich, he is rich: if they were free, he is free: if they were bold, he is bold: if they were wild, he is wild: if they were evil, certainly I do not think that he is good.  
For, we see many young Princes, which have been well brought up, and well taught: yet when they have inherited, and come to their Lands, they become immediately vicious and dissolute. 
They seldom mend that are vicious in youth.   
What hope have we of those, which from their infancy are dissolute and evil inclined? Of good wine I have made oft times strong vivineger: but of pure vinegar, I have never seen good wine.  
This child keepeth me between the sails of Fear, and the Anchor of hope: hoping he shall be good, since I have taught him well, and fearing he shall be evil, because his mother Faustine hath nourished him evil. And that which is the worst, that the young child of his own nature, is inclined to all evil,  
I am moved to say thus much, for that I see his natural inclination increase: and that which was taught him diminish. For the which occasion, I doubt that after my death, my son shall return to that, wherein his mother hath nourished him: and not to that, wherein I have taught him.  
O how happy had I been, if never I had had child, or not to be bound to leave him the Empire: For I would choose then, among the children of the good Fathers: & would not be bound to such a one, whom the gods have given me.  
One thing I ask thee Panutius, whom wouldst thou call most fortunate? Vespasian, which was natural father of Domitius, or Nerua, the adopted father of the good trajan: both those two, (Vespasian and Nerua) were good Princes, but of children, Domitian was the head of all mischief: and trajan was the mirror of all goodness. So that Vespasian in that he had children, was unhappy, and Nerua in that he had none, was most fortunate.  
One thing I will tell thee Panutius, the which by thee considered, thou wilt little esteem life, and shalt lose the fear of death. I have lived threescore and two years, wherein I have read much, hard much, seen, desired, attained, possessed, suffered, and I have much rejoiced myself. And in the end of all this, I see myself now to die, and I must want my pleasures, and myself also. Of all that I have had, possessed, attained, and whereof I have enjoyed, I have only two things to say, pain for that I have offended the gods, and sorrow for the time which I have wasted in vices.  
There is great difference between 
The difference between the poor and the rich in death.  the rich and the poor in death, and more in life. For the poor dieth to just, but if the rich die, it is to their treat pain. So that the gods take from the one, that which he had, and putteth the other in possession, of that he desired.  
Great care hath the heart to seek the goods, and they pass great troubles to heap up them together, and great diligence must be had in keeping them, and also much wit to increase them: but without comparison, it is greater grief to depart from them.  
O what pain intolerable, and grief it is to the wise man, seeing himself at the point of death, to leave the sweet of his family, the majesty of his Empire, the honour of his present, the love of his friends, the payments of his debts, the deserts of his servants and the memory of his predecessors, in the power of so evil a child, the which neither deserveth it, nor yet will deserve it.  
In the ninth Table of our ancient Laws, are written these words: We ordain and command, that the father which shall be good according to the opinion of all, may disherit his son, who according to the opinion of all is evil. The Law said further.  
The child which hath disobeyed his father, rob any holy Temple, injuried any widow, fled from any battle, and committed any treason to a stranger, that he should be banished from 
Vicious children by an ancient law disinherited.  Rome, and dsinherited from his father's goods.  
Truly the law was good, though by our offences it be forgotten. If my breath fail me not as it doth fail me (for of troth I am greatly pained) I would declare unto thee how many Parthes', Medians, Egyptians, Assyrians, Chaldeans, Indians, Hebrews, greeks, and romans, have left their children poor being able to have left them rich, for no other cause, but for that they were vicious. And to the contrary, other being poor, have left them rich, for that they were virtuous.  
By the immortal gods I swear unto thee, that when they came from the war of Parthia, and triumphed in Rome, and confirmed the Empire to my son, if then the Senate had not withstood me, I had left Commodus my son poor with his vices, & would have made heir of all my Realms, some virtuous man. I let thee know Panutius, that five things oppress my heart sore, to the which I would rather see remedy myself, then to command other to remedy it.  
The first, for that in my life time I cannot determine the processes, that the virtuous widow, Drusia hath with the Senate.  
Because since she is poor, and deformed, there is no man that will give her justice.  
The second, because I die not in Rome. And this for none other cause, than that which the sound of the trumpet should be proclaimed, that all those which have any quarrel, or debt against me, and my family, should come thither to be paid, or satisfied of their debts and demands.  
The third, that as I made four tyrants 
Five things that oppressed Marcus Aurelius heart.  to be put to execution, which committed tyranny in Asia and Italy, so it grieved me that I have not also punished certain pirates, which roved on the seas.  
The fourth, for that I have not caused the temple to be finished which I did begin for all the gods. For I might have said unto them after my death, that since for all them I have made one house: it were not much that any of them should receive one into his, which pass this life in the favour of the gods, and without the hatred of men. For dying after this sort, men shall sustain our honours: and the gods shall provide for our souls.  
The fifth, for that I leave in life for my only heir, Commodus the Prince, yet not so much for the destruction which shall come to my house: as for the great damage which shall succeed in the commonwealth. For the true Princes ought to take the damages of their persons light, and the damages of the commonwealth for the most grievous.  
O Panutius, let therefore this be the last word which I will say unto thee, that is to say, that the greatest good that the gods may give to the man that is not covetous, but virtuous, is to give him good renown in life: and afterwards a good heir at our death.  
Finally, I say, that if I have any thing to do with the gods, I require, and beseech them, that if they should be offended, Rome slandered, my renown defamed, and my house diminished, for that my son be of an evil life: that they will take from him life, before they give me death,   

CHAP. liv. Of the words which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius spoke unto his son Commodus at the hour of death, necessary for all young gentlemen to understand.  
SInce the disease of Marcus Aurelius was so extreme that every hour of his life he was assaulted with death: after he had talked a long time with Panutius his Secretary, he commanded his son Commodus to be wakened, who as a young man slept sound in his bed. And being come before his presence, all those which were there, were moved immediately with compassion, to see the eyes of the father all swollen with weeping: and the eyes of the child, closed with overmuch sleep.  
They could not waken the child, he was so careless: and they could not cause the good father sleep, he took so great thought.  
All those which were there, seeing how the father desired the good life of the son, and how little the son weighed the death of his father had compassion of the old person, and bare hate to the wicked child. Then the good Emperor casting his eyes on high, and directing his words to his son said.  
When thou wert a child, I told thy masters how they ought to bring thee up, and after that thou didst wax greater, I told thy Governors how they should counsel thee: And now I will tell thee, how thou with them, which are few, and they with thee being one, aught to govern and maintain the Commonwealth. If thou esteem much that which I will say unto thee, my son: Know thou, that I will esteem much more than thou wilt believe me: for more easily do we old men suffer your injuries, than ye other young men do receive our counsels. Wisdom wanteth to you for to believe us, yet we want not boldness to dishonour you. And that which is worst, the aged in Rome, were wont to have a chair of wisdom & sageness: but now a days the young men count it a shame and folly. The world at this day is so changed, from that it was wont to be in times past: that all have the audacity to give counsel, and few have the wisdom to receive it, so that they are a thousand which tell counsels, and there is not one that buyeth wisdom.  
I believe well, my son, that according to my fatal Destinies, and thy evil manners, little shall that avail which I shall tell thee: for since thou wouldst not credit these words which I spoke unto thee in my life: I am sure that thou wilt little regard them after my death.  
But I do this, more to satisfy my desire, and to accomplish that which I owe unto the Commonwealth, then for that I hope for any amendment of thy life.  
For there is no grief that doth so much hurt a person, as when he himself is cause of his own pain. If any man doth me an injury, if I lay my hands upon him, or speak injurious words unto him, my heart is forthwith satisfied: but if I do injury to myself, I am he which wrongeth, and am wronged, for that I have none on whom I may revenge my wrong, and I vex and chase with myself.  
If thou my son be evil, after that thou hast enherited the Empire, my mother Rome will complain of the gods which have given thee so many evil inclinations. She will complain of Faustine thy mother which hath brought thee up so wanton, she will complain of thee which hast no will to resist vice: but she shall have no cause to complain of the old man thy Father, who hath not given thee good counsels. For if thou hadst believed that which I told thee, men would rejoice to have thee for their Lord, and the Gods to use thee as their Minister.  
I cannot tell my son, if I be deceived, but I see thee so deprived of understanding, so uncertain in thy words, so dissolute in thy manners, so unjust in justice, in that thou desirest so hardy, and in thy duty so negligent, that if thou change and alter not thy manners, men will hate thee, and the Gods will forsake thee.  
O if thou knewest my son, what a thing it is to have men for their enemies, and to be forsaken of the gods: by the faith of a good man I swear unto thee, that thou wouldst not only hate the Signiory of Rome, but with thy hands also thou wouldst destroy thyself: For men which have not the Gods merciful, and the men friendly, do eat the bread of grief, and drink the tears of sorrow.  
I am sure thy sorrow is not so great to see the night doth end my life, as is that pleasure which thou hast, to see that in short space thou shalt be Emperor of Rome. And I do not marvel hereat, for where sensuality reigneth, reason is banished, and constrained to fly.  
Many love divers things, because of truth they know them not: the which if they did know, without doubt they would hate them. Though men love in mockery, the Gods and men hate us in earnest.  
In all things we are so doubtful, and in all our works so disordered, that at some time our understanding is dull, and loseth the edge: and another time, it is more sharp than it is necessary. Thereby I mean, that the good we will not hear, and much less we will learn it, but of the evil we know, more than behoveth us, or necessity requireth. 
The counsel of the Emperor to his son Comodus.   
I will counsel thee, my son by words, that which in sixty two years, I have learned by science and experience. And since thou art as yet so young, it is reason that thou believe him which is aged; For since we Princes are the mirror of all, every man doth behold us, and we other do not behold ourselves. This day or to morrow, thou shalt inherit the Roman Empire, and think that inheriting the same, thou shalt be Lord of the world. Yet if thou knewest how many cares and perils, commanding bringeth with it. I swear unto thee, that thou wouldst rather choose to obey all, then to command one. Thou thinkest my son, that I leave thee a great Lord, for to leave thee the Empire, which is not so: for all they have need but of thee, and thou alone hast need of all  
Thou thinkest I leave thee much treasure, leaving thee the great revenues of the Empire, that which also is as little: for though a Prince have treasures in abundance, yet if he want friends, he hath great want of treasures. Thou thinkest also my son, that I leave thee to be obeyed of all, and that none dare again say thee.  
Truly it ought not to be so: for it is more meet for the Prince (which deserveth to preserve his life, and augment his honour) to be conformable to the will of all, then to desire that all should be agreeable to him: For thou, my son, that knowest not what truth is, lies will not grieve thee: for as much, as thou knowest not what rest is, the broils and motions of the people shall not vex thee; For that thou knowest not what friends mean, thou shalt esteem it little to have enemies: for if thou wert patient, reposed, true and a loving man, thou wouldst not only refuse the Empire of Rome, but also thou wouldst curse the father which would leave thee such inheritance. I would know, if thou knowest it not, that in leaving thee the Empire, I do leave thee not riches, but poverty, not rest, but travel, not peace but war, not friends but enemies: not pleasures but displeasures. Finally, in peace I do leave thee, where always thou shalt have somewhat to bewail: & though thou wouldst, thou shalt not laugh: I advertise, admonish, and also exhort thee my son, to think all which I leave thee is vanity, lightness, folly, and a disguised mockery. And if thou believest it is in mockery, henceforth I know thou art deceived; I have lived longer than thou, have read more, and with pain have gone further than thou. And in the end I find myself mocked: hopest, thou to live surely, and escape without fraud? when thou shalt think to have the Empire in rest, then shall arise a province in Africa or Asia, the loss should come to great damage, & to recover it, great charges would ensue.  
When thou thinkest to recover Friends, then shall strange enemies invade thee. So that in flattering, and rejoicing our Friends, we can not keep them; and in flying, and rejecting them, we cannot defend ourselves. When thou shalt think to be in greatest joy, then shall some care oppress thy hart. For Princes which have and possess much, the news which give them pleasure, are very seldom: but the things which annoy them, come hourly. When thou shalt think to have liberty, to do what thou wilt, then shalt thou be most restrained.  
For, the good and well ordered Princes, ought not to go whither their wanton desires moveth them: but whither it is most lawful and decent for the honour of their Estates: When thou shalt think that none dare reprove thee, for that thou art 
What words cannot do treason will.  Emperor, then oughtest thou most to beware. For, if they dare not threaten evil Princes with words, they have the hardiness to sell them by Treason. If they dare not punish them, they dare mumur at them: and these which cannot be their friends, do procure to be their enemies. Finally, if they lay not hands on their persons, they let their tongue run at large, to prate of their renown. When thou shalt think to have satisfied thy Servants, then will they demand recompense for their services.  
For, it is an old custom among Courtiers, to spend freely, and to covet greedily. Therefore if thou dost credit these things, I know not who is so foolish, that for his inheritance desireth such sorrow. For, admit that any man come to the Empire, without comparison the rest is more worth, which the Fmpyre taketh from him: then all the pleasures which it giveth him?  
If the Empire of Rome were as well corrected and ordered, as in old time it was accustomed to be: though it were great pain to govern it, yet it were more honour to keep it, but it is so rooted in vices, and so many Tyrants are entered therein, that I would take them more wise, to judge it is a mockery, than those which embrace it as an honour.  
If thou knewst what Rome is worth, what Rome hath, what Rome may, and what Rome is, I swear unto thee, that thou wouldst not labour much to be lord thereof. For though Rome with walls be strongly compassed: yet of virtuous Citizens is greatly unprovided. If the inhabitants be great, the vices are without number.  
Finally I say, that the stones which are in the buildings, in one day may be counted: but the evils which are 
The sins of a populous City not to be numbered.  therein, in a thousand years cannot be declared. By the faith of a good man, I swear unto thee my son, that when I began to reign, in three years I repaired the decayed walls that were of Rome fallen, and one only street to live well, in twenty years I could not reform.  
The divine Plato said very well: That much more ought the great cities to glorify, to have virtuous Citizens, then to have proud and sumptuous buildings. Beware, beware my son, that the inconstancy of youth, and the liberty which thou hast to possess, and govern the Empire, cause thee not to undo thyself. For he is not counted free which in liberty is borne, but he that dieth in liberty. O how many I have read, heard, and also seen which are borne slaves and afterwards have died free: and this for that they were virtuous. And how many I have seen die slaves being borne free only for being vicious, so that their liberty remaineth, where nobleness is resident. Princes which have great Realms, of necessity shall have occasion to punish many excesses: wherefore it is requisite that they be courageous. And believe me my Son, that they ought not to take courage upon them, because they be mighty and puissant: but because they are virtuous. For, to punish these excesses of others, that good life is more requisite, then is the great authortitie of the Empire.  
A virtuous Prince ought to leave no vice unpunished: For the good, to follow good, and the evil for fear of his correction, dare not commit any offence in the Commonwealth. He that liveth like a wise man, is hardy to give punishment: but he that liveth in fear, dare not almost speak. For, the man which dare be so hardy, to punish an other, for the self same fault, and transgression for the which he deserveth to be punished: of the Gods he is justly hated, and of men despised.  
Let Princes take it for an assured thing, that they shall never have the love of the people, the liberty of the Commonwealth, the order of their house, the contentation of their Friends, the subjection of their enemies, and the obedience of their people: but with many Tears shed on the earth, and with many prowesses of his person.  
To a virtuous Prince, all do render: and against the vicious Prince. all the earth doth rebel. Now if thou wilt be virtuous, hear what thing virtue is.  
Virtue is a Castle, which never is taken: a River which is not passed over: a Sea, which is not sailed: a Fire, which never is quenched: a Treasure, that never is wasted, an Army, that never is overthrown: a Change, which never wearieth: a Spy, which ever returneth: a sign, which beguileth no man: a way very strait: a Friend, that succoureth all necessities: a Surgeon, that immediately healeth: and a Renown which never perisheth.  
If thou knewest (my Son) what thing it is to be good, thou wouldst be the best of the world. For the more vicious a man is, so much the more he is entangled in vices: and how 
As vice entangleth the vicious, so virtue cleaneth to the virtuous.  much more a man is virtuous, so much more to virtues he cleaveth. If thou wilt be virtuous, thou shalt do service to the Gods, thou shalt give good renown to thy predecessors, and for thyself thou shalt prepare a perpetual memory: Thou shalt do pleasures to strangers, and get thee favour of thine own people. Finally, the good will honour thee with love: and the evil will serve with fear.  
In the histories of the wars of the Tarentines, I found that renowned Pyrrus (king of the Epyrots) did wear in a ring these words written, It is too little punishment for a vicious man, to take his life from him: and it is too small reward for a virtuous man to give him the signiory of all the whole earth. Truly, these words were worthy of such a man.  
What thing can be begun of a virtuous man, whereof we hope not to see the end, and come to good proof? I am deceived, if I have not seen in my days, many men, which were base borne, unfit for sciences, void of vices in the Common wealth, poor of goods, and unknown of birth, which with all these base conditions have learned so many virtues, that it seemed great rashness to begin them, and afterwards for being virtuous only, they have found the effects such as they thought it.  
By the immortal Gods I swear unto thee, and so the God jupiter take me into his holy house, and confirm thee my son in mine: if I have not known a Gardener and a Porter in Rome, which for being virtuous, were occasion to cast five rich Senators out of the Senate. And the cause to make the one to gain, and the other to lose, was that to the one they would not pay the pots, and to the other his apples: For at that time more was he punished, which took an apple from a poor man, than he which beat down a rich man's house.  
All this I have told thee my son, because vice abaseth the hardy prince, and virtue giveth courage to the bashful. From two things I have always kept myself, That is to say; not to strive against open justice, nor to contend with a virtuous person.   

CHAP. LV. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius followeth his purpose, and among other wholesome counsels, exhorteth his son to keep wise and sage men about him, for to give him counsel in all his affairs  
HItherto I have spoken to thee generally, but now I will speak unto thee particularly, and by the immortal gods I conjure thee, that thou be very attentive to that I will say: For talking to thee as an aged Father, it is reason thou hear me as an obedient child.  
If thou wilt enjoy long life, observe well my doctrine: For the gods will not condescend to thy hearts desires, unless thou receive my wholesome counsels. 
Disobedience of children is their undoing.   
The disobedience and unfaithfulness which children have to their fathers, is all their undoing: for oftentimes the gods do pardon the offences that are done unto them: and do not pardon the disobediences which the children bare to their Fathers. I do not require thee my son, that thou give me money, since thou art poor. I do not demand that thou travel since thou art tender. I do not demand the revengement of mine enemies, since I have none. I do not demand that thou serve me since I die.  
I do not demand the Empire, since I leave it unto thee. Only I demand, that thou govern thyself well in the Common wealth, & that the memory of my house be not lost through thee. If thou esteem much that I leave unto thee so many realms, I think it better to leave to thee many good counsels, wherewith thou mayest preserve thyself, sustain thy person, and maintain thine honour: For if thou hast presumption not to profit with my counsel, but to trust to thine own mind, before my flesh be eaten with worms, thou shalt be overcome with thy enemies.  
My son, I have been young, light, bold, unshamefast, proud, envious, covetous, an adulterer, furious, a glutton, slothful, and ambitious, and for that I have fallen into so great excesses, therefore I give thee such good advise: for that man which in his youth hath been very worldly, from him in age proceedeth ripe counsel. That which until this time I have counseled thee, & that which to my 
Ripe counsel proceedeth from the aged.  death I will counsel thee, I desire that once at the least thou prove it: And if it do thee harm, leave it, and if it do thee good, use it: For there is no medicine so bitter, that the sick doth refuse to take: if thereby he think he may be healed. I pray thee, I exhort thee, and I advise thee my son, that thy youth believe my age, thy ignorance believe my knowledge, thy sleep believe my watch, the dimness of thy eyes, believe the clearness of my sight, thy imagination believe my virtue, and thy suspicion believe my experience. For otherwise, one day thou shalt see thyself in some distress, where small time thou shalt have to repent, and none to find remedy. Thou mayest say unto me, my son, that since I have been young, I let thee to be young, and that when thou shalt be aged, thou wilt amend: I answer thee, that if thou wilt live as young, yet at least govern thyself as old: In a Prince which governeth his common wealth well, many miseries are dissembled of his person: even as for mighty affairs ripe counsels are necessary: so to endure the troubles of the Empire, the person needeth some recreation: for the bowstring which always is stretched, either it lengtheneth or it breaketh. Whether Princes be young or old, there can be nothing 
The pastime that Princes should seek  more just than for the recreation of themselves to seek some honest pastimes. And not without a cause, I say, that they be honest: for sometimes they accompany with so dishonest persons, and so unthrifty: that they spend their goods, they lose their honour, and weary their persons more, then if they were occupied in the affairs of the common wealth: For thy youth, I leave thee children of great Lords, with whom thou mayest pass the time away: And not without cause I have provided that with thee they have been brought up from thy infancy: for after thou camest to man's estate, inheriting my goods, if perchance thou wouldst accompany thyself with young men, thou shouldst find them well learned: for thy wars I leave thee valiant captains, though (indeed) things of war are begunn by wisdom: yet in the end, the issue falleth out by fortune: for stewards of thy treasures, I leave thee faithful men: And not without cause, I say, they are faithful: for oftentimes greater are the thieves which are receivers, and treasurers, then are they that do rob among the people. I leave thee, my son, expert and ancient men, of whom thou mayest take counsel, and with whom thou mayest communicate thy troubles: for there can be formed no honest thing in a Prince, unless he hath in his company ancient 
Princes are to accompany Ancient men.  men: for such give gravity to his person, and authority to his palace: To invent theatres, to sish ponds, to chase wild beasts in the forests, to run in the fields, to let thy hawks fly, and to exercise weapons, all these things we can deny thee, as to a young man, and thou being young, mayest rejoice thyself in all these. Thou oughtest also to have respect, that to ordain arms, invent wars, follow victories, accept truces, confirm peace raise bruits, to make laws, to promote the one, and put down the others, to punish the evil, and first to reward the good, the counsel of all these things ought to be taken of clear judgements, of persons, of experience, and of white heads. Thinkest thou not, that it is possible to pass the time with the young, and to counsel with the old? The wife and discreet Princes, for all things have time enough, if they know well how to measure it.  
Beware my son, that they note thee not to use great extremities: for the end and occasion why I speak it, is because thou shouldst know, if thou knowest not, that it is as undecent a thing for a Prince, under the colour of granitie, to be ruled and governed wholly by old men, as under semblance of pastime, always to accompany himself with the young: It is no general rule, that all young men are light, nor all old men sage: And thou must according to my advise, in such case use it thus: if any old 
All young men are not light, nor all old men sage.  man lose the gravity of his age, expulse him from thee: if thou find any young men sage, despise not their counsel: For the Bees do draw more honey out of the tender flowers, then of the hard leaves. I do not condemn the aged, nor I do commend the young; but it shall be well done, that always thou choose of both the most virtuous: For of truth there is no company in the World, so evil ordered, but that there is mean to live with it, without any suspicion: so that if the young are evil with folly, the old are worse through covetousness.  
Once again, I return to advertise thee (my son) that in no wise thou use extremity: for if thou believe none but young, they will corrupt thy manners with lightness, and if thou believe none but the old, they will deprave thy justice through covetousness, What thing can be more monstrous, then that the prince which commandeth all, should suffer him to be commanded of one alone? Believe me son, in this case that the governments of many, are seldom times governed well by the 
Princes that rule many, must take counsel of many.  head of one alone. The Prince which hath to rule and govern many, aught to take the advise and counsel of many. It is a great inconvenience, that thou being Lord of many Realms, shouldst have but one gate, wherein all do enter into to do their business with thee: For if perchance he which shall be thy familiar, be of his own nature good, and be not mine enemy: yet I would be afraid of him, because he is a friend of mine enemies. And though for hate they do me no evil, yet I am afraid that for the love of another, he will cease to do me good. I remember that in the Annalles of Pompeius, I found a little book of memories, which the great Pompeius bare about him, wherein were many things that he had read, and other good counsels, which in divers parts of the world he had learned: and among other words there were these: The Governor of the Commonwealth which committeth all the government to old men, deserveth very little, and he that trusteth all young, is light: He that governeth it by himself alone, is beyond himself: and he which by himself and others doth govern it, is a wise Prince,  
I know not whether these sentences are of the same Pompeius, or that he gathered them out of some book, or that any Philosopher had told him them, or some friend of his had given him them. I mean, that I had them written with his hands, and truly they 
Weighty affairs are to be dispatched by counsel.  deserved to be written in letters of gold. When thy affairs shall be weighty, see thou dispatch them always by counsel: For when the affairs be determined by the counsel of many, the fault shall be divided among them all. Thou shalt find it for a truth (my son) that if thou take counsel of many, the one will tell the inconvenience, the other the peril, other the fear, the other the damage, the other the profit, and the other, the remedy: finally, they will so debate thy affairs, that plainly thou shalt know the good, and see the danger thereof.  
I advertise thee (my son) that when thou takest counsel, thou behold with thy eyes the inconvenience, as well as the remedies which they shall offer unto thee: for the true counsel consisteth not, to tell what they ought to do, but to declare what thereof is like to succeed. When thou shalt enterprise (my son) great and weighty affairs, as much oughtest thou to regard the little damages for to cut them off in time, as the great mishaps to remedy them. For oftenttmes it chanceth, that for the negligence of taking up a gutter, the whole house falleth to the ground. Notwithstanding, I tell thee, thou take counsel, I mean not, that thou oughtest to be so curious, as for every trifle to call thy counsel: for there are many things of such quality, that they would be immediately put in execution: and they do endamage themselves, attending for counsel. That which by thine own authority thou mayest dispatch without the damage of the Commonwealth, refer it to no other person: and herein thou shalt be just, and shalt do justice conformable: for considering that thy service dependeth only of them, the reward which they ought to have, aught to depend only on thee.  
I remember that when Marius the Consul came from the wars of Numedia, he divided all the treasure he brought among his soldiers, not putting one jewel into the common Treasury. And when hereof he was accused, for that he had not demanded licence of the Senate: he answered them. It is not just I take counsel with others, for to give recompense to those, which have not taken the opinions of others to serve me.  
Thou shalt find my son, a kind of men, which are very hard of money, and exceeding prodigal of counsel. There are also divers lender's, which without demanding them, do offer to give it. With such like 
Whose counsel is to be refused.  men, thou shalt have this counsel, never look thou for good counsel at that man, whose counsel tendeth to the prejudice of another: for he offereth words to thy service, and traveleth thy business to his own profit. As the gods gave me long life, of these things have I had great experience, wherein I let thee know, that for the space of xv. years I was Consul, Senator, Censor, Praetor, Questor, Edil, and Tribune: and after all this, I have been 18. years Emperor of Rome, wherein all those which have spoken most against me, touched the profit or damage of another. The chief intention of those which follow the Courts of Princes, are to procure to augment their houses. And if they cannot come to that, they seek to diminish that of another, not for that any profit should follow unto them thereof, be it never so little: but because man's malice is of such condition, that it esteemeth the profit of another his own damage.  
They ought to have great compassion of the Prince, for the most that follow him, serve him not for that they love him, but for the gifts and rewards which they hope to have of him. And this seemeth to be true, for the day that Princes shall cease to give them, the self same day begin they for to hate him. So that such servants, we cannot call friends of our persons, but covetous of our goods. That thou love my son, the one above the other, thou mayest right well: but I advertise thee, that thou, nor they do make any semblance, in such sort that all do know it: for if thou dost otherwise, they will murmur at thee, & will all persecute thee.  
He incurreth into no small peril, nor hath no little trouble, which is above all of the Prince beloved, and of the people hated. For than he is hated and persecuted of all: and yet more damage ensueth unto him: of the enmity of all: then doth of the love of the Prince alone: for sometimes, the gods permitting it, and his behaviour deserving it, the prince doth cease to love him, and therewith his enemies begin to persecute him: From the time I knew what meaned to govern a Common weal, I have always determined, never to keep man in my house one day after I know him to be an enemy to the Commonwealth.  
In the year of the Foundation of Rome, 649. Lucius Lucullus the Senator going to the wars against Mythridates, by chance found a tablet of coppper, in the city called Trigane: the which was at the gate of the king of that Province. And on the same was engraven certain chaldean letters, the which in effect said these words:  
The Prince is not sage, who will put 
The marks of an undiscreet prince or ruler.  in hazard the state of his Commonwealth, for the only commodity of one alone: For the service of one, can not avail against the love of all.  
The Prince is not sage, that for to enrich one alone, seeketh to impoverish all: For it is a thing intolerable, that one do labour the fields, and the other do gather the fruit.  
The Prince is not just, which will satisfy the covetousness of one, more than the services of all: For there is mean to pay the services of the good, and there is no Riches to satisfy the covetousness of the evil. The prince is a fool that despiseth the counsel of all, and trusteth in the opinion of one. For though there be in a great Ship, but one pilot, yet it needeth many mariners. Bold is the Prince, which to love one only, willbe hated of all: For noble Princes ought to think it much profit, to be beloved, and much more displeasure to be hated. These were the words which were written in that tablet, worthy of eternal memory. And I will tell thee further in this case, that Lucullus the Senator sent on the one part that Tablet of copper, where these words were: & on the other part, the coffers wherein he had brought the riches, to the end the Senate should choose one, and leave the other. The Senate despising the riches and Treasours, chose the Tablet of counsels.   

CHAP. LVI. The Emperor followeth his matter, and exhorteth his Son unto certain particular things worthy to be engraved in the hearts of men.  
Until now I have spoken as a father to his Son, that which toucheth thy profit. Now I will tell thee what thou shalt do after my death, for my service. And if thou wilt be the true Son of thy Father, the things which I have loved in my life, shall be of thee esteemed after my death: Do not resemble many Children, which after their Fathers have closed their Eyes, do remember them no more. For in such case, though indeed the Fathers be dead and buried: yet they are always living, to complain to the Gods of their children.  
Though it seemeth not to be slanderous, yet it is more perilous to contend with the dead, then to injure the living. And the reason is for that the living may revenge, and are for to answer, 
It is more perilous to injure the dead then the living.  but the dead cannot make answer, and much less they can be revenged. And in such case the Gods do take their cause in protection: and sometimes they execute such cruel punishment of those that live, that rather than they would endure it, they wish to be dead.  
Thou oughtest to think (my Son) that I have begotten thee, I have nourished thee, I have taught thee, I have trimmed thee, I have chastised thee, and I have exalted thee.  
And for this only consideration, though by death I am absent: it is not reason that thou ever forget me: For the true, and not unthankful Child, ought the same day to bury his Father in his tender hart, when others have laid him in the hard grave. One of the visible chastisements 
The duty of a thankful child.  which the Gods give to men in this world is, that the children obey not their Fathers in their life: For the self same fathers did not remember their own fathers after their death. Let not young Princes think after they have inherited, after they see their Father dead, and after they are past correction of their Masters, that all things ought to be done as they themselves will it, for it will not be so: For they want the favour of the gods, and have malediction of their fathers: they live in trouble, & die in danger. I require nought else of thee, my son, but that such a father as I have been to thee in my life: such a son thou be to me after my death. I commend unto thee my son, the veneration of the Gods: and this chiefly above all things: for the Prince which maketh account of the gods, need not to fear any storm of fortune.  
Love the gods, and thou shalt be beloved. Serve them, and thou shalt be served: Fear them, and thou shalt be feared, honour them, and thou shalt be honoured, Do their commandments, and they will give thee thy hearts desire: for the gods are so good, that they do not only receive in account that which we do: but also that which we desire to do. I commend unto thee (my son) the reverence of the Temples, that is to say, that they be not in discord, that they be clean and renewed, that they offer therein the sacrifice accustomed: For we do not this honour, to the substance wherewith the Temples are made: but to the gods, to whom they are consecrated. I commend unto thee the veneration of Priests, & 
Ministers are to be honoured of all men.  I pray thee, though they be covetous, avaricious, dissolute, unpatient, negligent, and vicious: yet that they be not dishonoured: for to us others, it appertaineth, not to judge of the life they lead as men: but we must consider that they are mediators between the gods and us.  
Behold, my son, that to serve the Gods, honour the Temples, and reverence the Priests, it is not a thing voluntary, but very necessary for Princes: For so long endured the glory of the greeks, as they were worshippers of their goods, and careful of their temples. The unhappy realm of Carthage was nothing more cowardly, nor less rich, then that of the Romans, but in the end of the romans, they were overcome: because they were great lovers of their treasures, and little worshippers of their Temples. I commend unto thee (my son) Helia thy stepmother, and remember, though she be not thy mother, yet she hath been my wife. That which to thy mother Faustine thou oughtest for bringing thee into the world, the self same thou oughtest to Helia, for the good entertainment she hath showed thee. And indeed, oftentimes I being offended with thee, she maintained thee, and caused me to forget: so that she by her good words, did win again that, which thou by thy evil works didst lose. Thou shalt have my curse if thou usest her evil: and thou shalt 
A good admonition for children how to use their stepmothers.  fall into the ire of the Gods, if thou agreest that other do not use her well: For all the damage which she shall feel, shall not be, but for the inconvenience of my death, and injury of thy person: For her Dowry, I leave her the tributes of Hestia, and the Orchards of Vulcanus, which I have made to be planted for her recreation.  
Be thou not so hardy to take them from her: for in taking them from her, thou shalt show thy wickedness, and in leaving them her, thy obedience, and in giving her more, thy bounty and liberality. Remember (my son) that she is a Roman woman, young, and a widow, and of the house of trajan my Lord, & that she is thy mother adoptative, and my natural wife: and above all, for that I leave her recommended unto thee. I commend unto thee my sons in law, whom I will thou use as parents and friends. And beware, that thou be not of those which are brethren in words, and cousins in works: Be thou assured that I have willed so much good to my daughters, that the best which were in all the Countries, I have chosen for their persons. And they have been so good, that if in giving them my daughters, they were my sons in law: in love I loved them as children.  
I commend unto thee my sisters and daughters, whom I leave thee all married, not with strange Kings, but with natural Senators. So that all dwell in Rome where they may do thee services, and thou mayest give them rewards and gifts. Thy sisters have greatly inherited the beauty of thy mother Faustine: and have taken little nature of their Father Mark.  
But I swear unto thee that I have given them such husbands, and to their husbands, such and so profitable counsels, that they would rather lose their life then agree to any thing touching their dishonour.  
Use thy sisters in such fort that they be not out of favour, for that their aged Father is dead, and that they become not proud for to see their brother Emperor. Women are of a very tender condition: for of small occasion they do complain, and of 
Women are of a tender condition.  less they wax proud. Thou shalt keep them and preserve them after my death, as I did in my life: For otherwise, their conversation to the people shall be very noisome, and to thee very importunate. I commend unto thee, Lipula thy youngest sister, which is enclosed within the Virgin Vestals, who was daughter of thy mother Faustine, whom so dearly I have loved in life, and whose death I have bewailed until my death. Every year I gave to thy sister six thousand sexterces for her necessities: and endeavoured I had married her also, if she had not fallen into the fire, and burned her face. For, though she were my last, I loved her with all my heart. All have esteemed her fall into the fire for evil luck: but I do count that evil luck for good fortune. For her face was not so burned with coals as her rerenowne suffered peril among evil tongues.  
I swear unto thee (my son) that for the service of the gods, and for the renown of men: she is more sure in the temple with the Vestal Virgins, than thou art in the Senate with thy Senators. I suppose now that at the end of the journey she shall find herself better to be enclosed, than thou at liberty. I leave unto her in the province of Lucania, every year six thousand sexterces: travel to augment them for her, and not to diminish them. I commend unto thee Drusia the Roman widow, who hath a process in the Senate: For in the times of the commotions past her husband was banished, and proclaimed Traitor. I have great pity of so noble and worthy a widow: for it is now three months since she hath put up her complaint, & for the great wars I could not show her justice. Thou shalt find my son) that in 35. years I have governed in Rome, I never agreed that any widow should have any suit before me above eight days: Be careful to favour and dispatch the orphans and widows: for the needy widow, in what place soever they be, do incur into great danger. Not without cause I advertise thee, that thou travel to dispatch them so soon as thou mayest: and to administer justice unto them: for through the prolonging of beautiful women's suits, their honour and credit is diminished: so that their business being prolonged, they shall not recover so much of their goods as they shall lose of their renown. I commend unto thee (my son) my old servants, which with my young years, and my cruel wars, with my great necessities, with the cumbrance of my body, and my long disease, have had great trouble: and as faithful servants oftentimes to ease me, have annoyed themselves. It is convenient since I have profited of their life, that they should not lose by my death. Of one thing I assure thee, that though my body remain with the worms in the grave: yet before the gods I will remember them. And herein thou shalt show thyself to be a good child, when thou shalt recompense those which have served thy Father well.  
All Princes which shall do justice 
Princes that do justice, do get enemies in the execution thereof.  shall get enemies in the execution thereof. And sith it is done by the hands of those which are near him, the more familiar they are with the Prince, the more are they hated of the people: all in general do love justice but none do rejoice that they execute it in his house. And therefore after the Prince endeth his life, the people will take revenge of those which have been ministers thereof. It were great infamy to the Empire, offence to the gods, injury to me, unthankfulness to thee, having found the arms of my servants, ready eighteen years, that thy gates should be shut against them one day.  
Keep, keep these things (my son) in thy memory: and since particularly I do remember them at my death, consider how heartily I loved them in my life.   

CHAP. LVII. The good Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, endeth his purpose and life: And of the last words which he spoke to his son Commodus, and of the table of Counsels which he gave him.  
WHen the Emperor had ended his particular recommendations 
The Emperor here concludeth his speech, and endeth his life.  unto his son Commodus, as the dawning of the day began to appear: so his eyes began to close, his tongue to falter, and his hands to tremble, as it doth accustom to those, which are at the point of death. The Prince perceiving then little life to remain, commanded his Secretary Panutius to go to the coffers of his books, and to bring one of the coffers before his presence: out of the which he took a table of 3. foot of breadth, and 2. of length, the which was of Ebon, bordered all about, with Unicorn. And it was closed with 2. lids very fine, of red wood, which they call rasing, of a tree where the Phoenix (as they say) breedeth, which did grow in Arabia. And as there is but one only Phoenix, so in the world is there but one only tree of that sort. On the uttermost part of the Table, was graven the god jupiter, and on the other the goddess Venus: and in the other was drawn the god Mars, and the goddess Diana. In the uppermost part of the table, was carved a Bull, and in the nethermost part was drawn a King. And they said the painter of so famous and renowned a work, was called Apelles.  
The Emperor taking the Table in his hands, casting his eyes unto his Son, said these words: Thou seest my son, how from the turmoils of Fortune I have escaped, and how I into miserable destinies of death do enter, where by experience I shall know what shall be after this life.  
I mean not now to blaspheme the Gods, but to repent my sins. But I would willingly declare why the Gods have created us: since there is such trouble in life, and pain in death. Not understanding why the Gods have used so great cruelty with creatures. I see it now, in that after lxij. years, I have sailed in the danger and peril of this life: now they command me to land, and harbour in the grave of death.  
Now approacheth the hour wherein the band of Matrimony is loosed, the thread of Life untwined, the key 
Death altereth all things.  doth lock, the sleep is wakened, my life doth end, and I go out of this troublesome pain.  
Remembering me of that I have done in my life, I desire no more to live: but for that I know not whether I am carried by death. I fear and refuse his darts. Alas what shall I do, since the Gods tell me not what I shall do? What counsel shall I take of any man, since no man will accompany me in this journey?  
Oh what great deceit? Oh what manifest blindness is this, to love one thing all the days of our life, and to carry nothing with us after our death?  
Because I desired to be rich, they let me die poor: Because I desired to live with company, they let me die alone. For such shortness of life, I know not what he is, that will have a house: since the narrow grave is our certain mansion place? Believe me my son, that many things past do grieve me sore: but with nothing so much I am troubled, as to come so late to the knowledge of this life: For if I could perfectly believe this, neither should men have cause to reprove me, neither yet I now such occasion to lament me  
Oh how certain a thing is it, that men when they come to the point of death, do promise the Gods, that if they prerogue their death, they will amend their life? but notwithstanding: I am sorry that we see them delivered from death, without any manner of amendment of life.  
They have obtained that, which of the Gods they have desired: and have not performed that which they have prornised. They ought assuredly to think, that in the sweetest time of their life, they shall be constrained to 
Deferring of the punishment is not the pardoning of the fault.  accept death. For, admit that the punishment of ingrate persons be deferred: yet therefore the fault is not pardoned.  
Be thou assured (my Son) that I have seen enough, heard, self, tasted, desired, possessed, eaten, slept, spoken, and also lived enough. For, vices give as great troubles to those which follow them much: as they do great desire to those which never proved them. I confess to the immortal Gods, that I have no desire to live: yet I ensure thee, I would not die. For, life is so troublesome that it wearyeth us: and Death is so doubtful, that it feareth us. If the Gods deferred my death, I doubt whether I should reform my life? And if I do not amend my life, nor serve the gods better, nor profit the commonwealth more: and if that every time I am sick, it should grieve me to die: I say it is much better for me now to accept death, then to wish the lengthening of my life. I say the life is so troublesome, so fickle, so suspicious, so vucertaine, and so importunate. Finally I say, it is a life without life: that he is an obstinate fool, which so much desireth it. Come that that may come: for finally, notwithstanding that I have spoken, I willingly commit self into the hands of the gods, since of necessity I am thereunto constrained: For it proceedeth not of a little wisdom, to receive that willingly, which to do we are constrained of necessity.  
I will not recommend myself to the Priests, nor cause the Oracles to be visited, nor promise any thing to the temples, nor offer sacrifices to the gods, to the end they should warrant me from death, and restore me to life: but I will demand and require them, that if they have created 
The wisdom of God in disposing his gifts.  me for any good thing, I may not lose it for my evil life. So wise and sage are the gods in that they say, so just & true in that they promise, that if they give us not that which we others would: it is not for that they will not, but because we deserve it not: for we are so evil, and worth so little, and we may do so little, that for many good works we deserve no merit, and yet with and evil work we be made unworthy of all: Since therefore I have put myself into the hands of the gods, let them do with me what they will for their service for in the end, the worst that they will do, is much better than the world will do: For all that the world hath given me, hath been but mockery and deceit: but that which the gods have given me, I have governed and possessed without snspition: For this last hour (my son) I have kept the best, the most noble, and richest jewel that I have possessed in my life time, and I do protest unto the immortal gods, that if as they do command me to die, they would give me lieence to read in the grave, I would command it to be buried with me.  
Thou shalt know my son, that in in the tenth year of my Empire, a great war arose against the unruly people of Persia, where by evil luck it was appointed for me, in person to give the battle: the which won, and all their Country destroyed, I returned by the old City of Thebes in Egypt, to see if I could find any antiquity of those in times past. In the house of an Egyptian Priest, I found a little table which they hanged at the gate of the kings palace the day of his Coronation.  
And this poor Priest told me, that that which was in his table, was written by a king of Egypt, named Ptholomeus Arasides. I beseech the immortal god, my son, that such be thy works, as the words of this table require. As Emperor, I leave thee heir of many Realms: and as a father I give thee this Table of Counsels.  
The words which the Fathers do teach unto the children at the last hour, the children ought to keep continually in their memory. Let this therefore be my last word, with the Empire thou shalt be feared through out all the World: and with the counsels of this Table thou shalt be loved of all Nations.  
This talk being ended, and the table given, the Emperor turned his eyes, lost his senses, and for the space of a quarter of an hour, lay languishing in extreme pain, and within a while after yielded up the Ghost. In this table were certain Greek Letters which were in meeter, and in our tongue signify thus.  

A Table left by the Emperor Marcus Aurelius to his Son Commodus.  

ONn Honour's stall, I do no Tyrant heave, 
A Table of good counsel.   
Nor yet the poor suppress, if he were tust:  
For riches rule I nould to pardon cleave,  
For want of wealth, nor follow rigours lust.   

For naked love I never spent reward  
Nor would correct for only envies heat  
Of virtues imps I always had regard,  
And mischiefs mates have plagued with torment great.   

To others doom I never would commit  
Of open right the quarrel to decide,  
Ne yet of doubtful strifes in trust of wit,  
The final end alone I would divide,   

To them that sought for justice equal sway,  
Her golden rule I never would deny,  
Ne yet to such, for whom desert would lay,  
Their slender faults might well be slipped by.   

To feel the grief that waved in my mind  
With others smart I never could sustain,  
Nor yet rewards my princely words would bind,  
When sweet delight had chiefest joy to rain.   

In high estate when most blind for tune smiled,  
A reckless life, I restless ran not on,  
Nor yet when change these happy days beguiled,  
To cold despair my quiet mind was gone.   

By boiling heat of malice endless fire,  
To vices train I cast no eager eye,  
Ne yet for lust of pining wealths desire,  
Unlawful facts I reckless would apply.   

The traitorous breast I never could embrace.  
Nor lend mine ears to swallow flattering talk:  
Of vices slaves I weighed not the grace,  
Nor left unsought good will in virtues walk.   

Poor Irus band for that I did relieve,  
Whose needy state doth stop in Croesus' sway,  
The greatest gods whose heavenly wrack doth grieve,  
The proudest crowns was aye my present state.     
The end of the third Book.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE DIAL OF PRINCES, COMPILED By the Right Reverend Father in God, ANTONY of Guevara, Bishop of Mondogueto, Preacher, Chronicler, and Councillor to CHARLES the fifth, Emperor of ROME.  
Containing many Instructions and Rules for the favoured of the Court, being once in favour, easily to keep and continue themselves in favour still. Very necessary and profitable for all Princes and Noble men, and Gentlemen Courtiers, that seek to continue themselves in honour and estimation.  
LONDON, Imprinted by Bernard Alsop. 1619.   

THE EPISTLE TO THE READER,  
WHat detracting tongues report of me, and my first travel in the translation of this Dial, enlarging them at pleasure to work my defame disabling my doing herein, by brute it was no work of mine, but the fruit of others labour: I need not much force, since by daily proof we see, that ill disposed minds can never frame an honest tongue of head. For my object and reproof of this their slanderous and malignant speech: I can allege (courteous Reader) two principal causes, which thou reading, & judging with indifferency, mayest easily approve, if I should seem to gloze with thee. First the baseness of my Style, the plain & humble words couched in the same, the mean, rude, and ill contrived sentences laid before thee, together with the simple handling of the whole, plainly showeth to thee whence they are, and easily acquainteth thee with the curious Translator: Who protesteth to God, and confesseth to the world, that he more rashly then wisely plunged himself into so grave and deep a matter, and whose young years and unskilful head, might both then and now have excused his fond enterprises herein.  
For the second, and last, I must needs appeal to all the worshipful, and my bebeloved companions, and fellow students of our house of Lincoln's Inn at that time, from whence my poor English Dial took his light.  
To whose just and true reports (for thy undoubted satisfaction and discharge of my poor honesty) I refer thee, and wholly yield me.  
These recited causes for purgation of my suspected fame, as also for established assurance of the like, and thy further doubt of me hereafter.  
I thought good, Gentle Reader, to denounce unto thee. I might well have spared this second and last labour of mine, taken, in the rformation and correction of this Dial, enlarging myself further once again, with the translation of the late and new come favoured Courtier, and which I found annexed to the Dial for the 4. and last book, If my proceeding travel taken in the setting forth of the first three books, and the respect of mine honesty in accomplishing of the same had not incited me (unwillingly) to continue my first begun attempt, to bring the same to his perfect and desired end, which whole work is now complete by this last book, entitled, the favoured Courtier, which first & last volume wholly as it lieth, I prostrate to the judgement of the grave and wise Reader, subjecting myself and it, to the reformation and correction of his learned head, whom I beseech to judge of me with favour and equity, and not with malice to persecute my fame and honest intent, having for thy benefit, to my little skill and knowledge employed my simple talon, craving no other guerdon of thee but thy good report, and courteous acceptance hereof.  
Which doing thou shalt make me double bound to thee. First to be thankful for thy good will. Secondly, to be considerate how hereafter I take upon me so great a charge.  
Thirdly, thou shalt encourage me to increase my talon.  
Fourthly, and lastly, most freely to bestow the increase thereof on thee, and for the benefit of my Country and Commonwealth, whereunto duty bindeth me: Observing the sage and prudent saying of the renowned Orator and famous Cicero: with which I end, and there to leave thee.  
Non nobis solum natisumus, ortusque nostri partem patria vendicat, partem parents, partem amici.  
In defence and preservation whereof (good Reader) we ought not alone to employ our whole wits and able senses, but necessity enforcing us, to sacrifice ourselves also for benefit thereof.  
Thine that accepteth me. T. N.   

THE PROLOGUE OF THIS PRESENT WORK Showeth what one true friend ought to do for an other: Addressed to the Right Honourable the Lord Frances Cenos, great Commander of LYON.  
THe famous Philosopher Plato besought of all his Disciples to tell them, why he iournyed so oft from Athens to Scicile, being the way he traveled (indeed) very long, and the sea he passed very dangerous: answered them thus. The cause that moves me to go from Athens to Scicile, is only to see Photion, a man just in all that he doth, and wise in all that he speaketh: and because he is my very friend, and enemy of Denys, I go also willingly to him, to aid him in that I may, and to counsel him in all that I know: and told them further.  
I let you understand my Disciples, that a good Philosopher, to visit and help his friend, and to accompany with a good man, should think the journey short, and no whit painful, though he should sulk the whole seas 
The painful journey the Philosopher's book to vi●●t good ●en.  and pace the compass of the earth. Appolonius Thianeus departed from Rome, went through all Asia, sailed over the great flood Nile, endured the bitter cold of Mount Caucasus, suffered the parching heat of the mountains Riphei, passed the land of Nassagera, entered into the great India: and this long pilgrimage took he upon him, in no other respect, but to see Hyarcus the Philosopher, his great & old friend.  
Agesilaus also among the greeks accounted a worthy Captain understanding that the King Hicarius had another Captain (his very friend) Captive: leaving all his own affairs apart, traveling through divers Countries, went to the place, wheat he was, and arrived there, presented himself unto the King, and said thus unto him.  
I humbly beseech thee, O puissant King, that thou vouchsafe to pardon Minotus my sole and only friend, and thy subject now: for what thou shalt do to him, make thy account thou hast done it to me: For in deed thou canst never alone punish his body, but thou shalt therewith also crucify my heart.  
King Herod after Augustus had overcome Mark Antony, came to Rome, and laying his Crown at the Imperial foot, with stout courage spoke these words unto him. Know thou, mighty Augustus, if thou knowest it not, that if Mark Antony had believed me, and not his accursed love Cleopatra, thou shouldest then have proved how bitter an enemy I would have been to thee, and he have found how true a friend I was, and yet am to him. But he, as a man rather given over to the rule of a woman's will, then guided by reason's skill, took of me but money only, and of Cleopatra coonsell.  
And proceeding further, said, Lo here my kingdom, my person, and royal crown laid at thy princely feet, all which I freely offer to thee, to dispose of at thy will and pleasure, pleasing thee so to accept it, but yet with this condition (Inuict Augustus) that thou command me not to hear, nor speak ill of Mark Antony my Lord and friend, yea, although he were now dead. For know thou, sacred Prince, that true friends neither for death ought to be had in oblivion, nor for absence to be forsaken.  
julius Caesar last Dictator and first Emperor of Rome, did so entirely love Cornelins Fabatus the Consul, that traveling together through the Alps of France, and being benighted, 
The properties of a true friend.  far from any town or harbour, save that only of a hollow cave, which happily they lighted on: And Cornelius the Consul, even than not well at ease, julius Caesar left him the whole cave, to the end he might be more at rest, and he himself lay abroad in the cold and snow.  
By these godly examples we have recited, and by divers others we could recite, may be considered, what faithful friendship ought to be betwixt true and perfect friends, & into how many dangers one friend ought to put himself for another: for it is not enough, that one friend be sorry for the troubles of another, but he is bound (if need were) to go and die joyfully with him.  
He only, deservedly, may be counted a true friend, that unasked, and before he be called, goeth with his goods and person to help and relieve his friend. But in this our iron age, alas, there is no such kind of amity, as that we have spoken of. More than this, that there is no friend will part with any thing of his to relieve his friend, much less that taketh care to favour him in his troubles: but if there be any such that will help his friend, it is even then when time serveth rather to pity and lament him, then to aid or succour him.  
It is a thing worth the knowledge, that to make a true and perpetual friendship, we may not offer to many persons, but according to Seneca, his saying, who saith: My friend Lucillus, I counsel thee that thou be a true friend to one alone, and enemy to none: for numbers of friends brings great encumbrance, which seemeth somewhat to diminish friendship: For who that considereth the liberty of the heart, it is unpossible that one should frame and agree with the conditions of many, & much less that many should content them with the desires and affections of one.  
Tully and Sallust were two famous Orators amongst the Romans, and great enemies between themselves, and during this emulation between them. Tully had purchased all the Senators friendship, and Sallust only had no other friend in all Rome, but Mark Antony alone,  
And so these two great Orators being one day at words together: Tully in great anger said to Sallust: What force or power art thou of, or what evil canst thou do or attempt against me? sith thou knowest that in all Rome thou hast but one only friend, Mark Antony, and I no enemy but one, and that is he? To whom Sallust answered:  
Thou gloriest (O Tully) that thou hast no more but one only enemy, and afterwards jests at me, that I have no more Friends but only me: but I hope in the immortal Gods, that this only Enemy thou hast, shall be able enough utterly to undo thee: and this my sole Friend that I have, shall be sufficient to protect and defend me in all my causes.  
And shortly after these words passed between tham, Mark Anthony showed the friendship he bore to the one, and the enmity he had to the other. For, he caused Tully to be put to death, and raised Sallust to great honour.  
A Friend may well impart to the other, all his own, as bread, wine, money, time, conversation, and such like, but he cannot notwithstanding give him part of his heart: for that suffereth it not to be parted nor divided, because it can be given but to one alone.  
This granted to be true, as needs it must, doubtless that the heart cannot be divided, but only given to one: then is it of necessity, that he that will seek to have many Friends, must needs repair to the shambles to provide him of many hearts.  
Many vaunt themselves, and think it a glory to have numbers of friends, but let such well consider to what use that legendary of Friends do serve them, they shall then easily find they stand them in no oeher steed, but to eat, to drink, to walk, to babble, and to murmur togethers, and not one to help the other, with their goods, favour, and credit at their need, nor friendly to reprove them of their faults and vices, which doubtless ought not to be so.  
For, where true and perfect friendship reigneth, neither I with my friend, nor he with me should dissemble any vice of fault.  
ovid saith in his book De Arte amandi, that the law of true and unfeigned Love is so straight, that no friendship but mine in thy heart should harbour: and in mine should lodge none others love but thine, for love is none 
What Love is.  other thing, But one heart, livining in two bodies, and two bodies obeying in one heart.  
In this World there is no treasure comparable to a true and sure Friend, sith to a faithful▪ Friend a man may safely discover the secrets of his heart, bewray unto him his griping griefs, trusting him with his honour, committing to his guide and custody all his goods, he shall succour him in his misery, counsel him in peril, rejoice at his prosperity, and mourn at his adversity: And in fine I conclude, such a friend never wearyeth to serve him in his life, nor to lament him after his death.  
I grant that Gold and Silver is good, Kinsfolks are good, and Money is good: but true friends exceed them all without comparison.  
For all these things cannot warrant us from necessity (if sinister Fortune plunge us into it) but rather increase our torments and extremity. Also they do not rejoice us, but rather heap further griefs upon us: neither do they succour us, but rather each hour give us cause to complain, and much less do they remember and advise us of that that is good, but still do deceive us, not directing us the right way, but still bringing us out of our way: and when they have led us awry out of the Highway, they bring us into Desert woods, and high, and dangerous mountains, whence from we must fall down headlong.  
A true friend is no partaker of these conditions, but rather he is sorry for the least trouble that happeneth to his friend, he feareth not, neither spareth his goods, nor the danger of his person, he careth not to take upon him any painful journey, quarrels, or suits, nor yet to put his life in every hazard of death.  
And yet that that is most of all to be esteemed is, that like as the heart and bowels ever burn with pure and sincere love, so doth he wish and desire with gladsome mind to bear the burden of all his friends mishaps, yea more than yet is spoken of.  
Alexander the Great, offered great presents to the Philosopher Zenocrates, who would not vouchsafe to receive them, much less to behold them. And being demanded of Alexander, why he would not receive them, having poor kinsfolks and parents to bestow them on: he answered him thus.  
Truly, I have both brothers and sisters (O Alexander) yet I have no kinsman but him that is my friend, and one only friend I have, who hath no need of 
A remarkable saying of Zenocrates,  any gifts to be given him. For the only cause why I chose him to be my sole and only friend, was for that I ever saw him spise these worldly things.  
Truly the sentence of this good Philosopher Zenocrates is of no small efficacy for him that will advisedly consider of it, sith that not seldom, but many times it happeneth, that the great troubles, the sundry dangers, & the continual necessities and miseries we suffer in this vale of misery, have for the most part proceeded from our parents, and afterwards by our friends have been mediated and redressed. Therefore since we have thought it good and necessary to choose a friend, and that he be but one only, each man must be wise, lest in such choice he be deceived. For oft times it happeneth, that those that take little regard herein, grant their friendship to such a one as is too covetous impatient, a great babbler, seditious, and presumptuous, and of such conditions that sometimes it should be less evil for us to have him our enemy, then to account of him as of our dear friend.  
Him whom we will choose for our faithful friend, amongst other manners and conditions, he must chiefly, and before all be endued with these, 
Great eat is to be had in choosing a friend.  that he be courteous of nature, fair spoken, hard and stout to endure pain, patient in troubles, sober in diet, moderate in his words, grave and ripe in his counsels, and above all steadfast in friendship, and faithful in secrets: And whom we shall find with these laudable virtues and conditions adorned, him may we safely take and accept for our friend. But if we see any of these parts wanting in him, we ought to shun him, as from the plague knowing for certainty, that the friendship of a feigned and fantastical friend is much worse and perilous, than the enmity of a known and open enemy: for to the hands of one we commit our heart and faith, and from the deceits and treasons of the other we defend ourselves with our whole force and power.  
Seneca writing to his dear and faithful friend Lucillus sayeth unto him. I pray thee (O Lucillus) that thou order and determine thine affairs by the advice and counsel of thy friend, but also I do remember thee: that first thou see well what manner of friend thou hast chosen thee: for there is no merchandise in the world this day, that men are so soon beguiled in, as they are in the choice of friends. Therefore the grave sentence of Seneca wisely weighed, we should assent with him in opinion, that sith no man buyeth a Horse, but he first causeth him to be ridden, nor bread, but first he seeth and handleth it, nor wine but he tasteth it, nor flesh but first he weigheth it, nor corn but he seeth a sample, nor house but he doth first value it, nor Instrument but that first he playeth on it, and judgeth of his sound: It is but reason he should be so much the more circumspect before he choose his Friend to examine his life and condition, since all the other things we have spoken of, may be put in divers houses and corners, but our Friend we lodge and keep dearly in our proper be wells.  
Those that write of the Emperor Augustus say, that he was very strange and scrupulous in accepting Friends, but after he had once received them into his friendship, he was very constant and circumspect to keep them. For he never had any friend, but first he had some proof and trial of him, neither would he ever after forsake him, for any displeasure done to him. Therefore it should always be so, that true friends should bear one to an other such love and affection, that the one being in prosperity, should not have occasion to complain of himself, in that he did not relieve his friend's necessity, being in adversity: nor the other being poor and needy, should grudge or lament for that his friend being rich and wealthy, would not succour him, with all that he might have done for him. For to say the truth, where perfect friendship is, there ought no excuse to be made, to do what possible is, the one for the other.  
The friendship of young men cometh commonly (or for the most part at the least) by being companions in vice and folly: and such of right ought rather to be called vacabonds, than once to deserve the name of true friends. For, that cannot be called true friendship, that is continued to the prejudice or derogation of virtue.  
Seneca writing again to Lucillus, saith these words. I would not have thee think, nor once mistrust, O my Lucillus, that in all the Roman Empire I have any greater Friend than thuo: but with all, assure thyself, that our Friendship is not so strait between us, that I would take upon me at any time to do for thee otherwise then honesty should lead me.  
For though that love I bear thee, 
The saying of Seneca, touching friendship.  hath made thee Lord of my liberty: yet reason also hath left me virtue free.  

The Author proceedeth on.  
Applying that we have spoken, to that we will now declare, I say I will not acknowledge myself your servant, for so should I be compelled to fear you more than love you: much less will I vaunt myself to be your Kinsman: for so I should importune and displease you: and I will not brag that heretofore we have been of familiar acquaintance, for that I would not make any demonstration, I made so little account of you, and less than I am bound to do: neither will I boast myself that I am at this present your familiar and well-beloved: For indeed I should then show myself to be too bold and arrogant: but that, that I will confess, shall be, that I love you as a Friend, and you me as a Kinsman, albeit this friendship hath succeeded diversly till now. For you being Noble as you are, have bountifully showed your friendship to me, in large and ample gifts: but I poor, and of base estate, have only made you sure of mine in words.  
Plutarch in his politics said: That it were far better to fallen to our friends our works and good deeds, whether they were (in prosperity, adversity, or necessity) then to feed them with vain Flattering words for nothing:  
Yet it is not so general a rule, but that sometimes it happeneth, that the lofty and high words on the one side are so profitable, and the works so few and feeble, on the other side, that one shall be better pleased and delighted, with hearing the sweet and courteous words of the one, than he shall be, to be served with the cold service and works of the other, of small profit and value.  
plutarch also in his book De animalibus telleth us: that Denis the Tyrant being one day at the Table, reasoning of divers and sundry matters with Chrysippus the Philosopher, it chanced, that as he was at dinner, one brought him a present of certain Sugar-cakes: wherefore Chrysippus ceasing his former discourse, fell to persuade Denis to fall to his cakes. To whom Denis answered, on with your matter Chrysippus, and leave not off so: For my heart is better contented with thy sweet and sugared words, than my Tongue is pleased with the delicate taste of these mountain-cakes. For as thou knowest, these cakes are heavy of digestion, and do greatly annoy the stomach: but good 
Good works do marvelously cheer the heart.  works do marvelously rejoice and comfort the heart.  
For this cause Alexander the great had the poet Homer in greater veneration (being dead) than all the other that were alive in his time: not for that Homer ever did him service, or that he knew him, but only because of his learned Books he wrote and compiled: and for the grave sentences he found therein. And therefore he bore about him in the day time the book of the famous deeds of Troy, (called the Illyades) hanged at his neck within his bosom: and in the night he laid it under his bolster, at his beds-head where he slept.  
In recompense therefore (Sir) of the many good turns I have received at your hands, I was also willing to compile and dedicate this my little Treatise to you, the which I present you with all my desires, my studies, my watches, my sweat, and my troubles, holding myself fully satisfied for all the pains I have taken, so that this my simple travel be grateful unto you (to whom I offer it) and to the public weal profitable. Being well assured, if it please you to trust me and credit my writing, you shall manifestly know how freely I spoke to you, and like a friend, and not deceive you as a flatterer.  
For, if the beloved and Favourites of Princes, chance to be cast out of favour, it is because every man flattereth him, and seeketh to please him, and no man goeth about to tell him truth: nor that, that is for his honour, and fittest for him.  
Sallust in his book of the wars of jugurtha saith: that the high heroical facts and deeds were of no less glory to the Historiographers that wrote them, than they were to the captain that did them.  
For it happeneth many times, that the Captain dying in the battle he hath won, liveth afterwards notwithstanding, by the Fame of his noble attempt: And this proceedeth not only of the valiant deeds of Arms he was seen do, but also for that we read of him in worthy Authors which have written thereof.  
We may well say therefore (touching this matter) that as well may we take him for a true friend, that giveth good counsel, as he which doth us great pleasure and service. For according to the opinion of the good Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who who said to his Secretary Panutius, that a man with one pay, may make full satisfaction and recompense of many pleasures and good turns showed: but to requite a good counsel, divers thanks, and infinite services are requisite.  
If we will credit the ancient Historiographers, we shall find it true, that the most Noblest and virtuous Emperors, the fortunate Kings, and the valiant Captains, when they should enterprise to go conquer their enemies, either they sought for some Philosopher, or they chose some other honest learned man, of whom they took counsel touching all their affairs, before they priest any Soldiers.  
Comparing the times past, with 
The times past better than the times present.  the times present, we think (that have read somewhat) that the time past was as pure grain, and this now as chaff and straw: that one as the time calm, and still in the sea, and this as wavering and tempestuous: that then the fine and pure mertal, and this now the dross thereof. The other, the marry, and this the bones: the one the clear day, and the other the dark night. For in these days, in Prince's Courts, and noble men's houses, they glory more to have a scoffing knave or jester to make them laugh, than they reckon of a grave and wise man to give them counsel.  
Alexander the Great in all his wars would always be accompanied with the wise Aristotle.  
Cyrus' King of Persia, with the Philosopher Chilo: King Ptolemy, with Pithinns the Philosopher: Pyrrhus King of Epire, with Zatirus, Augustus the Emperor with Simonides: Scipio the African with Sophocles, trajan the Emperor with Plutarch, and Antoninus the Emperor with Gorgias: Now all these famous Princes carried not with them so many learned Philosophers, to fight in battle with armed weapon in hand like other their Soldiers, but only to use their counsel and advise: so that the great battles they overthrew, and the worthy victories they won, with the noble triumphs done, was as much by the grave counsel of these good and wise Philosophers, as by the force of their army, and prows of their captains.  
The greatest good turn and benefit one friend can do for another, is to know to give good counsel to his friend in his greatest need: and not without cause, I say, to give counsel: For it happeneth oft times, that those that thought to have given us good remedy by their counsel, (wanting indeed discretion & judgement in the same) have caused us to run into further dangers.  
And therefore Seneca being once demanded of the Emperor Nero, what he thought of Scipio the African, and Cato the Censor, answered him in this manner.  
I think it was as necessary that Cato was borne for the Commonwealth, as Scipio for the wars, for the good Cato with his prudent counsel expelled vice out of the Weal-public: and the other with his noble courage and great armies did ever withstand the force of the enemies:  
According to the saying of Seneca, let us also say after him, that he is very arrogant that presumes to give an other counsel; but withal, we say again, that if the counsel be found good, he hath given to his friend in his need and necessity, as much praise deserveth he that gave it, as he that knew how to take it.  
Now after the example of the ancient Philosophers, which went to the wars, not to fight, but only to give counsel, I will (sir) for those things that pertain to your service, and profit, take upon me the office of a Philosopher; and for the first doctrine of my Philosophy, I say, that if it please you, to receive these counsels which my pen doth write unto you, at this present. I promise you, & by the faith of a Christian man, I swear, that they shall be such excellent helps to you, for the preservation of your credit and favour you are now in, as you may be enriched by the true and diligent service of your servants For if a man would with an oath ask the truth of Plato, Socrates, Pythagoras, Diogenes, Lycurgus, Chilo, Pittachus, and of Apolonius: and also of all the university and company of the other Philosophers, they would swear and affirm, that the felicity of man consisteth not in great might, in great authority, and possessions: but only in deserving much: For the honour, favour, and dignities of this mortal life, are more to be praised, and had in veneration, when they are placed in a condign & worthy person, than they are being possessed of an unworthy and graceless man, allotted to him, not by virtue, but by fortune: And therefore your authority being great at this present, exalted thereto by God's divine will and providence, and now in the highest degree of prosperity: I would wish you, my good Lord, less than any other Courtier, to trust to fortune's empery: For if the earthquakes sooner bring to ground the proud and stately palaces, than the mean and low houses: if ofter fall the highest mountains, the dreadful lightnings, and tempests, then on the lowest hills: if among the greater multitude of people the plagues be rifer, then amongst the fewer number: if they use rather to spread their nets, and lay the birdlime on the green and thickest bows then on the dry and withered sticks: to snare the silly birds withal: If always the stillest seas do foreshow to us a greater tempest following, and if that long health be a watch unto a great and dangerous sickness ensuing: by this also I will infer, that those that are achieved to sublime estate, and high degree, are commonly more subject to fall, than those of meaner & base sot.  
The Emperor Augustus on a time demanded of the Poet Virgil, that he would teach him how he might conserve himself in the Empire, and always be acceptable to the public 
A question demanded by the Emperor Augustus of Virgil, and his answer.  weal.  
To whom Virgil answered. I I think, O mighty Caesar, that to reign long in the Empire, thou must considerately look into thyself, examining thy life and doings: and how much thou shalt see thyself excel, and exceed all those (of thy Empire) in dignity: So much more must thou endeavour thyself to surmount all others in virtue and worthiness: for he is unworthy to rule a multitude, that is not chief himself in all virtues.  
Those therefore that in Court of Princes bear office and authority, ought earnestly to desire and endeavour themselves to avoid the filthy sink of vice, and to seek the clear Spring of virtue: For otherwise, they shall be more defamed for one vice or defect found in them, then honoured for their office and authority they have.   

The Author concludeth.  
According to the saying of the Poet Virgil to the Emperor Augustus, I am also of opinion (my Lord) that you ought to be very circumspect, and well advised, in looking into yourself who you are, what power you are of, what you are worth, and what you possess: and doing thus, you shall find that among your wise counsellors you are the greatest, among the rich, among the best esteemed, among the most fortunate, among your Secretaries, among the Rulers, amongst all those of your Realm and Subjects, you are ever the greatest. And therefore as you are greatest, and supreme above them all: so you ought the more to force to be the most virtuous of them all: For else it were against all reason, being the greatest, to be the least, and most inferior of all: For truly none ought to be praised for good, for that he is of power, force, possessions, wealth, much worth, in favour of dignity, neither for any nobility that is in him, if these natural gifts be not accompanied with virtue and good works.  
The ancient Historiographers do highly commend the greatness of Alexander, the knowledge of Ptolemy, the justice of Numa Pompilius, the clemency of julius Caesar, the patience of Augustus, the truth of trajan, the pity of Anteninus, the temperancy of Constantius, the continency of Scipio, and the humanity of Theodosius: so that we may say these so great and noble Princes have won more honour by their virtues, than they have achieved by triumphant victories: albeit a man be never so dishonest, vicious 
Sin is not so pleasaot in the committing, as it is likesome in the remembrance  and lascivious, and that he be rooted in all idleness; let us say and avouch it for a truth, that it is impossible (if he may return to look back on himself, and that he may call to mind what manner of man he hath been, what he is at this present, and to what end he may come) but that the remembrance of his forepast faults and deeds should be more grievous and irksome to him, than the great delight his body should take of the present pleasures: for neither the worms in the vines, nor the Locusts in the corn, nor the moths in the garments, nor the little worms in the wood are so hurtful and damageable, as sins are of power to make a man sorrowful. For to say truly, the pleasure we receive when we commit them is not so great, as is the displeasure we feee after we remember them. The which I considering my Lord, it causeth me to look over my old memorial, to examine my memory, to strengthen my judgement, and to seek a new kind of study, to no other end, but to find out sweet words, divers doctrines, and strange histories, by means whereof I might withdraw you from vain and worldly delights, to cause you to walk in the right path, and to affect things virtuous and honest, though I have always known them as acceptable to you, as they have been familiar: for Prince's servants, the more they are busied with affairs, the less they know themselves.  
And therefore great pain suffereth he, and with over venomous poison is he infected, that with others and for other occupieth all his time, & for his own soul's health cannot spare a moment of time. O what comfort and quiet were it unto my heart, if it were assured it had taken the right way in the doctrine which I write to you, and that I had not erred in the counsels I give you: so that in reading my book you might acquire profit thereby, and I of my travel therein reap my full contentation. And to the end, my Lord, we may better express the matter, search the wound, and stop the veins, that we may leave no part uncured, or dregs of infection.  
If hitherto I have used plainness, I will now speak more plainly unto you, and yet as one friend useth to another. And therefore may it please you to accept these small written preposes in this book, among all the residue, proceeding from the hands of one that rather desireth the health of your soul, than the gain and satisfaction of your affects and desires.   

All you that be Prince's familiars, and beloved Courtiers, observe and retain with you these few precepts and counsels.  
MY Lord, never tell to any, all that you think. Show not all that you have, neither take all that you desire: Tell not all that you know 
Good counsel for all men, especially for Courtiets.  Much less never do all that you may: For the right path way to bring the favoured Courtier into his Prince's disgrace, is to be addicted to his sensual appetites, and vain humours and not to be guided with reason & discretion.  
2 Beware also you trust not, nor commit to the hazard of fortune's ticklenes, such things, as touch and concern your person, honour, goods and consciences: For the wise Courtier that liveth in his Prince's grace, will not rashly put himself in danger, in hope to save himself harmless, at all times when he listeth.  
3 Although every man offer his service to you, and seem to be at your commandment when you shall need him: yet I tell you (sir) I would not wish you had either need of them, or of me: For many of those fine and curious Courtiers, which are the first that offer themselves to draw on your side, and to stand by, if need be, are commonly at the very pinch, the first and readiest to throw stones at our faces.  
4 In other men's matters busy not yourself too much: and in your own, strive not with time, but take leisure: For living after this rule, you shall long keep yourself in the good and quiet estate you are in, and otherwise some inconvenience might lightly fall upon you, that should make you remember what you were wont to be.  
5 The imminent peril and danger those are in, which are mounted to the top of some high thing, or to the cliff of some high and rocky mountain, where they have no other way to descend, but to fall, is much like to that of the familiars of Princes. And therefore, my Lord, I would wish you would procure you, such faithful friends about you, that they having regard and care of your person, should always hold you by the gown for falling. And not such as after they had let you fall, would then lend you their hands to help you up again.  
6 Albeit the things of the soul should be preferted before all others of this worldly life, yet nevertheless I will be content, so that you have as great care & consideration of your conscience, as you have of your honour  
All which I was willing to tell you sir, to the end you may better understand, that those that are in estimation with the Prince, though they may benefit by time, in taking their time, yet time doth never benefit by them at all.  
You must ever do good to your uttermost power, and never do displeasure to any, though it lie in your power, and that you have just cause.  
For the tears of the poor that are injuried, and the lamentable cries and plaints of the oppressed, may possibly one day ascend to the presence of the Tribunal Seat, where God shall sit in his Majesty, demanding justice and vengeance against you: and also come to the cares of the Noble Prince, to cause you to be hated of him for ever.  
8 Touching the favour you will show to any, either in Offices, or other benefits 
Christians are in all things to be preferred before all others.  you will bestow on any man, take heed you always rather prefer honest and true Christians, than your own near Kinsmen or friends. For a man may lawfully make his Friend partaker of his goods, but not of his Conscience.  
9 In your counsels you give, in any wise be not too much affectioned in them, neither scorn with those that contrary your opinion. Be not proud and severe unto those you do command, neither do any thing without good advisement and consideration. For, albeit in Prince's Courts every man doth admire and behold the excellency and worthiness of the person, yet are those always that are most in favour of the Prince, more noted, regarded, and sooner accused than others.  
10 If you will not err in the counsels you shall give, nor fail in those things you shall enterprise: Embrace those that tell you the truth, and reject and hate those, whom you know to be Flatterers and dissemblers. For you should rather desire to be admonished of the thing present, then to be counseled after the damage received.  
Although we suppose assuredly, that all these things abovewritten, are not likely to happen, nor yet come even so to pass, as I have spoken: yet if it may please you (Sir) to remember, they are not therefore impossible.  
For spiteful Fortune permitteth oftentimes, that the Sails, which in stormy weather the Lightnings and boisterous Tempests could not break and tear in piec●●, are afterwards upon a sudden (even in the sweet of the morning's sleep, each man taking his rest, leaving the Seas before in quiet calm) all to shivered, and torn a sunder. He that meaneth to give another a blow also, the more he draweth back his arm, with greater force he striketh. And even so (neither more nor less) sayeth Fortune with those on whom for a time she smileth. For, the longer a man remaineth in her love and favour, the more cruel and bitter she showeth herself to him in the end.  
And therefore I would advise every wise and Sage person, that when Fortune seemeth best of all to favour him, and to do most for him, that then he should stand most in fear of her, and least of all to trust her deceits.  
Therefore (Sir) take no small account of this my Book, little though it be. For you know, that doubtless (as experience teacheth us) of greater price and value is a little spark of a Diamond, than a greater ballast.  
It forceth little that the Book be of small or great volume, sith the excellency thereof consisteth not in the number of leaves more or less, but only in the good and grave sentences that are amply written therein.  
For, every Author that writeth, 
What the Author or writer of books should aim at.  to make his book of great price and show, aught to be brief in his words, and sweet and pleasant in his matter he treateth of, the better to satisfy the mind of the Reader, and also not to grow tedious to the hearer.  
And (Sir) I speak not without cause, that you should not a little esteem this small treatise of mine, since you are most assured, that with time all your things shall have end, your Friends shall leave you, your goods shall be divided, yourself shall die, your favour and credit shall diminish. and those that succeed you, shall forget you, you not knowing to whom your Goods and Patrimony shall come: and above all, you shall not know what conditions your heirs and children shall be of. But for this I write in your royal Historic and Chronicle of your laudable virtues and perfections, and for that also I serve you as I do, with this my present work, the memory of you shall remain eternised to your Successors for ever.  
Chilo the Philosopher being demanded whether there were anything in the world that Fortune had not power to bring to nought, answered in this sort. Two things only there are, which neither Time can consume, nor Fortune destroy: And that is the renown of man written in books, and the verity that is hidden.  
For though truth for a time lie interred, yet it resurgeth again, and receiveth life, appearing manifestly to all. And even so in like case the virtues we find written of a man, do cause us at this present to have him in as great veneration, as those had in his time, that best knew him.  
Read therefore (Sir) at times I beseech you, these writings of mine, albeit I fear me you can scant borrow a moment of Time with leisure once to look upon it, being (as I know you are) always occupied in affairs of great importance, wherein me thinketh you should not so surcharge yourself, but that you might for your commodity and recreation of your spirits, reserve some private hours to yourself. For sage and wise men should so burden themselves with care of others toil, that they should not spend one hour of the day at the least (at their pleasure) to look on their estate and condition.  
As recounteth Suetonius Tranquillus of julius Caesar, who notwithstanding his quotidian wars he had; never let slip one day, but that he read or wrote some thing.  
So that being in his Pavilion in the Camp, in the one hand he held his lance to assault his enemy; and in the other the pen he wrote withal, with which he wrote his worthy Commentaries. The reasonable man therefore calling to mind the strait account 
A wise man reserveth some time for his profit and recreation.  that he must render of himself, and of the time he hath lost, shall always be more careful that he lose not his time, than he shall be to keep his treasure: For the well employed time is a mean and help to his shall salvation: and the evil gotten good a cause of his eternal damnation.  
Moreover yet, what toil and travel is it to the body of the man, and how much more peril to the living soul, when he consumeth his whole days and life in worldly broils, and yet silly man he cannot absent himself from that vile drudgery, till death doth summon him to yield up his account of his life and doings.  
And now to conclude my Prologue I say this book is divided into two parts, that is to say, in the first ten Chapters is declared how the newcome Courtier shall behave himself in the Prince's Court, to win favour and credit with the Prince, and the surplus of the work treateth, when he hath achieved to his Prince's favour, and acquired the credit of a worthy Courtier: how he shall then continue the same to his further advancement.  
And I doubt not, but that the Lords and Gentlemen of Court, will take pleasure to read it, and namely, such as are Prince's familiars, and beloved of Court, shall most of all reap profit thereby, putting the good lessons and advertisements they find heretofore written in execution. For to the young Courtiers it showeth them what they have to do: and putteth in remembrance also the old favoured Courtier, (living in his prince's grace) of that he hath to be circumspect of. And finally, I conclude (Sir) that of all the Treasures, riches, gifts, favours, prosperities, pleasures, services, greatness, and power, that you have and possess in this mortal and transitory life: and by the Faith of a true Christian I swear unto you also, that you shall carry no more with you, than that only Time, which you have well and virtuously employed, during this your Pilgrimage.    

THE ARGUMENT OF THE BOOK: ENTITLED, THE Favoured Courtier: wherein the Author showeth the intent of his work; exhorting all men to study good and virtuous Books, utterly rejecting all Fables, & vain trifling stories, of small doctrine & erudition.  
AVlus Gellius, in his Book De noctibus Atticis saith: That after the death of the great Poet Homer, 7-famous cities of Grece were in great controversy, one with the other: each one of them affirming that by reason the bones of the said Poet was theirs, and only appertained 
Learned men greatly honoured in times past.  to them, all 7. taking their oaths, that he was not only borne, but also nourished & brought up in every one of them. And this they did: (Supposing that they never had so great honour in any thing, but that this was far greater to have educated so Excellent and rare a Man as he was. Euripides also the philosopher born and brought up in Athens: traveling in the realm of Macedonia, was suddenly strucken with death, which woeful news no sooner came to the Athenians ears (declared for a truth) but with all expedition they dispatched an honourable Embassy: only to entreat the Lacedæmonians to be contented to deliver them the bones of the said philosopher: protesting to them that if they would frankly grant them, they would regratifie that pleasure done them: and if they would deny them, they should assure themselves they would come and fetch them with the sword in hand.  
K: Demetrius held Rhodes besieged long time (which at length he won, by force of arms) & the Rhodians being so stubborn that they would not yield by composition, nor trust to his princely clemency, he commanded to strike off all the Rhodians heads, & to raze the city to the hard foundations. But when he was let understand, that there was even then in the City Prothogenes, a Philosopher and Painter, and doubting least in executing others, he also unknown, might be put to the sword, revoked his cruel sentence & gave strait commandment forthwith they should cease to spoil and deface the town further, and also to stay the slaughter of the rest of the Rhodians. The divine Plato being in Athens, advertised that in the city of Damascus, in the realm of Palestine, were certain books of great antiquity, which a Philosopher borne of that Country left behind him there: when he understood it to be true, went thither immediately, led with the great desire he had to see them, & purposely (if they did like him) afterwards to buy them. And when he saw that neither at his suit, nor at the requests of others he could obtain them, but that he must buy them at a great price.  
Plato went and sold all his patrimony to recover them: and his own not being sufficient, he was feign to borrow upon interest of the common Treasury to help him: so that notwithstanding he was so profound and rare a Philosopher (as indeed he was) yet he would sell all that small substance he had only to see (as he thought some pretty new thing more of Philosophy As Ptolomeus Philadelphus' king of Egypt, not contened to be so wise in all sciences as he was, nor to have in, his Library 8000. books as he had nor to study at the least 4. hours in the day, nor ordinarily to dispute at his meals with Philosophers, sent nevertheless an embassage of Noble men to the Hebrews, to desire them they would be contented to send him some of the best learned and wisest men amongst them, to teach him the Hebrew tongue, and to read to him the books of their Laws.  
When Alexander the Great was borne, his father King Philip wrote a notable letter immediately to Aristotle, among other matters he wrote, there were these, I let thee to understand. 
The letter of K. Phili, to Aristol at the birth of his son Alexander.   
O greatest Philosopher Aristotle (if thou knowest it not) that Olympus my wife is brought to bed of a son, for which incessantly I give the Gods immortal thanks, not so much that I have a son, as for that they have given him me in thy time. For I am asassured he shall profit more with the doctrine thou shalt teach him, than he shall prevail with the Kingdoms I shall leave him after me.  
Now by the examples above recited, and by many more we could allege, we may easily consider with what reverence and honour the ancient Kings used the learned and virtuous men in their time. And we may also more plainly see it, sith than they held in greater price and estimation the bones of a dead Philosopher, than they do now the doctrine of the best learned of our time. And not without just occasion did these famous and heroical Prince's joy to have at home in their houses, and abroad with them in the field, such wise and learned men, whilst they lived, and after they were dead to honour, their bones and carcases, and in doing this, they erred not a a jot: For whosoever accompanieth continuallly with grave and wise men, enjoyeth this benefit and privilege before others, that he shall never be counted ignorant of any: therefore continuing still our first purpose, let us say, that whosoever will profess the company 
The benefit that accrueth by companying, with wise men.  of sober & wise men, it cannot otherwise be, but he must marvelously profit by their company: for being in their company, they will put all vain and dishonest thoughts from him, they will teach him to subdue & resist all sudden passions & motions moved of choler: by them they shall win good friends, and learn also never to be troublesome, or enemy to any, they will make him forsake all sin & vice, declaring to him what good works he shall follow, and what he shall most fly and eschew: they will let him understand how he shall humble and behave himself, in prosperity, and they will also comfort him in his adversity, to keep him from all sorrow and despair. For though a man be never so careful and circumspect, yet hath he hath always need of the council of another in his affairs: if therefore such a person have not about him good, virtuous, & sage men, how can it otherwise be, but that he must stumble oft, and fall down right on his face, having no man to aid or help him.  
Paulus Dyaconus saith, that albeit the Africans were wild and brutish people, yet had they notwithstanding a law amongst them, that the senators amongst them, could choose no other Senator, if at the Election there were not present a philosopher.  
So it happened on a day amongst the rest, that of many philosophers they had in Carthage, amongst them there was one named Apolonius, who ruled for the space of 62. years, all their Senate with great quiet, and to the contentation of all the Senators, which to show themselves thankful to him, erected in the market place so many images of him, as he had governed their Commonweal years, to the end the fame and memory of him should be immortal: and yet they did dedicated to their famous Hannibal, but one only image, and to this Philosopher they set up above 60. Alexander the great, when he was most bend to bloody wars, went to see & speak with Diogenes the Philosopher, offering him great presents & discoursing with him of divers matters. So that we may justly say, This good Prince of himself took pains to seek out wise men to accompany him, electing by others choice and advise all such, as he made his Captains to serve him in the wars.  
It is manifest to all, that Dyonisius the Syracusan was the greatest Tyrant in the world: and yet notwithstanding his Tyranny, it is a wonder to see what sage and wise men he had continually in his Court with him: And that, which makes us yet more to wonder of him is, that he had them not about him to serve him, or to profit one jote by their doctrines and counsel: but only for his honour, and their profit, which enforceth me to say, concurring with this example, that sith Tyrants did glory to have about them Sages, wise, and worthy men: Much more should those rejoice, that their works & deeds are noble, & free-hearted. And this they ought to do, not only to be honoured with them openly, but also to be holpen with their doctrine and counsels secretly.  
And if to some this should seem a hard thing to follow, we will say, that worthy men not being of ability and power to maintain such Wisemen, ought yet at least to use to read, at times, good and virtuous books. For by reading (of virtuous Books) they may reap infinite profit. As for example: By reading (as I say) these Good Authors, the desire is satisfied, their judgement is quickened, idleness is put away, the heart is disburdened, the Time is well employed, and they lead their lives virtuously, not being bound to render account of so many faults, as in that time they might have committed. And to conclude, it is so good an exercise, as it giveth good example to the Neighbour, profit to himself, and health to the soul.  
We see by experience, after a man taketh upon him once the Study of holy Scriptures, and that he frameth himself to be a Divine, he will never willingly thenceforth deal in any other studies: and all because he will not forego (the great comfort and pleasure he receiveth) to read those holy sayings. And that causeth, that we see so many learned & wise men (for the more part) subject to divers diseases: and full of Melancholic humours. For, so sweet is the delight they take in their Books, that they forget and leave all other bodily pleasure.  
And therefore plutarch writeth, that certain philosophers being one day met at the lodging of Plato, to see him: & demanding what exercise he had at that time? Plato answered them, thus. Truly my brethren, I let you know, that even now my only exercise was, to see what the great Poet Homer said. And this he told them, because that they took him even then reading of some of Homer's books, and to say truly, his answer was such, as they should all look for of him. For to read a good book, in effect is nothing else, but to hear a wise man speak,  
And if this our judgement and advise seem good unto you, we would yet say more, that you should profit more to read one of these books, than you should to hear speak, or to have conference with the Author himself that made it: For it is without doubt, that all Writers have more care and respect in that their pen doth write, than they have in that their tongue doth utter. And to the end you should not think we cannot prove that true that we have spoken, I give you to understand, that every Author that will write, to publish his doing in print, to lay it to the show, and judgement of the world, and that desireth thereby to acquire honour, & fame, and to eternize the memory of him, turneth many books, conferreth with other wise and learned men, addicteth himself wholly to his book, endeavoureth to understand well, oft refuseth sleep, meat and drink, quicneth his spirits, doing that he putteth in writing exactly with long advise, and consideration, which he doth not when he doth but only speak and utter them, though oft in deed (by reason of his great knowledge) in speech unawares there falleth out of his mouth, many godly and wise sentences. And therefore God hath given him a goodly gift that can read and him much more that hath a desire to study, knowing how to choose the good books from the evil. For to say the truth, there is not in this world any state or exercise more honourable and profitable than the study of good books. And we are much bound to those that read, more to those that study, and much more to those that write any thing, but most doubtless to those that make & compile goodly books, and those of great and high doctrine: for there are many vain and fond books, that rather deserve to be thrown into the fire, then once to be read or looked on: for they do not only show us the way to mock them, but also the ready mean to offend us, to see them occupy their brains and best wits, they have to write foolish and vain things, of no good subject or erudition. And that which is worst of all yet, they are occasion, that divers others spend as much time in reading their jests and mockeries, as they would otherwise have employed in doctrine, of great profit and edifying, the which to excuse and defend their error, say they did not write them for men to take profit thereby, but only to delight and please the Readers, to pass the time away merrily, whom we may rightly answer thus: That the reading of ill and vain books, cannot be called a pastime, but aptly a very loss of time. And therefore Aulus Gelius in the fifteenth of his book writeth, that after the Romans understood the Orators and Poets of Rome, did give themselves to write vain, voluptuous, and dishonest books, causing Interludes and Poetical Comedies to be played, they did not only banish them from Rome, but also out all the parts of Italy: for it beseemed not the Roman gravity, neither was it decent for the Weal public, to suffer such naughty books among them, and much less for to bear with vicious and lascivious governors. And if the Roman paynim left us this for example, how much more ought we that are Christians to continue and follow it, since that they had no other Books for to read save only Histories, and we now a days have both Histories, and holy Scriptures to read, which were granted us by the church, to the end that by the one we might take some honest pleasure and recreation, and with the other procure the health of oursoules.  
Oh how far is the Commonwealth nowadays digressed from that we write and counsel, since we see plainly, that men occupy themselves, at this present, in reading a number of Books, the which only to name I am ashamed. And therefore said Aulus Gelius in his 14. book, That there was a certain philosopher wrote a book of high and eloquent style, but the subject very hard and diffuse to understand: which Socrates, & other philosophers hearing of, commanded immediately the Book to be burned, and the Author to be banished: by which example we may well perceive, that in that so perfect and reformed University, they would not only suffer any Lascivious or vicious book, but also they would not bear with those, that were too haughty and vainglorious in their styles, and whose matter was not profitable, and beneficial to the Publike-weale. That man therefore that walloweth in idleness lap, that vouchsafes not to spend one hour of the day to read a grave sentence of some good Book, we may rather deservedly call him a brutish beast, than a reasonable creature. For every wise man ought to glory more of the knowledge he hath, then of the abundance of goods he possesseth. And it cannot be denied, but that those which read virtuous Books, are ever had in better favour, and estimation than others. For they learn to speak, they pass their time without trouble, they know many pleasant things, which they after tell to others: they have audacity to reprove others, & every man delighteth to hear them, & in what place or company soever they come, they are always reverenced & honoured above others: every man desireth their knowledge and acquaintance, and are glad to ask them counsel. And that, that is yet of greater credit to them is, that they are not few in number, that trusteth them with their body & goods.  
And moreover (I say) that the wise and learned man which professeth study, shall know very well how to counsel his friend, and to comfort himself at all times, when need doth serve, which the foolish ignorant person can not do: For he cannot only tell how to comfort the afflicted in adversity, but also he cannot help himself in his own proper affairs, nor take counsel of himself, what is best to do.  
But returning again to our purpose (we say) because we would not be reproved of that we rebuke others of, we have been very circumspect and advised: and taking great care, and pains in our study, that all our books and works, we have published, and compiled, should be so exactly done, that the Readers might not find any ill doctrine, nor also any thing worthy reproof. For the unhonest books, made by lascivious people do give (deservedly) evident token to the Readers to suspect the Authors: and troubleth the judgements of those, that give attentive care unto them.  
And therefore I counsel and admonish him that will enterprise, and take upon him to be a writer, and a setter forth of Books, that he be wise in his matter he showeth, and compendious in the words he writeth: and not to be like to divers Writers, whose works are of such a phrase and style, as we shall read many times to the midst of the book, ere we find one good and notable sentence, so that a man may say, that all the fruit those reap for their pain, watches, and travel, is none other but only a mere toy and mockery, they being derided of every man that seeth their works.  
That Author that undertaketh to write, and afterwards prostrateth to common judgement the thing he writeth, may be assured that he setteth his wits to great travel and study, and hazardeth his honour to present peril. For the judgement of men being variable, and divers (as they are indeed) many times they do meddle and enter into judgement of those things, whereof they are not only not capable to understand, but also less skilful to read them.  
Now in that book we have set out, of The Dial of Princes: and in that other we have translated of the Life of the Roman Emperors, and in this we have now set forth Of the favoured Courtiers, the Readers may be assured, they shall find in them goodly and grave sentences, whereby thy may greatly profit, and they shall not read any words superfluous, to cumber or weary them at all. For, we did not once licence our pen to dare to write any word, that was not first weighed in true balance, & measured by just measure. And GOD can testify with us, that without doubt we have had more pain to be brief in the words of our books we have hitherto made, than we have had to gather out the invention, and grave sentences thereof.  
For to speak good words, and to have good matter and wise purposes, is the property of one that naturally is modest, and grave in his actions: but to write briefly, he must have a deep understanding.  
When at the font of the Printers Form, we first baptised the Book of Marcus Aurelius, we entitled it The Dial of Princes: and this therefore that we have now made and added to it, we call it (more for briefness) The favoured Courtier: which portendeth the whetstone and instruction of a Courtier. For if they will vouchsafe to read, and take the fruitful counsels they find written herein, they may assure themselves, they shall awaken out of the vanities, they have long slept in: and shall also open their eyes, to see the better, that thing wherein they live so long deceived. And albeit indeed this present work showeth to you but a few contrived lines, yet GOD himself doth know, the pains we have taken herein hath been exceeding great, and this for two causes: the one for that the matter is very strange and diverse from others; the other, to think that assuredly, it should be hated of those that want the taste of good discipline. And therefore we have taken great care, it should come out of our hands well reform and corrected: to the end that Courtiers might find out many Sentences in it, profitable for them, and not one word to trouble them.  
Those Noblemen, or Gentlemen, that will from henceforth have their children brought up in the Courts of Princes, shall find in this Book, all things they shall need to provide them of: And those also which have been long Courtiers, shall find all that they ought to do in Court.  
And such also as are best favoured of Noble Princes, and carry greatest reputation of honour with them, shall find likewise excellent good counsels, by mean whereof, they may always maintain and continue themselves, in the chiefest greatness of their credit and favour: so that it may well be called a mithridatical Electuary: recurring and healing all malignant oppilations.  
Of all the Books I have hitherto compiled, I have Dedicated some of them unto the Imperial Majesty, and others, to those of best favour and credit with him: where the Readers may see, that I rather glory to be a satire then a Flatterer, for that in all my sentences they cannot find one cloaked word, to enlarge and embetter my credit and estate. But to the contrary, they may read an infinite number of others, where I do exhort them to govern their person discreetly and honourably, and to amend their lives thenceforth.  
When I Imprinted the Dial of Princes, together with Marcus Aurelius, and brought them to light. I wanted not backbiters and detractors that began forthwith to tear me in pieces; neither shall I want at this present (as I believe) such as will not spare with venomous tongues, to poison my work: But like as then I little weighed their slanderous speeches of me, even so much less do I now force what they can say against me, being assured they shall find in the end, they have ill spoken of me, and my poor works, proceeding from them rather of a certain envy, that gnaweth their heart, then of any default they find in my doctrine, comforting myself yet in the assurance I have, that all their spite shall one day have an end, and my works shall ever be found good and perdurable  
The end of the Argument.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE DIAL OF PRINCES, COMPILED BY THE LORD ANTHONY Guevara, Bishop of Mondogueto:  

CHAP. I. That it is more necessary for the Courtier, (abiding in Court) to be of lively spirit and audacity, than it is for the Soldier, that goeth to serve in the wars.  
PLutarch, Pliny, and Titus Liutus declare that King Agiges one day requested the Oracle of Apollo to tell him, who was the happiest man in the world: to whom answer was made, that it was a man they called Aglaon, beknowne of the Gods, and unknown of men.  
This King Agiges making then search for this man through all Greece, who was called Aglaon, found at length that it was a poor Gardner, dwelling in Arcadia, who being of the age of threescore and two years, never went above a mile from his house, keeping himself and his family continually with his only labour and tillage of his Garden. Now albeit there were in the world of better parentage and lineage than he, better accompanied of servants, and tenants, better provided of goods and riches, higher in dignity, and of greater authority than he: yet for all this, was this Aglaon the happiest of the world. And this was, for that he never haunted princes Courts, neither by envy to be 
They are oft times most known that least seek acquaintance  overthrown, nor yet by avarice to be overcome. For many times it chanceth to men, that when they would least give themselves to acquaintance, then come they most to be known: and when they make least account of themselves, then cometh there an occasion to make them to be most reputed of: For they win more honour, that despise these goods, honours, and riches of this world, than those do, that continually gape, and seek after the same. And therefore we should more envy Aglaon, with his little garden, than Alexander the Great with his mighty Asia: For true contentation consisteth not in having abundance, but in being contented with that little he hath.  
It is a mockery, and worthily he deserveth to be laughed at, that thinketh contentation lieth in having much, or in being of great authority: for such ways are readier to make us stumble, yea and many times to fall down right, then safely to assure us to go on our way.  
The punishment that God gave to Cain for murdering of his brother Abel was, that his body continually trembled, and he ever after wandered through the world: so that he never found, where he might inhabit, nor house where he might harbour. And albeit this malediction of Cain was the first that ever God ordained, I durst affirm notwithstanding, that it remaineth as yet until this present day amongst Courtiers, sith we see them daily travel, and run into strange Countries, daily changing and seeking new lodgings.  
Which maketh me once again to say, that Aglaon was counted happy, and for that only he never rome 
No misery comparable to that of the Courtier  far from his house: For to say truly, there is no misery comparable to that of the Courtier, that is bound daily to lie in others houses, having none of his own to go to. And he only may be called happy, that putteth not himself in danger to serve others.  
julius Caesar being counseled to wayre upon the Consul Sylla, to the end that by serving, or being about him, he might do himself great good, and it might be very profitable to him, answered thus: I swear by the immortal Gods, I will never serve any, in hope to be more worth, & greater than I am: For this I am sure of, that where Liberty is exiled, there might nor power can prevail.  
He that forsaketh his own Country where he lived at ease, & in health and the place where he was known and beloved, the neighbours of whom he was visited, the friends of whom he was served, the parents of whom he was honoured, the goods wherewith he maintained himself, his wife, and children (of whom he had a thousand pleasures and consolations) and that cometh to serve and die in the Court. I cannot say otherwise of him, but that he is a very fool, or that he cometh to do penance for some notable crime he hath committed: And therefore not without great cause was this name of Court, (which in our tongue signifieth short) 
Why this name Court was adhibited to the Palace of Princes.  adhibited to the palace of Princes, where indeed all things are short, only envy and malice excepted, which continue long.  
He only desireth to be a Courtier, that as yet hath not tasted the sweetness and pleasure of his own house, nor hath yet proved and seen the troubles and pains of the Court: For he that knoweth them, figheth when he is called to the Court; and weary when he is kept long there. I have studied in times passed in the Universities, preached in the Courts, praying in Religion: and now I dwell upon my Bishopric, teaching and instructing my Diocesians: but I dare say, of all these four states recited, there is none so straight and painful, as is to follow the Court.  
If I studied at the University, I did it of free will to be wiser: but only in the Court I spent my time, to be more worth than I was. But the greatest time I consumed in Religion, was to say my prayers, and to bewail my grievous sins.  
In the Court I only gave myself to suspect my neighbour, and invented to build great Castles of wind (with thought) in the air. And therefore I return once again to say, that it is a greater trouble and vexation for to become a Courtier, then to be a religious person: For 
It is more difficult to be a Courtier then a religious person.  in religion it sufficeth to obey one but in the Court he must serve all. And in religion also they are appareled with less cost and charges, and to the greater contentation of the person, than they are in the Court. For a poor Gentleman Courtier is bound to have more change and suits of apparel, than the falcon feathers. The religious persons go always to dinner, and find their meat on the Table, ready prepared for them, without any thought taken of their part, what they shall have: but fine Courtiers many times rise out of their bed, without ever a penny in their purse.  
And albeit religious persons all their life take great pains in rising at midnight to serve God: yet have they great hope after their death, of the heavenly rest and comfort: but poor Courtiers, alas what should I say, hard is their life, and more perilous their death, into greater danger truly putteth he himself, that becometh a Courtier, than did Nasica, when gee was with the Serpent, than King David with the Philistines, than the Soothsayers with evah, than Hercules with Antheon, than Theseus with the Minocaure, than King Menelaus with the wild Boar, than Corebus with the Monster of the marish, and then Perseus with the monstrous whale of the sea: For every one of these valiant men were not afraid but of one: but the miserable Courtier standeth in fear of all: For what is he in Court, that seeing his near Kinsman or dearest friend, more in favour or credit then himself, or richer than he, that wisheth not his friends death, or at the least procureth by all means he can, he shall not equal, nor go even with with him in credit or reputation: One of the worst things I consider, & see in Courtiers is, that they lose much time, and profit little: For the 
Many a Courtier spends his time all.  thing wherein they spend their days, and hestow the nights, for the most part is, to speak ill of those that are their betters, or excel them in virtues: and to undo those that are their equals and companions: to flatter the beloved, and among the inferior sort to murmur one against an other: and always to sigh and lament for the times past.  
And there is nothing that provoketh Courtiers more to complain, than the daily desire they have to see sundry and new alterations of time: For they little weigh the ruin of the Common weal, so they may enlarge and exalt their own estates. Also, it is a thing of course in Court, that the rejected and favourless Courtiers, meet together, murmuring at their Princes, and backbiting their counsellors and officers, saying, they undo the Realm, and bring all to nought. And all this presupposed, for that they are not in the like favour and estimation that they be in, which beareth office and rule in the Commonweal: And therefore when it cometh in question, for a Courtier to advance himself, and to come in credit in the Court, one Gourtier can scarcely ever trust an other.  
On the other side, me thinketh that the life of the Court is not the very life in deed, but rather an open penance. And therefore in my opinion, we should not reckon Courtiers alive, but rather dead, buried in their life.  
For then the Courtier ever findeth himself plunged with deaths extreme passious, when he perceiveth an other 
The life of a● Courtier, an open penance.  to be preferred and called before him, Alas, what great pity is it to see a hapless and unfortunate Courtier; for he silly soul awaketh a thousand times in the night, tosseth from side to side of his bed, sometime upright he lieth, lamenting his iron hap, now he sigheth for his native soil, and sorroweth then for his lost honour: so that in manner he spendeth the whole night in watch and cares, imagining with himself all the ways he can, to come in credit and favour again, that he may attain to wealth and preferment before others; which maketh me think, that it is not a pain, but a cruel torment: no service but tribute: and not once only, but ever: that the body of the poor miserable Courtier abideth, & that (in despite of him) his wretched heart doth bear.  
By the Law of the Court, every Courtier is bound to serve the King, to accompany the beloved of the Court, to visit noble men, to wait upon those that are at the Prince's elbow, to give to the ushers, to present the Auditors, to entertain the Wardens and captains of the Ports, to currey favour with the Harbingers, to flatter the Treasurer, to travel and speak for their friends, and to dissemble amongst their enemies.  
What legs are able to do all these things? what force sufficient to abide these brunts? what heart able to endure them? and moreover, what purse great enough to supply all these devices? I am of opinion, there was never any so foolish, nor merchant so covetons, that hath sold himself in any fair, or exchangde himself for any other Merchandise, but only the unhappy Courtier, who goeth to the court to sell his liberty, for a little wind, and vain smoke of the court.  
I grant that a courtier may have in the court plenty of gold and silver, sumptuous apparel, favour cresite, and authority: yet withal this abundance ye cannot deny me, but he is as poor of liberty, as rich of substance or credit. And therefore I dare boldly say this word again, for one time the Courtier hath his desire in Court, a thousand times they will enforce him to accomplish others desires, which neither please nor like 
The Courtier is abridged of his liberty.  him. Surely it cometh of a base and vile mind, and no less cowardly, for any man lightly to esteem his liberty, and fond to embrace bondage and subjection, being at others commandment.  
And if the Courtier would answer me to this, that though he serve, yet at least he is in his Prince's favour. I would reply thus, Though he be in favour with the Prince yet is he notwithstanding slave to all his other officers, For if the Courtier will sell his horse, his moil, his cloak, his sword, or any other such like whatsoever, he shall have ready money for all, saving for his liberty, which he liberally bestoweth on all for nothing. So that he seemeth to make more estimation of his sword or appaarrell he selleth, than he doth of his liberty which he giveth: For a man is not bound to travel at all, to make himself master of others, more than pleaseth him: but to recover liberty, or to maintain it, he is bound to die a thousand deaths.  
I speak not these things for that I have read them in my books, but because I have seen them all with mine eyes, and not by science, but by experiennce: and I never knew Courtier yet content in Court, much less enjoying any jot of his liberty, which I so much esteem, that if all men were sufficient to know it, and knew well how to use it, he would never for any Treasure on earth forego it, neither for any gage lendi●, were it never so precious.  
Yet is there in Court besides this an other kind of trouble, I have not yet touched, and that is not small. For oft times thither cometh of our friends which be strangers, whom of necessity, and for honesties sake: the Courtier must Lodge with him at home, the Court being already full pestered. And this happeneth oft in such a time, when the poor Courtier hath neither Lodging of his own, to lodge them in: nor happily six pence in his purse, to welcome themwithall.  
I would you would tell me also, what grief and sorrow the poor Courtier feeleth at his heart, when he lodgeth in a blind, narrowe-lane: eateth at a borrowed table, sleepeth in a hired bed, and perhaps his Chamber having no door to it: yea, and for the more part, his apparel and armour, even to the very Sword in gage. Then when any Friends of his cometh out of the country to lie with him, (he being so poor, and also a stranger in an other man's house) how is it possible he should accept into his company any others, and perhaps as needy as he?  
Sometimes he were better, and had rather bear his friends cost, and charges (being altogether unable) yea, and to find him all his necessaries (what shift so ever he made) than he should suffer his Friend or stranger to come home to his house, to know and see the misery he liveth in. For more is the honest heart and good nature ashamed and grieved, to discover his misery, than it is to suffer and abide it. Commonly the Courtier being alone, 
An honest hart is more grieved to show his misery then to suffer it.  is content with a little couch, one mattress or quilt, one flock-bed, with one pillow, and one pair of sheets, with one coverlet, with one frying-pan, one gridyron, one spit, one kettle, one basine, with one candlestick, and with one pot: which he cannot do, if any stranger or friend of his come to him: For than he must for his reputation-sake hang his Chamber, dress up his bed, and furnish it better, and must also provide for a thousand other such trifles he standeth in need of. And if it fall out his Host and goodman of the house will not lend him these things or that perhaps he hath them not (as it chanceth oft) he shallbe compelled to borrow upon a pawn, or to hire of others: whereas if he were alone with his own people, he would right well be contented with his small ordinary.  
And when a stranger cometh to see him, he must be at greater cost and charge: so that he shall spend more at one dinner or supper, than he had done before in three days. And therefore doubtless the Courtiers are at more charges with their Friends, that come to see them, than they are with themselves. For the honourable and worthy Courtiers had rather fast an other time, then to show himself at this pinch needy & hard, and after to be mocked of his acquaintance.  
Oh now many men are there in the world that waste and spend in one day all that they have traveled to get together in many? Not for that they esteem not their goods, and desire not to keep them: but only for a little vain glory, to get them the name of a freeharted and liberal man: dealing honestly among his friends.  
Also as great is the trouble to the poor Courtier, when the Court removeth 
The Courtier subject to much trouble.  oft from place to place. For, them he must truss-up his baggage, load the moils, & hire carts to carry it, afterwards pray the cofferer to pay him: the Harbingers to prepare him a lodging, & then he must first send one of his men to see if the lodging be mere for him. Furthermore, Courtiers have occasion oft times to be angry with the carters, and Muletters, for loading too much, or too little: & for coming too late to the lodging, & many times also, they must ride at noon-days, & in the greatest heat, and sometimes in rain, dew, tempest, or in other ill weather (whatsoever it be) for that the Carters and Carriers will not lose their journey.  
And admit that all this may easily be carried, is it therefore reasonable or meet, the poor Courtier should spend at one voyage, or removing of 
What epences the Courtier is at.  the Court, all the profit and spare he hath made in six months before? And what shall we say also, of the stuff and movables that the poor Courtier of necessity must buy in every place where the Court remaineth, as chairs, tables, forms stools, water pots, platters, dishes, and other small trash. that would cost more the carriage, than the buying of them anew. And to conclude, all things pertaining to Court are painful, unpleasant, and chargeable for the poor Courtier: For if he should carry always with him, all such things as be necessary, and that he should need: in carriage they are broken or marred, or being left behind, they are in hazard to be stolen or lost: for he that will be a continual Courtier, must be of a bold and stout courage: For he shall be forced hourly to leave of his own desires, to please and content others, changing and shifting to divers places, and strange lodgings, and oft times of servants and new family, daily increasing his charge and expense.  
And truly, if that which is gotten and gained in Court be worth much: much more doth that exceed that is spent in Court, and these expenses are rather lavish, then moderate: disordered, then well spent: for in effect Courtiers spend more with strangers they receive into their lodgings, than they do with their ordinary servants they keep. Albeit that, that Courtiers lose and leave behind them at every removing of the Court, be but of small account or importance, yet it is notwithstanding both grief and displeasure to them: for indeed there is no house so richly furnished, and replenished with movables, but that the Lord or Master of the house, will chafe to see a dish or glass broken, or spoiled.  
Yet there is an other discommodity in removing of the court, for some Courtiers there are that be so poor, that for want they can hardly follow the Court, and others also that are rich, are compelled to bear many of their charges, with whom they are in company with by the way: and some of those are so rude and ill brought up, that they had rather bear their charge all their journey, than once again to have them in their company. But a Godsname, what shall we say yet of the wretched Courtier, whose Coffers and horse are arrested at his departing for his debts? Truly I lie not: for once I saw a Courtier's moil sold for her provender she had eaten and that money not sufficient to pay the host: the Courtier remaining yet debtor of an overplus; the poor man was stripped even of his cap & gloves for the satisfaction of the rest.  
Also there is an other sort of needy Courtiers, so troublesome and importune, that they never cease to trouble their friends, to borrow money of their acquaintance, some to find themselves, some to apparel themselves, others to pay their debts, others to play, and others to give presents: so that at the removing day, when they have nothing wherewith to pay nor content their Creditors, than they are sued in Law, and arrested in their lodging, and the 
The misery that Courtiers are subject unto  Creditors many times are not satisfied with their goods, but do take execution also of their bodies, laying them in fast prison, till they be paid and satisfied, of their whole debt.  
Oh what folly may be thought in those, that cannot moderate their expenses, according to their ability? For to say uprightly, he should cut his Garments according to his cloth, and measure his expenses with his revenues: and not following his affection and desire. For, the Gentleman 
How Courtiers ought to order their expenses.  or Courtier in the end hath not the mean nor commodiitie to spend as the Countryman hath, that liveth at home at else in the country, & spendeth such commodities as he brings into his house, but the courtier consumeth in court not his own alone, but also that of others.  
And therefore in Court or elsewhere, let every wise man be diligent to bring his affairs to end: but yet let him so moderate and use his Expenses, as he shall not need, nor be driven to mortgage, and gage that he hath. For he that feasteth and rowteth with others purse, of that that is lent him, cannot choose but in the end he must break, and deceive his creditors.  
Therefore all worthiemen, that love their honour, and fear reproach, ought rather to suffer, hunger, cold, thirst, care, pain, and sorrow, then to be had in the checke-roule of riotous and prodigal spenders, trustless of their promises, and suspected of their words.  
There is yet another great trouble, in the court of Princes, and that is the exceeding dearth of victuals, the unreasonable want of houses, and the great price of horses: for many times they spend more for straw, and litter for their horse, than they do in other places for hay, oats, and bread.  
And further, if the Courtier be a poor gentleman, and that he would feast and banquet his friends or companions, he shall spend at one dinner or supper so much that he shallbe constrained to fast a whole week after. Therefore if the Courtier will be well used in following of the Court, he must not only know, and speak to, also love, and invite at times, the Butchers, Victuallers, Fruitrers, Keepers, and Fosters, Fishmongers, and Poulterer's, and other purveyors of the same:: Of whom he shall always have as much need of his provision, as he shall have need of the judges to show him justice when he shall need it. For meat, bread, wine, wood, hay, oats, and straw, are commonly very dear it Court; for few of all these things are to be bought in Court, but of others infinite things to be sold, to profit and gain the poor Courtiers, that else had no shift to live.  
And yet is there a little more trouble in Court, and that is: that continually letters are sent to the Courtier 
The trouble courtiers have with Friends,  from his Friends, to obtain of the Prince or his Counsel, his dispatch in his private affairs, or for his servants or tenants, or other his friends.  
And many times these suits are so ill welcome to the courtier, that he had rather have pleasured his friend with a piece of money, than they should have laid upon him so weighty a matter.  
And besides this, there is yet another trouble: that the bringer of this letter must needs lie at the courtiers house attending his dispatch: So that the Courtier delaying his friend's business, augmenteth his grief, and keeping the messenger there, increaseth his charge. And if perchance his business be not dispatched, and the suit obtained, those that wrote to him will not think he left it off, for that he would not do it or take pains therein: but for that he wanted favour and credit, or at least were very negligent in following their cause. And that that vexeth them throughly yet is, that their parents and friends think (which are in the country far from Court, that this Courtier hath all the Courtiers at his commandment, that he may say and do what he will there.  
And therefore his Friends, when they have occasion to employ him in Court, and that they write unto him, touching their affairs: and that he hath now taken upon him the charge and burden of the same, seeing himself after unable to discharge that he hath enterprised, and cannot as he 
The grief of th● courtier, that cannot pleasure his friend.  would satisfy his friend's expectation: then he falleth to despair, and wisheth he had been dead when he first took upon him this matter, and that he made them believe he could go through with that they had committed to him, being unpossible for him having small credit and estimation' amongst the Nobility and councillors.  
Therefore I would never council him that hath Brethren, Friends, or other near Kinsfolks in Court, to go seek them out there, albeit they had matters of great weight and importance: on hope to be dispatched the sooner, by their credit, favour, and suit. And for this cause, for that in Court there is ever more private malice and envy, then in other places: wherefore they cannot be revenged, the one of the other, but must tarry a time: and when they see opportunity, they set in foot to overthrow, and secretly to put back their adversaries suit.  
Now lo, these things, and other infinite plagues do light upon these unfortunate courtiers, incredible happily to any, but the old and experienced Courtier.  
If the old and wise Courtier would count all the favours and mischances: the dearth and abundance: the friendships and enmities: the contentation and displeasures: and the honour & infamy he hath endured in the Court: I belieeve assuredly we should not be a little sorry for that body that had suffered so much: but much more for that heart that had abidden all those storms and broils.  
When the Courtier seeth that he is not heard of the Prince, nor spoken to of the beloved and favoured of the 
The mishaps of the Court are more than the favours.  Court: and that the Treasurer doth not dispatch him, and the Cofferer keep back his wages: it is a misery to see him, and on the other side, a pleasure and pastime to hear what he says: cursing the wretched life of this world. And even then, in his heat and rage, he teareth and blasphemeth GOD: and swears accursedly, that thenceforth he will forsake the vain abuses of Court, and leave also the Trompries of the deceitful world, avowing to enclose himself within precinct of Religious walls, and to take upon him also religious habit.  
Alas, if I fetched as many sighs for my sins, as Courtiers do for their mishaps and disgraces: what a number would they come to? For a Courtier, incontinent that he feeleh himself sick, that he is alone, and rejected of his Friends in Court, he becometh so heavy and pensive, that with his deep sighs, he pierceth the heavens on high: and with his flowing tears he moisteneth the Earth below. So that a man might more easily number the troubles of the stout and hardy Hercules than those which the Courtier daily suffereth. And besides those many we have recited, yet further, these also we can recite: that their servants rob them: their Purse-bearers consume their money: jesters & counterfeit knaves lie ever upon their reward: women pick their purses, and strumpets & bawds spoil them of all. But what shall I say more to you? If the poor Courtier be full of feathers, every man plumes him: but if he want Wings, there is no man hasty to plume him. And to conclude, in Prince's Courts you shall find no such trade of life, whereby you may satisfy every man: For if the Courtier speak little, they will say he is but a fool, and if he be too large of tongue, they will say he is a glorious fool, if he be free in expenses, they will say he is a prodigal fool, if he be scarce of his purse, they will say he is a covetous miser, if he be alone, and solitary at home, they will account him an hypocrite: and if he visit others oft, they will say he is a bold and troublesome man, if he have any train of men following on him, they will say, he is a proud man, and if he go without company, that he is poor and miserable. So that of Court, this may rightly be said: That it is a very Theatre, where one mocketh & grinneth at another, and yet in the end they (all in a manner) find themselves scorned and deceived.  
Now discoursing also of sleep, doth the Courtier always sleep as much as he will? no surely, but as 
The Courtier wanteth many things he would have.  much as he may.  
And touching his meat, hath he always that he liketh? no truly, but he is forced to be contented with that he hath. And as for his apparel, is he clothed according to his will? no, no, but according to others fancies.  
O unhappy Courtier, that he spendeth the most part of his miserable life, in combing his head, washing his beard, wearing fair and brave house: varnishing his sword and dagger, blacking his boots, providing him of cloaks, buying him caps, furring him gowns, and fitting himself with other small and needful trifles: wasting in them all his own goods, and that of his friends.  
I am not of that mind and opinion that others are, that say there are none in so great liberty as Courtiers be, which should not be said, and much less credited, sith we see by daily proof, if they be in service, they are as slaves.  
If they be not in service with the King, or other noble men, they live in poor estate. Now let every man say what he will, where poverty reigneth there liberty can have no place. And there is nothing in the world dearer, then that we buy with entreaty, and not with money. And therefore we must confess, that Prince's Courts are meeter to exercise the youth, then for the aged to live there without rest: For young men have more hardiness, to away with the pains and troubles of the Court, than they have years, to seek the griefs and displeasures, they receive thereby.  
Now go to the Court that list, procure office and authority that will: for hitherto, I never met or spoke with man that was contented with the Court: For if he be crept in favour, he feareth every hour to fall, and lose his credit: if ever he be once out of favour, and in disgrace, he despaireth, he shall never return again into favour; and if he that goeth to the sea, committeth himself first to God before he take ship; much more ought he to do it, that goeth to dwell in Court: For in the Sea, of a hundred ships, there do not perish ten: but 
Few purchase favour in the court  of a thousand Courtiers, there cometh not three in favour.   

CHAP. II. Of Courtiers brawls and quarrels, with the Harbingers for ill lodging.  
After Lucullus the Roman his return from Asia, in an Oration 
A speech of Lucullus, and may well be applied to every Courtier.  he made before the Senate, he said thus: I swear unto you by the immortal Gods (Father's conscript) that in all this my journey I felt no pain, nor trouble, neither for the conduct and government of mine army, nor for the rebellion of the people, nor for the absence of my friends, nor for the war of the enemies, neither for the long time, nor yet for the peril of my life: For all these things are incident to Soldiers and men of war, and common to rulers in peace. But if you be desirous to know what was my trouble, and that which grieved me most, it was on the remembrance of the quiet rest I had at home: For as you know right well (Sacred Senate) during the time as a man lodgeth in other men's houses, he is never at liberty.  
And this word of Lucullus me thinketh every Courtier might well apply to himself, for that he is always bound to do service to the Master of the house where he lodgeth, yea although he receive a thousand injuries of him: yet therefore it is not lawful for him to anger or displease him in any thing: Therefore in very ill and unlucky hour is the Courtier arrived, when he must take his journey in stead of rest, travel for quietness, misery for abundance, bondage for liberty, and pain for pleasure. And albeit Courtiers abide many pains and troubles, yet this me thinketh is the greatest, and least tolerable, when they must be lodged: reasoning of the pains, displeasures, fortunes & mishaps that men suffer. Little is that my pen doth write herein, & much less that my tongue doth speak in comparison of that the woeful heart doth abide. O how many things are there, that are felt even at the very bottom of the heart, and yet dare not the tongue once utter them? Truly, how poor a house soever the courtier hath in the Country, he should more esteem it, than the best lodging that ever he met with in Court; or else where. For at home he doth and commandeth all that he will: but in an other man's house, he must take all that is given him.  
A pilgrim or traveler shall come into a City, where he shall see fair and goodly Churches, stately buildings, rich gates, high walls, paved streets, large market places, provision enough abundance of victuals, and numbers of strangers: and when he hath seen all this, he doth so little esteem of them, that to return again to his poor home, he traveleth though it be all the night.  
And therefore we should not wonder at those, that do not greatly 
Courtiers are rather grieved then relieved with the princely pomps of the Court.  stray from their house, and that are but seldom in many places: but we might well have him in suspicion, that continually wandereth through strange Countries and houses: for notwithstanding the great wonders he seeth: & the great conversation of amity, he hath, or can find, yet in the end they are only the eyes that are fed with the sight of other things, and not the hart that is contented with his own: and also to see in Prince's Courts great treasure and riches, brings us commonly more grief than delight: & the more his eyes are fed with view of fair dames of Court, and princely pomp thereof, the greater sorrow assaulteth his heart, he may not still enjoy the same, And therefore the renowned Fotion, the Athenian captain, answered once certain men, that said there were to be sold in the Marketplace of Athens goodly stones, and rich jewels worthy the sight, howbeit hard to be bought, being held at so high a price by the Merchant that sold them. From my first youth (said this philosopher) I made an Oath, never to go see any City, unless it were to conquer it, and yield it subject to me: neither to go see jewels, that I could not buy.  
The great Emperor trajan was much commended, for that he never took toy in his head, to go see any thing, but for one of these 3. causes, that is to say: either to imitate that he saw, to buy it, or else clearly to conquer it. Oh worthy words of Fotion and trajan, and very meet to be noted and retained.  
Now to speak more particularly of the troubles daily heaped on their 
The particular troubles of them which follow the Court.  necks that follow the Court, and that are to be lodged in divers places, and strange houses. I say that if the poor courtier do depart at night from the Court, to repair to his lodging, he findeth oft times the host of his house and other his guests at home, already in their beds, and fast a sleep: so that it happeneth sometimes he is feign to go seek his bed in another place, for that night. And also if he should rise early in the morning, to follow his matters: or to wait upon his Lord or Master, his Host perhaps and his household are not yet awake, nor stirring to open him the door.  
And further, if his Host be angry and displeased, and out of time: who shall let him to lock his doors, the day once shut in? and who should compel him to open his doors before it be broad day?  
Truly, it is a great hap to be well lodged about the Court, and much more to meet with an honest Host. For it happeneth oft, that the great pleasure and contentation we receive, being lodged in a fair Lodging is lightly taken from us, by the hard entreaty, and straight usage of the Host of the same.  
And in this is apparent, the vanity, fondness, and lightness of some Courtiers, that rather desire, and seek for a fair and pleasant lodging: then for a good and profitable.  
The ambition of the Courtier is now grown to so great a folly, that he desireth rather a fair lodging for his pleasure, than a commodious or profitable for his family. For admit 
The Ambition of the Courtiers.  the Harbinger do give them a good and commodious lodging, if it be not sightly to the Eye, and stand commodiously, they can not like of it, by no means. So that to content them, the Fouriers must needs provide them of a fair lodging to the eye, though little handsome to lodge in: and yet sometimes they will hard and scant be pleased with that.  
And if the Courtier be of reputation, and beloved in Court, I pray you what pain and trouble shall the poor Harbinger have to content his mind, and to continue in his favour? For, before master Courtier will be resolved which of the 2. Lodgings he will take: the fair and most honourable, or the mean and most profitable, he bleedeth at the nose for anger, and his heart beats and leaps a thousand times in his body. For, his person would have the good and commodious Lodging: and his folly, the pleasant and fair.  
I never saw dead man complain of his grave, nor Courtier content with his Lodging. For, if they give him a Hall, he will say it wanteth a chimney, if they give him a chamber, he will say it lacketh an innerchamber: if they give him a kitchen he will say, it is too low and smoky, and that it wanteth a larder, if they give him a stable, that it wanteth a expense or storehouse, if they give him the best and chiefest parts of the house, yet he sayeth, he wanteth small and little houses of office, and if he have access to the well, he must also have the commodity of the Base-Court.  
And in fine, if they give him a low paved Hall, to cool and refresh him in summer, he will also have a high boarded Chamber for the winter, and possible he shall not have so many rooms at home in his own house, as he will demand in his lodging abroad. And therefore many things suffereth the Courtier in his own house, that he will not bear with all in an Inn, or an other man's house. And it may be also, that the Harbingers have provided them of a fair and goodly lodging, where he shall command both master, stuff, and all other things in the house: and yet the Courtier shall mislike of it, finding fault it is too far from the Court, & reputeth it half a dishonour, and an impairer of his credit, to be lodged so far off, since others that are beloved, and in favour in Court in deed, lie hard adjoining to the Court, or at the least not far of: For this is an old said saying, The nearest lodged to the Court, commonly the best esteemed of the Prince.  
I have seen many Courtiers offer large gifts and rewards, to entreat the Harbingers to lodge them near the Court: but I never saw any that desired to be lodged near the church; and this cometh, for that they rather glory to be right Courtiers, then good Christians.  
And therefore Blondus reciteth in his book De declinatione Imperit, that a Grecian called Narsetes (a Captain of justinian the Great) was wont to say oft, That he never remembered he 
Many rather glory to be right Courtiers tken good Christians.  went to the sea, nor entered into the Palace, not began any battle, nor counseled of wars, nor mounted on horseback, but that first he went to the Church and served God.  
And therefore by the doings and saying of Narsetes, we may gather that every good man ought rather to incline to be a good Christian, then to give himself to arms and chivalry to be a right Courtier.  
It happeneth many times, that after the Courtier be come to his lodging, he liketh of it well, and is well pleased with all: but when he hath been in others lodgings, and hath looked upon them, strait way he falleth out of liking of his own, and thinketh himself ill lodged to others. And this misliking groweth not of his ill lodging but of an inward malice and spite he hath, to see his enemy preferred to a better than his own: For such is the secret hate and envy, in Prince's Courts (a thing common to Courtiers) that they disdain not only to thank the Harbingers for their care taken of them, in placing them in good lodgings: but they must also complain and speak ill of them, for the good lodgings they have given to their Adversaries, and companions better than that of theirs.  
There is also a foul disorder in Court among the Harbingers, in appointing lodgings: and little modesty beside in Courtiers in as king them: For such there are, that many times, neither they, nor their parents have any such lodgings at home in their own houses, as they will demand only for their horsekeepers and servants: But the great pain of the Court is yet, that such novels as come newly to the Court, they say they are of great estimation in the Country, rich and of an ancient house, and his Father of great authority and estimation; and when the truth is known, his father's authority, and first estimation was, of good labourers, and husbandmen, their only rents and revenues consist, in that they goat by the daily sweat and labour of their persons, and their power and ability, in the rents of an other man's goods, and their liberty, in service and subjection of those that gave them wages, and hired them by the day. And would to God their blood were not tainted with some other notable blot.  
There is a plague also in the Court which always dureth, and never leaveth 
The Courtier of least calling proves most troublesome.  Court, & that is, that those that are always least worth, and are of least calling, do presume, and take upon them most, and also are worst to please of all others.  
And this they do (their power being small) that they would supply, that in words & countenance, which they want in deeds and effects. Ilye if I saw not once in the country of Arragon, a Gentleman that hired a whole house, where himself and his family were very well lodged, and commodiously: & after that I remembered, I met with him in Castilia, where he could not content himself with the charge of eight houses, besides his first he was appointed to: and the occasion was, for that in Arragon he paid for that house he had, and for these he paid nothing: So that of an others purse, every man coveteth to show his magnificence, and to declare his follies: but when they defray their own charge they are as hard as flint, and go as near to work as may be-  
It is very true, that if there be any disorder and trouble to be lodged in the Court, it cometh also for the most part of the Harbingers, without whom the Courtiers could never be well lodged, although the Prince had commanded they should be lodged near him. Albeit in the court a man may easily exempt himself from the Prince's counsel, and justice of the same, having no suits there, and from the counsel and affairs of wars, being no captain: From the Synod 
All Courtiers subiectto the authority of the Harbingers.  of the Spirituality, being no Ecclesiastical person: and from that of the Indians, going to no Magicians, from the conventions of Merchants, keeping safely their Merchandise: and from the correction of the Lord high Marshal of the Court, not being foolish and insolent: yet nevertheless, there is no Courtier (be he never so high or great in favour) that can avoid himself from the Harbingers authority, but he must needs come under his lee, being in their power to dispose the lodgings as they think good: to lodge them honourably or meanly, to please or displease them, to lodge, or dislodge them. And if the Courtier happen at any time to quarrel, or fall out with them: I warrant him he shall be remembered of the Harbingers in his lodging, and possibly a Horsekeeper (yea perhaps his enemy) shall be better lodged than he, or else he may seek his lodging in the streets, where he will: For all other injuries or offences in Court, whatsoever, the Courtier may easily redress them by justice, but for those he receiveth of the harbinger, he must take them quietly, and be contented with them: For otherwise we should not only offend them, but injure ourselves, & make them provide us of no lodging: so hereby we should utterly be dislodged, & unprovided. And therefore they bear with many things in that office, which they would not do in any other office: as for example: Those kind of officers must be much made of, of others well entreated, accompanied, feasted, flattered, followed, yea many times served and waited upon. I mean in serving their turn, anointing their hands, and always enriching their gloves with sompeece of gold or silver: and alas the silly Courtier that hath not such sovereign ointment in his box, to cure these above recited sores, but only to serve his own turn: if he be not 
How a courtier may make the Harbinget his friend.  his kinsman, or near allied, let him yet at least get acquainted with him, and make him his friend: an easy thing to bring to pass, if he do not vex him, nor give him overthwart language, and sometimes he must invite him to dinner and supper: For in the court there is no goodness gotten, neither by the King, by the beloved, by the noble men, by the honourable of his Council, Treasurers, nor yet by the Harbingers, but in suffering them, and doing them always good and acceptable service. And if perchance the Harbingers wrong you, and do you displeasure, or that they should say, you were troublesome and importunate: yet be you wise for to bear with them in any case, & seem not to hear them: For what loseth the Courtier, if he bear now and-then with a few crooked words at the Harbingers hands? marry by forforbearing them, he happily cometh to be lodged the better.  
Suppose the Courtier be not always lodged to his mind and desire, should he immediately complain of them, or murmur at them? no sure, he he should but so doing show himself of small education. For what skilleth it, though among many pounds of good meat, the Butcher sometimes mingle a morsel of liver, lungs, or lights of the Beast. And therefore a man should not blame the poor Harbingers so much as they do: for they are not commanded of the King to build new lodgings, but such as they are, to divide them among the train of his Court: So that they do lodge Courtiers in such as they find, and not in those they would, adding thereto, that they have regard unto their estates and demerits, and not to the affections and wills of the persons they lodge. For it were more reason they should appoint the greatest and best lodgings, to the noblest pesonages, & eldest servants of Court, then to the late and new come Courtier, whose youth can better away 
How the Harbinger is to appoint his lodgings.  with an ill night's lodging, than the grey hairs of the old Courtier. Otherwise, the service of the old Courtier that hath spent his young years in Princes Courts (to the great pain and trouble of their persons) and in his service, should for guerdon be paid with ingratitude, if he should not be preferred to the best commodious lodging for his ease, and also the first to be advanced by the Prince before the young serviture.  
Now if it be honest and reasonable, that the Harbinger have great consideration to the merits of him that he lodgeth: Even so it is fit, the Courtier should weigh the press of the Court, and incommodious place, where the Harbingers are constrained to lodge them: knowing that to day the Court removeth to such a place where there are happily six thousand houses, and to morrow perhaps there are not a thousand, therefore if in such a place he find but narrow Fustian to make him a doublet: let him take patience till such time as they remove to another place, where they shall find broad cloth enough to make them large cloaks.   

CHAP. III. How the Courtier should entreat his host or master of the house where he, lieth.  
THe good and civil Courtier must also 
The Courtier must entrear his host well where he lieth.  entreat his Host well where he lieth: for else, if he come into his lodging brawling, and threatening, it may be, that beside he will keep his heart and good cheer secret from him, he will not also open his chamber doors to him. There are in the Court such harebrains and unundiscreet persons, that have so little regard and respect to their honest hosts, that they do nothing in their lodgings, but revel and keep ill rule, and do even what they list, as though the house were theirs to command, and not given them only for lodging: Whereof springs two exceeding evils, the one that they offend God: and the other, that the Prince is also il served. For the house is not given them to command, but only appointed for them to lodge in.  
We read in the life of the Emperor Severus, that he ordained in Rome, that if the owner of the house did entreat his guest and stranger ill, or that he did him hurt or displeasure, the stranger should accuse him before the justice, but in no wise brawl nor quarrel with him in his own house:  
Plutarch in his politics also reciteth, that in the Temples of the gods, in the Realm of Dace, there was no liberty or safety for malefactors, save in their their own proper houses, which served them for their only refuge, and inviolable assurance: for they thought that within the entry and gates of the same, none other but the Lords and Masters of the house might pretend any jurisdiction or Segnory.  
Now, if among the Daces, no officer or justice could lay hold, or punish any man, so long as he kept his, house: me thinketh it is against all reason and humanity, that the Courtier should once offer his host an injurious or unseemly word.  
Plato being one day reproved of his friends, for that he would not rebuke his host Denis the Syracusan, who at the first received him very courteously, and afterwards used him ill: answered them thus.  
My friend, to be angry with fools that show us pleasure, to take revenge of children, whom we have brought us, to beat a woman, with whom we must be familiar, and to brave and brawl with those, in whose houses we are lodged, neither the Philosophers of Greece ought to counsel him, nor the noble heart once to think to do it.  
I cannot deny, but that there are some hosts very rude and uncivil, that it is in manner an impossible thing to bring him to any honesty or civility. Howbeit, notwithstanding, I would wish the noble and worthy Courtier to take in jest, all the wrongs and injuries done, or said to him by his host, or at the least to seem, as though he heard them, not at all, otherwise, from the day the Courtier falleth out with him, he may even withal think presently to depart his house, and to seek him a new lodging: for he can never be quiet in his lodging, where the goodman of the house, and he cannot agree. And wheresoever the fine Courtier shall lodge, let him never stick at the charges of a lock to his chamber-dore, a hatch to the window, a degree or two to the stairs, a rope for the well, a hearth to the Chimney, nor for a casement to the window: for these are but trifles, and they cost little though he leave them to the house: 
●ow the Courtier may make his host beholden to him.  yet with these trifles he bindeth his host, and makes him beholding unto him. Also he may not forget sometime, to send home cates to his host, and to invite him to dinner to him, and likewise if his host did present him with any thing, he must accept it in very good part, and thank him much for it: For other while, by small presents, great friendship is obtained.  
The discreet Courtier must also forbid his Pages and servants to come into his Hosts garden, to spoil his fruit, or to gather his flowers, to steal his hens, or to break any thing of his: That they pull not up the pavements of the house, paint his walls with coals or chalk, that they rob not his Dove-house, nor make any noise to steal his Coneys, to break his glass windows, and to hurt or mar any thing about his house: For if many times they refuse to lodge strangers in their houses, it is not for want of lodging, or that the Masters should cumber them: but for the displeasures and shrewd turns they receive by their pages, and servants daily: Yet shall chance many times that a Citizen that hath a fair new house, goodly white walls, and trimly painted, shall have a Courtier come to lodge in his house, that shall have such a train with him of servants, young children and their Nephews, which are so foolish, proud, and so reckless: that they break the forms, throw down Tables, paint and bedawd the walls, beat down doors, run through the ceilings, steal the birds, and do a thousand other mischiefs and unhappy turns, so that the poor owner of the house had rather lodge an other time Egyptians & beggars, than such rude and harmful Courtiers.  
And therefore I have seen in the Court, by reason of the servants disorder, and ill rule, the masters commonly ill lodged, lodgings denied them, or after they had them to be quite taken from them.  
One of the necessariest things a Courtier should have, is to keep quiet and well conditioned servants: otherwise it is to be thought (as indeed the common saying is) the house to be ill governed, where the family & servants are so ill conditioned and disordered.  
And touching this matter, Aulus Gelius, De Noctibus Atticis saith, that when Cornelius Gracchus was returned to Rome, after he had been Consul a great while in the Isles Baleares, he said these words before all the Senate. 
It is necessary for Courtiers to keep quiet servants.   
You know (Father's Conscript) I have been Chief justice and Consul thirteen years: during all which time I swear to you by the immortal Gods, that to my knowledge I never did wrong to any man, neither any servant of mine displeasure to any, nor done any thing that was not lawful to be done in the house where I lay.  
Phalaris the tyrant, when he received any displeasure of the Agrigentines, he caused his servants to lodge in their houses with them, for the one and the other were so wicked, so unthrifty, such quarrelers and brawlers, that he could not work them a greater spite nor displeasure, then for to lodge them here and there in their houses.  
There be also in the Court some Courtiers, that are esteemed of every man to be of so evil behaviour and demeanour, their servants and family of such lewd and naughty conditions, that their hosts are thoroughly resolved either not to receive them into their houses, or if they be compelled to it, to absent themselves for the time of their being there: rather than to suffer such injuries and wrongs, as they are sure they must take at their hands.  
The Courtier must consider that 
The Courtier is to command his servants courteously to ask of his Host all needful things.  sometimes he hath need of a bottle of water to drink, a broom to sweep his chamber, a platter or dish to serve him withal, of a Table cloth and napkins, and of a towel for his hands, and his face, of a stool to sit on, and some kettle for the kitchen: and in such case he should charge his servants courteously to ask these things of his host, and not to take them perforce and unasked.  
Every man desireth to be Master in his own house, and be he brother, cozen, or friend, he will not suffer him to bear as much rule in his own house, as himself. So that he will be less offended with the hurt & loss of those things that he hath lent, and were gently asked him: then with those, which unknown to him by force, and against his will, they have taken from him, yea though they do bring them afterwards whole & sound again.  
And this our liberty is so much set by, that we shall see sometimes a man for his pleasure, play and lose a hundred Crowns of gold, and say never a word: and on the other side, if one break the least glass in his house, he will cry, and rage to the heavens, I remember when I was a Courtier, and went to visit an other Courtier, a friend of mine, that was sick in his lodging. I fell a chiding, and rebuking the host, for that I found him exclaiming and crying out of the Pages, which playing at the ball, had broken him a little lamp of glass, and he answered me thus: I cry not sir, for the loss of my Lamp, which is a half penny matter, nor for the oil that they spilled, worth a farthing, but only for the liberty they rob me of, and for the small account they make of me.  
The good and wise Courtier may not be too familiar with his Hosts wife, nor suffer his servants to be busy with the maids of the house, more than to speak to them for their necessaries: for in this case, they should less hurt the Master of the house, to ransack and spoil his house, and all that he had in it, then to take from him his honour and good name. To cast the beds on the flower, to break the doors and windows, to unpave the stone, to paint and black the walls, or to make any noise in the house, are all of them things, yet sometimes tolerable, though not honest nor civil: but to take his wife, and to abuse her, it is neither lawful nor possible to dissemble it, much less to suffer it: for it were too much shame & reproach to the husband to abide it, & high treason and crime abominable for the Courtier to do it. Now since men are frail, and that they cannot, nor will not subdue their passions and filthy motions of the flesh, there wanteth notwithstanding, not women in Princes Courts, whose love and friendship they may easily embrace, which though they were all commanded to avoid the Court, and the verge of the Court, yet it could not be chosen, but some might secretly continue still in Court, to entertain the Courtly Courtiers. For if in the Court, there 
Too many women about the Court.  be kept a table of play two months only in the year, all the year long beside they find the streets full stored of common women, when the year is most plentiful, and fruitful of all things, yet still there lacketh some provision of victuals in the Court, but of such women, there is never no want, but rather to many.  
And therefore we have not said without great reason, that it were too much treason and dishonesty for the Courtier to fall in Love with his Hostess: For in doing it, he should do her husband too much wrong, defame the wife, and offend her Friends and neighbours, and utterly undo himself.  
For Suetonius Tranquillus reciteth, that julius Caesar caused a Captain of his to be beheaded, only for slandering and defaming of his Hostess, the which he did not, tarrying for the complaint of her Husband, nor the accusation of any other.  
And the Emperor Aurelianus, seeing one of his men at a window one day pulling his Hostosse by the sleeve, caused his hand to be stricken off immediately: although both his Hostess and he swore, he did it but in jest, and to no other intent.  
Plutarch in his Book De Matrimonio saith: that there was a law among the Licaonians, that if any stranger did but only talk with his Hostess, his tongue should be cut out of his head, and if he had passed further, that he should then lose his head.  
Macrobius also in his Saturnales, reciteth, that amongst the romans it was reputed a great infamy, if any man came, and praised the beauty and manners of the Mistress of the house, where he Lodged: For, in praising her, he lets them understand he knew her: and knowing her, he spoke to her, and speaking to her, he opened his heart to her, and this doing, he plainly defamed her, and made her to be evil reported of.  
Aulus Gellius writeth, that the like punishment was inflicted on him that had carnal participation with any of the Vestal virgins: the self same was also executed on him that procured any infamy to his Hostess, where he was lodged.  
Which punishment was, either to be cut in the midst, and quartered in four parts, or else to be stoned to death alive.  
The good Courtier must also have 
The care the Courtier ought to have of his Apparel.  an other great regard, and that is, to command his servants to look well to his Ryding-apparell, and such as are lent him of Courtiers, to wear otherwhiles, to see that it be kept clean, and well-brushed, and above all safely delivered where it was borrowed.  
For commonly the horsekeepers have the horses lowsing-cloathes and their masters Footcloth more neat and cleanly, than the Grooms and Pages of the Chamber have his Apparel: and this proceeds of their great sloth and negligence.  
And truly this passeth the bounds of shamefast degree: yea, and cometh much to charge the courtiers conscience, the small account he hath, so to let his garments and Apparel, and all other his movables, to be spoiled and lost.  
And this happeneth very oft by the negligence of their pages & servants: which now throweth them about the Chambers, drags them upon the ground: now sweeps the house with them, now they are full of dust, than tattered and torn in pieces: here their hose seam-rent, there their shoes broken: So that if a poor man come afterwards to buy them, to sell again, it will rather pity those that see them, then give them any courage to buy them. Wherefore the Courtier ought not to be so careless, but rather to think upon his own things, and to have an eye unto them. For, if he go once a day to his stable to see his horses, how they are kept and looked too, he may likewise also take another day in the week, when he may find leisure to see his Wardrobe, how his Apparel lieth.  
But what patience must a poor man take, that dareth his implements & apparel to the Courtiers? that never layeth them abroad a sunning, to beat out the dust of them, nor never layeth them in water, to wash & white them, be they never so foul. And albeit the beds and other implements lent to the Courtier, be not of any great value, yet it is not fit they should be thrown at their tail, and kept filthily: for as charily and daintily doth a poor labouring, and hus, bandman keep his woollen coverlet, and setteth as much by it, as doth the jolly Courtier by his quilt, or overpaine of silk.  
And it chanceth oft times also that though at a need the poor man's bed costeth him less money, than the rich man's bed costeth him: yet doth it serve him better, than the rich and costly bed serveth the Gentleman or Nobleman. And this to be true, we see it by experience, that the poor husbandman or Citizen sleepeth commonly more quietly, and at his case, in his poor bed and cabin, with sheets of tow, then doth the Lord or rich Courtier, lying in his hanged Chamber and bed of sickness, wrapped in his finest Holland sheets, who still sigheth and complaineth.  
And finally, we conclude, that then when the Court removeth, and that the Courtier departeth from his lodging where he lay, he must with all courtesy thank the good man and 
How the Courtier is to demean himself at his departure from his lodging.  good wife of the house for his good lodging, and courteous entertainment he hath had of them, and must not stick also to give them somewhat for a remembrance of him, and beside, give certain rewards among the maids and men servants of the house, according to their ability, that he may recompense them for that is past, and win their favour for that is to come.   

CHAP. FOUR What the Courtiers must do to win the Prince's favour.  
DIodorus Siculus saith That the honour & reverence the Egyptians used ordinarily to their princes was so great, that they seemed rather to worship them, then to serve them, for they could never speak to them, but they must first have licence given them.  
When it happened any Subject of Egypt to have a suit to their Prince, or to put a supplication to them, kneeling to them, they said these words:  
Sovereign Lord, and Mighty Prince, if it may stand with your highness favour and pleasure, I will boldly speak, if not I will presume no further, but hold my peace.  
And the self reverence and custom had towards God, Moses, Aaron, Tobias, David, Solomon, and other Fathers of Egypt, making like intercession when they spoke with God, saying, Domine, mi Rex, Si inveni gratiam in oculis tuis, loquar ad Dominummeum.  
O my Lord and King, if I have found favour in thy sight, I will speak unto thee: if not, I will keep perpetual silence: For there is no service ill, when it is grateful and acceptable to him, to whom it is done: as to the contrary none good, when it pleaseth not the party that is served: For if he that serveth be not in his master's favour he serveth, he may well take pain to his undoing, without further hope of his good will or recompense. Wherefore touching that I have said, I infer, that he that goeth to dwell and abide in the Court, must above all, endeavour himself all he can to obtain the prince's favour, and obtaining it, he must study to keep him in his favour: For it should little prevail the Courtier to be beloved of all otherr, and of the Prince only to be misliked. And therefore Alcamidas the Grecian, being once advertised by a friend of his, that the Athenians did greatly thirst for his death, and the Thebans desired his life: he answered him thus: If those of Athens thirst for my death, and them of Thebes likewise desiring my life, I can but be sorry and lament. Howbeit yet, if K. Philip my sovereign Lord and Master, hold me still in his grace and favour, and repute me for one of his beloved, I care not if all Greece hate & malign me, yea, and lie in wait for me.  
Indeed sir, it is a great thing to get into the prince's favour, but when he hath gotten it, doubtless it is a harder matter to know how to keep it: For to make them love us, and to win their favour, we must do a thousand manner of services: but to cause them to hate and dislike of us, the least displeasure in the world sufficeth. And therefore the pain and trouble of him that is in favour in the Court is 
The trouble of him that is in favour in the court is great.  great, if he once offend, or be in displeasure: For albeit the prince do pardon him his fault, yet he never after returneth into his favour again: so that to conclude, he that once only incurreth his indignation, he may make just reckoning never after, or marvelous hardly to be received again into favour. Therefore sayeth the divine Plato in his books De Republica, That to be a King and for to reign, to serve and to be in favour, to fight, and to overcome, are three impossible things, which neither by man's knowledge, nor by any diligence can be obtained: only remaining in the hands, and disposing of fickle fortune, which doth divide, and give them where it pleaseth her, and to whom she favoureth best.  
And truly Plato had reason in his saying, for to serve, and to be beloved is rather hap and good fortune: then industry or diligence.  
Since we see oft times, that in the Court of princes, those that have served but three years only, shall be sooner preferred and advanced, than such one, as hath served perhaps 20. or 30. years, or possible all his life time.  
And further, he shall be both displaced, and put out of service, by means of the other. And this proceeds not through his long and faithful service he hath done, but only by reason of the good hap that followeth him.  
Although Plato telleth, that to get Realms and signiories, to overcome battles, and to be favoured and beloved of princes, be things granted to us, rather by hazard and fortune, then by force of good works and laudable acts, or by long toiling in painful service: yet the Noble and stout heart therefore should not cease at any time to enterprise, and manfully to execute in every occasion presented to him, to achieve to fame, and honour: neither for any pain and labour to lose the hope to obtain his pretended purpose: for men sometimes 
Want of audacity hinders good fortunes.  lose many things, rather through timorousness, and want of audacity, then for that they lack good hap or fortune. To see in the Court of princes some to be richer, more honoured, more noble, more esteemed, better beloved, more waited upon, better served, and better welcome than others, and more seared then others: we may by these tokens know, that fortune hath not used to reward those with such favours and preferments, which live at home idly, and much less Courtiers, who live in Court with all pleasure and delicacy, wherewith they are never wearied.  
Let no man be so fond to think that fortune is so bountiful and liberal, 
The reason why fortune raiseth some, and throweth down others  that for his authority or only thought, she will be once moved to lift him out of misery, to exalt him to higher place and dignity, without some secret and private respect had to his virtue: For when she many times upon a sudden raiseth any to high and great estate, it cometh by the merits of him that is exalted, or thorough the displeasure of him that is thrown down, in whose room she hath placed an other in favour with her. As we read of julius Emilius, for a time high in favour, and afterwards in great disgrace with the Emperor Constantius, in whose place and room succeeded afterwards an other named Alexander, who being one day reproved by some of his friends of ingratitude towards them (that said they were causers and furtherers of his honour and preferment) answered them in this manner: Masters, if I am come into such favour with the Emperor, my good and gracious Lord, succeeding in the place of Emilius, truly it was more by reason of his deserved fall, then by your obtained means or requests: Fortune and his heavy destiny, having so willed & ordained it, more to overthrow and displace him of his room and credit he was in, then to advance and prefer me to the same.  
The which I say, to advise the Citizen and Gentleman that goeth to the Court to be a Courtier, to the end he be not fickle headed, and light of belief, to think that immediately he shall come to such authority, that he may easily command all that he will: neither that he should so much despair, and be hopeless, but that by time (in serving well) he might come to be in as great favour, as any other about the Prince.  
We see daily such change and alterations in the Commonweal, and fortune to turn her unstable wheel so oft, that many times the administration of the Common weal is in his hands and rule, of whom before they made little or none account: and therefore I say to you, and again return to tell you, that the Courtier that seeketh to come into his Prince's favour, and to be beloved of him, and 
The course he must take that would be in his Prince's favour.  that coveteth to be well reputed of in Court, must endeavour himself to be very honest, and as near as may be, faultless of life, and true and faithful in his charge or office he taketh upon him: For the good opinion that men have of a man, is ever the first degree to attain to the Prince's favour: For there is no man in the world, of whatsoever estate or condition he be, so vicious and lascivious, but at the least he desireth to have an honest and virtuous man in his house: so that a man may say, that the good, and godly life is the readiest mean & way (where ever the person be) to bring him soon into the Prince's favour, and to make him to be beloved generally.  
Wherefore Phalaris the Tyrant writing to an Emulator of his, said these words unto him: I confess, thou art an honest man, but thou wilt not deny me also, that all those thou keepest in thy house, be wicked persons, and of an evil life: a thing which in my house thou shalt find all contrary: For although I am a Tyrant, at least yet I love, that no ill disposed person eat bread in my house: So though I am laden with many vices: yet am I accompanied also with many wise and learned men.  
The divine Plato came from Greece into Scicilia, only to see Dionysius the Syracusan, and not Plato himself alone but also divers other Philosophers, in company with him, whom he did not only honour and entreat well, but also saw they wanted nothing fit, or necessary for them.  
Many times Dionysius was wont to say these words. I am Captain of the Rhodians, sith I defend them from the Africans, and king of the Africans, because I govern them: and friend of the 
The saying of Dionysius to Plato & other Philosophers that came to visit him.  Italians, because I offend them not: and Father of the Philosophers, because I help to relieve them in all their necessities: & the Scicllians call me a tyrant, because they see I leave not to punish them, and keep them under.  
By these two examples we may gather, that the tyrants being friends to virtuous and honest men, much more and of necessity ought the good and just Princes to be. Also the Courtier must take great heed he be not arrogant, and a liar, a flatterer and dissembler: for those and such like faults are rather woods and by-paths, utterly to lose a man: then a plain high way to bring him into favour and credit. And although by chance there have been some, that with all these faults have notwithstanding crept into favour: yet we will show them a hundred, that only for those vices have been cast out of favour and credit both: For commonly, all those that by the favour of wicked Princes begin to be great, and of some honour, and that study by all disshonest and unlawful means to continue and keep themselves in credit and favour: Albeit for a time we see them reign and flourish in prosperity: yet that lasteth not long, neither is it perpetual, but a time cometh again, when we see them fall, and quite cast of, to their great shame and utter undoing.  
There are many that knoweth and understandeth the Prince's Court but meanly, or not at all, which believe that for being well spoken, and being careful and diligent in their business and affairs, they should the sooner for that come in favour and credit before others: but in the end their hope and imagination is nothing, not answering any thing their desire: for as there are in Court many green heads, and graceless covertures, which are of no reputation, nor any thing set by, neither deserving to be well thought of: so are there many wise heads and beloved Courtiers, greatly esteemed and reputed of.  
And this for their own good demerits, and by means also of the others wicked abuse and disorder. Sue tonius Tranquillus reciteth, that Scylla the Consul, being a mortal enemy of the Marian's, (of which faction was also julius Caesar) said: that from Caesar's infancy, his wisdom made him more to be feared and wondered at: then ever his stout and valiant courage he showed.  
Plutarch writing to Tratan, said. I assure thee (Sovereign Prince) I do more esteem and honour thy person, than I do care for all thy Empire beside: For I have seen thee do a thousand good things to deserve it, but I never saw thee once desirous to have it.  
And sure in my opinion, I verily think there is no better Alchemy in Court, to grow to sudden Wealth, & to acquire the Prince's favour: then that the fame of his good life should rather resound his praise to the Prince thereby to make him known unto him: then the respect of his Noble house or progeny.  
That Courtier also that craveth his Prince's grace, must take heed in any wise he be not companion with rash and hasty persons, whose unstable heads mislike of every state, still depraving all other virtues. Such Fellow-mates and companions, the wise Courtier must in any case refuse to be conversant with.  
I must advise him also, he beware he be not rash of speech, nor that he speak ill of any man. For, it is a right kind of treason, to detract or backbite our Friends: and much more the Prince, to whom we wholly owe our duty and allegiance. And therefore the wise and virtuous Courtier must fly from this company as far as he 
backbiting is a kind of treason, especial●y against princes.  can, that are possessed with such vain humours and passions of mind: For such kind of men, will never counseli us to serve well, nor to beware of liberal speaking, but will rather infect us, and bring us to their naughty vain humour, and make us be deemed as bad as themselves (though we be not so,) only for keeping them company.  
Like as in Commonweals, there are seditious heads, which move and and stir up the poor Commons to rebellion: even so in Prince's Courts, there are the like factious heads, that seek to win good will of courtiers: and so to stir up their minds also, to tumult and sedition: which because they have no way to come up, and grow in favour, do detract, and speak ill of those that are in Favour and authority.  
One of these abjects, and inferior sort, shall go to the house of another, (in like disgrace and discredit that himself is in:) and there these companions shall open their throats against the Prince, and his Court: saying: The King careth not for his Subjects: Talking of the high minds and countenances of the beloved and favoured of Court: of the affections of the Counsel, of the parciality and enmity of the Court: of the want of munition for wars, & of the fall and decay of the commonwealth: and thus with these lewd & uncomely discourses, they spend the long and doleful nights of Winter's season; and therewithal also, the long and hot Sunnydayes of Summer's time.  
Adrian the Emp: being once in formed, that there met and assembled together daily, at the house of one Lucius Turbon, a number of the seditious and 
The law of A drian the Emperor against seditious persons.  factious sort of Rome, which were offended with him, & conspired against him: to prevent them of insurrection, proclaimed presently through Rome, and enacted it for a law, that all Courtiers, that assembled there, should lose their heads, and all the Romans should be banished.  
All this that we have spoken, is to banish vices from Prince's Courts if it may be: For nowadays, as there are many houses of ordinary Tables, and and numbers of Dycing-houses, for all manner of play: so is there also in the Court, besides the Groom-porters, other Chambers where they meet, to murmur at each man's doings.  
And as there are some that say: Go, Let us go to such a man's house, and there we shall find Play enough: and Good fellowship, to pass the Time away as we will, etc. Even so these others say, Go, we will go to such a chamber, and there we shall meet with our companions and good-fellows, where we may talk liberally, and at our pleasure, without check or control of any.  
In famous be that house, where there is no other exercise, but play and riot: and accursed be that, where they cannot occupy themselves, but in defaming and backbiting their brethren and neighbours. For to conclude, it were less evil to play, and lose their money, then to rob and spoil his neighbour of his good name.  
Now to get into the Prince's favour, it helpeth much to consider, wherein the Prince taketh his chiefest delight, and whereto he is best affected: whether to Music, Hunting, Flying, Riding of horses, or Fishing, running, or Leaping: or any other activity whatsoever it be. And his Affect and desire (being once known and observed) he must give himself wholly to love that the Prince loveth, and to follow that that he followeth. And as Noble Princes commonly are given to their wills, to like of some pastimes, better than others: so do they show themselves more favourable and gracious, to some of their servants, then others: and rather to those whom only they see conform and agreeable with their affections, then to such as are always most diligent and painful about them, to do them the best service they can.  
The curious Courtier may account himself happy, if he can frame himself to commend that the Prince alloweth, and likewise to disallow of that the prince misliketh: and though perhaps he were many times of the contrary opinion: he may well think and believe to himself what he liketh best, but in no case to utter that he thinketh, nor yet to make any countenance to the contrary.  
The Emperor M: Aurelius never drank other then red wine: and because he was informed, that Torquatus the Roman for his sake, did not only refrain from drinking White-wines, but did also plant his wines with red-grapes: he made him Censor of Rome, and gave him the ward of the gate Salaria in the said City.  
In eating and drinking, in hunting, and Tilting, in peace and in war, in youthful sports, and grave matters: the wise Courtier must always follow the steps and will of his prince, and imitate him in the same, the best he can.  
And if it be beneficial for the Courtier, to obtain the favour of his Prince, and to be esteemed of him: let him in no wise enterprise to talk to much unto him; For, by continual frequenting the Prince, it cannot otherwise fall out, but he shall both trouble him, and be thought a proud, arrogant, and an importunate fool of him. And if the Courtier hath no grave and weighty matters to move the Prince in, to what purpose doth he seem to molest and importune the King?  
We say in weighty matters to communicate with him. For to talk with the Prince, and to trouble his ears with trifles and matters of small moment, he should be reputed of the hearers a rash man: and of the King himself, held but for a witless fool.  
Let us consider a little what is fit for the Courtier to do, and what becometh him best, and whether it be lawful for him to confers with the Prince, and then we shall come to know, if it be decent for him to speak oft to the Prince?  
Therefore to go to the King to speak ill of any man, I think no wise man will offer to do it: and if it be to give him secret intelligence of anything: he must first doubt, whether the King will believe him or no? and to think to counsel him, it is a token of a light head: and to presume to sit with the Prince, and to be merry with him, to pass the time away, let every man beware he run not into that error, nor that he once press to do it.  
To send to reprove a Prince, I know not what he is that would be so foolish hardy, as once to dare open his lips against him. And to slatter him (if the Prince be wise, he will understand him) and if he, find him once, it is enough to turn the Flatterer to great displeasure: yea, and to put him quite out of favour with him. And therefore to live in surety, and avoid these dangers, me thinks it is best to speak but seldom unto him. Lucullus was a great friend to Seneca, and was also Governor of Scicilia, and demanding one day of Seneca, What he might do that might be acceptable to Nero his Lord and Master. Seneca answered him thus.  
If thou desire to be acceptable to Princes, Do them many services, and give them few words.  
And so likewise the divine Plato said in his books de Repub That those that have to move the Prince in any thing, in any case be brief: for in delating too much, they should both cumber the prince, and make him also not give attentive ear, neither could he have leisure to hear them nor patience to tarry them. And he said further, Those matters and subjects they treat with princes in, and that are used to be told them, aught to be grave and sententious: either tending to commodity of the weal-public, to his honour or profit, or to the service of the King, to whom he speaks.  
These counsels and advertisements of Plato and Seneca (in my poor opinion) deserve to be noted and had in memory. And notwithstanding all that I have spoken, I say yet further to you, that there is nothing disposeth the prince better to love and favour his servants, then to see them diligent in service, and slow in speaking. For to reward him only that seeks it by means of his tongue, and by words: It is only in our free wills to do it: but to recompense him that by his diligent service, only craveth a good turn, and not in words, we are in conscience bound to it: And hereof springeth the vulgar proverb: The 
Good service demands recompense, though the tongue be silent.  good service is demand sufficient, though the tongue be silent.   

CHAP. V. What manners and gestures become the Courtier when he speaketh to the Prince.  
WHen the Courtier determineth to speak to the Prince, he must first show himself unto him with great reverence, before he come at him, and if the the King be set, he must kneel to him upon one knee, with his cap in his left hand, holding it neither too far, nor too near his body, but rather downwards towards his knee, with a good grace and comely fashion, not too lustily, nor too much boldly, but with a set shamefast gravity, putting himself on the left hand of the prince to speak with him, whether he be sitting or standing: For placing ourselves on the left hand, we leave the King on the right, as duty willeth us: For the right hand belongeth ever to the best person.  
Plutarch saith, that in the banquets the Kings of persia made, they sat him, whom they loved, and made most account of, cheek by cheek, and on the left hand of the prince, where the heart lieth: saying, that those whom they loved with their heart, should be set down also on that side the heart lay, and in no other place.  
Blondus sayeth to the contrary, that the Romans did honour the right hand so much, that when the Emperor entered into the Senate, no man durst ever put himself on his right hand. And he saith moreover, that if a young man were perchance found sitting on the right hand of an old man, or the Setuant on the upper hand of his master: the Son on the righthand of his Father, or any Page, Apprentice, or Serving man, on the upperhand of a Burgeiss or citizen: they were no less punished by justice for that fault and offence, then if they had done any notable crime or delict.  
Whosoever will speak unto the Prince, must speak with a soft voice, and not too hastily. For if he speak too loud, those that stand by, shall hear what he saith to the King: and in speaking too fast, the King shall not easily understand what he saith. And he must also, ere he speak unto the Prince, premeditate long before what he will say to him: and put into him good words, and aptly placed: For, wise men are more careful what words their Tongues should utter, than what their hands should do.  
There is a great difference betwixt speaking well and doing well: For in the end the hand can but strike and offend: but the Tongue can both offend and defame.  
Even when the Courtier is telling his tale to the Prince, let him be advised in all his actions and gestures, and that he play not with his cap from one hand to an other: much less that he behold the Prince too earnestly in the face. For in the one he should be taken for a fool, and esteemed in the other for a simple Courtier.  
He must take great heed also, that he spit not, cough, nor hawk, when he speaks to him: and if it be so he be constrained by Nature to it, then let him hold down his head, or at least turn at one side, that he breathe not in the King's face.  
Pliny writing to Fabatus, saith: that the Kings of India, never suffered any man (in speaking to them) to approach so near them, that their breath might come to their face. And they had reason to do it, to avoid strong and unsavoury breaths, growing rather of the indisposition of the stomach, or of the putrefaction of the Lungs, or of the corruption of the brain.  
And if the Courtier have to speak with the King after dinner or supper, Let him beware he eat no garlic, nor Onions, nor drink wine without 
Things to be eschewed of him that would speak with the King.  water. For if he savour of garlic or onions, the King may think he lacketh discretion, to come with those Sents to his presence: or if his breath were strong of Wine, that he were a drunkard.  
He must be very circumspect also that when he speaketh to the King, he speak not with his Head, as well as with his Tongue: nor that he play not with his hands, nor his feet, nor that he struck his beard, nor wink with his eyes: For such fond countenances and gestures, do rather become a Fool or jester, than a civil or honest Courtier.  
And in his discourse with the prince that he exceed not in superfluous words, more than shall only be needful, and touching his matter: and not to seem in his presence to deprave, or detract any man. He may honestly allege, (and that without reproach) that service he hath done him: but not to lay before him others faults and imperfections.  
For, at such a time it is not lawful for him to speak ill of any man, but only to communicate with him, of his own affairs. And he may not go so far also, as to remember him with too great affection, the blood spent by his Ancestors in his service: nor the great acts of his Parents: For this only word said to the Prince, I did this, better pleaseth, and liketh the Prince, then to tell him a hundred other words, of that his predecessors had done.  
It pertaineth only to women, and they may justly crave recompense of the Prince for the lives of their husbands lost in the Prince's wars: but the valiant & worthy Courtier ought not to demand recompense, but for that he only hath done by piercing 
In what sort the Courtier is to demand recompeuce of the prince  lance, and bloody sword.  
He must beware also that he show no countenance to the King of insatisfaction, neither to be passioned in casting his service in the Prince's teeth saying, All others have been recompensed save only him, whom the Prince hath clean forgotten: For Princes will not that we only serve them, but that we also (at their wills and pleasures) tarry for recompense, and not to have it when we gape, or are importune for it.  
Howbeit, it is lawful notwithstanding, humbly and lowly, without choler or passion, to put the Prince in remembrance of all that we have done for him, and of the long time we have spent in serving him. Also the curious Courtier shall not show himself to dislike at all of the Prince, neither by heaping of many words, to induce him to hear him with the better good will: For men's hearts are so prone to ill, that for one only unpleasant or overthwart word spoken to them, they lightly forget a thousand services done them.  
Socrates being one day demanded what he thought of the Princes of Greece, answered: There is no other difference between the names, and propeties of the gods, & that of princes, but that the gods were immortal, and these mortal.  
For these mortal princes use in a manner the like authority here in earth, that the Gods immortal do in Heaven above.  
Saying, further also, that I always was, am, and will be of that mind, that my mother Greece remain a common weal.  
But since it is determined to be governed by princely Monarchy, I wish them in all, and for all, to acknowledge their obedience and allegiance to their King and Sovereign: For when they would otherwise use it, they may be assured, they shall not only go against mortal Princes, but also against the eternal God.  
Suetonius Tranqutllus saith, that Titus the Emperor being advertised that the Consuls would kill him, and usurp his Empire, answered thus wisely.  
Even as without the divine will and providence I could never have possessed the Imperial Crown: so without their permission & sufferance, it lieth in no man's power to deprave me of it: For to us men it pertaineth only to keep the Imperial jurisdiction, and to the gods alone to give and defend it: Which we have spoken, to the end no man presume to be revenged of his Prince, neither in word nor deed: for to speak ill of him, we should rather purchase us their high indignation and displeasure, then procure us any cause or suggestion to be revenged of him.  
Let the good Courtier be also advised, that in talking with the Prince he be not too obstinate, to contend with the Prince, or any other in the Prince's presence: For this name of arrogant and self willed, becometh not the person of a wise Courtier: For 
The Courtier should not be obstinate.  we know, that in sport, and argument every man desireth to overcome, how trifling soever the matter be: And therefore we read in the Life of the Emperor Severus, that Publius the Consul jested one day with Fabritius his Companion, and told him he was in love.  
Whom Fabritius answered: I do do confess, it is a fault to be in love, but yet it is a greater fault for thee to be so obstinate as thou art: for love proceedeth of wit and discretion, but obstinacy cometh of folly and great ignorance.  
If perchance the King ask the Courtier's opinion in those matters, they discoursed, if he know his opinion to agree with the Princes, Let him therefore tell it him hardly: but if it be contrary, let him hold his peace, & not contend against him, framing some honest excuse to conceal his opinion. 
How princes are to be spoken to, if they be in an error.  But if perhaps the King were obstinate, and bend to his opinion in any thing, and that through his self will, and obstinacy, he would do any thing unreasonable or prejudicial to his Commonwealth, and that great detriment might come thereby: yet for all this, in such case the Beloved Courtier should not at that instant be too plain with him, to let him understand his error, neither yet should he suffer him altogether to pass his way untouched, but in some fine manner and proper words (as may become the place best) to give him to understand the truth.  
But to use it with more discretion, he shall not need before them all to open his whole mind, but to keep his opinion secret, expecting a more apt time, when the King shall be apart in his Privy Chamber, and then frankly to tell him his whole mind, with all humility and reverence, and to show him the plain truth, without keeping any one thing from his knowledge: For otherwise in telling the King openly, he should make him ashamed? and in dissembling his fault also privily, he should not be admonished of his error committed.  
Now therefore let our conclusion be, that the Courtier that proceeds in his matters, rather with opinion & obstinacy, than discretion and judgement, shall never be in favour with the Prince, nor yet beloved in the Court: For it is as necessary for the Courtier, that will seek the favour of the Prince, and love of the Court, to impose his tongue to silence: as it is to dispose his body to all manner of service.  
I know there are some such rash, undiscreet, and arrogant fools, that as much do boast and rejoice to have spoken undiscreetly to the King, and without respect of his princely Majesty: as if they had done some marvelous thankful service, with whom, truly no man ought to be greatly offended, for such fond boasts and vaunts as they make, and much less also with that that happens to them afterward: The Courtier also must be well advised, 
How the Courtier must demean himself, when his Prince sporteth before him.  that albeit the king for his pleasure do privily play with his hands, or jest with his tongue with the Courtier, and that he take great pleasure in it: yet that he in no case presume to do the like (yea, thoogh he were assured the King's Majesty would take it well) but let him modestly behave himself, and show by his words and countenance, that he thinketh the Prince doth honour him, in pleasing his Majesty to use those pastimes and pleasant devices with so unworthy a person as he is: For the Prince may lawfully play, and sport himself with his Lords and Gentlemen: but so may not they again with him: For so doing, they might be counted very fond and light.  
With a man's companions and coequals it is lawful for every man to be merry and play with all: But with the Prince, let no man so hardy once presume further, more than to serve- honour, and obey him. So that the wise Courtier, must endeavour himself always to come in favour by his wisdom, and courtly behaviour, in mattsrs of weight and importance: and by great modesty and gravity, in things of sport and pastime: Therefore Plutarch in his Apothegms saith, That Alcibiades amongst the greeks a worthy Captain, and a man of his own Nature, disposed to much mirth & pleasure, being asked once by some of his familiar friends, why he never laughed in theatres, Banquets, and other common plays where he was, answered them thus: Where others eat, I fast? where others take pain and play, I rest me, and am quiet: where others speak, I 
Where wise men are best known.  am silent, where they laugh, I am courteous, and jest not: For wise men are never known but among fools and light persons.  
When the Courtier shall understand, or hear tell of pleasant things to be laughed at, Let him in any case (if he can) fly from those great laughters and fooleries: that he be not perhaps moved too much with such to●es, to laugh too loud, to clap his hands, or to do other gestures of the body, or admirations too vehement, accompanied either with a rude and barbarous manner of behaviour, then with a civil and modest nobleness: For over great and excessive laughter was never engendered of wisdom, neither shall he ever be counted wise of other that useth it.  
There are also an other sort of Courtiers that speak so coldly, & laugh so drily, and with so ill a grace: that it were more pleasure to see them weep then to laugh. Also to novel or to tell tales to delight others, and to make them laugh, you must be as brief as you can, that you weary not and cumber not the Auditory, pleasant, and not biting, nor odious. Else it chanceth oftentimes, that wanting any of these conditions, from jesting they come many times to good earnest. Elius Spartianus in the life of the Emperor Severus saith, that the said Em-Emperour had in his Court a pleasant fool, and he seeing the fool one day in his dumps and cogitations, asked him what he ailed to be so sad? The fool made answer: I am devising with myself what I should do to make thee merry. And I sw are to thee my Lord Severus, that for as much as I 
What disposition should be in a Prince's jester.  weigh thy life so dear, possibly I study more the nights for the tales I shall tell thee in the morrow after, then do the Senators touching that they must decree on the next day.  
And I tell thee further, my Lord Severus that to be pleasant and delighting to the Prince, he must neither be a very fool, nor altogether wise: But though he be a fool, yet he must smatter somewhat of a wiseman: and if he be wise, he must take a little of the fool for his pleasure.  
And by these examples we may gather, that the Courtier must needs have a certain modesty and comely grace, as well in speaking, as he must have a soft & sweet voice in singing: There are also some in Court, that do not spare to go to Noble men's boards to repast, which being in deed, the unseemly grace itself: yet in their words and talk at the board, they would seem to have a marvelous good grace, wherein they are oft deceived. For if at times the Lords and gentlemen laugh at them, it is not for any pleasure they take in their talk but for the ill grace, and uncomely gestures they use in their talk.  
In the banquets and feasts, Courtiers make sometimes in the Summer, there are very oft such men in their company, that if the wine they drank took their condition, it should be drunk either colder or hotter than it is.   

CHAP. VI How the Courtier should behave himself to know, and to visit the Noble men and Gentlemen, that be great with the Prince, and continuing still in Court.  
THe Courtier that cometh newly to the Court, to serve there, must immediately learn to know those that are in authority and favour in the Court, and that are the Prince's Officers: For if he do otherwise, neither should he be acquainted with any Noble man or Gentleman, or any other of the Prince's servants, neither would they also give him place, or let him in when he would. For we be not conversant with him we know not, and not being conversant with him, we trust him not, and distrusting him, we commit no secrets to him: 
He that will come to favour in the Court must be acquainted with all the Courtiers in the Court.  So that he that will come in favour in the Court, must make himself known, and be friend to all in general.  
And he must take heed that he begin not so suddenly to be a busy suitor in his own private affairs: or for his friend, for so he shall be soon reputed for a busy solicitor, rather than a wise Courtier. Therefore he that will purchase favour and credit in the Court, must not be careful to prefer men's causes, and to intermeddle in many matters: For the nature of Princes is, rather to commit their affairs into the hands and trust of grave and reposed men, then to busy and importunate solicitors: The Courtier also may not be negligent to visit the Prelates, Gentlemen and the favoured of the Court, nor to make any difference between the one and the other: and not only to visit their parents and friends, but his enemies also: For the good Courtier ought to endeavour himself the best he can to accept all those for his friends at least, that he cannot have for parents and kinsfolks: For amongst good and virtuous Courtiers, there should never be such bloody hate, that they should therefore leave one, to company with another, and to be courteous one to another.  
Those that be of base mind, do show their cankered hearts by forbearing to speak, but those that be of Noble blood and valiant courage, begin first to fight, ere they leave to speak together. For there is also an other sort of Courtiers, which being sometimes at the Table of Noble men or else where, when they hear of some quarrel or private displeasure, they show themselves in offer like Lions: but if afterwards their help be craved in any thing, and that they must needs stand by their friend, and draw on his his side, than they show themselves as still as Lambs, and gentle enough to be entreated.  
Amongst other the new come-Courtier hath to be acquainted withal, he must learn to know those the Prince favoureth, and loveth best, on whom he must wait and attend upon, and do all the service he can, without grudge and disdain: For there is no King, but far off on him, hath an other King, that still contrarieth his mind, and preventeth him of his intent and pleasure: And ever 
A Prince hath always some favourite:  near unto him some, whom he loveth and favoureth, that may dispose of the Prince as he listeth. Plutarch writing to trajan said these words.  
I have, O trajan, great pity on thee: for the first day thou tookest upon thee the Imperial Crown of the Roman Empire, of a free man thou thraldest thyself to bondage: For only you other Princes have authority to give liberty to all others, but never to grant it to yourselves: saying moreover, that under the colour of royal liberty, you shall remain more subject than your own subjects that ever obey you: For if you command many in their houses, also one alone after commandeth you in your own Court.  
Now although many commanded the Prince, or that he would follow the counsel but of a few, or that he loved one above an other, or that he consented one alone should govern him, the good Courtier need not once to open his mouth to reason of the matter: For so it might easily fall out, he should begin out of hand to feel in the Court, of what importance it were to enter into such discourse of the Prince, & afterwards to go home to his own house, to end it with tears.  
First,, to purchase the high indignation of the Prince: Secondly, to be 
The inconveniences that follow the needles reasoning of that the King allows.  disdained of the Court: Thirdly, to be cast quite out of favour: Fourthly, to be exiled and banished the verge of the Court: and five, and lastly, to end the rest of his woeful days in a vile and miserable place.  
Now if it be hard to compass to get into the Prince's favour: I think it no very ill counsel that at least he seek to be in favour with him, that is in the Prince's favour: For oftentimes there cometh as much displeasure to us, being ill willed of those the Prince doth esteem and favour: as there doth by the princes own indignation that reigneth ovet us: For that we talk of princes, cometh not all to his ears (and but seldom) unless the matter be slanderous, and offensive to his Majesty. But to the contrary, we no sooner speak of those that be in favour, and beloved of the prince, but they are not only with speed advertised what was spoken of them: but they further divine, what we thought of them.  
Therefore my friend Courtier, sith it lieth not in thee to diminish or impair his credit, that is in favour with the Prince, and beloved in the Court: neither to displace his matters, and suits he taketh in hand and that thou hast no authority to reform and govern the Commonweal, nor to redress the wrongs and injuries received, I would wish thee to follow my counsel.  
If thou spy the faults and imperfections of the Court that thou rather suffer & abide them, in keeping them secret: then to seem to reprove them openly, when thou seest Noble-Princes contented to dissemble, and cover them privily.  
It is therefore the sounder counsel to follow and serve those that are in favour and credit, then to pursue them in word or deed.  
And therefore the Courtier must be very choice with whom he is familiar, to whom he speaketh, whom he 
Between words spoken & the intent with which they were spoken is great difference.  trusteth: who heareth him, and of whom he receiveth all his intelligence.  
For there is great difference between the words that are spoken, and the intent and meaning, with which they were spoken. For, the bowels and entrails of Courtiers are so damnable, and their hearts so crooked, and diverted from the right pathway of bounty and goodness, that the new and ignorant Courtier shall think himself much profited by their advises, and admonitions, when indeed they shall but deceive him: and shall think he was well counseled, when he shall find himself the most deceived in the world, & in greater anger than before.  
There are some also so little contented with the Prince, and so ill recompensed for their service, that they are not only not his friends, but they practise secretly to purchase him more enemies.  
And when the Courtier seeth, that be that is in favour and credit, doth 
It is best for the Courtier to be 〈◊〉 friendship with all, if can possible.  in deed stick close with him unfeignedly, what need he care then, though all the rest be his enemies. And the good Courtier must consider, that he goeth not to the Court to revenge injuries, but only to purchase honour and profit. To whom also I give counsel, that he be not enemy to him that is in favour, nor friend to his enemy: and yet it shall be best for him to be friend to all, and enemy to none, if he can possible.  
Whosoever desireth to be well thought of in the Court, and to be beloved of Courtiers, it is better for him to suffer injuries done him, than he himself to be a procurer of them to others. And for the injuries, detractions and mutinings, that they shall raise against the favoured of the Court, no man ought to trust any other person than himself, sith that for the most part whom they do trust (when he shall have need of the good report, and credit of him that is in favour with the Prince, thinking to do him a piece of great service) he he shall not care to unfold to him, even the bottom of his friends secrets, which were committed to him in great secrecy.  
He must also consider that he cannot possibly in a short time grow in favour with the Prince, nor come also to be accepted for a friend of him that is in favour about the Prince: but the sooner to hasten his good fortune, he must acquaint himself thoroughly with the Officers and servants of the beloved, & do them a thousand pleasures daily, as well in courteous words as in serving their turns also with money or jewels, presenting them ever with some pretty small token from him, to have him in mind, and to remember him to their masters: for the true order of this disorder, is in effect to be rather friend to their servants, then familiar or beloved with their masters that are in so great favour: he must also be informed, which of his Servants (that is in estimation with the Prince) is in best credit with his Master, and him he must seek to make his friend above all other his fellows: for even as the Prince hath a servant whom he loveth, that leads him altogether: 
There is no man, but gives more credit to one than another.  even so likewise hath the favoured Courtier, a servant about him that commandeth him. There is no will so free & liberal, neither any lord so high and absolute, nor judge so upright a justicer, but in the end, he giveth more trust and credit to one, then to another.  
And hereof proceeds most commonly, that we love not those we ought to love, but those whom we fancy most. Now therefore following our intent, touching the visitation of the Courtiers, he must lay watch and consider well to procure knowledge: First, if any such Noble men, or other his friends, which he hath denotion to visit, be occupied, or withdrawn to their bedde-Chambers, for some private business of theirs: for if it were so, they would rather think he came to trouble them, then to visit them.  
And therefore he that is wise, in visiting his friends, may not be too importune upon them, to press into their bedchamber, neither to be too tedious and unpleasant in his words. There are some so solitary, that would never be visited, & others, that desires to be visited every day: Others there be, that would the visitation should be short: Others, that take pleasure to hear a long discourse, that he would his Tale should never be ended, So that the Courtier must look into the natures of men, and so to frame his visitations, according to the conditions of their mind: and to remember his visitations to great grave men, be not so oft, and daily that they be troublesome to him, nor so seldom, that they may think them strangers, and that they had forgotten him.  
That only deserveth the name of a true visitation, where the person visited, 
Wherein true visitation of our betters or friends consisteth.  may not be troubled with importunacy: nor the visitor may diminish any part of his credit and estimation, and also that he prejudice not his own commodity in his affairs.  
I speak it for some, that are so troublesome in their visitations, and so foolish and tedious in their words, not knowing how to make an end: that we may better call them troublesome, envious, and impudent, then honest visitors, and faithful true friends.  
And therefore we should leave them so contented we visit, that they should rather be angry to lose our company, then that they should complain of our importunity: giving them rather occasion to meet us with a pleasant countenance (when we enter into their house, then to make them hide themselves, or fly from us, when they see us) and say they are not within.  
And me thinks indeed where we have not great and strait Friendship, or else some affairs of great importance, that toucheth us much, it should be sufficient to visit our friends and acquaintance, once in a month: and where they would see more oftener, let us tarry till they complain and find fault, and send to us, to let us understand it, and not that we be so ready to come to offer and present ourselves unto them, unless the necessity of our cause do urge us. There are some persons so undiscreet in being visited, that when others do come to see them, either they make 
The indiscretion of some that are visited.  the gates to be shut upon them, or they cause their servants to say, they are nor within, or else they get them out at the back door, or they feign that they are a little acrased, only to avoid and fly from these troublesome and babbling visitors: So that they had rather see a Sergeant enter into their house to arrest them for debt, then to be cumbered with these loathsome and prating visitors.  
Also it is not fit to go see their friends at unlawful hours, as about dinner or supper time: for those that are visited, will rather think they come to dine or sup with them, then of eurtesie and good will to see them: It happeneth sometimes, that many are brave and rich in apparel, that keep but a poor and mean ordinary at their Table, sparing from their mouth to lay it upon their backs: and therefore they are very loath and offended that any of their friends or familiars should take them at meals to judge of them: for they think it less pain to fast from meat secretly, then that their scarcity should openly be discovered:  
Also the Laws of honesty and civility do not permit any man to enter into the house, hall or chamber of an other, without knocking, or calling first at the door: for that only privilege to come in the house suddenly, and speak never a word, belongeth to the Husband or Master of the house.  
Also it is not good to go see his friend when he is at play, for if he be a loser, it cannot be but he will chafe, & be in choler, in his mind with his friend to come then to trouble him, & to let him of his play: and if haply he were a winner before his friend came to see him: and afterwards chance to be a loser again: he will lay, the occasion of his loss upon his friend that came of good will to see him, and say that he turned his good luck away from him, and that he came but to trouble him, taking it rather for an offence and injury done him, then for any good love or duty showed him.  
If our friend in like manner whom we go to visit, come out of his chamber to receive us, not bidding us come into the Chamber, nor to sit down, but standing to talk with us, without any other courtesy or entertainment, we may easily perceive by this his manner of entertainment that he giveth us good and honest leave to depart when we will.  
The Wise and fine Courtier, will as easily find and understand him by his signs, as he will do sometimes by his words,  
Also the Courtier must take great 
The discretion the Courtier is to use in his courtesy.  heed, that in seeming to use courtesy he happen not to make some foolish countenance in pulling off his cap, in making courtesy, coming into the Hall, or taking a stool to sit down, lest he be therefore marked and mocked of the standers by, or noted for proud or presumptuous, for to stay or let at these Trifles, a man rather getteth the name of a glorious, light, and proud, then of a grave and sober man.  
All things touching conscience, civility and honour, the good Cor, tier should always have in memory, and before his eyes, when he shall discourse with his Lord, or visit his friend. And for the first beginning of his discourse, and talk with him, (after they are set down together) he must ask him how his body doth, and whether all his house be merry & in good health: for it is the thing that we must first procure for our own private commodity: and secondly, desire it for our friends.  
Also in the courtiers visitations he may not be too curious, or inquisitive of news, neither overbusy to tell news: for after his Friend were once advertised of the truth, it might be lightly, he would thank him for his coming, and commend him for his courtesy: and notwithstanding blame him for his news, and count him a Lyar.  
And if it happen we find the party whom we visit, sad, comfortless, and in some necessity: although he were not our Friend, yet for that he is a Christian, we ought to comfort him with words, and to seek also to help and relieve him with somewhat.  
Lycurgus' in his Laws he made and ordained, that it should not be lawful for any man to come to see a prisoner, but he should help to deliver him: nor any poor man, but he should relieve him: nor any sick or diseased person, but he should help and comfort him, to his able power.  
And truly me thinks Lycurgus had great reason to make this Law: since 
One gift in necessity is better than a thousand words.  we see that in experience, that a man's mind, for one only thing that is given him, is better contented and satisfied, then with a thousand words that they can speak unto him.  
And if his house whom they go to visit, and where he dwelleth, be his own inheritance, and Fee-simple: or that he hath it by Lease, or purchase, or that he hath builded it out of the ground: or if he have repaired, or new coated it: the Courtier must pray him to let him see it, and when he hath seen it, he must greatly commend it to him: for all mortal men have this common-fault and humour, that they must be praised for their doings, and not reproved for their faults.  
Further, if they visit any sick person, they must remember they speak but little unto him, and that but softelie, and in pleasant matters, &c: for otherwise it should seem (and they will also believe) he came to see him, rather to aggravate his sickness more, then to comfort him.  
We must ever make short visitations, not only with the sick and diseased, but the whole and found. And then the good Courtier must take his leave of them, when he is even in his most pleasant discourse, to the end, they may entreateth him to tarry longer, and not to tarry till they seem to licence him, by outward signs and ceremonies, and he that shall go visit another, let him take heed he be not so long and tedious in his talk, that the person whom he visiteth do rise before him: For it were too plain a token he were weary of his company, and long tarrying, sith he rose before him to give him occasion to depart.  
If his wife whom he visiteth be not a sister, or kinswoman of the Courtiers that visits him, or that they be not of very familiar acquaintance together, he should not once seem to ask for her, much less to desire to see her. For as Scipio saith, A man should not trust any to see his Wife, 
Two things which a man should not trust any with.  nor to prove his sword.  
It is also a custom used among Courtiers, that when they go to any man's house to see him, before they light off their horse, they send to know whether he be within or no.  
And when the Courtier taketh his leave of him he hath visited, he must not suffer the Gentleman for to bring him out of his Chamber to accompany him, much less to come down the stairs with him: which if he use in this manner, the other shall be bound to thank him for his coming, and shall commend him for his civility.  
And if it happen when we go to visit some Noble man, or other beloved of the Court at his lodging: and that at our coming he is ready to come out of his house to ride abroad in the fields to take air, or to ride unto the Court, for to solicit some of his affairs: or to ride abroad in the town for his pleasure, the diligent Courtier must willingly accompany him, and offer him all the service he can: and so he shall deserve double thanks of him, the one for his coming, and the other for his gentle offer and company.  
To visit the Prince's servants, it is not the manner (for that they are always occupied in the Prince's service) neither shall they have such time of leisure as other have. And because they have no time commodious to see them at home at their own houses, yet at the least the good Courtier must needs accompany them at times when they go abroad. For there is more reason the esteemed Courtier should make more of him that accompanieth him, then of the other that is too importunate and troublesome to him.   

CHAP. VII. Of the good countenance and modesty the Courtier should have, in behaving himself at the Prince or Noble man's Table in the time of his meal.  
THose that are abiding still in Prince's 
A custom wherein the Courtier may lavish hia reputation.  Courts, must in any case go seldom or not at all abroad to others Tables, but always to keep their own. For that Courtier that runneth from Table to Table, to eat of others cost, to have his meat free, is not so sparing of his purse, as he is too prodigal and lavish of his good reputation.  
Therefore Eschines the Philosopher being demanded one day what a man should do to be counted good he answered thus: To become a perfect Greek, he must go to the church willingly, and of good devotion, and to the wars of necessity, but to feasts and banquets, neither of will, nor of necessity, unless it be to do them honour and pleasure that do invite thee.  
Suetonius Tranquillus writeth that the Emperor Augustus prohibited in Rome, that no man should invite each other to feast or banquet with an other: but if his friend would do him that honour to come to his feast, that then he should send him home to his house, of that meat he should have ●ad at the feast, and banquet with them at their houses.  
And when he was asked of certain of his friends, what he meant to make this Law, he gave them this answer: The cause that moved me, good friend, to forbid plays and banquets in Rome was, because in play, no man kept himself from swearing, and terrible blaspheming the name of God: and in banquets every man is given to de●ect and defame his neighbour.  
Cicero recounteth of Cato the Censor, that he lying on his death bed: at the mercy of God, should say these words: Four things I remember I have done in my life, wherein I have rather showed myself a voluptuous, and negligent Barbarian, than a wise and good Roman Citizen, for the which I find myself sore grieved.  
The first is this, For that I spent a whole day, and forgot to serve the Gods, and did not profit my common Wealth in any thing, which I should never have done: For it is as great a dishonour for a Philosopher to be counted an idle and negligent person, as it is for a noble heart to be counted a rank coward.  
The second is, for that safely I might once have gone by land, and perilously 
When a wise man may put himself in peril.  I hazarded myself upon the water. A thing which well I should have let alone: for never no wise man should ever have put himself into peril, unless it were only for the service of the Gods, for the increase of his honour, or for the defence of his Country.  
The third is, that I opened once a great secret, and matter of importance to a woman, which I ought less to have done then all the rest: For in grave matters, and things of counsel. there is no woman capable to give counsel, and much less to take it, and least of all to keep it secret.  
The fourth was, that another time I was contented to be overcome by a friend of mine, that earnestly invited me to his house to dinner, and thereupon I went with him, which I should not have done: for to say the truth, there was never famous nor worthy person that went to eat in an other man's house, but that he diminished his liberty, hazarding also his gravity and reputation to the rumour and brute of others.  
The which words being so wisely spoken by the prudent Cato, were well worthy to be noted and carried away, and so much the more, that being now drawing to his last home, & even in his last breathing hour, he only spoke of these four things, and no more: whereof, although he were a Roman, yet he showed to us a repenting mind.  
But woe is me, that albeit I do bear the name of a Christian, yea, & and that I am so indeed, yet in that last day when Nature summons me: I fear me, and believe assuredly, I shall have cause to repent me, of more than four things.  
Now by these things heretofore recited we may easily conjecture, that albeit we are contented to be entreated and requested in many things, yet in this only to go to others tables to feast, and in strange houses, we should not be entreated, but rather compelled and against our wills.  
And where the Courtier is forced by importunacy to accept the bidding, 
How he that is bidden to a feast may purchase thanks of the bidder.  without offering himself before, he deserveth as great thanks of the bidder for his coming, as the other did in bidding him. For if it should not be so, it should seem rather a dinner for staungers, that travel by the way, then for Noblemen and Gentlemen, that come from the Court.  
For that day the Courtier granteth to dine with any man, the same day he bindeth himself to be beholding to him that bids him: for although he come to him of good will, yet to acquit his courtesy done him, he is bound of necessity.  
Also it is a small reputation, (and worthy great reproach) that a Courtier make his boast he hath eaten at all the Tables and Officers boards in the Court, and no man can say he hath once been at dinner or supper with him at his own house.  
And truly I remember I knew once a Courtier that might dispend above two hundred Ducats by the year, who told me, and assured me he never bought stick of wood, to warm him within his chamber, nor Pot to seethe his meat in, neither spit to roast with all, nor that ever he had any Cater for his provision, save only that he had made a register of many noblemen's boards: amongst whom he equally divided his dinners and suppers. By means whereof he saved all his charges, save only his men's Boordewages.  
But what vileness or discourtesy could equal the misery and shame of this careless Courtier? Sure not that of the meanest and poorest Slave of the world, that liveth only by his hire: No, it deserveth not to be compared 
To what end we should desire riches.  unto it. For, to what end desire we the goods of this world, but that by them we may be honoured, relieve our Parents and Kinsmen, and thereby also win us new Friends? what state or condition soever he be of, that hath enough and abundance, we are not bound to esteem the more of him for that, nor to do him the more honour, but only for that he spendeth it well, and worshipfully, and for his honour, if he be honourable.  
And this we speak of Gentlemen, as of Citizens. And he that in Court makes profession to Dine at othermen's Tables, I dare undertake if they dine betimes on the Holiday, he will rather lose Service in the morning, than Dinner at noon. And if any Friend come to lie with these sort of Courtiers, and that he be but newly come the Court, straightways he will have him with him to dinner: and bring him to salute the Gentleman, where he dines that day, saying: That he was bold, to bring his Kinsman and Friend with him, to salute him: And all this is not so much, to bring him acquainted with him, as it is to spare his meat at home for them both.  
And yet they have an other knack of Court finer than this: They flatter the Pages and Servants, because they should ever give them of the best wine at the Table: and with certain familiar nods, and sweet words, they entertain the Lords, Showers, and Carvers, and make much of them: that they should set before them full dishes and of the best and daintiest meat.  
There are also some of these Courtiers, that to be well waited upon at the fable, and to make them his friends, do sometimes present the Steward with a velvet cap, the showers with a pair of washed or perfumed gloves, the Pages with a sword-girdle: and the Butlers or Cupbordkeepers with some other pretty reward or devise.  
And it chanceth often times in noble men's houses, that there are so many guests to dine and sup with him daily, that many times the board will not hold them all by a great number; which when they once perceive, to see how quickly, and with what speed the Courtiers take their places to set them down, and to be sure of a room: It is a world to see it.  
But oh, I would to God, they were 
Many not 〈◊〉 to serve God, as their own bellies.  so happy and diligent to go to the Church, and hear a Sermon, as they are busy to get them stools, to sit at the Table.  
And if perhaps a Courtier come late, and that the Table be all ready full, and the lurch out, yet he will not be ashamed to eat his meat nevertheless: For albeit he cannot be placed at his ease, yet he is so bold and shameless, that rather than fail, he will sit of half a buttock, or behind one at the Table.  
I remember I saw once at a Nobleman's Table, three Courtiers sit upon one stool, like the four sons of Amon, and when I rebuked them for it, and told them it was a shame for them: They answered me merrily again, that they did it, not for that there wanted stools, but to prove if need were, if one stool would hold them three.  
Such may well be called greedy gluttons, and shameless proulers, without respect or honesty, that when they are dead, would be buried in the highest place of the Church: & when they are alive, little force at whose table they sit, or how they sit, little regarding their honour or estate.  
Truly, for him, that is poor and needy, to seek his meat and drink, where he may come by it best: it is but meet: but for the gorgeous Courtier, bedecked with gold, buttoned and be iewelled, jetting in his velvets, and silks, to beg and seek his dinner daily at every man's board, being nobly and honourably entertained of the prince, and able to bear his countenance: what reproach, defame, and dishonour is it to him?  
He that useth daily to run to 
How he is welcome that is a common runner to other men's Tables.  other men's Tables, is oft times forced to sit lowest at the board upon a broken stool, and to be served with a rusty knife, to eat in foul dishes, & to drink for a change hot water, and wine, more than half full of Water: and to eat door bread, and that that of all others yet is worst of all, every one of the servants looks over their shoulder on him, and are angry with him in their minds.  
Truly, he that with those conditions goeth abroad to seek his dinner, were better in my opinion, to fast with bread & water at home, then to fill his belly abroad. But such men's reward, that haunts men's houses in this manner, is this in the end, that the Noblemen to whose houses they come to, are offended with them, the Stewards of the house murmur at them, the pages and servants mocks them, and laughs them to scorn: The Tasters and Cupbearers chafe with them in their minds: The Cupboard keepers wonder at them, the Clerks of the Kitchen thinks them importunate and shameless creatures. Wherefore it followeth (whosoever will observe it) that so soon as the servants once see him come into the dining Chamber, some of them hides the stool where he would sit down, others set before him the worst meat of the board, and the filthiest dishes they have: and therefore he that may have at home at his house, his poor little pittance well dressed, a fair white Table cloth, a bright knife, new and white bread, wood and candle in the winter and other necessaries: if he like better to go from Table to Table, from kitchen to kitchen, and from one Buttery to another, I will suppose he doth it for great spare and hardiness, or for want of honesty and good manners.  
Now he that keeps an Ordinary house, and remains always at home, may dine if it be in the summer season, in his shirr, if he list, he may sit when he will, and where it pleaseth him, he drinks his wine fresh, and hath the flies driven from his Table with the ventola, he disdaineth the Court and Noble men's boards, keeping his own as frank and as sparing as he list, and no man to gainsay him: yea and after meat he is at liberty to sit still, and take his ease, or to walk abroad in the shade as he wil And in Winter if perhaps he be wet, he strait shifts him, and changes all his clothes, gets him a furred Nightgown on the back of him, and a pair of warm slippers, to heat his cold feet withal: he eats his meat warm and smoking hot, and takes that he likes best: he drinks white wine, red wine, or claret-wine, as he thinks best, and needs never to care for them that behold him.  
And therefore so great privileges as those be of liberty, the Courtier should never refuse to buy them for his money much less for the gain of a meals meat he should leave to enjoy them, etc.  
But if the Courtier will needs determine to visit Noble-mens-bords, he must be very wary that incomming to a Nobleman's Table, he do not so much commend his Fare and Ordinary, that he complain of other men's Tables where he hath said. For, 
How he is to demean himself, that will visit noble means Table.  it is a kind of Treason to defame and slander those, whose houses they are wont to visit oft.  
And when he is set at the Table, the Courtier must behave himself modestly, he must eat temperately, and finely, he must allay his wine with water, and speak but little: so that those that are present cannot but praise him for his temperancy and sober diet, but also for his wisdom and moderate speech.  
To feed mannerly is to be under stood, not to blow his nose in his napkin, nor to lean his elbows upon the Table: not to eat to leave nothing in the dish, not to find faults with the Cooks, saying: The meat is not enough, or not well dressed For, it were a great shame for the Courtier to be noted of the waiters, to be a bellygut, and to be counted a grosse-feeder.  
There are some also that make themselves so familiar, and homely in the house, that they are not contented with that is served them in the Dish, but shamefully they pluck that unto them that is left in other dishes: so that they are esteemed for jesters, no less saucy than malapert in their order, then infatiable in their beastly eating  
The good Courtier must also take heed he lay not his arms too far on the Table, nor that he make any any noise with his teeth, nor tongue, nor smack with his mouth when he eateth, and that he drink not with both his hands on the cup, nor cast his eyes too much upon the best dishes, that he knaw nor tear his bread with his teeth, that he lick not his fingers, nor have done eating before others, nor to have too greedy an appetite to the meat or sauce he eats, and that in drinking he gulp not with his throat. For such manner of Feeding, rather be cometh an Alehouse, than a Noblemans-Table. And although the Courtier can not go over all the Dishes that comes to the board, yet at least let him prove a little of every one, and then he must praise the good cookry, and fine dressing of them all. For commonly the Noblemen and Gentlemen that invite 
Many love to have their cheer and attendance commended.  any to their board, take it uncourteously and are ashamed, if the invited praise not their meat and drink they give them, and not only the noble men are ashamed of it, but also the other Officers that have the charge to see it well dressed, and in good order.  
Always he that eateth at an other man's table, to do as he ought should praise the worthiness of him that bade him, (yea though perhaps he made a lie) and commend the great care and diligence of his Officers in furnishing his Table with so good meats, and in setting it forth in so good order.  
I say not without a cause, that sometime a praise with a lie may well stand together, since we see some noblemen's Tables so slenderly furnished, and that his Ordinary should seem rather a Preparative supper and diet, for a sickman, that means to take physic in the next morning, than an Ordinary, or dinner for Easter-day.  
And therefore (I say) that right the Lords and Masters are pleased, when they hear their Officers and Servants commended. For they choose most commonly such a Steward as they know to be wise, and courteous of nature: a Treasurer true and faithful: a Purveyor, expert and diligent: a Butler, hasty and Melancholy: the Groom of his chamber, painful & trusty: his Secretary, wise and secret: his Chaplain simple: and his Cook, fine and curious.  
For many think it more glory to have an excellent cook in their house, then to have a valiant Captain, to keep a strong place or hold. They are contented in Court that Noblemens-chapleins be rather simple than otherwise, or well-learned. For if if he read but little, he hath the sooner said service, and therefore also is more sit to dredge and do service about the house.  
Now therefore continuing our begun purpose, the Courtier that eateth at other men's Tables, must see he drink little, and that his wine be well delayed with water.  
For wine tempered with water bringeth 
Wine tempered with water bringth 2. commodities.  two commodities: the one, it makes him sober that drinks it, and shall not be overseen, the other, he shall not distemper himself, that the waiters have any occasion to laugh at him. If he should hap sometimes that he found the wine well watered before, that it had stood a pawling long, or that it were somewhat sharp or sour, or that the water were too hot: the good Courtier should not therefore immediately complain and find fault at the table, for so he should shame the servants, and make them angry with him, & also displease their master.  
Truly, it is a grief to suffer it; to see that he that hath nothing at home in his own house, either to eat or drink, will yet look to be well used at an other man's house: and is never satisfied. I speak it for certain, undiscreet Courtiers, and wanting judgement, that being at any man's board (without any shame) dare dispraise the Cooks, and speak ill of them, if perhaps the taste of their pottage and meat mislike them, and that it be not good, and according to their appetite: And of the Butlers, if the wine be not cold and fresh: Of those that weight about: if every thing they call for, be not done at a beck and quickly, of the Stewards of the house, if they be not served immediately: and of the boys and Pages, if they give them not drink suddenly: Of the Carvers, if they carve them not to their liking: and also with the Clerks of the Kitchen, if they see them not served with meat enough, that there be enough left upon the table. So that the Noble men's officers (for the more part) have more trouble and displeasure, by the discontentation of those that come to their Master's Table, than they have by the evil words their Masters speak to them. And for this respect therefore no man ought to be so bold, as once to open his lips to complain 
No man ought to complain of want at another's table.  of any want in an others man's house, as if they serve him with Claret wine, rather than with white: or with white than claret: For a right and perfect Courtier should not set his appetite in the taste or variety of wines, or meats in an others house.  
I grant that it is very fit and lawful for young Courtiers to run well, to leap far, to throw the bar of Iron, to dance well, to ride a horse well, to manage, and give him his carrere well, and to turn well, to handle his weapon well, and to break a staff well, and otherwise to help himself with all manner of weapons: but for one to defy another in drinkking, it should be a great sacrilege of the Courtier.  
The scythians as ratifieth Trogus Pompeins, were so sober and modest in eating & drinking at their meals, that it was a foul fault among them for to break wind or belch.  
And therefore now a days, we find few scythians, but many drinkers, which depart from the Feast so full fraught, as immediately when they are come home, they unload their charged stomach, and lay open all that have eaten and drunken: wherefore he that useth to drink clean and pure water, is at more liberty than those that drink wine simply without compound: for excessive drinking of wine, doth not alone trouble and distemper the brain and judgement of the drinker: but further discovereth to you great and horrible vices. Therefore yet touching our matter, I say once again that it is fond to dispute an argument, to prove which of the wines were best, pleasant and most sweetest, and which is oldest or newest, sharp or hard, soft or sweet, clearest or darkest, or of best taste or quickest savour. For to judge of the taste of wines, and to know the goodness & perfection of it, rather (to say truly) belongeth to a Taverner or Vintner, then rightly to an honest Courtier. And it is fitter, and more decent also for him, to talk of arms and chivalry, then to deal in discourse of Bacchus' feasts, what a mockery & foolish niceness is it of him, that not only drinks water alone, but also cannot drink in that cup, where there hath been wine filled before.  
He shall also be very circumspect that is bidden to a stranger's house, that he drink not so deep at a draft, that he leave nothing in the cup, neither that he drink so long as he hath breath, and the water stand in his eyes again: For the grave and sober Courtier should never drink till he might no more, nor till there were none lest.  
And when he is at the Table, he should not enter in argument, & dispute with any, neither should he be obstinate in opinion, & much less use uncomely talk, and he must also bridle nature much, that he cry not out in in laughing, as some do: for like as it soundeth to his reproach, to be noted a glutton and drunkard, it is in like case far worse to be a fool and a jester. Also it prevaileth little that a courtier be moderate & honest in eating, if he be 
What talk should be used at the Table.  dishonest and insolent in his talk: for many times it happeneth at noble men's table, that they take more pleasure in some, then in other some, not to see them eat and drink well, but to hear them tell lies, and to be pleasant at the board. Therefore as we have said, the wise Courtier should praise and commend all that he seeth served at another man's table, and it is not lawful for him to dislike or dispraise it.  
And further because he is fed at an other man's charge, he must of necessity take all in worth that is given him, and set before him, and not to look to have that that he desireth. And when there is any question moved at the table, of the best and most delicate dishes, and of the sinest Cooks, & of the new kinds of broths and sauces, and from whence the fattest Capons come, it shall not be fit for the wise Courtier to say in that all that he knoweth and understandeth: For how much honour it is for him to be able to talk in martial feats or chivaly: so much more dishonour and reproach it is to him, to be skilful in dressing of meats, and all to fill the belly.  
I remember that being one day at a Bishop's board, I heard a Knight make great boast and vaunt, that he could make seven manner of fricasies, four kinds of Pies, twelve sorts of sauces, and ten of fruit tarts, and twelve divers ways to dress eggs: but for to hear him tell these tidings, was not to be accounted of so much, as the gestures and countenances he made in telling them: For he did lively show with his hands the present making of them, the eating of them, & the right tasting of them with his tongue.  
And because it happeneth many times that in some Noble man's house, there is not like fare and entertainment that an other hath, the civil Courtier 
To whose table it is best for a feast hanter to resort.  should not be so dishonest as to make report he leaveth the Noble man's Table, to go to an others that is better served. For the worthy courtier should not haunt that Table where he fareth best, but where he findeth himself best welcome, and esteemed. Ah how many noble men and knights sons are there, that spare not to go to any man's board for his meat and drink, yea, though it fall out they be their father's enemies: and they do it not in respect to reconcile them, and their fathers together, but rather for a good meals meat, or more aptly to say, to fill their bellies with dainties.   

CHAP. VIII. what company the Courtier should keep, and how Bee should apparel himself,  
THe wise Courtier both in court, and out of court, and in all places where he cometh, must take great regard he accompany 
Ill company loseth a man's credit.  with none but with wise and virtuous men. For if he do not, he cannot win nor acquire such honour by his well doing, as he shall lose his credit, by keeping ill company.  
And therefore he shall enforce himself always to be in the presence and company of virtuous and noble men, and shall confer with the most grave, wise, and honest Gentlemen of the Court: For using this way, he shall bind them to him, by reason of his daily access to them, and he shall purchase himself a good opinion of them, besides the good example he shall leave to others to tread his steps, and sollow his course. For what is more true, then when a young Gentleman cometh newly to the court, you shall see immediately a company of other young fools, a company of amorous squires, light and idle persons a company of troublesome jesters, and covetous praters, besides other young fry in the Court, that when they know a new come Courtier, namely, (being, of great living) They will seek to attend upon him, and train him to the lure of their affects and manner, bidding him to like of their qualities and conditions.  
Wherefore cunningly to shake of the rout of these needy, greedy retainers, he must altogether feed them with fair words, & show them good countenance, and yet notwithstanding seek by all policy he can to fly their fellowship and company.  
Noble men's sons, Knights sons, 
Wherefore Noblemen, Knights & gentlemen's sons are sent to the Court.  and gentlemen's sons, may not think their friends sendeth them to the Court, to learn new vices, and wicked practices, but to win them new friends, and obtain the acquaintance of noble men, whose credit & estimation, with the Prince, may honour and countenance them, and by their virtues and means, may after a time be brought into the Prince's favour, and daily to rise in credit and reputation amongst others.  
Therefore such fathers as will send their children to the Court, unless they do first admonish them well how they ought to behave themselves, or that they recommend them to the charge and oversight of some dear and especial friend of theirs, that will reprove them of their faults, when they do amiss. I say they were better to lay irons on their feet, and send them to Bedlam, or such other like house where mad men be kept. For if they be bound there in irons, it is but to bring them to their wits again, and to make them wise: but to send them to the Court lose, and at liberty without guide, it is the next way to make them fools, and worse than mad men, assuring you, no greater danger nor injury can be done to a young man, then to be sent to the court, & not committed to the charge of some one that should take care of him, and look straightly to him. For otherwise it were impossible he should be there many days, but he must needs run into excess and foul disorder, by the means whereof he should utterly cast himself away, and heap upon their parents heads continual curses, and griefs, during their lives.  
And therefore their Fathers, supposing after they have once placed their sons in the Court, that they should no more cark nor care of them, nor reckon to instruct them, to be wise and virtuous, find when they come home to them again, that they are laden withvices, ill complexioned, worse appareled, their clothes all tattered and torn, having vainly and fond spent, and played away their money, and worst of all forsaken their Masters, leaving them displeased with their service.  
And of these I would admonish 
With whom the young Courtier should accompany himself.  the young Courtier, because he must of necessity accompany with other young men, that in no case he acquaint himself with vicious and ill disposed persons, but with the honest, wise, and courteous: amongst whom he shall put upon him a certain grave, and stayed modesty, fitting himself only to their companies, being also apt and disposed to all honest and virtuous exercises, decent for a right Gentleman, and virtuous Courtier, shunning with his best policy, the light foolish, and vain toys of others.  
And yet notwithstanding this, my intent and meaning is, not for to seem to persuade or teach him, to become an hypocrite, but only to be courteous, honest, and well beloved of other young Gentlemen: winning this reputation with all, to be esteemed the most virtuous and honestest among them, gallant and lively in his disports and pastimes, of few words, & small conversation amongst boasters and back-biters, or other wicked and naughty persons: not to be sad among those that are merry, nor dumb, among those that talk wisely, and of grave matters: nor to believe he should be accounted a trim Courtier, to take his book in his hands to pray,, when others will take the ball to play, or go about some other honest recreations or pastimes, for exercise of the body.  
For, in so doing, they would rather take him for a Fool, and an Hypocrite, then for a virtuous and honest young man. Being good reason the child should use the pleasures and pastimes of a child: young men disports and acts of youth: and old men also, grave and wise recreations fit for them. For in the end, do the best we can, we cannot fly the motions of the Flesh, wherein we are 
What vices the young Courtier should eschew.  borne into this world.  
These young Gentlemen - courtiers must take heed that they become not troublesome, importunate, nor quarrelers: that they be no filchers, liars, vacabonds, and slanderers, nor any way given to vice.  
As for other things, I would not seemeto take from them their pastime and pleasures, but that they may use them at their own discretion. And in all other things lawful and irreprovable, observing times and hours convenient, and therewitall to accompany themselves with their fellows and companions.  
Also the young Courtier that cometh newly to the Court, must of necessity be very well appareled, according to his degree and calling, and his servants that follow him well appointed. For in Court men regard not only the House and family he cometh of, but mark also his Apparel, and servants that follow him.  
And I mislike one thing very much, that about the Court they do rather honour and reverence a man, brave and sumptuous in apparel being vicious, than they do a man that is grave wise, and vertuous-And yet nevertheless, the Courtier may assure himself of this, that few will esteem of him, either for that he is vertows or nobly borne, if he be not also sumptuously appareled and well accompanied: for them only will every man account and esteem of him.  
Wherefore I durst take upon me to swear, if it were possible, to take oath of our bodies, that they would swear they needed them not, much less desire so large compassed gowns, that every puff of wind might swell them as the sails of a Ship: neither so long that trailing on the ground, they gather dust; and cast it into our eyes.  
Howbeit I think nowadays these fine men wear them large and wide, and women long, with trains upon the ground: because in the Court and elsewhere, no man makes reckoning of him that spendeth but orderly, and only upon necessaries to go cleanly withal: but him they set by, that is prodigal, excessive, and superfluous. And who that in his doings and apparel is moderate, and proceedeth wisely, they hold him in Court for a miserable and covetous man's and contrarily, he that is prodigal and lavish in 
A mean aught to be used in apparel.  expense, him they count a noble and worthy person. Albeit the Courtier be come of a Noble house, and that he be young of years, rich, and wealthy, yet would I like better he should use rather a certain mean and measure in his apparel (wearing that that is comely and Gentlemanlike) then others of most cost and worship. For, like as they would count him a fool for wearing that he could not pay for: so they likewise would think him simple, if he ware not that that become him, and that he might easily come by.  
His apparel should be agreeable with his years, that is to say, on the holy days some more richer and braver than on the work days: and in the Winter of the hottest furs: in the summer light garments of satin and damask: and to ride with, some others of lesser price and more durable: For as the wisdom of man is known by his speaking: so is his discretion discerned by his apparel.  
Let not the poor Courtier study to wear or devise any new or strange fashioned garment, for if he be of that humour, he shall quickly undo himself, and give others occasion also to follow his light and vain invention.  
There are now a days found out so many strange ways to dress meat, and so many fashions and patterns of apparel, that now they have universities of Tailors and Cooks.  
What more greater vanity and lightness can there be then this? that they will not suffer the mother's gowns to be made fit for their daughters, saying that they are old, and out of fashion, and that they use now a new kind of apparel and attire far from the old manner. And notwithstanding those gowns be it a manner new, good, whole, clean, rich, and well made, & without weme, yet their daughters must needs have new gowns at their 
Whence new fashions in apparel proceed.  marriage. So that we may aptly say, that a new folly, seeks always a new gown, namely, when they are light persons, without wit and discretion. And I pray you, is it not a goodly sight in the Court, to see a foolish Courtier wear a demi cap, scant to cover the crown of his head, to have his beard merquizotted, a pair of perfumed gloves on his hands, his shoes cut after the best fashion, a little curted cap, his Hose fair pulled out, his doublet sleeves bravely cut and pinct, his rapier & his dagger guilded by his side: and then on the other side, the pestilence of penny he hath in his purse, to bless him with: and beside he is deep in the merchants book for all those things he hath taken up of credit of him.  
Their nags foot clothes would not be so little and narrow, that should seem a friars hood, neither so great & large as the foot clothes of Bishop's moils.  
Also the Courtier must see that his foot-cloth be good and whole, clean, and without spot, not tattered and seam rend.  
This we speak, because there are some miserable Courtiers that have 
Who may be rightly termed a Courtier.  their foot-cloths thread bare, broken and seem rend, foul and dirty, narrow, and all digged full of holes with spurs. And therefore no man deserveth to be called a right Courtier, unless he he fine and neat in his apparel he weareth, and also courteous and civil in his words and entertainment.  
And yet touching the rest of the furniture of their horse or gelding, their harness and traps must be kept black and clean, and they must look that the reins of the bridle be not broken nor unsow, which I speak not without cause: for there are a number of Courtiers that at Primero will not stick to set up a jest of a 100 or 200. crowns, and yet will think much to give their poor horsekeepers 12. pence, to buy them a pair of reins. And truly the Courtier (in my judgement) that is content to tie his horse with untagged points, to see his fire smoke when he should warm them, to ride with broken reins, and to cut his meat at the table with a rusty knife, I would think him base borne, and rudely brought up. When the Courtier will ride his horse, let him look ever before he take his back, that he have all his furniture fit for him, his main and tail finely combed, 
A good order for it 〈◊〉 great noties.  his stirroppes bright glistering, his stirrups leather strong, and his saddle well stuffed, and above all, let him sit upright in his seat, and carry his body even, swerving of neither side, holding his legs still, and keep his stirrup.  
For this name to be called Chivallier (signifieth in our tongue a rider of a horse) came first because he could ride and manage his horse well. And when he would stir his legs, to spur his horse, let him beware he stoop not forwards with his body, and when he doth spur his horse let him not spur him low, but hie in the flanks, and whether he will run or stand still with his horse, let him always have his eye upon the reins, that in no case the rains go out of his hand.  
And in giving his horse a career, let him not writhe with his body, nor be too busy in beating or spurring his horse oft: For in his career, to know when to spur him, when to give him head, or to pull him back again, and to stop him. I have seen many take it upon them, but few indeed that ever were skilful, & could do it well.  
Now the Courtier being mounted on horse or moil, without his rapier by his side, seemeth rather a Physician that goeth to visit his sick patients, than a Gentleman of the Court, that for his pleasure and disport rideth abroad through the streets: and if he were by chance entreated by some noble man to accompany him, or to ride behind him through the streets: every honest Courtier ought not only to do it, but unasked to be ready to offer himself to wait upon him, and ●o go with him willingly.  
And let the fine Courtier beware that in giving his hand to a Gentlewoman he be not gloved, and if she be a horseback, that he talk with her bare headed, to do her the more honour, and if she ride behind him, & they chance to discourse together, let him never look back upon her to behold her, for that is a rude manner, and a token of ill education.  
And one common courtesy there is among Courtiers, that when they are in talk with Ladies and Gentlewomen, and entertaining of them, they suffer them to do with them what they will, to reign over them, and to be overcomed in argument of them, and they hold it good manners to do them service, when they have any occasion offered to serve them. And when he shall accompany any Gentlewoman to go a visitation with her, or to talk abroad for their pleasure through the streets, he must ride fair and softly, and if she should happen to keep him so long in talk till she should alight, the good Courtier must bear it courteously, & make a good countenance, as though it grieved him nothing, sith we know very 
There is almost no end of a woman's talk.  well, that when women begin once to talk, it is impossible for them tomake an end, unless they be ouerta●ken with night, or prevented by ●om● other accident.  
He that will be a Courter, must wear his shoes black and clean, his hose strait to his legs, and his garments without plight or wrinkle, his sword fair varnished, his shirts finely wrought, and his cap standing with a good grace. For the chiefest thing of Court is, that noble men be rich in apparel, and the right Courtiers to be fine and cleanly. It is not decent for a man to wear his slippers so long that the cork be seen, nor his garments till they be torn, nor surre till it be bare before, nor shirts till they be worn out, nor his cap till the turf be greasy, nor his coat till it be threadbare, nor his girdle till it be halfe-broken.  
For, the Courtier may not only wear his Garments to content himself, but also to like others, that shall behold it.  
And after that he is once determined to go to the Court, he must suppose to go thither well appareled, else sure they will not account him to be a right Courtier. For in this case, the excuse of poverty may not be alleged: for they will think them rather miserable, then poor courtiers.  
The good Courtier may not spare in 
Where the Courtier should spare and spend.  Court, to spend afterwards at home: but he must pinch at home, to be liberal afterwards in the Court.  
And yet once again I return to recite, that for a Courtier to come into the Prince's favour, he may not any way be sparing or miserable, but rather honestly liberal, and bountiful. For seldomtimes concur these two things together: to be miserable, and yet with his misery, to attain to the Prince's favour.  
I remember I saw once a friend of mine in the Court wear a jerkin, faced at the collar with Martens, and they were all bare and greasy, and there was a certain Portugal in the Court (a pleasant companion) that came to this Gentleman, and asked him properly, What fair Furs they were he ware about his neck? and this gentleman answered him, Martins: Martin's Sir, saith the Portugal: Me thinks they over rather like surres of Ash-wendesday, then of Shrove-tuesday: And finely this Portugal compared Mardi (that is Tuesday) to his martin furs: & so likewise his martin furs to Mardi.  
And sure he had great reason not to praise them, but greatly to rebuke him for them. For, it had been more for his honour and worship, to have had the collar of his jerken lined with fair white lamb, then with such old, stale, dyrtie, and sweaty martin's.  
The bruches that our Courtier must wear in his cap, must be very rich, and excellently well wrought, and his Deuse or Motto, that he will have about it so curious, that though every man may read it, yet few shall understand what it means. For such devices are ever lightly grounded of vain and fond toys: and therefore they should be so much more secret and obscure. For sure the fault is great enough in a man to devise it, though he do not bewray it.  
Also his Servants that waits upon him, must needs go handsomely appareled, and fine and neat in their 
How the Courtier's servant should be appareled.  clothing. For, it is a small honour for the Master to be well appareled, if he let his servants go beggarly.  
There are many Courtiers that have their men following them with thread bare cloaks, torn coats, foul shirts, broken hose, and rend shoes. So that these poor serving-men, if for one month they wear that their master giveth them for three other months they wear their own proper flesh.  
It is no wise man's part, but a mere folly to keep a greater train than he is able: For that Courtier that hath always many servants waiting on him, and they going tattered and torn having no good thing to put on their backs (or at least that they have is but mean and simple) shall sooner win the name of a broker, that preferreth other men to service, then of a Master that keepeth servants himself:  
The good Courtier must give unto all his servants that serve him, either apparel or wages: for that servant that serveth only in house for bare meat and drink, shall never serve truly while he doth serve.  
And therefore let the Courtier look well to it, that he entertain no man into his service, but that first he agree with him for standing wages: unless it be that he be some nephew, or Kinsman, or some of his dear friends: or else in the end, if he be a Nobleman, (unless he do so) he shall find that at the years end he shall spend him more, then if he gave him ordinary wages, and beside they will not be contented with him, although it be to his greater charge.  
Also let him consider well, if it happen that (when he hath need of servants to wait upon him) some brother or Neighbour's child be offered unto him, whether he shall receive him or no. For after he hath received him in his house, either he shall be compelled to bear with his faults, and disorders he shall do, or else desirous to rebuke and reform him, or to send him home again: he shall but win anger and displeasure of his Father, or his proper kinsfolks. Surely such Courtiers as take those kind of men into their service, have a great deal of pain and trouble with them. And truly it is too great a cruelty, that the Courtier, should be driven to bear the dishonesty of his man that serves him, when his own Father could not away with his conditions.  
Some Fathers are so much blinded, and besotted with fatherly affection, and difficult beside to please, that they are not contented that the courtier hath received their son into his service, and that he entreat him as if he were his own kinsman: but further, they would have the Courtier his Master, to bear with all his saucy deshonestines, and lewdness: and if they cannot frame the young man to their mind, as they would have him; yet at least they would have his master to pity him, for that he is butyoung, and hath no knowledge, and for a while to wink at all his faults, in good hope of a better amendment.  
The Courtier may not only see, that his men be well in apparel, but he must provide also that they have meat enough to put in their bellies: For the servants that are starved for meat, are wont to do small service, and besides that to complain much. Let him beware also he do not take into his service any lewd persons, busy bodies, and unquiet men, cutpurses, ruffians, quarrelers or whoremongers: if he find that he hath such in his house, let him turn him out of service strait; for by keeping such mates in his house, his house shall never be well ordered, there shall ever be quarreling and swearing amongst them, and besides that, the neighbours and common people shall be offended.  
Let the good Courtier foresee that he have no cards nor dice in his house to occupy the servants: For those thriftless servants that are given to play, begin first to play, and afterwards they learn to steal Let the Courtier be well advised also when he chideth with his servants, that he be not too loud, that his voice may be heard abroad, as all the Hosts and Innkeepers are: For in being too loud, he should be more dishonoured then blamed, for the ill words he giveth his man. Let him take heed also that he do not call his servants drunkards, thieves, villains, jews, nor other such like names of reproach.  
For those and other like uncourteous words are of small correction, add yet they bring displeasure, and disdain enough. And if the Courtier cannot give bountifully and pleasure his officers and servants that are about him, yet at least (howsoever the World go) let him not be behind with them in paying them their whole wages due to them: for so it might lightly happen, that the servants would begin to make complaints of him, and that unhappily in the end he might come to die with misery in his enemy's hands.  
There is no enemy in the world so cruel, nor so much to be feared, as the servant that is not contented with his Master, for as he is the thief of the house, so knoweth he very well what piece of his Master's harness is wanting for his body to set on him, when he would in that place have an arrow for his token.  
Therefore so soon as it cometh to the Courtier's ears, that any of his servants complain of him, either let him give him all that he would have or put him out of his house immediately: For if he do it not, let him be assured that that servant will never leave till he have put in discord with his friends, and defame with others. And above all things we have spoken of yet, the Courtier must chiefly look what his man is he trusted with his honour? for in this case many are wont not only to be deceived, but also many times scorned.  
And there are many that will put their goods into the hands and trust of a man, but their honour & things of greatest weight and importance, they will sooner commit to the trust of a young foolish, and simple Page, then of a wise and stayed man. And therefore how much more his business is of weight and importance, so much less should it be revealed to the secrecy of a boy.  
And if he do otherwise, I can assure him, he shall sooner be spoken of of every man, than he shall have his business dispatched.  
The Courtier must also have his chamber well hanged, and finely kept, and clean, and his house and family all in good order, and every man quiet: For the cleanness of the house, and civility of the servants, are a great token and witness of the nobility of the master.  
In the Courtier's Chamber where he lieth, the bed must first of all be made, and the cloth before the door let down, the chamber swept, the hangings and other stuff that is there in good order, with some perfumes, or other sweet odours, so that it should laugh upon a man that comes into it: for there are some in the Court so filthy, and so ill furnished of hangings, and other stuff, that if any man come to see their chambers, they seem rather sheep coats, than Courtiers Chambers.   

CHAP. IX. Of the wise manner the Courtier should have to serve and honour the Ladies and Gentlewomen: and also to satisfy and please the Ushers, and Porters of the King's house.  
LEt the good Courtier 
A good caveat for Courtiers.  be always circumspect, that he seek not any favour at the justices hands but that that is lawful: For if either he be denied, he shall return with shame, or being granted, he shall leave his conscience to gauge, In suits and controversies between men of Religion in the spiritual Court, Let him in no case deal: For at the first show they seem very easy to the judge, but when they come to the unripping of the matter, to judge of them then they are matters of great charge and conscience.  
There were many Towers in jerusalem, to any of which the devil might have brought JESUS CHRIST, to have persuaded and tempted him, to have thrown himself down: howbeit he would not bring him but to the pinnacle of the Church, to let us understand thereby, that he took more pleasure in one sin done in the Church, or of holy persons, then of ten committed in the world, & of worldlings.  
And notwithstanding the Courtier doth not see that the reason is of his side that is recommended to him, he need never pass for that, to entreat for him, or to charge his own proper conscience: as for example.  
If any man entreat him to speak to the judge, or to write him a letter. For many times we see the judges make 
The custom of many judges.  much more account of one only word or letter from him that is in favour and estimation with the Prince, than they will of the Religion and and justice of another man. And always write in this form: Right Worshipful, or Honourable: the Letters of favour that shall be requested of you, etc. That by those words the judge may know, that for that they were requested & besought, and not that it should seem you write for affection: For doing otherwise, that that you shall write to him to satisfy others in, he will think that you do it, because either for reason, or duty, he should perform your Letters.  
The like consideration and modesty the good Prince should have in that he doth command: the like and selfsame should the esteemed and favoured of the Court observe in his requests he maketh. For many times the requests of the beloved in Court are with more celerity performed, than the commissions of the Prince are accomplished.  
Let the Courtier always have in his mind also, that if he meet with an Nobleman or Knight by the way, he do in any condition return with him and keep him company: although the Nobleman or Knight strive with him, not to have him got back with him: yet let him not suffer himself to be overcome; to let all men know, that notwithstanding the Nobleman or Knight pass him in degree or Apparel, yet he shall not exceed him in courtesy and civility.  
Now this courtly company is only to be understood to be offered the Knight when he rideth into the City of pleasure, and not when he goeth alone: and showeth by his forehead an unpleasant countenance, troubled in his mind. Yet the Courtier nevertheless must offer himself to accompany him, which if he do accept, he may not then withstand or importune him to do it: For where he should think to be accounted courteous, they would repute him a troublesome man.  
When the Courtier shall accompany any Nobleman of the Court, let 
Contention for place in accompanying a noble man.  him not then seem to contend with other Courtiers for place and honour in his presence, who should be before, or behind another.  
For this strife coming to the Nobleman's ear whom they accompany, it might easily happen that that company, that came to wait upon him, and to do him honour and service, should then seem to dishonour and offend him.  
Little knoweth he what honour meaneth, when in these trifles he seeketh it. For the wise and courteous Courtier, hath not only to seek honour with them, with whom he rideth cheek by cheek: but also with those that are beloved of the Prince. Now when the Nobleman is accompanied, and that he is come hard by the Court, your Courtiers be ready to alight off your horse, quickly before him: and when he shall likewise take his horse again, be as ready to take your horse back before him: For doing thus, you shall be near about him when he lighteth off his horse, and afterwards help him when he mounteth on his horse again.  
If perhaps at the coming in of a Chamber, the lords servants want consideration, or that they remember not to hold open the cloth over the door, the good and diligent Courtier should suddenly put himself before him, to lift and hold it up: For many times it is as great an honour for a Courtier to be accounted one of good manner and bringing up in the Court, as out of the Court, it is to be reputed a great and famous Captain in wars.  
And since the Courtier is determined to accompany some noble man to the Court, he is also bound by the Laws of the Court to wait upon him home again, which if he do, the Noble man shall be more beholding to him for the attendance he hath given upon him, then for his company to ride with him.  
If any come to speak with the courtier that were equal with him in degree, 
A point of ●ood man●●s to be observed in ●aring or ●eaking to ●ur superiors.  or meaner of calling or condition than himself, it is one of the first and chiefest points of civility & good manner, not to suffer him to open his lips to speak to him, before he have his cap on his head, for one to talk commonly with the other with his cap in his hand, is of great authority and reverence, as from the duty of the subject to the Prince, or that of the servant to the Master.  
The good Courtier must ever speak again to him that speaketh to him, do him reverence that doth him reverence, put off his cap to him, that putteth off his, and this he must do without any respect that he is his friend or foe: for in the effects of good manners, no man ought so much to be an Enemy, that the enmity should break the bounds of courtesy and humanity. It is rather fit for common persons, then for Courtlike gentlemen, in so mean things to show their enmity.  
For to say truly, the good Courtier should not show the enmity of the heart, by putting on, or pulling off his Cap, but by taking sword in hand to revenge his quarrel.  
And if the Courtier were in the Church, Court, or in the Chapel of the Prince, and set, and an other gentleman happily cometh in the same place where he is, he must do him the courtesy to give him the place and seat and to pray him to sit down: yea, and if there were no other place fit for the gentleman to sit in, and that of courtesy also he would not offer him that injury to accept it: yet at the least let the Courtier do what he may, to make him take a piece of his stool, that parting with him his seat, the other may also come to part with him his heart.  
If those that were set hard by the Courtier begun to talk in secret together, 
He is ill taught that listeneth to other men speaking in secret.  he should rise from thence, or go a little aside from them. For, in the Court they will say he is ill taught, and brought up, and wanteth civility and good manners that will seem to hearken to any bodies tales or secrets.  
The Courtiers must have friendship also with the Porters, to open him the Court-gates that are kept fast chained in, that they be contented to suffer their Moil or Foot-cloth-nagge to enter into the utter-court.  
And the like must be practised with the gentlemen-ushers of the Chamber, and Captain of the Guard, to whom he must do a thousand pleasures, that they may respect his person, and let him come in when he wil and the next way to win his friendship, and to continue them friends, and to be welcome of them, is to feast them otherwhiles: sometimes with a banquet, but especially not to fail them with a newyears gift, on newyears day, what Trifle or present soever it be.  
That Courtier that is not acquainted with the Ushers, and doth them no pleasures, may be well assured that those above in the Hall, will make him tarry in the utter-court: and those that stand at the gate of the chain, they will make him light in the mire. With the Ushers of the privie-chamber, he must needs deal honourably withal, as to come and see them sometimes, and to do them much honour, in giving them some fair jewel or presenting them with a Gown, or Coate-cloth of silk or velvet. And thus he shall be assured, they will not only let him into the privie-chamber: but they will also procure him, to speak with the Prince, at his best leisure.  
To make the yeomen of the Guard also that make gentlemen give place, and stand a loose off-from the Prince, it cannot be but very profitable for the Courtier to have them his friends. For many times they may help us to a fit place to talk with the King, it is such a trouble and charge to speak with the Prince, that if we have not greaat Friendship with these we have spoken of, and that we do them some pleasures before we come to the Court they will shut the doors against us, and we shall come home ashamed of ourselves.  
For, a Courtier to be acquainted with the Ladies and gentlemen of the Court, it is rather of pleasure then of necessity: albeit it be true, that the young-Courtyer, that serveth not some Lady or Dame in the Court, shall be rather blamed of his shamefastness, and Cowardly heart, then approved for his modesty and gravity.  
In deed for a young-Gentleman that is rich, noble, and freeharted: it is an honest and comely entertainment, to become some ladies servant of the Court: But for him that is poor, living in disgrace, and out of favour, let him utterly fly the love of Courtly Dames, and stick to the poor-friends ship of devout Nuns. For the property of Courtly Mistresses, is to empty 
What the property of courtly Mistresses is.  their seruants-purses, and the manner of religious-Nunnes, to beg always of him that visits her.  
The Courtier that offereth himself to serve any Lady or gentlewoman in court, doth bind himself to a straight religion: For sometimes he must kneel by her of one knee, sometimes he must stand upon his Feet before her, and always he must have his cap in his hand, and he may not speak to her, unless she command him first: and if she ask any thing of him, he is bound to give it her strait, if he can: and though she frown upon him, yet he may not be angry with her- so that the Courtier must needs employ his whole person, and goods, in serving of her, that he loves. For, the Courtier that is married, surely it is not fit for him to love any other woman then his wife: neither is it honest for the woman to be served with any married courtier, For these manner of loves are to no other end, but for him to be merry with her, and for her to get somewhat of him.  
Let the Courtier be very wise, and beware that he do not love and serve such a gentlewoman whom he cannot obtain to his wife: For otherwise it should be a great corsive to his heart, and a more shame, to see another before his eyes to enjoy her, and eat of that fruit, which he had now to his great cost and charges, made now a fruitful Orch-yard.  
And if it happen that his Mistress whom he serveth be nobly borne, very fair of complexion, pleasant of condition, of good grace and behaviour in her conversation, very wise & fine in her doings: he may be well assured, he shall never forget this grief, and sorrow, and so much the more, if he did love her with all his heart and unfeignedly.  
There is great difference between that we lose, and that we have: For if the heart lament for the loss of that we have, it bewaileth bitterly to lose that we love. Also the Courtier must be advised that he tell not to any that his wife hath told him, or any thing that hath passed secretly between them, For women are of such a quality, that for any thing they do, they would never hear of it again willingly, and those secrets, that another commits to them of trust, they can never keep them secret.  
There is a Law common between women and their Lovers: for if they go abroad, their lovers must attend upon their persons, and if they buy any thing in the street as they go, they are bound to pay for it. And if they be too late abroad, they must provide them of torches to bring them home with; and when the Court removeth from place to place, theirs is the charge, to defray their expenses by the way: and if any do them injury, they are bound to revenge their quarrel: If they fall sick, they must do them a thousand pleasures and services: if any challenge be made in Court, of tilt, tourney, or barriers, they must be the first and best mounted and armed above others (if they may possible) with all, not forgetting their ladies colours and devise, offering themselves nobly to perform the challenge, giving them to understand, that for their sakes, they neither fear to adventure their lives, nor spare for any charge to do them all honour and service. with out doubt, we may speak it truly, that he putteth himself to great peril and danger (whatsoever he be) that serveth women.  
But when the wise Courtier is now become a servant to any Lade, he must beware in any case he entertain or serve any other than his mistress: for if he did it otherwise, he should raise a mortal hate and discord between these women: by reason whereof many slanders & broils might ensue.  
It is a natural thing to all women, 
The nature of women in hating or loving to man.  that to hate any man, a hundred will come to agree in one opinion: but to love him, you shall not find two of one mind. The good Courtier must covet the best he can to be always at the making ready of the King, and at meat, and that for two causes: The one for that he may be ready to do him service, and the other, for that at such a time they shall have an apt time to treat with the Prince in any thing he will, if he have any occasion of business with him. And when the King is either at his meat, or that he be putting on his apparel, let the good Courtier be circumspect he come not too near the Table where he sitteth, nor that he touch the King's apparel he weareth on: for no man ought once to presume to be so hardy to meddle with his meat, or his apparel, unless he be Shewer or Chamberlain, And if in this time of repast, or making him ready, there were present any jesters or fools, that said or did any thing to make them laugh.  
The good Courtier must take heed that he laugh not too loud, as in such cases many are wont to do: For in such a case the Prince would be better pleased at the modesty of the Courtier, then at the knavery of the fool.  
The honest Courtier must not have a fool his friend, nor his enemy, for to make him his friend, he is too dishonest, and to be his enemy, he is too vile and cowardly. I wish the Courtier not to be angry with him: what soever he doth: for many times it happeneth that the friendship of a wise man doth not so much benefit 
The friendship of a wise man doth not so much good, as a fools displeasure doth hurt.  or pleasure, as the enmity and displeasure of one of these fools doth hurt. And if he will give them any thing (as he must needs) let him beware he give him not occasion to condemn his conscience, and that he stop their mouths: For the Courtier that is Christian, shall give as much more to the poor to pray to God for him, as he shall give to others to speak well of him to the king.  
When the King sneezes, and that the Courtier be present, he must strait put off his cap, and bow himself in a manner to the ground, but for all that he must take heed, he say not, Christ help you, or God bless you, or such other like: For to do any manner of courtesy or honour: is pertinent only to Courtiers: But to say, Christ help, or God bless you: is the Country manner.  
And if the King by chance should have any hair or feather to fly upon his clothes, or any other filthy thing about him: none but the chamberlain only should take it away, and none other Courtier should once presume to take any thing from his back, or to touch his garment, neither any other person, unless it were in case to defend him.  
When the king is set at the table, the Courtier may not come into the Kitchen, nor much less lean upon the surveying board: For though he did it perhaps but to see the order of the survey, and service of the Prince: yet it may be suspected of some, he meant worse matter, and and thereby they should judge ill of him. If the Prince have a felicity in hawking, the Courtier must endeavour himself to keep a cast or two of good Falcons, and if in hunting, than he must have good Greyhounds. And when he is either a hawking or hunting with the King, he must seek to serve him so diligently that day, that he may both find him game to sport with, and procure for himself also favour at the Prince's hand.  
Many times Princes are so earnest of their game, and so desirous to kill that they hunt, that they are wont boldly to chase the beasts they hunt, and pursue them so, that oftentimes they lose the sight of the rest, In such a case the good Courtier must ever have his eyes upon him, and rather seek to follow the King, then to take pleasure in hunting of other beasts: for in that case it shall be a better hunting for him to find out the King, and to be with him, than he should take pleasure in being alone with the Hart.  
It may happen lightly, that the king galloping his horse upon the rocky stones, he might stumble at such a stone, as both the King and his horse should come to the ground: and at that time it could not be but very profitable to the Courtier to be present: For it might so happen, that by means of the Prince's fall (he being ready to help him) he might thenceforth begin to grow in favour and credit with the Prince.  
The most part of those that delight to go a hunting, are wont commonly to eat their meat greedily, & drink out of measure, and beside to shout and make a wonderful noise, as they were out of their wits: which things the grave, and wise Courtier should not do: for they are rather fit for vagabonds, & idle persons, that set not by their honesty: then they are for the honest Courtier, that only desireth and endeavoureth by modesty & wise behaviour to become great, and in favour.   

CHAP. X. Of the great pains and troubles the Courtier hath that is toiled in suits of Law, and how he must suffer, and behave himself with the judges.  
THere are in the Court also divers kinds of men, that be not Courtiers, 
divers and sundry sorts of Courtiers,  & Prince's servants, but only are Courtiers of necessity, by reason of suits they have with the counsel. And these manner of Courtiers have as much need of counsel, as of help: for he that hath his goods in hazard, hath also his life in jeopardy.  
To speak of the divers and subtle ways of suffering, it is no matter worthy to be written with ink, but only with lively blood: For indeed if every one of these suitors, were forced to abide for his faith, and believe those pains, troubles, and sorrows, that he doth to recover his goods, as much cruelty as tortures should Vaglioditi, and Gravata have, as ever had Rome in times past. In my opinion, I think it a hell to continue a long suitor. And surely we may believe, yea and swear to, that the Martyrs executed in old time in the Primitive Church (which were many in number) did not suffer so much, neither felt such grief to lose their life, as doth now a days an honest man, to see himself deprived of all his faculties. It is a great trouble and charge to recover any thing, but in the end of these two effects, a wise man suffereth and feeleth more the displeasure he receiveth, than he doth the goods he spendeth. And in my judgement to strive and contend is nothing else, but to bring matter to the hart to sigh and lament: to the Eyes to weep, to the Feet to go, to the Tongue to complain, 
The heavy hap of those that are in Suits of Law.  to the hands to spend, to entreat his Friends to favour his cause: and to command his servants to be careful and diligent, and his body to labour continually.  
He that understandeth not the conditions of contention: I will let him know, they are these which follow, Of a rich man, to become poor: of a merry man, to be made sad and Melancholy: of a free man, a bondman: of a liberal man, a covetous man: of a quiet man, an unquiet person: and of a htaefull, a desperate person.  
How is it otherwise possible, but that the hapless Poor Suitor must become desperate? seeing the judge looketh upon him with a frowning countevaunce: his goods to be demanded of him wrongfully: and that now it is so long a time he hath not been at home, and knoweth not as yet whether Sentence shall be given, with him, or against him.  
And besides all this, that the Pooreman in his lingering Suit hath spent so much, that he hath not left him six pence in his purse. If any of these troubles be enough to bring a man to his end, much more shall they be to make the pooreman desperate, and weary of his life. So divers are the effects, and successes seen in matters of Suits, that many times there is no wit able to direct them, nor goods to bring them to end. Nay, we may boldly and truly say, that the Laws are so many, & diffuse of themselves, and men's judgements so simple to understand them: that at this day there is no Suit in the world so clear, but there is found another law to put that in doubt, & make it void. And therefore the good and ill of the Suitor, consisteth not so much in the reason he hath, as in the Law which the judge chooseth to give judgement of.  
It is well that the Suitor believe and think that he hath right, but the chiefest thing of importance is, that the judge also, desire that he have his right. For, that judge that favoureth my cause, and desireth to do me justice, he will labour and study to seek out some Law that shall serve my turn, to restore me again to my right.  
To contend, is so profound a science, that neither Socrates to the Athenians, nor Solon to the Greeks, nor Numa Pom pylius to the romans, nor Prometheus to the Egyptians, nor Lycurgus to the Lacedæmonians, nor Plato to his Disciples, nor Apolonius, to the Poets of Nemesis, nor Hiarcus to the Indians, could ever teach it them: and much less could they tell how to find any way to write it in the books of their Commonwealth.  
The cause why these famous men did not find it, was because this Science could not be learned by studying of divers books, nor by traveling through divers countries, but only by framing great Suits and Processes, and by infinite charge, and expenses of money.  
Happy, yea truly, and most treble happy were those ages, in which they neither knew, nor yet could tell, what strife or contention meant. For, indeed from that time hitherto, the world hath fallen to decay, and chiefly since men have grown to quarrel, and each one contended with his neighbour.  
Plato was wont to say, that in that Commonweal where there were found many Physicians, it was also an evident token that there were many vicious people: and likewise we may say, that in that City where there are many Suitors, it is to be thought it follows also, that there are many ill disposed-people.  
That only may be called a blessed and fortunate Common Weal, where men live quietly, and have not to do with justices nor judges: for it is a true rule, when Physicians are much frequented, and judges much occupied, that amongst that people, there is little health, and less quiet. But to return to the troubles of our Suitors: I say, that the Disciples of the famous Philosopher Socrates, were not bound to be silent in Athens above two years: but the unfortunate Suitors 
What misery the poor Clients & Suitors are subject unto  were bound to hold their peace ten years, if their suits did continue so long. For albeit the judge do them open injury, yet they may not seem to complain, but rather say, he thinketh he hath done him the best justice in the world.  
And if for his mishap or plague of his offences, he would not so approve and speak them, let him be assured, the judge will perceive it by his countenance, and afterwards let him know it by his judgement.  
Some Suitors say, they are great Sinners, and I say they are Saints: For of the seven deadly sins that are committed, only of three they are but to be accused: for in the other four (although they would) they do not give him time nor leave to offend How can the Suitor ever offend in pride, since he must poor man go from house to house with his cap in his hand, and all humility to solicit his cause?  
How can he ever offend in Avarice, sith he hath not many times a penny in his purse to buy him his dinner: nor to pay for the infinite draughts and Copies proceeding out of the Chancery?  
How can he offend in sloth and idleness, sith he consumeth the long nights only in sighs an complaints, and the whole day in trotting and trudging up and down.  
How can he offend in Gluttony, since he would be content to have only to suffice nature, and not to desire pies nor breakfasts, nor to lay the Table every day? That sin they most easily and commonly offend in, is ire, and indeed I never saw suitor patient, and although he be angry, we may not marvel at it a whit: For if ever once in the end of half a year he happen to have any thing that pleaseth him, I dare be bound every week after he shall not want infinite troubles to torment and vex him.  
These men also offend much in envy: for indeed there is no man that pleads but is envious: and this proceedeth many times, to see an other man, by favour dispatched of his suit, that hath not continued only two months in Court a suitor: and of his that hath continued above two years since it began, not a word spoken. They offend also in the sin of backebiting, and murmuring against their neighbours: For they never cease complaining of the partiality of the judges, of the slothfulness and timorousness of his Counsellor, that pleads his cause at the bar: of the little consideration of the Attorney, of the payments of the Notary, and of the small courtesies (or rather rudeness) of the officers of the judge: So that it may be well said, that to strive in Law, and to murmur, are near kinsfolks together.  
The Egyptians were in times past plagued only with ten plagues, but these miserable and woeful suitors are daily plagued with a thousand torments. And the difference betwixt their plague & these is, that the Egyptians 
What torments are incident to those that have suits in law.  came from the divine providence and these of our poor suitors, from the inveution of man's malice.  
And it is not without cause, we say, that it is man's invention, and not divine: For to frame inditements, to give delays to the party, to allege actions, to deny the demand, to accept the proof, to examine witnesses to take out process, to note the declaration, to prolong the cause, alleging well, or proving ill, to refuse the judge for suspect, to make intercession, to take out the copy of the plea, and to call upon it again with a 1500. doubles.  
Surely, all these are things that neither God commandeth in the old Testament, neither jesus Christ our Saviour doth allow in his holy gospel. The writings of Egypt, although they were to the great loss and detriment of the Seignory of the Egyptians, yet were they nevertheless very profitable for the liberty of the Egyptians: But the miserable Plaintiffs, are yet in an other great extremity; for notwithstanding the plagues and miseries the poor wretches suffer daily, yet do they leave their souls buried in the Courts of Chancery, and cannot notwithstanding have their goods at Liberty.  
And if the plague of the Egyptians was by rivers of blood, frogs, horse flies, death of cattle, tempests, leprosy, Locusts, mists, flies, and by the death of the first borne children. The plague of the Plaintiffs is to serve the Precedents to bear with the Auditors to entreat the Notaries, to make much of their Clerks, to please the Counsellors, to follow their heels, that must open their causes to pray the ushers, to borrow money, to go from house to house, to solicit their Attorneys, all these things are easily to tell, but very hard to suffer: for after they are once proved and tried by experience, they are enough to make a wise man contented, rather to lose a piece of his right, then to seek to recover it by any such extremity: For he may be well assured, that he shall never want fair countenance, sugared words and large promises: but for good doings it is a marvelous wonder, if ever they meet together.  
And therefore before all other things it is necessary he pray to God for his own health and preservation: and next to him, for the preservation and long continuance of the judge, if he will obtain his suit. Therefore I advise him that hath not the judge for his friend, to beware, as from the Devil, he doth not commence any suit before him: for to dispatch him the better, either he will find the means to make his case very dark, or at the least he will prolong his suit as long as he please.  
It skilleth not much whether the judges be old or young men, for both with the one and the other, the poor plaintiff hath enough to do. If they be old men, a man shall travel long ere he will hear his cause. If they be young men, he shall wait long also ere he can inform them of the very points of his cause. An other great discommodity yet follow these old judges, that being ever sickly, and of weak nature, they never have strength nor time in manner to examine their cases.  
And as those that have lost now a great piece of their memory, only trusting in forepast expenses, they presume to dispatch their suits as lightly, without further looking into 
A judge not to trust too much to his memory.  them, or thoroughly examining them, as if they had already advisedly studied them. And peradventure their case is of such importance, that if they had looked upon it very well, they could scantly have told what to have said in it. And I would not that when any case should be determined, and judgement given upon my matter, that the judge should benefit himself only with that he had seen, or read before.  
For although experience be a great help to the judge to give the better judgement upon the matter, yet notwithstanding he is to study a new to understand the merits of the cause. It is also a great trouble, and dangerous for a man to practise with new judges, and to put their matters into their hands, who only were called to the place of a judge, being thought learned and fit for it, and so brought to rule as a Magistrate: For many times these young judges, and new Physicians although they want not possible knowledge yet they may lack a great deal of practice & experience: which is cause that one sort maketh many lose their lives before they do come to rise in fame: & the other undo many a man, in making him spend all that ever he hath.  
There is yet beside, an other apparent danger, to have to do with these new and young experienced judges: for when they come to sit newly in judgement, with their other brethren the judges, having the law in their mouth to serve all turns, they do but only desire and study to win fame and reputation amongst men, and thereby to be the better reputed of his brethren.  
And for this cause only when they are assembled together in place of justice to give judgement of the pleas laid before them, they do not only enlarge themselves, in alleging many and divers opinions of great learned men, and book cases. So that the Hearers of them may rather think they have studied to show their eloquence and learning, then for to open the decision and judgement of the cases, they have before them.  
And for final resolution I say, that touching Pleas and Suits, I am of opinion, that they should neither trust the experience of the old judge, nor the learning and knowledge of the young. But rather I reckon that man wise, that seeketh by little and little to grow to an agreement with his adversary, and that tarrieth not many years to have a lingering, yea (and possibly) an uncertain end.  
Also I would (in some sort) exhort the poor Plaintise, not to be over-curious, to understand the qualities of the judge, as a man would say, If he be old, or young, if he be learned or privileged, if he be well studied, or but little, if he be a man of few or many words: if he be afflicted or passionate, tractable or self willed? For, possibly being too inquisitive to demand of any of these things, it might happen (though he did it unawares, yet he should find them afterwards all heaped togethers in the person of the judge, to his hindrance and damage in deciding his cause.  
The wise Suitor should not only not seek to be inquisitive of the judge or his conditions: but also if any man would seem to tell him of him, he should give no ear to him at all. For if it come to the judges ears he inquireth after his manner of living, and condition, he will not only be angry with him in his mind, but will be also unwilling to give judgement in his favour.  
The poor Siuter shall also meet with Terrible judges, severe, intractable, choleric, incommunicable, and inexorable, and yet for all this he may not look upon his nature, nor condition: but only to regard his good conscience.  
For, what need he care if the judge be of severe and sharp condition, as long as he may be assured that he is of good conscience.  
It is as needful for the upright and good judge, to have a good and pure Conscience: as it is to have a skilful head, and judgement in the Laws. For, if he have the one without the other he may offend in malice: and if he have that without the other, he may offend also in ignorance.  
And if the suitor come to speak with the judge, and he by chance find him a sleep, he must tarry till he awake, and if then he will not, or he cannot give ear unto him, he must be contented.  
And if he caused his man to say he were not within (notwithstanding the suitor saw him) he must dissemble it: yea, if the servants give him an ill answer, he must take it in good worth: For the wary and politic suitor must not be offended at any thing that is done or said to him, till he see the definitive sentence given with him, or against him.  
It is a marvelous trouble also to the suitor to choose his Counsellor: for many times he shall choose one that shall want both law and conscience. And some others shall choose one that though on the one side he lack not Law, yet on the other he shall be without both soul and conscience: And this is apparently seen, that sometime for the gain of twenty Nobles, he shall as willingly deny the truth, and go against his own consciedce, as at another time he will seek for to maintain justice.  
It is true there are many other counsellors also that are both wise and learned, and yet notwithstanding, they know the Law, they can by no means frame it to his Client's case, wanting device and conveyance to join them together.  
And so it happeneth many times that to compare it to his Client's case, he convaieth him so unfitly as of a plain case it was before, It is now made altogether a fold of infinite doubts. I grant that it is a great furtherance unto the Client's, to have a good and wise Counsellor▪ but it is a great deal more for their profit, if they can give a sound and profound judgement of his case.  
For, it is not enough for the Counsellor to be able to expound the Law, but it is behoveful for him to apply it to his purpose, and to fit it to Time, and Place: according to the necessity of his cause.  
I have known counsellors myself, that in their Chairs and Readins in their Halls, have seemed Eagles: 
The weak knowledge, of some Counsellors  they have flown so high in their doctrine and interpretations; but afterwards at the bar where they plead and in the face of their Court, where they should best show themselves, there they have proved themselves very capons.  
And the only cause of this is, because they have gotten by force of long travel and continual study, a knowledge to moot, and read ordinarily their Book-cases in their chairs by common-practise, and putting of them each to other.  
But when they are taken out of common-trade, and high beaten way, and brought to a little pathway straighted, to a Counsellers-room, at the bar, to plead his Clients strange and unknown case (much contrary to their Bookcases before recited) then stripped of their common-knowledge, and easy seat in chair, they stand now naked on their feet, before the judgement-seat, like senseless creatures, void of reason and experience.  
But now to supply these imperfections of our raw Counsellors, and to further also our clients cause the better: we will that the Client be liberal, and bountiful to his Counsellor, (thereby the better to whet his wit, and to make him also take pains, to study his ease thoroughly) being true, That the Counsellor giveth Law, as he hath reward. And that the Counsellor also be careful of his clients cause, and to go through with that he taketh upon him, and truly to deserve that he taketh of every man, For else they will say (and who can blame the poor souls) That they are better takers, then good dispatchers: A foul blot, to so great a virtue  
But well, we will compare them to their Brothers, the Physicians; who 
The Lawyers & Physicians to be compared together.  deal with their sick Patients, as the Lawyers do with their poor client's.  
For, if you give him not a piece of gold or two in his hand, at each time of his visitation, to restore the languishing body: he careth as little for the preservation of his health, whether he live or die, as the Lawyer doth for his client's case, whether, whether it go with him or against him.  
Moreover, my pen ceaseth not to write of the great troubles, displeasures, journeys, expenses and travels, that the poor suitors have with their counsellors daily, as with their Attorneys, Solicitors, Clerks, Officers, Registers, and Sealer's, for want of matters to write on: but only for that they are so tedious matters, and so foul examples, that they deserve rather to be remedied then written.  
Therefore leaving this Law Discourse, and returning again to the private affairs of the Courtier, abiding still in Court, I say, That the Courtier must learn to know the Noble men and chief Officers of the Prince, As the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Martial, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Lord Prive Seal, The Treasurer, the Controller, The master of the Horse, The vice Chamberlain the Secretary, the captain of the Guard, and the Cofferer. And he need not force to weigh their stock and family, whether they were rich or poor, humble or proud, stout or fearful, nor regard their qualities and complexions, much less their persons, save only their authority and office they have, And to say truly, it cannot be chosen, but we must come before these judges and Officers, sometimes to beseech and pray them, now for our own private causes, then for the misrule and offence of our servants, and also for the importunancy of our friends in their matters, to labour them for justice and favour. And for this cause me thinks it is a wise part of the courtier to get into favour with the counsel, and other officers of justice, and to obtain their good wills with continual attendance of them, in doing them service at a need, and also to entertain them with some small presents, to continue their favour.  
First, before we begin to trouble them, w●e must be acquainted with them, visit them, and present them with somewhat: For indeed it is a cold and unfit thing to crave favour at a judges hands, whom we never knew, nor did any service to.  
The wise Courtier must beware also not to importune the Noble men and his friends so much, that for every trifling thing he would have them to go to the judges, to solicit and entreat for him, which I speak, because I know there are some so undiscreet, that daily do importune the judges so much, and for such trifles, that afterwards with shame they are repulsed and denied in matters of great weight and importance.  
And there are some also that solicit their matter with gravity, and others with importunity, to whom I will be so bold to say, and to tell them of it also, that importunacy showeth the simplicity of the Suitor, and gravity, the honesty of the worthy Knights, and Gentlemen Courtier.  
It is but well done, and meet, for the Courtier that is a Suitor, to be diligent to solicit his cause, and to follow it throughly, but yet without troubling or importuning too oft the judges: For if once the judges know him for an importunate and cumbersome suitor, they will not only not speak with him when he comes, but also they will not let him come in at the gate, when they see him coming to them.  
And if he happen to go home to the judges house, and that he tell his tale to him standing, let him in no wise care to sit down, and that his words he speak to him be few, and his memorial he gives him brief: For observing this order, he shall at that time be easily, yea willingly and courteously heard of him, and shall 
How the poor 〈◊〉 should demean himself, when he cometh before the judge.  make him think that hereafter also he will use the like order with him.  
When he seeth that the judge is troubled, and that his head is occupied, let him in no case at that present offer to trouble him, or to speak to him in his matter.  
For admit he were contented to hear you quietly (though half unwilling) and to suffer you to tell your tale: yet it is impossible he should wholly understand your case, his head being otherwise occupied.  
And it is needful also to show you, that though the judge seem to be a little Melancholy, or choleric: yet the Suitor need not let for that to speak to him, to open his case: yea, and to seek to hold in with him still: For many times we see the Melancholy, and ill-disposed Natures, appeased and overcome with the courteous and gentle conversation.  
I remember touching this matter, I went once to the court to solicit the judge, to pray him to dispatch my friend's matter, and that he might have justice. And took my friend with me.  
And the judge answered us both, that with all his heart he would dispatch him, and swore, and swore again to him, that he should have justice, and that with right good will, he would keep his right all he could.  
Nay sir, said my friend to him, whom the case touched: I thank you sir, very much that you will dispatch me quickly: but where you say, that you have a great desire to keep my right and justice, I utterly appeal from that sentence: For I come not sir, and if it please you, to follow your heels, and to wait upon you to solicit my cause, to the end you should keep my right, and detain it from me: but that you should give it to me.  
For I promise you this sir, if you once give it me, I mean never to trouble your worship hereafter with the keeping of it again, but will discharge you quite.  
And now after all these things we have spoken, I conclude, that whosoever curseth his enemy, and seeketh revenge of an injury done him, Let him not desire to see him poor and miserable, neither hated nor ill willed of any other, dead, nor banished: but let him only beseech God for to plague him with some ill suit: For a man cannot devise to take a greater revenge of his enemy, then to see him entangied in a vile suit to follow the Cor, or to attend in Chancery.   

CHAP. XI. The Author changeth his matter, and speaketh to the beloved of the Court, admonishing them to be patient in their troubles, and that they be not partial in the affairs of the Common weal.  
THe Courtier shall do well and wisely (and chiefly if he be noble, and beloved, to pass over the injuries done him, and to bear them patiently, and never for to give any words to any that shall offend him; For the officers of Princes can by no other means so well assure their offices and authority they have, as by doing good continually to some and to suffer others, no way making any countenance 
How every wise and prudent Courtier should behave himself.  of displeasure for the injuries done them by others.  
And if it happen (as many times i doth) that a follower and hanger on of the Court, having spent all that he hath, and driven now to seek a new bank, chance to speak dishonest words, and frame great quarrels against the King's Officers; In this case the Courtier and wise Officer should never answer him with anger and displeasure, and much less speak unto him in choler: For a man of honour and respect, will be more grieved with a dishonest word that is spoken against him, than he will be for the denial of that he asketh,  
Those that are beloved, and beliked of Princes, above all other things ought to be very patient, courteous, and gentle in all things: For all that the followers of the Court, and suitors cannot obtain in the Court, let them not lay the fault to the Prince that denied it them, but only to the favoured of the Prince, and those about him for that they never moved it to the King's Majesty: nor once thought of the matter, as the poor Suitors supposed they had. The pains and troubles of Court are infinite and insupportable. 
The Courtier's pains insupportable.   
For, how quiet soever the Courtier be, they will trouble and molest him, if he be patient, they will be impatient and in storms, saying: That such a man spoke ill of him, and seeks continually to defame him.  
Which things we will the Courtier hear with patience, and dissemble with wisdom. For the wise Courtier should not be angry for the ill words they speak of him, but only for the vile and wicked acts they do unto him.  
Let not the Courtier and Favourite of the Prince be deceived, in thinking that doing for this man, and for that man, & in showing them favour: that for all that, he can bind or stay their tongues that they speak not ill of him, and their hearts, that they hate them not extremely.  
For, the Enemy receiveth not so much pleasure of that the Courtier giveth him, as he doth grief and displeasure for that that is behind yet in the courtiers hands to give him.  
Now in the palaces of Princes, it is a natural thing, for each man to desire to aspire, and to creep into the Prince's favour: to be able to do much, and to be more worth than others, and to command also. And as there are many that desire it, so are they very few in number, that by their virtues and demerits come to obtain that high favour.  
It is a thing most sure and undoubted, that one alone, enjoying his Prince's grace and favour, shall be hated in manner of the most part of the people.  
The more they are Rich, Noble, and of great power, that are beloved, and accepted of Princes: so much the more ought they to be circumspect, and to live in fear and doubt of such disgraces, and misfortunes, that may happen to them, sith all & every man's eye is upon them: and that they are the more envy, for that they can do much; and desire also to take from them that authority and credit they have, and to spoil them of such treasures as they possess, or have gotten by the Prince's favour.  
And in this case the Favourite of the Court must not trust in the pleasures he hath done them: neither in the favour he hath showed them: much less the feigned friendships they seem to bear him, and that he thinks he hath gotten of them: neither must he trust too much his Friends, Neighbours, and Kinsfolks, no nor his own Brethren: But let him be assured, that all those that are not in the like rank of Favour, and estimation that he is, (be he of what degree or parentage he will be, yea, and as near a kin as may be) they will all be in that his very mortal foes.  
Authority to command, being the chief and highest point of honour and whereto every man seeks to aspire, and which was cause that Pompey became the deadly enemy of julius Caesar his father in Law, Absalon of David his natural father, Romulus of his brother Remus, Alexander of Darius, who showed himself before a father in love, in bringing on him up, and Mark Anthony of Augustus Caesar his great friend. So that I say, it may well be said, that after disdain and cankered ire, have once possessed the delicate breast of man only concerning honour and commandment, that it is never thenceforth recured of that infested sore, neither by gifts & promises, and much less by prayers and requests.  
It is true the accepted of the prince may well be free from all thirst and hunger, cold, and heat, wars, plague, and poverty, and from all other calamities and troubles of this our wretched life, but he shall never be free from detractions of venomous and wicked tongues, and from spiteful and envious persons. For no less is Envy joined to favour, then is thirst to a burning ague.  
In this case it is impossible but that the Courtier should receive many time's displeasure and disgraces in the Court, but not to give ear to these detractors, and ill-speakers of men.  
To remedy these things, the Courtier must needs seem to let them know by his looks and answers, that he is more offended with them, that come and tell him these lewd tales: then with those that in deed did truly report them of him.  
This counsel would I give the courtier, that what ill so ever he heareth spoken of him, I would wish him not seem to know it, and much less to be angry withal, nor once give a distasteful word to the reporters thereof.  
For, his choler over-paste, the evil words he hath spoken to them in his anger, may turn him to more displeasure, than he hath done him hurt that caused him speak these words.  
And therefore surely to bridle the Tongue, is rather a divine than a human virtue: and chiefly in that instant, when the heart is mastered and subdued with Choleric passions. For afterwards it happeneth many times, that being quiet again in our minds we are sorry for that we have spoken in our anger: yea, against them that have angered us.  
If the Courtier should weigh every word that is spoken against him, and esteem every thing that is done to him, he should purchase himself a continual and sorrowful life: yea, and out of measure, a troublesome and unpleasant, sith Prince's courts are ever full of Serpents-tongues, and venomous hearts, and that it lieth not in man's power to let, that the hearts of men hate us not, and that their tongues speak not ill of us.  
I would advise the Courtier to take all the ill that is spoken of him, in sport and mirth, and not in anger.  
Seneca said (and that wisely spoken) that there is no greater revenge to punish an injurious word, then to 
A worthy saying of Seneca.  seem to laugh at it; For it is a thing more natural and proper to women, than men to desire to take revenge of words, with the like words again: sith the noble heart that esteemeth his honour, must not have his hands in his tongue, but his tongue in his hands.  
O how many have we seen, both out of Court, and in Court, the which for no other respect, but to revenge one only silly word, that touched them not much, would put themselves, their goods, and fame in peril: and yet in the end had not that revenge, which they desired, but rather redoubled it against themselves, in losing their fond and vain attempt. Therefore to conclude those that will be great in favour and estimation in the Prince's Court, and those also that are now in favour and credit with the Prince, and that desire to continue, and persever in his favour still, must not make account of any words spoken to him, or offences done him: for all that are in favour have need to suffer, and no occasion to report.  
Till this present day I never saw any that received any hurt or detriment by being patient: but being impatient, I have seen numbers cast themselves away: you must also know, that in all places, where troops and companies of people be, there is always ever discords and diversities, in opinions and judgements of men, So that it happeneth many times in a commonweal, yea, and it meeteth sometimes in one house, that all shallbe of one blood and kindred, yet in private wills; and affections, mortal enemies. 
Kindred are not always friends.   
And therefore, sure it is a thing worthy to be noted, and no less to be wondered at, to see the fathers with the sons, the Uncles with the nephews, the grandfathers' with the children, the sons in Law with their fathers in Law: and Brothers with their brothers: and sisters, the one to be as far different from the other as white and black, and as much friends as the dog and the cat. And all this is caused only, for that they are rather wedded to a self-will and opinion they haves, than they are addicted to love and affect that that nature bindeth them to.  
We see also many young Courtiers, that though they be virtuous and Noble, (having inherited and succeeded in Nobility of blood their Ancestors) by means whereof they are honoured and reverenced: and possessing also the greatness, and abundance of their goods and riches, (which makes them wealthy, and maintains them honourably) enjoying the Noble parentage for which they are regarded, having many friends and servants that do them great service and pleasure. And all in respect of their Noble Ancestors: and yet notwithstanding all these great things we have spoken, they follow their own inventions and imaginations, which their Ancestors, knowing, would have fled: and hate and mislike that, they, doubtless, being alive would have followed.  
And therefore it is rather a token of lightness then of good will, for one to leave to help and relieve his own friends and kinsfolks, to succour and do good to strangers, or others, whom he never knew, nor can tell what they are. For I assure you, that one of the greatest losses and mishaps that can come to a Noble house, is to have new friendship and parciality with strangers and men unknown. That Gentleman that giveth himself to follow such a one as pleaseth his fantasy best, and that leaveth to leave to those whom his Ancestors heretofore both loved and liked: shall see those old friends, not only leave and forsake him, but clean give him over to his will: and shortly after shall find his substance and faculty consume and waste away; beside, the honour of his house to be brought to utter decay and oblivion.  
And this we have spoken, only to advise the Prince's Officers, and such as have credit and authority, that they do not with favour support and aid any partial sect: namely, that that concerneth the state and body of Commonwealth: for the esteemed of the Prince, more easily, and with less occasion, do undo themselves, and lose the credit they have won: by reason of their partialiteis and factions they maintain, than they do for their daily benefits and suits they importune the Prince in.  
Wherefore the servants and Officers of the King's house, although they be in good favour with the Prince, and that it please him to like well of them, yet they may not so hardly support any to do hurt to others, and so absolutely, as if they were the Lords and Princes themselves.  
For albeit it pleaseth the King to call them, to honour, and to enrich them with goods and possessions, yet the King cannot, nor will not like that they shall be suborners of factions, and quarrels amongst their subjects in the Commonwealth.  
And yet nevertheless it happeneth many times, that those that see themselves only in favour above others, will presume to do violence and wrong to others, trusting to their great favour they are in, that that shall suffice to cloak and hide any fault they shall commit, which they never ought to think, nor yet for any respect in the world to do. For such unhaply might be the crime they do commit, that although it be in the Prince's power to do great things for them, yet he could not at that time with his honour excuse their offence, nor seem to protect them in their lewdness, without great mumur and discontentation of his subjects.  
I know very well, that in Court the minds, affections, and opinions of Courtiers are so divers and variable, and notwithstanding the beloved of the Prince endeavour himself all he can possible to please and content every man in Court, yet of all impossibilities, it is a thing most impossible ever to attain to it, to win all men's good wills.  
Nevertheless, he must so trimly and wisely behave himself in all his doings, that those, at least, whom he cannot with all his policy and device make his friends, have not yet any just occasion given them to be his enemies. I see there is no mean, no reason, no device nor policy of man, favour nor negligence, that can defend the honoured and esteemed of Court from detraction and envy.  
Therefore I will boldly give him this advice with him that in matters of justice and other public affairs, he bear himself so upright, that notwithstadding they repine at his authority and credit: yet that they have no cause offered to complain of him.  
The Courtier is forced to complain when his own familiar companions and fellow-servants of the Prince, in his matters of contenion or quarrel step between them, not to part them, but rather to the contrary to contend with them, and join in demand of that they strive for: which the luckless' Courtier is very apt to know, although he dares not discover it.  
For many times he supposeth it less evil to suffer the persecution of the enemy, then to fall into the disgrace of the beloved, and esteemed about the Prince.  
For the reputed of the Prince, commonly think they do much for the Commonweal, in bearing and favouring some, and in punishing and persecuting others.  
For those that are of great authority, professing honour and reputation, and that fear shame: would rather themselves to be defamed & rejected, then to see their enemies advanced, or preferred to the favour of the Prince, or of them that be in favour with the prince: And the beloved or officers of the Prince may not think, that the favour they give to one against an other, can be kept secret, and that it cannot come to light: for in so doing they are deceived: For in deed there is nothing more manifest or known in the Commonwealth, than the doings & practices of those that are in favour and authority, yea even to the very words they speak:  
Those that are aggrieved, and have to complain of some injury done them, or also those that are even the familiars of the favoured, and that do but aspire daily to grow in greater credit with their Prince than others, do not see any thing said or done to others, that are in better credit, than themselves, be it in eating, drinking, watching, sleeping, in play, being quiet or busy, but they suddenly go & report it, and tell it to some other that is in favour, to enter and to increase always into greater favour and trust with them.  
If there happen any dissension or enmity amongst the people in the common weal or realm, the esteemed of the Court must beware in any case, they put not in their hand: & if they do at all, that it be but to pacify them, and to make them good friends again, and not to discover them worse than they were before: For if he do otherwise, all these quarrels in the end shall cease, they being reconciled together, and now made perfect friends and to him they will all show themselves open enemies.  
And therefore it behoveth the favoured of Princes to behave themselves so wisely towards them that are at discord and variance together, that both the one side and the other should be glad and well pleased, to make him arbitrater between them, to decide both their causes, without any suspicion that they have of him, be it never so little, of partiality, of either part.  
The same day that the favoured of the Court shall take upon him to bear any private affection to any of the Common weal, and that he rather lean to one party, or to an other: the self same day and hour he shall put in great hazard his person, and not without great danger to lose his goods, together with the favour and credit of his Prince. And the secret enemies he hath, through the envy they bear him, should suffice him, yea rather too much, by reason of his favour and credit; without seeking any new enemies, for that he saith or doth. Such as are great with the Prince, and that fly the passions, affections, and partialities of the Commonweal, may be assured they shall be beloved served, and honoured of all: but if they shall do the contrary, they may trust to it likewise, that their enemies will be revenged of them, because they did pursue them: And their friends also will complain of them, because they did not favour their cause as they ought. Therefore let not the beloved think, if he dare believe me, that by having only the favour of the person of the Prince, it is enough for him to govern and rule the whole Realm at his pleasure: For although it cannot be denied, that to have so great a friend as the person of a King, it is a great advantage and commodity, and that he may do much: yet we must grant also, that many enemies are able to hurt us, and do us great injury. And therefore my advise should be, that every wise man, having one friend, should beware to have an other enemy.   

CHAP. XII. That the officers and beloved of the court should be very diligent and careful in dispatch of the affairs of the Prince, and Commonwealth: and in correcting and reforming the servants, they should also be very circumspect and advised.  
SVurely it is a great servitude & trouble 
Great servitude and trouble to live in the Court.  to live in court, continually, but it is far greater when it is enforced of necessity, by reason of suits and troubles, and yet greatest and most intolerable, when they cannot obtain a short and brief dispatch according to their desire; for weighing well the manner and conditions of the Court, that Suitor may reckon himself happily dispatched, every time that he is quickly dispatched, although his dispatch be not according to his mind. And I speak it not without a cause, that he may reckon himself well dispatched when he hath his answer: For without comparison, it is less ill of both: for the poor Suitor that attends on the Court, to be presently denied his Suit, then to continue him long with delays, as they they do now a days, the more is the pity.  
If the poor Suitors that go to the Court, did know certainly that the delay made in their Suits were for no other occasion but for to dispatch them well, according to their desire, although it were not so reasonable, yet were it tolerable, the pains and trouble that they abide. But if the poor miserable and wretched creatures have great trouble in traversing the Law, and abiding their orders: obtaining it nevertheless in the end with great labour and toil: yea and contrary to their expectation: have they not yet matter enough trow ye to complain of? yes sure, enough to make them despair.  
Whatsoever he be therefore that goeth to the Court to be a Suitor for any matter of import, let him determine and think with himself he shall not obtain his suit, even as he would have it: For if he shall feed himself with certain promises, made in private, a thing common to Courtiers, to promise much, and perform nothing, with other vain and foolish thoughts: the great hope he shall conceive of their smokes of Court, must needs give him afterwards occasion to despair when he seeth the promise unperformed. The court is a Sea so deep, a pilgrimage so incertain, that there we daily see nought else, but Lambs swim with safety in the deepest channel, and elephants down in the shallowest ford. To go sue, to serve, to travel, & to solicit in the Court of Princes, may aptly be likened and compared to those that put too many rich jewels to the Lottery in open market: in which it happeneth very oft, that he that hath put in a 100 lots, shall not happen perhaps of one, and an other that only hath but in one, fortune shall so favour him, that he shall ever after be made a rich man. The like we may say to him that hath lived so long in Court, that he hath not only got him a beard, but it is also now become a grey beard: and yet in all this long time of his service, he hath not gotten him any certainty, or stay of living to live honestly, withal to maintain his aged years in quiet: and he may well say, that all the lots have been unfortunate to him which he put in adventure. It is true that to be called a good and virtuous man, it sufficeth to have a sharp wit, and good head: but to become rich, he must only have good fortune. And this is plainly seen in the Court, that some in 4. months will grow great like a Melon, and some other in 40. years will never bear but little fruit like a palm tree.  
We have told you all these things, to this end, only to remember those that go to the Court of Princes, to follow any fuite, or to continue a 
A lesson for him that meaneth to be a Courties.  Courtier still, that in any case they carry a purse with them, full of money, and a heart armed with patience. Oh what pity is it every way to see him that is a Suitor in the Court, to be long haled with a tedious suit, and in the end not to obtain any partof his desire, without a little pleasing wind of court: for if he will have his suit go forward, & take good success, and have it speedily granted, he must first buy it of God with bitter tears, and after of the king with humble intercession, of the Secretaries with promises, and of the ushers with presents, and of the beloved, and in authority, with infinite service: so that to conclude, far greater is the reward they crave then the value, of the favour or benefit they bestow.  
If I have discoursed unto you sufficiently what the unlucky Suitors have done and do: you shall further know what they think and do imagine, as it falleth out true.  
The silly souls they pass the nights in watch, devising continually: not in what Church the next day they may hear the divine Service, but only by what means they may procure to come to the Favourites of the Court, to speak one word unto them.  
The poor Suitor (unskilful of courtly practice) believeth, that when he hath once exhibited a bill or memorial of his Suit, to the Master of Requests: or that he hath spoken a word or two, to any one in favour with the Prince, that straightways, without further delay he shall be dispatched of his Suit, and that he shall not need to sue any more. But alas, they are deceived, & prevented of their expectation.  
For, the unhappy Suitor shall be no sooner out of his sight, but they presently forget all that hath been said unto them: yea and peradventure his mind so occupied, that his bill of Memorial is also torn in pieces, and his Suit and bill committed to flying air.  
The affairs of the wars are done by force and necessity, and those of Friends by goodwill: but those of the 
By what means affairs are dispatched.  miserable Suitors of the Court, by money or great importunity.  
So that it followeth, that hardly any man obtaineth the end of his Suit, (be his Right never so good) without great diligence, and painful toil. And many times the poor Suitor of the Court departeth from his own house, and goeth to the Court, on hope and deliberation to be dispatched in two months: and afterwards the poor miserable man shall spend above six months there without dispatch. But all this is nothing, to the grief and displeasure he shall feel in the end, if with better judgement he measure and consider, the pleasure and felicity he might have had at home, with the troubles and displeasures he abideth in the Court. For, making account with his purse, he shall perhaps find all his money spent, ere his suit in manner be begun.  
I told you but of a little wonder, to tell you that all his ill consisted in the emptying of the purse. For, indeed I should have said better, and more truly: telling you that he had sold his Nag, laid his Sword in gage, baratted his cote and cloak, and of two shirts he brought, the one he sold: so that the pooreman hath no more left to chop, nor sell. And yet moreover, me thinks I tell you little.  
If I show you not also, that after he hath consumed all his Money that he brought in his Purse, sold, chopped, and laid to gauge all the Apparel that he had, he is notwithstanding all this enforced for debt, to gauge to his Host, all that remains behind, to satisfy him for his lodging. So that when he cometh home to his own house, he may say truly: That he cometh home weary, ashamed, consumed, and all that he hath at gage.  
He that determineth to be a suitor at the Court, is wont before he go from home, to make account what he will spend every day ordinarily: but what he shall spend extraordinarily, against his will, that he never reckons of.  
And therefore I would counsel him for the best, if he put ten crowns in his purse, for ordinary charges, let him also put ten crowns more for extraordinary. For, it is impossible he should ever keep an order and measure in so great a disorder. For many times courtiers are compelled for their honour & reputations' sake, to invite their hosts & owners of the lodgings where they lie, and besides the great charges they are at the way, yet come there unbidden to dinner and supper a company of jesters, players of Interludes, Minstrels and musicans, or other pleasant companions, whom he cannot refuse and turn away for honesties sake, but must needs make them eat and drink besides the reward they look for.  
So that when he hath made his account of ten or twenty shillings charges for his dinner or supper, let him look in his purse, and he shall find these mates have picked up in rewards as much as the whole charges of his dinner or supper beside.  
Moreover, they are daily visited of their friends and kinsfolks, and victuals are so dear, and of so excessive price, that to make their provision at the best hand, they must send out posts and Lackeys into all parts to be their Puruayers. And yet are they further recharged, that many times their servants rob them of all their money, and run their way when they have done, and sometimes they must new array themselves, all which things the Courtier (in respect of his estimation) is bound to do thoroughly, and with the best manner, or else to sequester, and banish himself from Court and Courtier's life. It is true that a poor Gentleman or other Suitor (that of necessity must follow the Court) knoweth very well the cause that moveth him to be a Courtier, and attendant on the court; but yet he shall not know what his charge and expense will be about that suit.  
If he have any favour or credit in the Court, he may happily obtain a quick and ready dispatch, and so perhaps save some part of his money in his purse he determined for to spend, without which, he shall not only be enforced to borrow, but to send a new messenger to his house for more money. O more is the pity, how many have I seen in Prince's Courts spend all that ever they brought to the Court to follow their suit, and yet could not be dispatched in any thing they came for, save in stead of their money they consumed, they purchased them great troubles & displeasurs bewailing their lost time, and vain expense.  
And it is to be considered also, that if it be a great difficulty to speak to the Prince in our matter, to the Precedent of the Council, to the Master of the Requests, and to the Privy Council, to the Marshals of the house, to the Treasurers, to the Cofferers, and to the fouriers, and to the favoured of the Court, it is far greater and more trouble to entertain, and content their servants and officers.  
For I dare assure you, you shall sooner and more easily win the love of the Master, than you shall obtain the favour and good will of the Servant.  
Princes are contented if we obey 
How the servants and Officers of the Court must be entreated.  them; the favoured of the court if we serve them: but the servants are never contented, nor in quiet, if they see we do not entreat them, and worship them. And surely, I will not tell you a true tale, and will lie a word to you. In those days when I myself was also a Courtier in the Court of Princes, it stood me upon many times rather to trouble the masters, then to pray the servants. If perhaps for penance of his sins) the suitor show himself importunate in his affairs, and that he presume to daresay to him some nipping or unpleasant word, let him be well assured, he will not be revenged on him, to hurt him with sword or lance: but only in holding back his pen, to delay him in his dispatch: For I remember, that once being but a poor priest, I was entreated by the Proctor of a Province to say him a dozen of Masses for a great Noble Man, and in great favour and estimation in the Court, that had his matter in his hands, & he Conjured me very earnestly, that I should not lay them for the health and salvation of his soul, but only that GOD would inspire him, and put into his mind to dispatch him quickly of his business. Therefore as we have spoken of the one, it is reason we should also speak of the other.  
And therefore I say, that there are some of these Officers and Clerks of judges, Magistrates, counsellors, Secretaries, Treasurers, Marshals, Fouriers, and other Officers also of the Court, that are so wise, and men of such honesty and civility, that the discourtesies and wrongs sometimes their Lords and Masters do unto us: they do the best they can either to take them from us quite, or at the least to lessen or diminish them. For the contrary also, others there are so proud and shameless, such tattler, and vile persons, and so unconscionable with all: of whom, as it is a great pleasure for us to see that they write, and to hear that they can speak so well, and promise so liberally, only to win your money, and to pick your purse: so it is a great spite to us, and more shame and reproach, and infamy for them, when afterwards we see the contrary effects of their fair words, and feigned promises, wherewith they seed us continually.  
And adding thereto also, we see many times that such a young Courtier, in less than four years that he hath remained in service with a Noble man, or other officer of the Kings in the Court, hath gotten by his practice and policy a fair moil of great price: with her harness all guilt, his coffers well filled, his tent for the field, with a field bed and other furniture to it, his carpets on his Table, his clothes of Tapestry over his doors, his gowns richly furred for the Winter, & those of Satin and Damask, and Taffata for the Summer: and yet notwithstanding all this glory, he may possible keep a Courtesan for his pleasure, and maintain her.  
All which things considered, and put together, is impossible he should do it by the gains of his pen, or service, but only by dishonest means, and robbing of his Master. I saw once in my presence a poor Suitor, offer the Clerk of a Secretary, eight Rials of silver for to dispatch him of his suit, and he refused them flatly, and would none of them, by no means, notwithstanding, the poor man turned him up the bottom of his purse, and showed him that he had but only four Rials left to bring him home withal: So the poor man came to me, and entreated me for to speak to this Clerk for him, to persuade 
The intolerable exaction of a Secretary's Clerk.  him to take his money he offered him, and to dispatch him since he had no more lest then he showed him. And I did so: And this worshipful Clerk made me this unhonest answer.  
Sir, beholdmy face and complexion, and you shall find that it is all of gold ' and not of silver. For I swear to you, by our blessed Lady of Lancet, that it is more than two years that I received for my pains no other but gold, and not silver laid in my hands.  
It cannot be but that servant, that vaunts himself to have a face of gold, will one day put his Master's face in the mire.  
Now albeit we see the King's officers, and others peradventure under them, to ride on their nags with their foot clothes, to be brave in apparel, to be rich in jewels, and happily to have a hundred Crowns in his purse, we should not marvel of it at all: but if we have cause to think any thing ill in them: it is for that many times they play away more money fond, then would serve any other man to spend in all his necessaries.  
That officer or Clerk that hath not above a hundred Crowns in his purse, and that in a night playeth away two hundred crowns, what judgement shall a man give of him? but that either he deceiveth others in his office or he stealeth & pilfreth from his master or Lord, or else he exacteth upon the poor Suitors and racks them with all extremity, without conscience and honesty, and that he will have it on them, even with plain brawling? Yea and though these good fellows be liberal in play (as you have heard) yet I warrant you they are not spare of diet neither, but if they call their friends at a time to their table in the Hall, or else bid their Courtesan to some Garden, you may be assured they want no dainty meats, nor delicate wines to please their liking lust: yea peradventure with more copy, and better meat and drink then their Masters or lords have any.  
Here could I mate them with like companions to themselves, that merchants prentices, which for their lavish expense, their excessive play, their lusty banqueting and feasting, otherwhile their secret friends in gardens, and blind taverns, come not behind them at all in delicacy of fare, and in sumptuous expense, but rather go before, and leave them far behind.  
And how think you, can these foul riots be borne by any likelihood of the apprentices own ability? Nay sure, of the Master's cost (as best able) whose purse payeth for the good cheer, though he good man fare at home but thinly.  
But well, since it toucheth not our matter, I will return again where I left. All these things notwithstanding, they are dishonest, they are sometimes tolleruble, and to be borne, so that with these faults they would be diligent to dispatch men, and easily to talk withal.  
But alas, for pity, we see that for all these complaints they hear, and for all the requests and entreaty, that may be made to them, they will never take pen in hand before the poor suitor take his hand out of his purse, that they may feel him a little.  
We have spoken all these things to admonish, remember, and beseech the favoured of the Prince, and other their officers, that neither themselves nor their servants under them, be long and slow in dispatching such things as they have charge, and chiefly of poor and miserable Suitors. For if we consider the qualities and conditions of men, We see that to many Suitors it were less detriment and more profit, to be answered quickly (though they were denied) then dispatched slowly (as to have it granted) to their great charge and long trouble: Truly, me thinks it is a great secret of God to know, why all those that are Suitors in the Court of Princes, and those also whom we sue to are all mortal. And all the Suits that we labour for, seem, yea, to say more truly, are immortal.  
And hereof we see a daily experience, that the Suitors die, and their 
Some suitors die, but their suits never have end.  suits live for ever, being never determined. O excellent Art, and fine device of suit, that Courtiers are wont to use, that are grateful to Princes, as for familiar example.  
They find a way to put in a thousand manner of lets to hinder and delay the suits, because that when by tract of time, they have more then half despaired the hopeless Suitors: they then to revive them again, and to make their honour seem the greater, dispatch them even in a moment, without let or delay, and to the suitors whole contentation. It is good reason the Noble Prince have a regard of the things he gives, and to whom they grant them: and likewise of the Time and place. For, in receiving favour for a good turn, at the Prince's hand, they sometimes make more account and estimate of the Liberality, and bountiful mind of the Prince, than they will do of the gifts themselves.  
Sure it is a good thing, and laudable, for those that are continually about the person of the Prince, that they be easy to be spoken withal, patient to hear, wise in answering, of good fame in their life, and ready to 
The favoured of the court ought to be easily spoken with.  dispatch and do good.  
For being otherwise, they may be well assured they shall show the mark and white for their enemies to shoot their piercing shaft at, and shall give the Suitors also occasion to complain and speak ill of them.  
And therefore to cut them short, I give them this counsel, that in those things they are besought, that they be not too hard to be entreated: and in that they are requested, that they be never too strange, nor drawing back, much less covetous: and in those things that are given them, they be never unthankful: and with those that they are daily conversant, that they be very well advised and considered: and those things whereof they are advertised, that they endeavour themselves to keep it in mind and memory, and never to forget it. And if they shall do otherwise, let them assure themselves, and trust unto it, that if they in time of suit shall shut the doors against the poor suitors, that the common people also will never open their hearts once to serve or love them: Princes servants should so govern themselves, that though there were found some ill persons that despised them, for that they might do much, and were of great authority: yet that there might be many others also honest, that should praise and commend them for the great good they do.  
That man that is envied, dispraised, defamed, disloved, and all thought of of all, should think it lesser ill to die honestly, than to live with shame and in disgrace of every man: For to say truly, me thinketh no man could live a more bitter and hard life, although he abode many sorrows, then to see him disliked generally of the common weal.  
It is an honest and natural thing for men to endeavour themselves by all diligence and industry to get much but it should be far better, and much more worth, to procure themselves good will: For in effect, nothing doth more satisfy and glad the heart, and maketh it more quiet, then to think that he is beloved, and well accepted of all.  
It is a most certain Rule, that the foes and enemies of the favoured Courtiers, never join in friendship with others, but with those whom they know to be full of passions and quarrels like themselves.  
Of which detractors, if any one happen at times to go to the house of the honoured of the Court, upon any occasion of suit, and that they cannot presently speak with them: they will not say, I warrant you that he was busy, and could not speak with him, but that he was so proud, and so haughty, that he would not once hear nor see them.  
We are so willing and forward in wishing well, and so self-willed and obstinate in hating, that upon a light occasion many times we do love those we love, and with as much less occasion we defame and speak ill of those we hate. Therefore the favoured of Princes shall do great service to GOD, and much profit to the Commonweal, if they give order to dispatch all Suitors (high or low) speedily: Since it is to the King only that they impute the denial of their Suits, but for the delays and prolongation of them, that only they lay to the charge of the Favourites, and beloved of Princes.  
And those that are great with the Prince, may not excuse themselves, by reason of the numbers of matters they have in their hands, For if he be alone, and that it lie in his hands only to dispatch all, and that he is not able to satisfy them all, it cannot be but that some one of his Friends will advertise the King that he cannot do all: and how the people complain, and the poore-Suters find themselves aggrieved: which purchase him great enemies and yll-willers, by reason the Commonwealth is so altered.  
So that he shall not tarry long, but the Prince understanding of these complaints, will join a companion with him, to ease him of some part of his pains. And therefore the Noble princes and great Personages, should admonish, and warn the Officers well, (whom they take to dispatch matters) that they be wise and Learned men, virtuous, and of good life: and that they be not too partial in their doings, nor too sharp and rough in their answers. For many times there happen more Troubles, and sinister unlookeds-for-chaunce, to Princes, and Noble-personages, for the uncourteous languages of their Officers and deputies, &c: then for any evils that they themselves do commit.  
And therefore those that are in favour and Authority with the Prince, 
What persons should be chosen for governors.  must of necessity foresee, to choose under them such persons, to whom they give the care and charge of their affairs and businesses, to dispatch men's matters and Suits, that they be liberal of condition, pleasant in their conversation, courteous in answers, true in their writings, easy and diligent in their dispatches, very honest and modest in that they give or take: and sincere and perfit in all their other virtues, if it be possible.  
So that they may ever be more careful to get Friends for their Lord and Master, than money. For, like as the life of the master of the Ship consisteth, and dependeth in the only guiding and judgement of the skilful Pilot, and the conscience of the judge in his Constitute, the goods of the Merchant in the just dealings of his Factor, and the victory of the Noble Prince, in his valiant Captain: Even so likewise doth the honour of the favoured consist in those he hath chosen officers under him for the dispatch of men's affairs.  
And although the servant of the beloved be no partaker with his Master of his favour with the Prince, yet he is a coadjutor to him, to support his credit and favour, and many times also a ready mean utterly to undo his Master, and to dishonour him for ever.  
The like watch and care the good Bishop hath over his flock, for to preach unto them the Gospel of jesus Christ: the self same aught the magistrates and higher powers have to their Officers that are under them, in taking heed they be not slow and negligent in dispatching such business as as they have in charge, that they be not dishonest of life, presumptuous in demanding, and false in their writing: for the least of these faults sufficeth utterly to undo the Servant, & also to defame the master.  
And therefore so soon as the beloved of the Court have any suspicion in the World, or inkling, be it never so little, that his Servant is grown to be proud, dishonest, and of a naughty conscience, he ought not only immediately to correct him for it: but to put him out of his service forthwith, and to turn his coat over his ears. Otherwise they will murmur so much at the servant that doth all these faults, as at the Master that will not see them, and suffereth them. Therefore the reputed of Court, must first see, and peruse over the writings and doings of their servants and Secretaries, before they dispatch them out of their hands and to moderate their gain with reason that is due to them.  
Otherwise their enemies might justly say, that they keep not such under them, to dispatch poor men that sue to their Masters, but rather to spoil and rob them.  
And therefore they were better to augment their wages they give those officers and servants, then to consent or dissemble with their theft: For so doing, the servant can never rise in wealth, but the Master must needs diminish in honour.  
It may happen many times, that the esteemed of the Court shall be so occupied in the affairs of the Common weal, that he cannot though he would give audience to the Suitors.  
But when they are thus occupied that they cannot in deed, they must then command their servants and officers, that they courteously entreat them, and hear them, and not check or rebuke them, and call them importunate suitors: For it is no reason, that for dispatch of their business, the poor souls should be laden with injurious words.   

CHAP. XIII. That the beloved of the Court beware they be not proud and high minded: for lightly they never fall but thorough this wicked vice.  
We read that Rhehoboam succeeded his Father in 12 realms that were his, although they were but small realms, who being requested and exhorted by the grave 
The cruelty of Rhehoboam, and his punishment.  aged men of his Realm, to be courteous and temperate, and not greedy, nor avaricious in recovering the tributes and subsidies the other Realms gave him, and to be merciful, and pitiful in punishing the offences committed, answered them thus.  
My Father beat you only with simple whips, but I will not scourge you with whips, but plague you with Scorpions: for my little finger is greater than was his whole arm.  
Which happened very ill to him, that for to chastise the proud and arrogant words he spoke to them, and to punish him for his wicked doings and enormities committed, they afterwards revolted against him, and took from him eleven of his Realms and all his friends forsook him: so that as he augmented in greatness of his fingers, he diminished as much in his Realms and riches.  
So great was the pride likewise of King Pharaoh, that not contented that God had pardoned him his sins, and with the ten plagues he had sent him, did yet notwithstanding resist and pursue the people of Israel.  
wherefore the sea that was made a plain passage and high way, for the safeguard of the children of Israel his enemies, was prepared a sepulture for him and his.  
Pompey the Great also being in Asia, when it was told him that he should levy his power, and prepare his men to be in readiness to resist the battle that julius Caesar came to give him, with a great fury he stamped his foot upon the ground, and proudly spoke these words.  
Next to the Gods I fear no man, no not all mortal men, although they all were bend against me, my power being so great, that I am able to destroy julius Caesar, and all his power coming against me: And not only the Realms of Asia shall fight for 
Pride was the overthrow of Pompey, & many other Princes.  me, but also I will command the ground that I tread on to rise against him.  
But what was the fatal end of Pompey's pride? His Captains lost the battle, his children their Realms and signiories, and he in fine his head, Rome her Liberty, & his friends their lives.  
The Emperor Domitian also was so vicious in his doings, and so proud in his thoughts, that he openly commanded the Governors and Magistrates of his Realm in all their Edicts and proclamations to say these words:  
Domitian, our God, and our Prince, commandeth that this thing be done: But lo the final end of his pride, in taking upon him the name of a god, by consent and counsel of his wicked wife Domitia, he had seven deadly wounds given him in his bed with a dagger. And thus woefully he ended his glorious life.  
Plutarch also recounteth that king Demetrius was the proudest Prince that ever reigned; For he was not contented to see himself served of all men like a great and mighty Prince, as he was, but he made them also honour him as a god, And he would not suffer any strange Ambassadors to come into his presence, but they should be appareled like Priests.  
Haman was also very familiar with the King Assuerus, and although all those of his Realm did him great service, and that strangers had him in great veneration, and did honour him marvelously, yet was there a glorious Mardocheus, that would never do him reverence, nor once put off his cap to him: by reason whereof this Haman that was in so great favour commanded a gibbet of fifty yards high to be set up for Mardocheus, whom he would have hanged on that gibbet, to be revenged on him for the injury he had done him: But the Divine will of God was such, and fortune did permit it, that on the same Gallows Hamon thought to have put Mardocheus to death, on the self same himself was hanged.  
Themistocles and Aristides were 2. famous men among the greeks, and because they were both great Princes and Philosophers, and had in great reputation of all those that knew them, there was such a secret emulation and ambition between them, the one to reign over the other, that both aspiring, each to command other, there followed great disorders and oppressions of the subjects of their Commonweal.  
Wherefore Themistocles moved with pity and compassion of so great a Tyrant, which for their sakes, their Common weal endured, one day in the Market place before all his people with a loud voice, he spoke these words.  
Know you, O you people of Athens, that if you do not lay hands on my exceeding presumption, and on the over great ambition of Aristides, that our Gods will be offended, the temples will fall down to the hard foundation, our treasures will be consumed, ourselves destroyed, and our common weals brought to utter ruin and decay. Therefore once again, good people, I say, bridle these our inordinate and unspeakable affections betime, lest the reins laid in our necks be run too far. O golden words of a Prince, and worthy eternal fame.  
Lucanus also, when he would reprove the pride and presumption of the Roman Princes said, that Pompey the great could never abide to have any for his companion or equal with him within Rome: And julius Caesar also would never suffer that there should be any greater in the World than himself. And therefore to discourse a little of this abominable and horrible vice of pride, we have not without great reason laid before you these approved examples, before we begin to reprove it: For in all things the examples we show you, are wont to move us more, than the reasons we seem to tell you of. For that which I have seen, for that I have read, and for that I have heard say also of others I am most assured and resolved thereof, that by the only cause of this wicked sin of pride, proceedeth the ruin and utter decay of all our greatest 
Pride the ruin and decay of all things.  things and affairs of this life for by all other sins a man may indeed descend and decline from his degree and state of honour and estimation: but by this only sin he cannot choose but he must fall down flat to the ground.  
They find out the midst and centre of the earth, the depth of the sea, and the highest tops of Riphey Mountains, the end of the great mount Caucasus, and the beginning of the great flood Nile, and only the little heart of man, touching desire to rule and command, can never find end.  
The insatiable covetousness is such, that it cannot be contented with the things we have, but only with those we repute of less price: Likewise Ambition & pride to command, cannot be contained within bounds, but only by obeying: For never no vice can have end, if he that have it, do not leave it, and banish it from him.  
After Alexander the Great had conquered all Asia, and had subdued the great India, he was one day reproved of the great Philosopher Anacharses, 
The speech of Anacharses the Philosopher to Alexander.  who told him these words. Sith thou art now, O Alexander, Lord of the earth, why dost thou weary thyself so much in thy affairs, as no pain seemeth troublesome to thee? To whom Alexander answered. Thou hast told me many times, Anacharses, that besides this world, there are also three others. And if it be so as thou sayest, how great a reproach and infamy it were to me, that being three other worlds, I should be Lord but only of one. Therefore I do daily sacrifice to the Gods, that though they take me out of the life of this World, yet at least they will not deny me of so glorious a conquest. I confess that the Scriptures excepted I have no words so rise in memory as these, whereby may easily be perceived, that for to quiet and to content a proud and haughty heart, the signiory of the whole World is not yet sufficient, and how ended the pride of this glorious prince? even thus.  
He that hoped for to conquer, and to be Lord of three other Worlds, did not rule this one only above three years. We may boldly say this, and swear it, and may also plainly prove it, to any that desire to see it, that he wanteth both wit and knowledge that taketh upon him to be proud and presumptuous: For the more he looketh into himself, and reconsidereth and considereth his state and calling, and what he is, he shall find in him a thousand occasions, fit to humble him, but never a one only to make him proud and naughty. How great, rich, mighty, noble and worthy soever the person be, every time that we happen to see him, and that we have no acquaintance of him.  
And that we desire to know what he is, we do not ask of what Element, of what Sea, of what Fire, of what Planet, of what Climate, of what Sun, of what Moon, nor of what air, but only of what Country he is of, and where he was born: For we are all of the earth, we live in the earth, and in the end we have to turn into the earth, as to our natural thing.  
If the Planets, and the beasts could help us with the Instrument and benefit of the tongue, they would take from us the occasions of vain glory: For the stars would say, that they were created in the firmament, the Sun in the Heavens, the birds in the air, the Salamander in the fire, and the fish in the water: but only the unhappy man was made of earth, and created in the earth. So that in that respect, we cannot glory to have other kinsfolk nearer to us, then are the worms, the flies, and horseflies. If a man did consider well what he were, he would ascertain us that the fire burns him, water drowns him, the earth wearies him, the air troubles him, the heat grieves him, the cold hurts him, and the day is troublesome to him, the night sorrowful, hunger and thirst makes him suffer, meat and drink fills him, his enemies daily follow him, and his friends forget him: So that the time a man hath to live in this wretched world, cannot be counted a life, but rather a long death.  
The first day, we see one borne, the self same we may make reckoning that he begins to die: and although that person lived amongst us a hundred years after in this world, we should not say therefore that he lived a long time, but only that he tarried a great time to die.  
Therefore that person that hath his life tied to so many tributes, I cannot devise, or think with myself why, or wherefore he should be proud. But now returning again to our purpose, let us say, & exhort the servants and familiars of Princes, that they take heed they be not proud and presumptuous. For it seldom happeneth, that the favoured of Kings and Princes fall out of favour and credit for that they have, or can do much, nor for that they crave and desire much: but for that they are too bold and presume too much. For in the Court of Kings and Princes, there is nothing more hurtful and less profitable, than pride & presumption: For oft times the overweening of the Courtier, and the foolish vain pride 
The favourites of princes ought to beware of pride.  and reputation, he hath of himself, brings him to be in the Prince's disgrace, and makes the people also to be offended and angry with him: For till this day we never saw, nor heard tell of any that ever got into the Prince's favour and credit, for that he was proud and high minded, but only for that he hath showed himself an humble, obedient, courteous, loving, and a faithful servant. I would be of this mind, that the Courtier that seeth he is received into favour in the Prince's Court, should ever wax better in serving well, then grow worse in presuming too much.  
And I dare boldly say & affirm that it is a mere point of Folly, by his pride and rashness to lose all that in one day, that by great good Fortune he hath attained unto in many years.  
And though that the Favoured Courtier (subject possible to his Fantastical humour) be sometimes overcome with choler or carnal desire, drawn with avarice, and addicted to the gorge, environed with envy, plunged in sloth and idleness, or some other vice and imperfection, it shall not skill much, neither be any great wonder: since all mankind is subject to those passions: and neither the Prince, nor the Commonweal, will reckon much of that.  
For, of all these faults and vices, there can come no greater hurt unto him, save only that the common people would murmur against him. But his pride and peacocks glory once known and espied, every man casteth his eyes upon him, to behold his Princely gate, and curseth him, in word and deed.  
Therefore let a man be in as great favour as he can devise to be, as worthy, Noble, Rich, and of as great power and authority as he desireth to be: I never saw any ill in all my life, if with all these virtues he were proud and highminded, but in the end he was persecuted of many, and hated and envy of all.  
For those that are in greatest favour about the Prince, have secret enemies enough to hinder their credit, although they do not purchase now, to accuse them of their pride and presumption. And as we are taught by experience, the burning coal cannot only be kept alive, except it be covered with the hot ymbers thereon. I mean, that the favour of the Prince cannot be long maintained, without good bringing up, and civil manners, gentle conversation, and Familiarity.  
The great men of authority about the Prince, run eftsoons into great and many dangers: and this happeneth, because they would not be reproved in any thing whatsoever they do, much less hear any words that should displease them, neither can they abide to be told of their faults, much less suffer to be corrected for them.  
Neither do they suffer willingly to be counseled in any thing, be it of never so great weight & importance, neither would they have any companion with them, in favour with the Prince: but they desire to be both on the right hand of the Prince, and on the left: still they only would be the favoured of the prince, and none other: aspiring to govern them, in all their doings, and to be thought and reputed the sole and only rulers of the affairs of the prince, and his commonweal, and to be believed in all things of the prince, and to be obeyed also of the common-people.  
Those therefore that are continually resident in the Courts of princes, and that have the chiefest rooms and Offices in the Court, let them well consider, and keep in memory this one word, which I will tell them: And that is this as followeth▪  
That the first day they take upon them to be superintendents and governors of the Commonweal, even in the selfsame day they shall put in hazard their honour, favour, and credit, how great soever they be. For, with great difficulty are the least things the prince himself comandeth, executed or done in his Realm, or Commonweal: and therefore may the favoured of the Court see, how much more hard it is for him to rule, (as sole and absolute Lord) the affairs of the Realm, and to be obeyed in the Commonweal: since the King himself cannot do it, by his Regal authority.  
And therefore the less he shall desire to meddle with the affairs of the people, the more shall he live in quiet and contented: For naturally the common people are so unstable, and uncertain in their doings, unthankful of benefits received, and so ingrateful of a good turn done them: that the beloved of the Court, or any other person in favour with the Prince can never do any thing for the people (be it never so well) but they will speak ill, and mislike of him, and find fault with some of his doings.  
It is impossible that those, that will command many things in the Court of Princes should always do their things so, but they should sometime tread awry.  
And admit their faults be but light, and of small moment, yet they may be assured there will be enough that will both open them to the common weal, and tell them also secretly to the Prince alone.  
For those that seek to divorce the favoured of the Court from the Prince, do not complain or find fault for that they are more in favour with the Prince than others, but they will show they take it in ill part, they have more authority and command than others in the Commonweal: Saying, that by mean of their place and authority, and under colour of good zeal, to minister justice, they give commonly foul and injurious words, far unfit for the authority of the person, and worthiness of the place: so that it cannot be otherwise chosen, but that continuing this disorder, they must needs make the king suspect them, and besides that bring a discord betwixt the king and those that he favoureth, and make him marvelously offended with them: For in the end, Princes would always be served, and obeyed, but not ruled and commanded. And it is a most true saying. Overmuch familiarity breedeth contempt. which although it may be borne, between men of like degree: and coequality, yet is it not tolerable, between the prince & the favoured of the Prince. But rather every day, hour, moment, that the Favoured Courtier entereth into the Prince's palace, or into his privy-chamber, he ought ever to do it with as great courtesy, reverence, humility, and honour, and in speaking to the King, as if he had never spoken with him, nor seen him.  
So that he should let all men see, that though it please the King's Majesty to make of him, and to accept him into his favour, yet that he leave not to serve him, and do him that duty that all other servants do, and are bound to do.  
The safest and most certain way to maintain those that are sublimated, and exalted in the Courts of Princes, and to raise up and bring those to authority that are low and of base condition, is: that the esteemed repute himself ever a Servant, and that the servant never vaunt nor boast himself to be favoured or esteemed.  
The familiars of Princes ought ever to beware that there come no complaints 
The favourites of princes ought to beware of complaints.  of them to the Prince's care: For, as a drop of Water, by Time and continual Fall, cometh to pierce the hardest stone: so it might happen that the numbers of complaints might be occasion for the prince to withdraw his favour and love from the Courtier again. If his only services were sufficient to induce the Prince to favour & love him: so the number of his subjects complaints against him, were occasion enough to make him mislike him, and and put him out of favour clean, changing his love and favour, to hate and discredit. For it is a certain thing, that when the Prince doth look well into his own doings, he had rather be be loved of all, then served of one alone.  
The honoured Favourite of the Court may not so much regard the honour and credit he is called to by his prince as the baseness and poverty he was in, when it pleased the king to like of him and that he came first acquainted with the King.  
For, if he did otherwise, it might so happen, that like as Fortune had brought him to that high estate he had: So Pride might overthrow him again, and bring him as low as he was before: For, I should have said more truly a great deal, saying: That it would have made him fall down right: being the property of Fortune, to suffer the base sort (whom she hath called to honour) only to return them to their mean estate & calling, they were of at first, and never to leave the favoured of the Prince, and men of authority (nor never satisfied) till she hath thrown them down headlong into extreme misery, never to rise again.  
Agathocles (first the son of a Potter, and afterwards made king of Scicilia) whilst he lived, he ever used this manner, that in his treasury or jewel house, yea, and also at his Table, amongst all his cups and dishes of gold and silver, he had also some of Earth amongst them: and being asked the occasion, why in so great a Treasury and mass of gold and silver, he had so vile and base a thing as Earth?  
He answered thus.  
I drink in golden cups, and eat in Earthen dishes, to give thanks unto the Gods, which of a Potters-sonne that I was, brought me to this Royal estate of 
A worthy speech of Agathocles K: of Scicilia.  a mighty King. And I do it also, to have ever more cause to be humble and lowly, and to fly Pride. For, it is an easier thing, and more likelier, for a king to become a Potter, then for a Potter to attain to the greatness & state of a king These words of Agathocles were ever worthy to be noted and had in fenory, since we see plainly that to give a man a fall, a little stone sufficeth to make us stumble, and fall to the ground, but to raise us up again, we must needs help us with power of hands and feet. It may well be, that this brave Courtier and favoured of the Court, before he came to this degree of honour, was but of a mean house, and b●fuly borne: and besides that esteemed of few, for his nobility of blood: of an unknown Country, of poor parents, of small substance, and no better nor otherwise favoured of fortune in his birth or lineage: of all which things he hath no cause to be ashamed, but rather to glory, & praise God: For he shall ever be more esteemed in the Court, and well thought of, to remember from whence he came, and to regard his first estate: then he shall, if he wax glorious, & high minded, by reason of the favour he is at this present, utterly forgetting his first rising.  
Titus Livius reciteth, that the renowned Roman Quintus Cincinnatus, before he came to be made Captain of Rome, he was taken out of the fields a labouring man, ploughing & tilling the ground. And this so noble a person being occupied in great affairs of the common weal, either in provisions, or munitions, or in expeditions of war, was wont to sigh before all the Captains and say: Alas, who could tell me now any news how my beeves do in my grange, my sheep in the mountains, and whether my servants have provided them of Hay and Pasture for to keep them the next year.  
Surely it is to be thought, that whosoever speaks these words with his mouth, must needs have little pride in his heart.  
And undoubtedly he proved his words true, and showed, that he spoke as he thought and in good earnest without intent of jest: since afterwards returned home again to follow the plough, to plant his vines, and to see his own things governed, leaving behind him a perpetual testimony of his noble and worthy doings. And his common Weal also greatly enriched by his famous acts.  
Saul was King of Israel, and taken for a God, and was anointed of Samuel, his Father a poor husbandman of the Country, and he from his youth brought up in that trade, for to hold the plough, and yet when he was King, he never disdained for to plough his ground, to sow his oats, and to drive his beasts, now to pasture then home again: So that the good King did glory this day to hold the plough, and to morrow to fight with his sword.  
When Fortune therefore showeth herself enemy to any, and that from great dignity and high calling, she overthroweth him, and bringeth him to low and mean estate: It is then that he hath good cause to complain of fortune's cruelty, and to bewail his wretched hap, ashamed to see his loathsome misery. But when she worketh contrarily, and from mean estate brings him to great honour and credit, that must needs be great honour and glory to him. Therefore I say, let them beware that bear rule and authority in the Court, that they be not proud, glorious & high minded, neither otherwise detected of any kind of vice, though they be never so much in favour and estimation. Sith Fortune showeth most her spite against the proud and disdainful heart, rather than to the humble and meek.  
To stop the enemies mouth, there can be found no better means, then for the beloved of the Court not to be proud and presumptuous, since no man is found so mad or Foolish in the same, as once to dare to say, I accuse this man, because he is in favour and estimation: but he may boldly do it, when he seeth indeed that he is a proud vainglorious fool.  
If we see the favoured of the Court offended with one another, we will say, It is but heat, if we see him eat too much, we will say, it is but of a good stomach. If he rise late, we will excuse him, and say, It was late ere he went to bed, and that he was weary with watching. If he play oft, we will say, he doth it for pastime: if he be careful in keeping that he hath together, that he is wi●● and politic: If he speak much, that he is a pleasant man, and given to be merry: If he speak little, that he is wise and modest: If he spend much, that he is liberal and bountiful: but if he be glorious and proud, what shall a man say on him, and with what honest means 
Pride of all other faults inexcusable  can we excuse him? Surely let others look. For I know not.  
Truly, for all other faults and errors of men, they may honestly be excused, save only that of pride. For, though many times we commit other offences, it is but through frailty: but if we offend in Pride, it cometh of a great folly, and want of discretion.  
And for the contrary, the lowly and courteous condition of Courtiers, do not only depress and refist the detractions and murmurings of their Enemies, but doth enforce them against their wills to say well of them. For, GOD doth suffer many times, that the perverse Nature and condition of one, is subdued and overcome by the good and gentle usage of another.  
Therefore the beloved of the Court should take great heed that they show not themselves proud in their words, and much less in their ceremony o●, which they use in Court: as in going up the stairs, in entering in at the doors, in taking the stool to sit down, and also in the putting off his Cap, etc. And though perhaps he that shall read these our advertisements, will think them rather precepts for Children, then for men: yet I will answer him nevertheless, that they are very necessary for those that are in favour in the Court, and for all other Courtiers, without the use of which he may happily nourish a venernous serpent in his breast.  
And therefore not without great reason we have spoken that we have, that of too little heed taking, sometimes there may follow great trouble to the favoured Courtier. For many times they murmur more against him, in not putting off his Cap; when he is courteously saluted, than they do, if they deny their favour, when they are requested.  
If one Courtier leave to do, courtesy to another, they say he doth it not, for that he beareth him ill will, but for want of bringing up But if he be great with the King, than they say it is not for want of good manners, but for that he is too proud.  
To say truly, it is an unhappy life, the life of the beloved in the Court, sith they attribute all their faults and errors to folly, although they committed them rather through negligence, and want of foresight, then of pretended malice, or ill will, as it is taken and thought.  
Gneus Flacous a Noble Roman, going in company with other Romans to visit a sick man, and coming also to an other Roman to see the same sick person likewise, and being no place commodious in the Chamber, where the last might sit down, neither any stool left to sit down upon: they say, he rose off from his stool, & gave him place that came last.  
The which humanity and courtesy was afterwards published among all the Romans, and after also greatly praised of the Writers.  
And the Romans also, being very true, grave, curious, and worthy of great faith and credit in all that they wrote, it is to be credited, that that act of courtesy was much noted and esteemed, sith they would write it in the most noble and Heroical acts of their Commonweal.  
When the favoured Courtier is accompanied with Knights and Gentlemen of the Court, that brings him to the Court, and it happeneth any to go up the degrees before him, he should not pass for that, much less show any token that he made any rockning of it.  
For to say the truth, it is no great matter for him to go up before him on the degrees of stove, sith he went before all, on the degrees of favour. What matter is it to the favoured or Officer of the Court, to see an other enter in at the stair door before him, if afterwards when they shall come where the King is, he shall go into the Privy Chamber, at one that indeed is in favour and beloved, and the other shall stand without like a sheep?  
And to conclude, I say, if I were in the number of those that are thus beloved, and favoured of the King: I would in the King's Chamber use my favour and credit, and abroad, all courtesy and civility.   

CHAP. XIIII. That it is not fit for Courtiers to be too covetous, if they mean to keep themselves out of many troubles and dangers.  
AVlus Gelius, and Pliny render true testimony in their writings, that the honesty of the Romans was so great in their eating, and their modesty in their maintaining of themselves such, that they did not suffer any Roman Citizen to have more houses than one to dwell in, nor but one gown to put on his back, one horse to ride upon, nor above two yoke of oxen to till his land, Titus Livius, Macrobius, Cicero, Plutarch, Sallust, Lucan, Seneca, Aulus Gelius, Herodian, Eutropius, Trebellius, Vulpitius, and all the other Roman Writers, do never cease to praise the ancient Roman poverty, saying the Common wealth of Rome, never lost one jot of her greatness and honour, during the time that they went abroad to conquer other Realms and Dominions: but only since they began to gather treasure together.  
Lycurgus' the Philosopher, who 
The laws of Lycurgus, King of the Lacedæmonians.  afterwards was King of the Lacedæmonians) ordained in his Laws he made, that no neighbour should have any more goods than an other, but that all houses, lands, vines, and possessions, gold, silver, apparel, movables, and generally of all other things whatsoever, should be indifferently holden among them to the common utility of all.  
And being asked, why he would not consent that the Common weal should have her own private commodities and particulars, answered thus:  
The pains and travels men endure in this mortal life, and the great troubles and disorders that come daily to the Common weal, chance not so much for that men have need of living to maintain themselves with all, but for that they do desire to leave their heirs and successors. And therefore I have appointed every thing in common among subjects, because that during their lives they might have honestly to maintain themselves withal, and that they should not levy any thing to dispose by will after their deaths.  
Herodotus saith also, that it was decreed by the Inhabitants of the Isles Baleares, that they should suffer none to come into their Country to bring them any gold, silver, jewels, or precious stones. And this served them to great profit: For by means of this Law, for the space of four hundred years that they had great wars with the Romans, the Carthagenians, the French, and the Spaniards, never any of these Nations once stirred to go about to conquer their land, being assured that they had neither gold nor silver, to rob, or convey from them.  
Promotheus that was the first that gave Laws to the Egyptians, did not prohibit gold nor silver in Egypt (as those of the Isles Baleares did in their territories) neither did he also command that all things should be common, as Lycurgus: but also commanded, that none in all his Kingdom should be so hardy once to gather any mass or quantity of gold or silver together, and to hoard it up. And this he did upon great penalties: for as he said, Avarice is not showed in building of fair houses, neither in having rich movables, but in assembling and gathering together great treasure, and laying it up in their coffers.  
And Plutarch in his book, De Consolation, saith also, That if a rich man died among the Rhodians, leaving behind him one only son, and no more surviving him, they would not suffer that he should be sole heir of all that his Father left: but they left him an honest heritage, & living, to his state and calling, and to marry him well withal, and the rest of all his Father's goods they dissipated among the poor and Orphans,  
The Lydians, that neither were Greeks nor Romans, but right barbarous people, had a law in their common weal, that every man should be bound to bring up his children, but not to be at charges in bestowing them in marriage: So that the son or daughter that was now of age to marry, they gave them nothing to their marriage, more than they had gotten with their labour.  
And those that will exactly consider this laudable custom, shall find that it is rather a Law of true Philosophers, than a custom of barbarous people: Since thereby the children were enforced to labour for their living, and the parents also were exempted from all manner of covetousness or avarice, to heap up gold and silver and to enrich themselves.  
Numa Pompilius second King of the Romans, and establisher of their Laws and decrees, in the law of the seven Tables which he made, he left them order only, which way the Romans might rule their Commonweal in tranquility, and put in no clause nor chapter that they should make their wills, whereby their children might inherit their father's goods. And therefore being asked why he permitted (in his laws) every man to get as much goods as he could, and not to dispose them by will, nor leave them to their heirs: He answered, because we see, that albeit there are some children that are unhappy, vicious, and abominable, yet are there few fathers, notwithstanding this, that will deprive and disinherit them of their goods at their death, only to leave them to any other here? and therefore for this cause I have commanded that all the goods that remain after the death of the owner of them, should be given to the Commonweal, as sole heir and successor of them: to the end that if their children should become honest and virtuous, they should then be distributed to them: if they were wicked and unhappy, that they should never be owners of them, to hurt, and offend the good.  
Macrobius in his book De somno Scipionis saith, that there was in the old time, an old and ancient Law amongst 
A Law amongst the Tuscans, worthy to be observed.  the Tuscans duly observed, and kept, and afterwards taken up of the Romans, that in every place, where soever it were (in town or village) within their territories, on newyears day, every man should present himself before the judge or Magistrate of the place he was in, for to give him account of his manner of life, and how he maintained himself, and in these examinations they did accustom to punish him that lived idly, and with knavery and deceit maintained themselves, as Minstrels, Ruffians, Dicers, Carders, jugglers, Coggers, Foyster, Cozeners of men, and filching knaves, with other loitering vagabonds and rogues, that live of others sweat and toil, without any pain or labour, they take upon them to deserve that they eat.  
I would to God (if it were his will) that this Tuscan Law were observed of Christians, than we should see how few they be in number, that give themselves to any faculty or science, or other trade, to live by their own travel and industry: and how many & infinite a number they be that live in idle sort.  
The divine Plato in his Times sayeth, that although an idle man be more occasion of many troubles and inconveniences in a Commonweal, than a covetous man, yet is it not always greater: for the idle man, and that gladly taketh his ease, doth but desire to have to eat: but the covetous man doth not only desire to eat but to be rich and have money enough.  
All the eloquence and pleasant speech that the Orators studied in their Orations, the Lawyers in their Law, and the famous Philosophers in their doctrine and teaching, was for no other cause, but to admonish and persuade those of the Commonweal, to take very good heed in choosing of their governors, that they were not covetous and ambitious, in the administration of their public affairs.  
Laertius reciteth also, that a Rhodian jesting with Eschines the Philosopher, said unto him.  
By the immortal Gods, I swear to thee, O Eschines, that I pity thee to see thee so poor, to whom, he answered, By the same immortal Gods I swear to thee again, I have compassion on thee, to see thee so rich. Sith riches bring but pain and trouble to get them, great care to keep them, displeasur to spend them, peril to hoard them, and occasion of great dangers, and inconveniences to defend them: and that that grieveth me most, is, that where thou keepest thy treasure fast locked up, there also thy heart is buried.  
Surely Eschines words seemed rather spoken of a Christian, then of a Philosopher. In saying, that where a man's treasure is, there is also his hart: For there is no covetous man, but daily he thinks upon his hid treasure, but he never calleth to mind his sins he hath committed.  
Comparing therefore those things we have spoken, with those things we will speak: I say, that it becometh the favoured of Princes to know that it is less seemly for them to be covetous then others: For the greatness of their favour ought not to be showed only in being rich, but also in being noble and worthy.  
Plutarch showeth, that Denys the Syracusan coming one day into the Chamber of the Prince his son, and finding great riches of gold and silver that he had given him, he spoke very angrily to him and said: Thou hast been far fitter for a Merchant of Capua, then to be as thou art the King's son of Scicilia, sith thou hast a wit to gather, but not to spend. Which is not fit nor lawful for thee, if thou wilt succeed me after my time in my Kingdom.  
And therefore I do remember thee, that Kingdoms and high estates are not maintained with keeping of riches, but also with giving and honourably bestowing them well.  
And to this purpose also reciteth Plutarch, that Ptholomeus Philodelphus 
A worthy saying of Plutarch.  was demanded why he was so slow, and with so great difficulty received the services of others, and was so liberal, and noble in giving, and granting favours: he answered, I will not get reputation amongst the gods, nor good renown amongst men for being rich, but only I will be praised and esteemed for making of others rich, and having under me rich subjects.  
These words that Ptholome said to a friend of his, and those that Denys spoke to his son: me thinks the beloved of the Court should not only be contented to read them, but to seek to keep them still in mind: sith by them we may manifestly see, that Riches are evermore profitable for a man that oweth them, and giveth them bountifully: then to have them, and with covetousness to hoard and lock them up in their Coffers: And the favoured of Princes should not be envied, for the goods that they can get by their favour and credit, but only for the good that thereby they may do to their friends and Kinsfolks.  
For they are those that with others goods, make the people slaves unto them. What greater Nobility can there be in this world, then to make others noble? What greater riches then to make others rich? and what more liberty then to make others free? The glory that the Princes, and those that they esteem, and have in their favour ought to have, should not consist in getting together much goods, but in winning many servants, and friends.  
Great are the privileges that the noble and liberal men have, for their children are obedient unto them, their neighbours love them, their friends do accompany them, their servants serve them faithfully, strangers visit them, and the enemies they have dare not speak against them: for although they spite at their greatness and favour, yet they dare not once presume to rebuke or reprove their liberality. Phalaris the Agrigentine, Denys the Syracusian, Catiline the Roman, and jugurth the Numedian: These four famous tyrants did not maintain their states and royal kingdoms with the virtues they had, but only by force & ample gifts they gave:  
So that we may well say, that in the world there is no stone so Philosophical, nor hand so liberal as Treasure and Riches: sith that in giving it, goodmen become great, and Tyrants thereby are supported.  
I would those that are Princes Familiars would note well this word, that is, that great favour joined with much covetousness, is a thing unpossible to continue long in any. For, if he mean to keep himself in favour, he must needs fly Avarice: and if he will 
He that will be a Courtier must shun covetousness.  needs stick to Avarice, he must of necessity lose his Favour. There is no better means for him that seeks the Prince's Favour, to get into favour, then to serve him diligently, and to trouble him but seldom.  
The King's Officer that serveth him in his house, must endeavour to make the King know that he serveth him more for the Love he beareth him, then for any gain or profit he hopeth at his hands. For, in so doing, the King will not only with his favour and benefits bestowed on him, treat and handle him as one he loveth, and maketh account of, but also love him, as if he were his own son. It is most just, the beloved of the Prince, love and honour the prince, with all his heart, since he loveth him, and needeth not.  
Those that are beloved, made of, and favoured in Brinces Courts, should make great account of it, and therefore they should serve willingly. For, the love we bear to Princes, cometh commonly rather of the necessity we have of them, then of our own proper wills. But the love of Princes to us, cometh of mere good will, and not of necessity.  
If any man do accompany me, speak to me, and serve me: it is only in respect that I ever give him, and for that he hopeth I will give him in time to come. And to such a man I might truly say, he rather flattereth, then loveth me. The esteemed of the Court must note, if it please them that though, the Prince have others about him, whom he favoureth and loveth, as well as himself, that he be not therefore offended not displeased a whit. For else all those he seeth accepted into favour with the prince, he would make them his enemies: and because they may avoid this inconvenience, they must take it in very good part. For albeit the Prince give his favour to one alone, yet he imparteth his gifts to divers.  
Those that newly begin to rise in the Court, and to do much: may not even upon a sudden show themselves to be Rich: but only study daily to 
A good caveat for young Courtiors.  increase in favour. For, every time that the Courtier doth assure me he doth not diminish in favour, I will be bound to him he shall never be poor.  
The way they must observe in the Court to be great, and to be able to do is this: That is, to visit oft, to suffer, to present, to persever, to be beloved, and to continue in the prince's favour: Which I assure you, is a great secret, and right Alchymine of court, suddenly to rise in favour, and to be rich, and all in short time.  
By this I infer that the wise man ever desireth to be in favour, before he covet to be Rich: but the Fool and Idiot desireth first to be Rich, and then in favour last.  
Not few but many we have seen in Prince's Courts, which though Fortune in short time hath exalted to the first degree of Riches, and made them chief in favour, yet within short space after, she hath made them also lose their Riches, and fall from the top of their pretended honour and dignity.  
It is most certain that if one have enemies in the Court, only for that he is in favour, he shall have as many me: if being in favour, he be also Rich. For we are all of so ill a condition, in things that touch our particular profire, that all that we see given to others, we think suddenly taken away from ourselves.  
We have heretofore said, that it is not fit for the Courtier, and those that are in favour, to command for his profit all that he list, neither all those that he may. And we now at this present, do also advise them to take heed, that they do not accept and take all that is offered and presented, although they may lawfully do it. For, if he be not wise in commanding, and moderate in taking, a day might come that he should see himself in such extremity, that he should be enforced to call his Friends, not to counsel him, but rather to help and succour him.  
It is true, that it is a natural thing for a Courtier that hath twenty crowns in his purse, to desire suddenly to multiply 
The covetous desire of some Courtiers.  it to an 100 from a 100 to 200. from 200. to a 1000 from a thousand to 2000 and from 2000, to an hundred thousand.  
So that this poor wretched creature is so blinded in covetousness, that he knoweth not, nor feeleth not, that as this Avarice continually increaseth and augmenteth in him, so his life daily diminisheth and decreaseth: besides that that every man mocks and scorns him, that thinketh The true contentation consisteth in commanding of Money, and in the faculty of possessing much riches, For to say truly it is not so, but rather disordinate riches troubleth and grieveth the true contentation of men, and awaketh in them daily a more appetite of Covetousness.  
We have seen many Courtiers rich and beloved: but none indeed that ever was contented, or wearied with commanding, but rather his life should fail him then Covetousness. Oh how many have I seen in the Court, whose legs nor feet have been able to carry them, nor their body strong enough to stand alone, nor their hands able to write, nor their sight hath served them to see to read, nor their teeth for to speak, nor their jaws to eat, nor their ears to hear, nor their memory to travel in any suit or matter, & yet have not their tongue failed them to require presents and gifts of the Prince, neither deep and fine wit to practise in Court for his most avail and vantage. So incurable is the disease and plague of avarice, that he that is sick of that infirmity, can not be healed neither with poverty, nor yet be remedied with riches: Since this contagious malady and apparent danger is now so commonly known, and that it is crept into Courtiers, and such as are in high favour and great authority by reason of this vile sin of avarice. I would counsel him rather to apply himself to be well thought of, and esteemed, then to endeavour to have enough.  
Also Queen Semiramis was wife to king Belius, and mother of king Ninus, and although by nature she was made a woman, yet had she a heart never otherwise but valiant and Noble: For after she was widow, she made herself Lord by force of arms of the great India, and conquered all Asia, and in her life time caused a goodly tomb to be made, where she would lie after her death, and about the which she caused to be graven in golden Letters these words.  
Who longs to swell with mass of shining gold,  
And crave to catch such wealth as few possess, 
An Epitaph of Queen Semiramis.   
This stately Tomb let him in haste unfold,  
Where endless heaps of hateful coin do rest.  
Many days and kings reigns passed before any durst open this Sepulchre, until the coming of the great Cyrus, who commanded it to be opened. And being reported to him by those that had the charge to seek the treasure, that they had sought 
The covetousness of King Cyrus rewarded with deceit  to the bottomless pit and worlds end, but treasure they could find none nor any other thing, save a stone where in were graven these words.  
Ah hapless Knight, whose high distracted mind,  
By follies play abused was so much:  
That secret tombs the carcase could none bind,  
But thou wouldst reave them up for to be rich.  
Plutarch and also Herodotus which have both written this history of Semiramis, do show and affirm, that Queen Semiramis got great honour by this jest, and King Cyrus great shame and dishonour.  
If Courtiers that are rich, think and believe that for that they have money enough, and at their will, that therefore they should be far from all troubles and miseries, they are deceived: For if the poor soul toil and hale his body to get him only that he needeth, much more doth the rich man torment and burn his heart, till he be resolved which way to spend that superfluity he hath. jesus, what a thing is it to see a rich man, how Bee tormenteth himself night and day, imagining and devising with himself whether he shall with the money that is left, buy leases, mills, or houser, anuities, vines, or cloth, lands, tenements or pastures: or some thing in see: or whether he shall enrich his son with the thirds or fifts: and after all these vain thoughts, Gods will is, for to strike him with death suddenly, not only before he hath determined how he should lay out or spend this money, but also before he hath made his will.  
I have many times told it to my friends, yea, and preached it to them in the Pulpit, and written it also in my books, that it is far greater trouble to spend the goods of this world well, and as they ought to be spent, than it is to get them: For they are gotten with sweat, and spent with cares. He that hath no more than he needeth, it is he that knoweth well how to part from them, and to spend them: but he that hath abundance, and more than needful, doth never resolve what he should do.  
Whereof followeth many times, that those which in his life time were 
Who knoweth who shall enjoy his riches after his death.  enemies to him, shall happen to be heirs after his death of all the goods and money he hath. It is a most sure and certain custom among mortal men, that commonly those that are rich (while they are alive) spend more money vainly in things they would not, and that they have no pleasure in, and wherein they would lest lay it out: and after their death they leave the most part of their inheritance to those whom they loved least: for it happeneth many times that the son which he loveth worst, enheriteth his goods, & that son which he loved best, and made most of, remaineth poor.  
Therefore continuing still our matter, I say, that I know not the cause why the favoured of the Court desire to be so rich, covetous, and insatiable, sith they alone have to get the goods, where afterwards to spend them, they have need of the counsel and advise of many.  
Let not those also that are in favour with the Prince, make too great a show openly of their riches, but if they have abundance, let them keep it secret: For if their lurking enemies know not what they have, the worst they can do, they can but murmur: but if they see it once, they will never leave till they have accused him.  
To see a Courtier build sumptuous houses, to furnish them with wonderful and rich hangings, to use excess and prodigality in their meats, to have their cupboards marvelously decked with cups, and pots of gold, and silver, to see infinite presents brought into his house, & to be greedy of money, and to have a great train of servants to wait upon them: All these are things not only to make them murmur and repine at, but also when time and place serveth to condemn and accuse them to the Prince. And this were but little to murmur at them and accuse them: so that they did not defame them, and diminish their honour and reputation: For they tell it abroad afterwards, either that they are corrupted with presents, or that they do rob and steal from the Prince their master.  
And therefore I return once again to admonish them, and specially the officer of the Court, that they shall not need, neither is it requisire they make any ostentation of their riches: if they be wise at least: For besides that every body will murmur against him, they will not spare to bring it to the Prince's cares quickly, so that by misfortune it might happen to him, that the King would do that with his servant, that the hunter doth oft with his beasts he taketh, that many times he cherisheth him, and giveth him meat to eat, not to bring him up, but to fat and kill him for his own eating.   

CHAP. XV. That the favoured of the Court should not trust too much to their favour, and credit they have, nor to the prosperity of their life. A worthy Chapter, & full of good doctrine.  
WHat reputation Paul the Apostle had amongst the Christians, the like had the great Cato the judge, among the Romans, who in the progression of his life, proceeded so honestly, and in the government of the public weal was so just, that he deserved that this Epitaph should be written upon his Palace gate.  
O Cato great, whose everlasting fame,  
Amidst the earth still lives with honour due,  
Was never none could thee oppress with shame, 
An Epitaph of Cato, written over his gate.   
For judgement wrong, whereby the guiltless rule,  
Was near none, durst press to thee with suits,  
Or fill thy hands with bribes, or flatter thee,  
Whereby thou shouldest not show the worthy fruits  
Of justice, zeal, as judges all should be.  
Among all the noble and renowned Romans, he only would never suffer statue or Image of his, to be set up in the high Capitol. Whereat divers marveling, and imagining diversly what was his meaning, he being one day in the Senate said to them these words openly.  
I will they shall seek the good works I have done, by which I did deserve that my Image should be erected in the Capitol, then to give them cause to go search and inquire what lineage I was of, what was my life, with intent to pull down my Image: For it happeneth many times, that those whom inconstant fortune from a low estate hath raised up to high degree and step of honour, do become afterwards by the same occasion rather defamed, then praised: for there are many that are reverenced, & honoured openly, by reason of their honour and dignity they have at this present, of whom they make a jesting stock afterwards when they see them fall.  
Lucan sayeth, that Pompeius would say many times, when he would speak of these worldly things: My friends, I can tell you a true thing, whereby you may know the little occasion we have to trust human felicities. Example you may see in me, which attained to the Roman Empire, without any hope I had ever to come unto it: and afterwards also not mistrusting any thing, even suddenly it was taken from me, and I deprived of it. Lucius Seneca being banished from Rome, wrote a letter to his mother. Albuina, in which he did both comfort her, and himself, and wrote thus. O my dear mother Albuina, I never in all my life believed or trusted unstabel Fortune, although there have been many pieces and leagues made betwixt her and our house: for if at a time the traitoress consented, that for a space I should be quiet, and at rest, she did it not of good will she had to leave to pursue me, but for to give me a more cloaked severity: For when she seeth we think ourselves assured, then with all her force and fury she giveth us the assault, as if she came to assault the Enemy's Camp: And I tell thee further, yet (good mother) that all the good she wrought in me, and the honour she heaped on me, and all the faculties and abundance of riches she brought to my house, he told me she gave them freely, but I always answered her, I did accept in way of impressed, & not of gift. Her promises therefore she offered me the honour she laid upon me, and the riches she gave me, she laid them up in such a corner of my house, that either by day, or by night, she might at her pleasure when she would take them all from me, without that she should trouble at all therefore my judgement, or that she should sorrow my heart a whit: And because thou shouldest know how I did esteem of fortune, I tell thee, that I ever thought it good, never to let any thing come within me, ●or into my heart, but only near unto me and so I was contented to esteem it, and to keep it under good safety, ●●● not that I therefore applied, and gave all my affection and mind unto it: I was glad to have fortune my friend, but if I lost her, I was never sorry for her.  
Finally, I conclude, that when she came to assault me, and to rob my house, she might well convey all that was to put in the Ark, but not that she could ever carry away the least sigh of my heart. They say that K. Philip father of Alexander the Great, being advertised of three great victories 
The speech of Philip K. of Macedon.  happened in sundry places to his Army, kneeled down on both his knees, and holding up his hands to the heavens, said, O cruel fortune, O merciful gods I beseech you most humbly, that after so great a glory and victory as this, you have hitherto given me: you will moderate your correction, and punishment, which after this I look for that you will grant me, that you punish me with pity, and not with utter destruction and ruin. And yet he added this further to his words.  
Not without cause I Conjure thee Oh Fortune, and do beseech you immortal Gods, that you will punish me favourably, but not to undo me: because I am assured, that overmuch felicity and prosperity of this life, is no more but a prediction and presage of a great calamity, and an ill ensuing hap.  
Truly all the Examples above recited are worthy to be noted, and to be kept always before the eyes of our minds, sith by them we come to know, that in the prosperity of this our thrawled life, there is little to hope for, and much to be afraid of.  
It is true we are very frail by nature, since we are borne frail, we live frail, and daily we fall into a thousand frailties: but yet notwithstanding we are not so frail, but we may if we will resist vice.  
And all this cometh only, because one sort of people followeth an other, but one reason seldom followeth another.  
If we fall, if we stumble, if we be sick, if we break our face, are we sure (that serving as we do the world) that the world will recure and remedy us?  
No sure, it is not so. For the remedy the world is wont to give to our troubles, is ever notwithstanding greater trouble than the first: so that they are like unto Searing-yrons, that burn the flesh, and heal not the wound.  
For the world is full of guile and deceit, and subtle to deceive, but very slow to give us remedy. And this we see plainly. For if it persuade us to revenge any injury received, it doth it only in revenging of that, to make us receive a thousand other injuries.  
And if sometimes we think we receive some comfort of the world, of our pains and troubles of the body, if afterwards over-lodeth our minds, with a Sea of thoughts and cogitations. So that this accursed and flattering world maketh us believe, & persuadeth us the right and perfit way, and in the end we are cast unwares into the Nets of all wickedness, privily laid to ensnare us.  
How great soever a man be in favour with the king, how noble of blood how fine of wit, and how wary soever he be, let every man be assured that practiseth in the world, he shall in the end be deceived by him. For, he costeth us very dear, and we sell ourselves to him good cheap.  
I told you but little, to tell you we sold ourselves good cheap, for I should have said better, in saying we have given out selves in prey wholly to him, without receiving any other recompense. And in deed they are very few, and rare, that have any reward of him: and infinite are they that serve him, without any other recompense, more than an idle, foolish, and vaine-hope.  
Oh Traitorous World, in how short a time dost thou receive us! and afterwards with a glimce of an Eye suddenly dost put us from thee: thou gladdest, and makest us sorrowful, 
The uncertainty of this world's felicity.  thou callest us to honour and abasest us, thou punishest us, and dost us a thousand pleasures.  
And finally I say, thou dost make us so vile, and poisonest us with thy vile labourers, that without thee, we are yet ever with thee: and that that grieves us worst of all is, that having the Thief in the house, we go out of the house, to give him place, and make him owner. When the world knoweth one once that is proud and presumptuous, he procureth him honour: to another that is covetous, riches: to another that is a glutton, good meats: to an other that is carnal, the commodity of women: to another that is idle, quiet and ease: and all this doth the Traitorous World, to the end that after, as Fish, whom he hath fed, he may lay the net of sin upon us, to catch us in.  
If we would resist the first temptations the World offereth us, it is impossible he durst so many times assault us. For to say truly by our small and weak resistance, increaseth his overgreat audacity.  
I would these Lovers of this world would but tell me a little, what 〈◊〉 or what Hope they can hope of him, Why they should suffer so many encumbers, broils, and troubles as they do?  
To think the World can give us perpetual life, it is a mockery, and extreme madness to hope of it. For we see when life is most dear to us, and that we are loathest to leave the world, then arriveth Death (in an unhappy hour) to swallow us up, & to deprive us of all this our worldly felicity.  
To hope that the World will give us assured Mirth: even this is also a madness. For the days excepted, we must lament, and the hours allottod out to complain, alas, we shall see but a small surplus of Time left, to laugh and be merit.  
I can say no more, but exhort every man to look well about him, what he doth, and that he be advised what he thinketh. For when we think and believe we have made peace with Fortune, even than is she in battle against us. And I do assuredly believe, that that I now prepare myself to speak even presently, shall be read of many, but observed of few: and that is, that I have seen those come out of their own proper houses, mourning and lamenting that had spent and consumed all their time in laughing and making good cheer, & serving this miserable world: which is but only a giver of all evils, a ruin of the good, a heap of sin, a tyrant of virtues, a traitor of peace and war, a sweet water of errors, a river of vices, a persecutor of the virtuous, a comb of lies, a deviser of novelties, a grave of the ignorant, a cloak of the wicked, an oven of lechery: and finally, a Charybdis, where all good and noble hearts do perish, and a Sylla, where all Noble desires and thoughts are cast away together.  
For it is most certain, that this Worlding that is not content with this World, and that leaveth his first estate, and that taketh upon him a new manner of life, and changeth from house to house, and from Country to Country: he shall never notwithstanding content himself, nor quiet his mind.  
And the cause hereof is, that if a Worlding depart out of his house, never to come again into it, there are yet at hand immediately other ten licentious persons, that do but watch to enter into his house. Speaking more particularly, I say, that in the Court of Princes they account them happy and fortunate, that be in favour with the Prince, that have great affairs in Court, that be rich and of power: that be served and honoured of every man, and that take place & go before every man: So that it may be said, that the common people do not call those fortunate, that deserve to be fortunate: but only those that have enough. But the ancient Philosophers were not of this mind, and much less are the wise & virtuous men at this day: For we see that in the Court of Princes many lack favour, rather than life, others lack both favour, and life together, and others not only their life and favour, but also their goods and faculties. So that, all that their favour and credit have given them in many years, and by sundry griefs and troubles, they come afterwards to lose them even upon a sudden, and in short time: I grant notwithstanding that it is a great honour, profit, and furtherance, for the Courtier to be in his Prince's favour, but nevertheless he cannot deny me, but that it is a dangerous thing also: For naturally a great familiarity, bringeth also a great envy with it, sith the beloved of the Princes is commonly evil willed of the Common weal.  
And that which is most dangerous is, that to obtain the favour of his Prince, he must so behave himself: that his service must be more rare, better, and exquisite, than all others: and otherwise, to fall in disgrace, and to make the Prince forget all the good service he hath done him his whole life time, he need but the least displeasure 
Examples of many Favourites of Princes that have come to untimely ends.  and fault he can commit.  
Eusenides was marvelously beloved with Ptolomey, who after Fortune had exalted and brought him to honour, and that he was grown to great wealth, said one day to Cuspides the Philosopher these words.  
O my friend Cuspides, tell me I pray thee of thy faith, is there any cause in me to be sad, sith Fortune, hath placed me in so great authority, and honour, as she can devise to do, and that the King Ptolomey my Lord, hath now now no more to give me: he hath already been so bountiful to me?  
To whom the Philosopher answered, saying: O Eusenides, if thou wert a Philosopher, as thou art a beloved servant, thou wouldst tell me an other tale, then that thou tellest me now: For although King Ptolomey hath no more to give me, knowest thou not that spiteful fortune hath power to take away from thee many things? For the noble heart feeleth more grief, and displeasure, to come down one stair, or step, then to climb a hundred.  
Not many days after these words passed between Cuspides and Eusenides, it happened that one day King Ptolomey found Eusenides talking with a Leman or Courtesan of his, which he loved dearly, whereat he was so much offended, that he made her strait drink a cup of poison, and caused him to be hanged before his own gates.  
The Emperor Severus had one in so great favour and credit, which was called Plautius, and he loved him so extremely, and trusted him so much, that he never read letter, but Plautius must read it, and he never granted commission or licence to any man, but it must pass under Plautius' Seal: neither did he ever grant anything, but at the request of Plautius, nor did make wars or peace, without the counsel and advise of Plautius.  
The matter fell out so, that Plautius' entering one night into the emperors Chamber with a privy coat, his ill hap was such, that a little of his breast before was open, whereby was spied the male: which Bahhian seeing, being the emperors eldest Son, said unto him these sharp words.  
Tell me Plautius, Do those that are beloved of Princes use to come into their Bedchambers at these hours, Armed with yron-coates? I swear unto thee by the immortal Gods, and so let them preserve me in the succession of the Empire: That since thou comest with iron, thou shalt also die with iron: Which presently took place. For, before he went out of the Chamber, they strake off his head.  
The Emperor Commodus (that was son of the good Emperor Marcus Aurelius) had a Servant called Cleander: a wise and grave man, old, and very politic: but withal, a little covetous.  
This Cleander was oft times requested of the Praetorian company, that is to say of the whole band of soldiers, that he would command they might be paid their pay due unto them: and to persuade him the better to pay it: they showed him a bill, signed from the Emperor, to which he answered: That the Emperor had nothing to do in the matter. For, although he were lord of Rome, yet had he not to deal in the affairs of the Commonweal.  
These discourteous and unseemly words related to the Emperor Comodus, and perceiving the small obedience, and respect of duty that Cleander showed to him, he commanded forthwith he should be slain to his great shame, and that all his goods should be confiscate.  
Alcimenides was a great renowned King among the greeks, as Plutarch writeth of him, and he favoured one Pannonius entirely well, to whom only he did not commit his person, his trust, but also the whole affairs and doings of the common weal, and he might dispose of the goods of the king, at his will and pleasure, without leave or licence. So that all the Subjects found, they had more benefit in serving of Pannonius then in pleasing of the King.  
Therefore the King, and the beloved Pannonius playing at the ball together, they came to contend upon a Chase, and the one said, it was thus: the other said it was contrary: and as they were in this contention, the king commanded presently those of his guard, that in the very place of the Chase where Pannonius denied, they should strike off his head.  
Constantius the Emperor also had one whom he liked very well, and made much of, called Hortentius, which might well be counted a Prince's darling, for he did not only rule the affairs of the common weal, of the palace, of wars, his goods, and person of the Emperor: but also he was ever placed above all the Ambassadors at his table. And when the Emperor went in progress, or any other journey, he ever had him to his bedfellow.  
Thus things being in this state, I tell you, it happened that one day a Page giving the Emperor drink in a glass, the glass, by mishap fell out of the Pages hand, and broke in pieces, whereat the Emperor was not a little displeased and offended. And even in this evil and unhappy hour, came Hortensius to the king to present him certain bills, to the sign of hasty dispatch, which was a very unapt time chosen (and the Emperor yet contented to sign it, could neither the first nor the second time, because the pen was ill favouredly made, & the ink so thick, that it would not write, which made the king so angry, that even presently for anger, he commanded that Hortensius' head should be strucken off.  
But to the end we may come to the knowledge of many things in few words, I will show you how Alexander the Great slew in his choler his dear accounted Cratherus, and Pyrrhus' king of the Epirotes, Fabatus his Secretary.  
The Emperor Bitillion his greatest friend Cincinnatus Domitian the Emperor, Rufus of his Chamber. Adrian the Emperor his only favoured Ampromae. D●cclesian his friend Patritius, whom he loved as himself, and always called him friend and companion.  
Diadumeus, Phamphilion his great Treasurer: for whose death he was so sorrowful, that he would have made himself a way, because he caused him to be so cruelly slain.  
All these above named, and infinite others also, some were Masters, some Lords, some kings, and some of great authority and favour about Princes, by whose tragical histories and examples we may plainly see, that they did not only lose their goods, favour, and credit, but also upon very light occasions were put to death by sword: Therefore mortal men should put no trust in worldly things, sith that of little occasion they become soon great and of much less, they suddenly fall, and come to worse estate than before.  
And therefore king Demetrius ask one day Euripides the Philosopher, 
A worthy saying of Euripides the Philosopher.  what he thought of human debility, and of the shortness of this life, answered.  
Me thinks, O king Demetrius, that there is nothing certain in this unstable life: sith all men living, and all things also that serve them, endure daily some eclipse. And hereunto replied suddenly Demetrius and said:  
O my good Euripides, thou hadst said better, that all things vegitive, and sensitive, and each other living thing doth not only feel the Eclipses force, and change from day to day, but from hour to hour, and minute to minute. Meaning king Demetrius, by these words he spoke, that there is nothing so stable in this world, be it of what state or condition it will be, but in the twinkling of an eye, is ready to run into a thousand dangers and perils: and albeit we be all subject (of what state or degree so ever we be) to sundry and divers thralls, and mishaps, yet none so near neighbours to them, as those that are in highest authority, and greatest favour with Princes: For there are many that shoots to hit down the white of their favour, but few that being down, will once put it up again, and restore it to his place,  
For to live a contented life, a man had need to want nothing, neither to have any occasion to trouble him: But the things that trouble us in this vale of misery, being so many, and of such abundance, and those things contrarily so few, and rare to come by, that we need and want: we may justly account this life woeful and miserable above all others: For sure far greater are the grieves and displeasures we receive for one only thing we want, than the pleasures are great we have for a hundred others, whereof we have abundance. Besides that, the familiars of Princes cannot think themselves so mighty and fortunate, that any man may presume to call them blessed or happy.  
For if some serve and honour them others there are that persecute them: and if in their houses they have that flatter them, and make much of them: there want not in the Court others that murmur at them, and speak ill of them.  
And if they have cause sometimes to rejoice that they are in favour: so have they likewise continual trouble and fear that they shall fall, and be put out of favour: And if they glory to have great treasure, they sorrow also to have enemies.  
And if the services and company they have, do delight them, the continual business they have do vex them: So that we may say of them, as of plastering houses, which are never so fair, but they become black with some spot in time, and worms and other vermin do eat and waste them.  
If there be none that dare once admonish these great men in authority, and tell them their faults by words of mouth: yet I will take upon me to do it with my writing, and say: That they speak nothing but that it is noted: their steps they tread are seen: every morsel of meat they eat is marked, they are accused for the pleasures they take, and all things that they have are observed: All the pleasures that is done them is registered, and all ill that they know by them is published.  
And finally, I conclude, that the 
The favourites of the Court compared ●o a game at Tables.  favoured of Princes, are a game at tables, whereat every man playeth: nor with Cards, nor Dice, but only with serpent's tongue.  
And therefore I have said it, and once again I return to say: that all those that are accepted of Princes must live continually very wisely, and advisedly in all their doings: for it is true, and too true, that every man's tongue runs of them, and much more if they had time and opportunity, like as they defame them with their tongues, so would they offend them with their hands.  
We do not speak this so much that they should look to defend their life: but to foresee that they may preserve their honour and goods from peril, and to give them by this precept a good occasion to look about them.  
For to put them in disgrace with the King, all the days of their Life, (to their utter undoing and overthrow, the King need but only for to give ear and attention to his enemies.   

CHAP. XVI. The Author admonisheth those that are in favour, and great with the Prince, that they take heed of the deceits of the world, and learn to live, and die honourably, and that they leave the Court before age overtake them,  
WHen king Aldericke kept Severine the Roman Consul Prisoner, otherwise named Boetius: that Consul complained much of fortune, saying, alas Fortune, why hast thou forsaken me in my age, since thou didst favour me so much in my youth, and that I had served thee so many years, why hast thou left me 
A Diseourse betwixt Fortune, & the Consul Severius.  to the hands of mine enemies.  
To which complaints Fortune made answer thus. Thou art unthankful to me, O Severius, sith I have used my things with thee in such manner, as I never used the like with any other Roman. And that this is true, I tell thee. Consider, O Severius, that I made thee whole, and not sick: a man and no woman, of excellent wit and understanding, and not gross and rude, rich and not poor, wise and not foolish, free and not bound, a Senator, and no Plebeian, noble and valiant, and not cowardly, a Roman, and no Barbarian, or stranger borne: in great, and mean estate, a grave man, and no light nor vain person, fortunate, and not unlucky, worthy of fame, and not oblivion: to conclude I say, I gave thee such part in the common weal, that thou hadst good cause to have pity of all others, and all others cause to have spite, and envy at thee.  
Again replied Severius to this answer and said. Oh cruel and spiteful Fortune, how Liberal thou art in the things thou speakest, and resolute in the things thou disposest: sith always thou dost what thou wilt, and seldom that thou oughtest?  
And thou knowest there is no such mishap, as to remember a man hath once been Rich, and Fortunate in his Time: and to see himself now brought to extreme misery. Hear Fortune thou oughtest to know it, if thou knowest it not, that he that never was rich, scant knoweth his poverty.  
But alas for pity, he that was rich, and had once all pleasures and ease, doth sorrow much for the present extremity, and bewaileth the forepassed felicity. And I tell thee also, and thou oughtest to believe me, that we repute them more happy whom thou never exaltest nor gavest honour unto: then we do those whom thou hast called to high Honours, and afterwards hast overthrown them, and brought them lower, and in worse state than before. And as for me, Oh Fortune, I tell thee truly, I think no man fortunate, but him that never knew what good-fortune meant.  
And this was the discourse betwixt Fortune, and the Consul Severius. By which we may perceive and comprehend, that truly none may be thought unfortunate and miserable, but such as have been before in great honour and reputation: and he cannot be thought abased of his state, or countenance, if he were not before in prosperity, and favoured of fortune. So that we may well say, That never no man in this world was so free, as he that never suffered Fortune to enter into his gates.  
I have been desirous to tell you of these things, because that such as are in favour and credit with Princes, should not reckon too much of their favour: neither that those that are not in favour with them, should be sorry for it a whit.  
For the great authority and credit that a man hath by the Court, is in this mortal life in the end nothing else then as a little worm in an apple, a wizell in the corn, and a maggot in pease: which without, seem very good and within they are all rotten & eaten.  
Prince's authority above all others is most supreme: for they are not subject to the Censors and judges, to reprove them of their words and sayings: neither to magistrates, to whom they should render up any accounts of their doings, whereof proceeds, that as they have freewill to love, so have they a free liberty to hate, and absolute power to punish.  
Therefore those that are in favour in Court, and they that shall read this 
How suddenly the favours of prince's change.  writings of mine, must well consider what we mean by all those things we have spoken: whereby they shall easily know, that Princes are no less apt to hate him to day, they loved yesterday: then to love him to morrow, whom they hated the other day.  
The first and chiefest point the Courtier ought to observe, is to fear GOD, above all: and to follow the profession and life of a good Christian.  
For in the end they live in Court with more safety, having a good and pure conscience, then with all the great credit and favour they can have.  
And therefore let every Courtier believe me, as well in favour as out of faour: That it is the best & surest way to obtain the goods of this world, as also for the preservation of their souls, to esteem and make account of holy Scriptures & Gods commandments And if he do otherwise, it shall happen many times unto him that in the dispatch of his weyghtiest affairs, and needful businessos, even when he shall think his matters brought to a prosperous end, and that it is without all doubt of dispatch: then steps in crooked fortune with her wont poison against him, and either makes him in a manner begin his suit new again, or at least overthrow it quite: For there are in Princes Courts many times certain suits that have a good and better end than looked for: and contrarily many others that are at the point of dispatching, and yet by sinister accident clean overthrown, and succeeding contrary to their assured expectation.  
And yet notwithstanding it seemeth to the suitor, that the cause hereof cometh, either through the solicitors negligence and default, and little care to follow it, or else through the malice and ill will of the favoured of the Court, that took upon him the suit: and yet neither the one, nor the other was cause of the disorder: but only the divine providence of God, to admonish us that in all our actions and doings it little prevaileth us to move the King or his Officers in all our matters, if we do not deserve at God's hands to obtain it. And therefore said the divine Plato in his Timeon, that those that have honour and prosperity in this life, have as 
A worthy saying of Plato,  much need of good counsel, as the poor afflicted creatures have of help and remedy. And surely, it was wisely and profoundly spoken of him: For as need and misery in this wretched life bringeth men to despair: so likewise we see prosperity induce men to forget themselves and their state. And that which I have hitherto spoken of, and that I hope yet to speak, none can understand nor conceive, but such as once in their time, in their Navigation had a fortunate and prosperous Wind: And afterwards turning contrary, even at the Shore side have cast them on Rocks and utterly perished them.  
To the end that those in reading my writings, may yet lament and mourn for pity: where the others can but only read, and go no further.  
If we compare and put together the Rich with the poor, the sorrowful with the merry, the Fortunate with the unfortunate: the favoured, with the banished, the virtuous and noble, with the vicious and defamed: we shall find without doubt the number of those far greater, that could rise again being down, and had taken a fall: then those that keep themselves in the authority and favour, that Fortune had brought them to.  
I have not said it a few times, but every moment I would return to say it again, that this Traitorous world in all his doings is so deceitful, and Fortune in all that she promiseth so doubtful, that they make them believe whom they make Rich, beloved, and raise to high estate, that they do it but to honour them: and afterwards contrarily they spin a thousand deceits and trumperyes, to make them sooner fall to the ground.  
Surely I have seen but few, and I remember I have read of none, unto whom Fortune ever showed herself so benign and courteous, that ever put a man in his chiefest top of prosperity, and favour, but in few days after, she took his life from him, or at least in the end of his journey, she made him run into some secret disgrace or mishap.  
And therefore I would that the Courtier that obtaineth favour in the Court, and Riches in the Commonwealth: that he should reckon and esteem them as lent him, but not given him: And that he should so govern the things of fortune, as he would that man whom he trusted not at all. 
A worthy saving of Seneca.   
For, as Seneca saith: No man is afflicted with Fortune, But he only that trusteth to her, without fear or suspect at all of her. For Courtiers, and those that are in great favour and authority ought to know that like as in the deepest seas soon perish the ships, and as on the highest mountains the Sun hath always least force and power: and as in the greenest boughs is soon hidden the Fowler's little net, to catch the silly Birds: And as with the fullest baits of meat the Fish are soon taken, & that with great force the wind doth blow on highest trees, and as the most proud and stately buildings, the Earthquake doth most hurt and soon overthrow them: Even so by this I mean, that Fortune never strove to throw down any, but such as she had made great in honour and favour.  
For, I do not take it for great good lack (though all things succeed to be favoured of the Court, better than he looked for) nor to see them brought by their friends to great estate and honour, For albeit fortune for a time dissemble with him, it is not for that she hath forgotten him, but afterwards to give him a greater punishment.  
Those that will marvel at that I will speak even now, it proceeds of nothing else, but wanting wit, and capacity, to understand it.  
There is no greater sickness in this world, then to be in health: No greater poverty, than never to have need of any thing. And there is no greater temptation, then to be never tempted Nor there can be no greater sadness, then to be always merry: Nor greater danger, than never to be in danger. For many times it so happeneth, that where a man thinketh to pass over a dangerous flood safe enough, his horse falleth over head and ears, and drowneth his Master, or he escapeth hardly.  
Socrates being one day demanded 
A true saying of Socrates.  which was the most sure and certain thing of this life? Answered thus: There is nothing more certain in this life: then to account all things uncertain he hath: nor among Riches any greater, then to have life and health: But if the life be doubtful and unquiet, what surety or certainty may be found in it? Surely none.  
King Agesilaus being requested of certain of his Grecian captains, to go see the olympiad, in mount Olympus: where all the philosophers did assemble to dispute, and where all the Rich men of the country came to buy and sell any thing, he answered them.  
If in mount Olympus they sold and exchanged sorrow for mirth, sickness for health, honour for infamy, and life for death. I would not only go to see it, but I would also spend all that I 
The speech of king Agesilaus.  am worth, and that I have: But since the buyer is mortal, and the thing also he buyeth condemned to death, I will buy nothing in this life, since I can not carry it with me, into my grave.  
Yet is there another deceit, which the poor Courtiers fall into daily: and that is, that in living many years, they think and assuredly believe in the end to light of a time, when they hope to have ease and rest, which is a mockery to think it, and extreme madness to hope for it. For if their years grow by ounce, and ounce, their sorrows and troubles increase by pounds.  
Who can deny, but that milk that is kept many days doth corrupt and becometh sour and sharp? Yea, the garments that are now very old, and have been long worn (without that ever moth doth touch it) doth in the end also become rags and dust.  
By this therefore I do infer, that if it be a most certain thing for young men to die quickly, then much more should old men be assured that they have no long time to live.  
And there are many in the Courts of Princes also, that find themselves so laden with sins and wickedness, that they think assuredly, that in changing their age, time, and fortune, they shall not only leave their vices, but shall be discharged also of many grieves and troubles. Which we see afterwards happen contrary to them.  
For there is no way so plain in this world, but there is some ascent or descent for us to go up to the top, or some River for us to pass over: or some terrible mountain to fear, or some crooked ill-favoured way, to lose us in, or some Cave or hole to fall into.  
Those also that think certainly that the Sun cannot lose his light, nor that the Moon can be eclipsed, nor that the stars may be darkened, and that the earth shall not cease to bring forth, the seas to flow, the water to run, the fire to burn, and Winter to be cold, let them also be assured, that man cannot be excused to suffer and abide much. For sure it is impossible he should pass one day without some trouble or sinister hap of Fortune.  
And the greatest trumpery and deceit that Courtiers for the most part are abused in, is, that the more they wax in years, the more they enter daily into greater affairs and business, with a vain hope and assurance they have to dispatch them, and bring them to such end, as they list or desire. But afterwards when they come 
The folly of old Courtiers.  to look into their matters, it is the will of God, and their deserts to procure it, that the poor old men find (when they think to go home to their houses) that they see death approach near them, and they afterwards are carried to be buried in their graves.  
O how many are there in Court, that become aged men, by long serving in Court, with a vain hope afterwards in their age to depart from the Court, and to repose their aged years in their own houses, in quiet and tranquility, which abuseth them very much.  
So that they may be called Christians in name, and thoughts, but right worldlings, and Courtiers in doings. And therefore many times I reproved divers old Courtiers my Friends, for that they did not leave the Court when they might have left it with honour, and commodity: tellling them it was more than time now they should depart from the Court, seeing that Age and gravity had stolen upon them.  
Who could not tell how to answer me, nor what to say, more than they would within a short time, go home to their houses, with deliberation and intent to take their ease at home, for the better health of their persons, which they had not till then: and so to seclude them from all doings, save only in the morning when he riseth, to go to the Church and serve GOD: and from thence to go unto the Hospitals, to visit the sick and diseased, to seek out the poor Orphans and widows amongst his Neighbours, and to make peace between neighbour and neighbour, and to relieve the poor.  
And albeit they have told me this tale many a time and oft, yet I never saw any of them put it in execution with good will.  
And I saw once an honourable and rich Courtier, who was so old, that for very Age he had never a black hair on his head, nor any Teeth in 
The foolish opinion of an old Courtier.  his mouth, neither any Children, or Sons or Daughters to inherit his good: who notwithstanding was of so foolish and fantastical opinion, (brought to that kind of madness by his sins) that he swore unto me, that for the discharge of his Conscience only he would never leave, or give up his Office he had in Court, to change that servile trade and course of life, for to obtain his quiet rest at home. Thinking assuredly, that enjoying rest at home, in his own house, he might easily be damned, and abiding the pains and service of Court, he believed undoubtedly he should be saved.  
Surely we may aptly say, that this old Courtier was more than a Dotard, and that he had marred the call of his conscience: since he believed that it was a charge of Conscience to depart the court.  
The ambition to do much, and the covetousness to have much, maketh the miserable Courtiers believe that they have yet Time enough to live, and to repent themselves, when they will.  
So that in the Court, thinking to live two years only in their Age good men: they live fifty, and three score years, naughty and wicked persons.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms saith that Eudonius that was Captain of the greeks, seeing Zenocrate's reading 
A worthy saying of Plutarch.  one day in the university of Athens, he being not of the age of eighty five years, asked what that old man was and it was answered him, that it was one of the Philosophers of Greece, who followed virtue and searched to know wherein true Philosophy consisted: Whereupon he answered, If Xenocrates the Philosopher tell me, that he being now eighty five years old, goeth to seek virtue in this age, I would thou shouldest also tell me what time he should have left him to be virtuous.  
And he said moreover, in those years that this Philosopher is of, it were more reason we should see him, do virtuous things then at this age to go and seek it.  
Truly we may say the very like of our new Courtier, that Eudonius said of Xenocrates the Philosopher, the which if he did look for other threescore years, or threescore and ten to be good, what time should remain for him to prove and show that goodness.  
It is no marvel at all, that the old Courtiers forget their Native Country and bringing up, their Fathers that begat them, their friends that showed them favour, and the servants that served them: but at that I do not only wonder at them, but also it giveth me cause to suspect them, is, that I see they forget themselves. So that they never know nor consider that they have to do, till they come afterwards to be, that they would not be.  
If the Courtiers which in Prince's Courts have been rich, noble, and in authority would counsel with me, or at least believe my writing, they should depart from thence in time, to have a long time to consider before of death, lest death unawares, and suddenly came to take execution of their lives.  
O happy, and thrice happy may we call the esteemed Courtier, whom God hath given so much wit and knowledge to, that of himself he do depart from the Court, before fortune 
A good Caveat for Courtiers.  hath once touched him with dishonour, or laid her cruel hands upon him: For I never saw Courtier, but in the end did complain of the Court and of their ill life that they led in Court. And yet did I never know any person that would leave it for any scruple of conscience he had to remain there, but peradventure if any did depart from the court, it was for some of these respects, or altogether, that is to say: Either that his favour and credit diminished, or that his money failed him, or that some hath done him wrong in the court, or that he was driven from the court, or that he was denied favour, or that his side & faction he held with, had a fall, or for that he was sick, for to get his health, he went into the Country.  
So that they may say, he rather went angry and displeased with himself, than he did to lament his sins: If you ask privately every Courtier, you shall find none, but will say he is discontented with the Court, either because he is poor, or afflicted, envied, or ill willed, or out of favour, and he will swear and resweare again, that he desireth nothing more in the World, then to be dismissed of this Courtier's travel and painful Life: But if afterwards perchance a little wind of favour be but stirring in the entry of his chamber door, it will suddenly blow away all the good and former thoughts from his mind. And yet that, which makes me to wonder more at these unconstant Courtiers, and unstable brains, is, that I see many build goodly stately houses in their country, and yet they neither dwell in them, nor keep hospitality there: They graff and set trees, plant fruits, and make good Gardens and Orchards, and yet never go to enjoy them: they purchase great Lands and possessions, and never go to see them.  
And they have offices and dignities given them in their Countries, but they never go for to exercise them.  
There they have their friends and parents, and yet they never go for to talk with them. So they had rather be slaves and drudges in the court, than lords & rulers in their own country: we may justly say that many courtiers are poor in riches, strangers in their own houses, and Pilgrims in their Country, and banished from all their kindreds.  
So that if we see the most part of these Courtiers, backbite, murmur complain, and abhor these vices they see daily committed in Court.  
I dare assure you, that this discontentation and disliking proceeds not only of those vices and errors than see committed, as of the spite and envy they have daily, to see their Enemies, grow in favour and credit with the Prince. For they pass little of the vices of Court, so they may be in favour as others are.  
Plutarch in his book De exilio, showeth, that there was a Law amongst the Thebans, that after a man was fifty years of age, if he fell sick, he should not be holpen with Physicians. For, they say, that after a man is once arrived unto that age, he should desire to live no longer, but rather to hasten to his journeys end,  
By these examples we may know that infancy is, till seven. years: Childhood to xiiii. years: Youth to xxv. years: manhood till xl. and Age to three-score-yeares. But once passed threescore, me thinks it is rather time to make clean the nets, and to content themselves with the Fish they have till now, then to go about to put their nets in order again to fish any more. I grant that in the Courts of princes all may be saved: & yet no man can deny me, but that in princes Courts there are more occasions to be damned then saved.  
For, as Cato the Censor saith: The apt occasions bring men a desire to do ill, though they be good of themselves. And although some do take upon them and determine to lead a godly and holy life, or that they show themselus' great hypocrites: yet am I assured notwithstanding that they cannot keep their tongue from murmuring, nor their hart from envying. And the cause hereof proceedeth, for that there are very few that follow the Court long but only to enter into credit, and afterwards to vaxe rich, and grow in great authority.  
Which cannot be without bearing a little secret hate and envy against those that do pass them in this favour and authority; and without, suspect and fear of others, which in 〈◊〉 are their equals and companions. It were a good counsel for those that have 〈◊〉 the Court or Princes till they be 〈◊〉 old and grey headed, that they should determine and live the rest of their years as good Christians, and not to pass them as Courtiers: so that though they have given the world a meal, yet they should in the end give the brain to jesus Christ. I know every man desireth to live in Princes Courts, and yet they promise they will not die in Court. And since it is so, me thinks it is a great folly and presumption for such men to desire to live long in such state, where they would not die for all the gold in the world.  
I have lived in the Court many years, and at this present I have forsaken it quite: wherefore I dare boldly say, that if once a man come to enjoy a qui life, and reposed rest, I am assured he would for ever hate and dislike to be a Courtier longer.  
But like as these senseless Courtiers 
〈…〉  remember not the Life for to come, but only account of their vain and Courtly Life present, reputing that the most blessed and happy of any other.  
So God seeing their folly and their fond addicted mind to the vanity of Court to plague them, and scourge them there withal, withtheir own rod, doth great them no other nor better rest, then that they only enjoy in Prince's Courts, and so feeds them with their own humour. And therefore it is very truly said. That rest and contentation never endeth into a 〈◊〉 house.  
O you worthy and Noble Courtiers, O you blessed and favoured Courtiers, I will remember you, yea and again remember, that you presume not to cut or pull off the wings of Time, since you neither shall have time nor mean to pluck one feather from him: much less the least knowledge how to do it.  
And therefore it is said, Ill cutteth the knife if the edge be broken, and ill can he gnaw bones that lacketh his teeth.  
And if he seem good unto you and me also, That to day it is Time to gather the fruit of the vine of our youth, Let us go now again to seek it about by the means of our amendment.  
And if the Pipe or Cask wherein we should put our Wine be fusty, with the malignity and perverseness of our wicked doings. Let us season them with new and better Wine of good and holy desires. And now to conclude, if to sequester themselves from Court, it be a wholesome Counsel for Courtiers: much more wholesome and necessary it is for such as bear sway and reputation about the Prince. For other Courtiers do daily live in hope to enlarge their countenance and credit, and to grow in favour and authority: But these darlings and Beloved of Princes are continually afraid to fall, and utterly to be put out of favour.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the continency of favoured Courtiers, and how they ought to shun the company and conversation of unhonest women, and to be careful quickly to dispatch all such as sue unto them.  
Titus' Livius, and Plutarch writeth, that the Romans had in 
In what veneration the ancients held them that were continent.  such veneration those men that lived chaste, and those women also that professed virgins Life, that they erected statues of them in the Senate house, carrying them through the City in triumphant chariots, recommending themselves to their devout prayers, and giving them great gifts and presents: and finally adored them as gods: and this was their reason, in that they honoured them as gods: for that they being of flesh, and living in flesh, did leave to use the works and instinct of the flesh, which they held a thing more divine than human.  
Filostratus sayeth, that Appoloneus Thianeus was borne without any pain or grief to his mother in all her travel. And that the gods spoke to him in his ear, that he raised the dead to life, healed the sick, knew the thoughts of men, divined of things to come, how he was served with Princes, honoured of the people, and followed of all the Philosophers: & yet they did not make so great a wonder of all these things spoken of him, as they did for that he was never married, and moreover never detected with the knowledge of any woman living, much less suspected.  
Whilst Carthage was environed with siege on each side, a Virgin of Numidia taken prisoner, was presented to Scipio, and she was very fair: which Scipio notwithstanding, would not only not deflower, but set her at liberty, and married her very honourably.  
Which act of his was more apprised of the Roman writers, than was his conquest of Numedia, the restoring of Rome her liberty, the destruction of Carthage, the succour and relief given to Asia, and the enobling of his Common wealth: For in all these enterprises he still fought against others, but in the effects of the flesh, he fought against himself. And therefore he must needs be marvelous wise, and of good judgement, that can subdue the desires and motions of the flesh: For we do as much covet to follow these carnal desires, as we are apt to our meat when we are hungry. Cruel and bitter are the assaults of the flesh to the spirit, and wonderful is the pain the Spirit abideth, to resist the motions of the same, which by no means can be overcome, but by eschewing the occasions thereof. As in bridling the desires, punishing the flesh, living with spare diet, increasing learning, giving himself to tears and altogether shutting the gates of our desires.  
O if this vice of the flesh came of abundance of heat, or rage of blood, we might soon remedy it with letting ourselves blood: If it were any sickness of the heart, it should be cured by interior medicines: If of the liver, we would refresh it with ointments.  
If of Melancholy humour, we would wash away all the Oppilations. If of choler, we would procure easy purges: But alas, it is a disease so far from pity, that it misliketh we should call for Physicians, and cannot abide we should offer it any remedy.  
It cannot be denied, but that civil war is most grievous and dangerous in a Commonwealth: But much more perilous is that at home, betwixt the husband and the wife: but most ieoperdious of all is, that a man hath within himself: For we cannot reckon any other our enemy, but our own desires.  
I remember I saw once written in a Courties house these words, which truly deserved to be written in golden Letters: and the words were these:  
The dreadful Warves that I alas sustain, 
A worthy sentence, and worthy to be engraven in every man's heart.   
Where blind desire, becomes my mighty foe:  
Against myself, perforce myself doth strain  
The wreckful Gods, vouchsafe it do not so.  
Surely, he that wrote this for his word, we think he was no fool, nor evil christian, sith he neither sought for money, nor by sleight of wit procured to deceive or beguile neither he called his friends to help him to withstand his enemies, but only craved remedy against his unhonest and vain desires. And undoubtedly he had reason: for a man may easily absent himself, it is an impossible thing. And therefore me thinks it is a thing more to be lamented then written, to see that a multitude of corporal enemies, cannot vanuquish us, and yet notwithstanding when we are alone, and think nothing of it, this only vice of the flesh, doth not alone make us stumble, but fall down on the ground: for neither to become religious, a friar, nor to dwell in churches, nor to be shut up in cloisters, to sequester ourselves from the world, nor yet to change state and condition: For all this I say, I see none of all these things help us mortal men, to defend us from this vice and sin. But the further we seek to fly from it, the more danger we find to fall into it. And albeit to avoid other vices and sins it shall suffice us to be admonished: yet against that alone of the flesh, it behoveth us to be armed. For there is no sin in the world, but there are means for men to avoid it: This only excepted of the flesh, wherewith all we are overcome, and taken prisoners. And to prove this true it is apparent thus.  
Where reigneth Pride, but amongst the Potentates? where Envy but amongst equals? Anger, but amongst the impatient? Gluttony, but amongst gourmands? avarice, but amongst the Rich? sloth, but amongst the idle? And yet for all these, the sin of the Flesh, generally reigneth 
The sins of the flesh goeth beyond all other.  in all men.  
And therefore, for not resisting this abominable vice, we have seen kings lose their kingdoms, Noblemen their Lands and possessions: the married wives their avowd faith: the religious nuns, their professed virginity: So that we may compare this sin, to the nature and condition of the venomous serpent, which being alive stings us, and after he is dead, offendeth us with his noisome stink.  
Examples by David, who for all his wisdom could not prevail against this sin: nor Solomon, for all his great knowledge: nor Absalon for all his divine beauty: nor Samson, with his mighty force: which notwithstanding the great Fame they had, for their renowned virtues: yet through this only defect they lost all: accompanying with harlots & licentious women. Into which shameful fellowship fell also Holofernes, Hannibal, Ptholomeus, Pyr-Pirrhus, Inlius Caesar, Augustus, Marcus Antonius, Severus, and Theodorius, and many other great Princes, with these above recited: the most part of the which we have seen deprived of their Crowns, and afterwards themselves have come (to their utter shame and dishonour, on their knces to yield themselves to the mercy of these their infamed lovers, craving pardon, and forgiveness.  
Many grave Writers of the Grecians say, that the Ambassadors of Lydia coming one day into the chamber of Hercules, upon a sudden to speak with him, they found him lying in his Courtesans lap, she pulling his rings off on his fingers, he dressed on his head with her womanly attire: and she in exchnnge on hers bedecked with his royal crown.  
They write also of Denis the Syracusian, that albeit of nature he was more cruel than the wild beast, yet he became in the end so tractable, and pleasant, by means of a Courtesan his friend called Mirta, that she only did confirm all the provisions and depeches of the affairs of the Weal public, and he only did but ordain and appoint them. And if the Histories written of the Goths deceyne us not, we find that Antenaricus the famous king of the Goths, after he had triumphed of Italy, and that he had made himself Lord of all Europe, he became so far in love with a Lover of his called Pincia: the whilst she combed his head, he made clean her slippers.  
Also Themistocles, the most famous Captain of the greeks, was so enamoured of a woman he had taken in the Wars of Epirns, that she being afterwards very sick: when she purged herself, he would also be purged with her: If she were let blood, he would also be let blood: and yet that that is worst to be liked, is, that he washed his face with the blood that came out of her Arm: so that they might truly say, though she were his prisoner, yet he was also her slave and subject.  
When King Demetrius had taken Rhodes, there was brought to him a fair gentlewomen of the City, which he made his friend in love: and this love betwixt them, in time grew so great, that she showing herself upon a time to be angry with Demetrius, and refusing to sit near him at the Table, and also to lie with him: Demetrius utterly forgetting himself, and his royal estate, did not only on his knees pray her to pardon him, but also embracing her, conveyed her in his arms into his chamber.  
Myronides the Grecian, albeit he had made subject to him the kingdom of Boetia, yet he was notwithstanding made subject with the beauty of Numidia his lover. He inflamed thus with love of her, & she likewise strucken with covetous desire of his goods, in fine they agreed, that he should give her all the spoil he had won in the wars of Boetia: and that she should let him lie with her in her house only one night.  
Hannibal made wars xvii. years with the romans, and in all that time he was never vanquished, till he was overcome with the Love of a young maiden in the city of Capua: which proved a most bitter love to him: sith thereby it happened, that whereas he had so many years kept in subjection all Italy: he now was made a subject at home in his own country.  
Plutarch in his book De Republica, writeth: That Phalaris the Tyrant would never grant a man any thing that he desired: neither ever denied 
Plutark de Repub.  any thing that a dissolute Woman requested.  
No small, but great disorder happened to the Commonweal of Rome by the occasion of the Emperor Caligula, who gave but 6000. Sexterces only to repair the Walls of Rome: and gave otherwise for furring one one gown alone of his Lemen, a 10000 sexterces.  
By all these examples above recited, we may easily understand, how dangerous a thing it is for the Courtier to have friendship and acquaintance with women of so vile a faculty: For the woman is of like quality, that a knot tied of cord is, which is easily tied of sundry knots, and very hardly afterwards to be undone again.  
Heretofore we have besought Courtiers, and the favoured of Princes, that they should not be so liberal in commanding: and now once again we pray them to beware of fornication and adultery; for albeit this sin of the flesh be not the greatest in fault, yet it is the most dangerous in fame.  
There is no King, Prelate, nor knight in this World so vicious, and dishonest 
It is impossible that the Courtier that liveth disordinately, should continue in fanuour with the Prince.  of life, but would be glad to have honest, virtuous, and well conditioned servants, so that it is impossible therefore for the favoured Courtier, living dishonestly, to continue any long time in favour with his Prince: For we have seen many in Princes Courts, and Common Weals also, that have lost their honour, favour, & riches, not for any pride they showed in themselves, nor for envy that they had, nor for any treasure nor riches that they rob, nor for any evil words that they should speak, neither for any treason that they committed, but only through the evil fame that went of them for haunting the company of naughty women: for women be of the right nature of Hedgehogs, which without seeing or knowing what they have in their heart, do notwithstanding draw blood of us with their pricks.  
And let not any man deceive himself, hoping that if he did commit a fault through the flesh, that it shall be kept from the Prince's cares, or that it shall not be blazed abroad in the Court. For this sin is of such a quality, that though it may be hidden within Curtains: yet it cannot be kept silent with tongues.  
How wise and sly soever a woman be, yet at all times when she giveth ear unto men's requests, even at that prosent she resolveth to impart the whole with some friend of hers. For these women do glory more, to be the friend of a Courtier, then to be a true wife unto their husbands. I have myself seen in Prince's Courts many 〈◊〉, very humble, courteous pitiful, patient, charitable, wise, devout, and otherwise marvelous honest, and yet amongst all these I never found any one secret. And therefore that a man will have published to the World, let him 〈◊〉 tell it a woman in ●●e at secret.  
〈…〉 should come to 〈◊〉 that we 〈…〉 women carry 〈…〉 heads a forest of hairs, a coyre, a hood, gimm●● hanging at their ears, partlets upon their shoulders, smocks on their bodies, petty 〈…〉, kertles, hose, cloaks, 〈…〉, hats, chains, bracelets, rings, p●umes offethers in their hands, and many other trinkets not named: all which they carry lightly upon them and think it no burden: and yet they cannot abide in no case to keep or carry one secret in their breast. Alas, what pity is it to see those affected Courtiers, what means they use to win a Lady's favour, what pleasant purposes and discourse they put forth unto them, what bitter signs they let fall, what service they offer them, what jewels they give them, what castles in the air they promise them, what sorrows they fain, and what lies they make them believe: and these silly women (by nature proud and foolish) are with a few gifts overcome, & with a few flattering words beguiled.  
Now let this Courtier and his Lady continue this mutual friendship between them, one, two, three four, or five years, though perhaps not fully these years complete neither many months also, and you shall see in the end undoubtedly a marvelous breach, and hate betwixt them.  
For this amorous Courtier, that so dearly seemed to love his Lady, will now make court a fresh to others, to dislike that heretofore he loved, and fly from her whom erst he followed, abhorring that once he delighted in, misliking the taste of those meats that once were sweet and pleasant to him: and cannot abide her face now, whose Image before he had engraven in his mind.  
So if he before had spent 3. years service in making her his Mistress, he spendeth now 6. other years in the 
Courtier's must beware of dishonest women.  forgotting of her.  
And therefore these Noble Courtiers and Beloved of Princes must beware they make not these young and dishonest loves common in every place: For the sweet and fragrant Rose which they seek to gather, continueth scantly one hour: but the pricks and plagues of the piercing thorn, resteth hidden in their flesh, their whole life time after.  
A man erreth in nothing more in this World, then in taking to his charge a dishonest woman: For if he will bring her with him to the Court, she shall shame him, put him to an unreasonable charge, besides the burden of his conscience.  
And if afterwards he would put her away from him, she will not depart for any thing: and if he would compel her to it, ere she depart it will be all the Court over: so what things have passed betwixt them two alone in secret, shall afterwards be known of every man abroad. And therefore we have not causeless told you, that it must needs be a marvelous expense to the Courtier to bring his lover with him, in the Court. For he must always be at the charges to keep a page, maid, or gentlewoman, to wait upon her.  
He must content the Hostess of his house to lodge her secretly, please the Marshal to seem not to know of it, the Harbinger that he prepare him a good lodging, the page that he be diligent, and at her hand: and herself also must have to live withal. So that the expense and charge he shall be at with her, must needs far exceed all the benefits and commodity he hath by the Court.  
And besides that, he may assure himself, that this their lewd and fond love cannot long endure, neither can care also of herself be kept secret. For, either his Hostess that lodged her, or the Bawd that procureth their meetings, or the page that bringeth commendations and messages betwixt them, or the neighbours that see him frequent the house, or the servant that shall suspect him, or the mother that sold her unto him, in the end will bewray their secret practice and friendship. Whereof springeth afterwards disdain, and from disdain, to defame each other: So that of extreme Lovers they were first, they afterwards become mortal Enemies:  
And therefore the Wivell is not so hurtful to the Corn, nor the locust to the Oats, nor the worms to the vines, nor maggots to the fruit, nor the moths to the garments, as the woman is to a man, that once was his friend, and now become his enemy. For like as in time of her love, she rob and spoiled him of all his goods: so likewise in the time of her hatred, she devoureth all his good fame and reputation.  
But what shall we say of the man that contenteth not himself with one friend alone, but like an unsatiable lecher taketh upon him to keep another. Truly I cannot tell what to say of this man, but that it had been better for him he had never been borne, then to have kept company with such vile and common women. For he shall never appease the first, neither with anger, nor flattery: nor humble her with presents, nor can expel her hatred with promises, neither please her with cherishing of her, and much less shall overcome her with threats.  
The Ocean sea is not so dangerous, nor the sword of the tyrant so cruel, neither lightning so sudden nor Earthquakes so horrible and fearful, nor Serpents so venomous as a 
What danger followeth the courtier that keepeth lewd women.  Harlot, when she doth but suspect her friend loveth another beside herself: for she ceaseth not to defame him, and to follow the other, to raise a slander amongst her neighbours, to complain to his friends, to bewray the matter to the justice, to quarrel with Officers, always to have spies for him in every place, as if he were one of her mortal enemies.  
Oh would to GOD the Courtier would esteem as much of his conscience, as his Lover maketh account of his person: happy were he. For, I dare assure him, if he know it not, that she spyeth out all the places he goeth to, and counteth every morsel of meat he eateth, and becometh jealous of all that he doth, and of all those whose company he frequenteth: yea, she deviseth and imagineth all that he thinketh. So that he that seeketh a cruel revenge of his enemy, cannot do better then persuade and induce him to love one of these well-conditioned gentlewomen.  
Now let him think that he hath great wars, and by his evil hap hath made her his enemy, which heretofore he so entirely loved: For any man that esteemeth his honour and reputation, doth rather fear the evil tongue of such a woman, than the sword of his enemy. For an honest man to strive, and contend with a woman of such quality, is even as much as if he would take upon him to wash an asses head. Therefore he may not seem to make account of those injuries done him, or evil words she hath spoken of him. For women naturally desire to enjoy the person they love, without let or interruption of any, and to pursue to the death, those they hate. I would wish therefore the favoured of Princes, and such as have office and dignity in the court that they beware they incur not into such like errors: For it is not fitting that men of honour, and such as are great about the Prince, should seem to have more liberty in vice then any other, neither for any respect ought the beloved of the Prince to dare to keep company, much less to have friendship with any such common and defamed women, sith the least evil that can come to them, they cannot be avoided.  
But at the least he must charge his conscience, trouble his friends, waste his goods, consume his person, and lose his good fame, joining withal these also, his concubine to be his mortal enemy: For there is no woman living that hath any measure in loving, nor end in hating. Oh how warily ought all men to live, and specially we that are in the Court of Princes for many women (under the colour of their authority and office) go ofttimes to seek them in their Chambers, not only as humble suitors, to solicit their causes, but also liberally to offer them their persons, and so by colour to conclude their practices and devices: So that the decision and conclusion of process which they feign to solicit, shall not go with him that demands there goods of them, but rather with him that desires but their persons to spoil them of their honour.  
Now the Prince's officers must seek to be pure, and clean from all these practices of these common strumpets, much more from those that are suitors to them, and have matters before them. For they should highly offend God, and commit great treason to the king, if they should send those Women from them that sued unto them rather dishonoured and defamed, then honestly dispatched of their business.  
And therefore he bindeth himself to a marvelous inconvenience, that falleth in love with a woman suitor: for even from that instant he hath received of her the sweet delights of love, even at the present he bindeth himself to dispatch her quickly, and to end all her suits, and not without great grief I speak these words.  
There are many women that come to the Court of Princes, to make unreasonable and dishonest suits, which in the end, notwithstanding obtain their desire: And not for any right or reason they have to it: save only they have obtained it through the favour and credit they have won of the favoured Courtier, or of one of his beloved: So as we see it happen many times, that the unjust furnication, made her suit just and reasonable. I should lie and do myself wrong me thinks, if I should pass over with silence a thing that happened in the emperors Court touching this matter: in the which I went one day to one of the princes chief officers, and best beloved of him, to solicit a matter of importance which an hosts of mine should have before him.  
And so this favoured Courtier, and great Officer after he had heard of men the whole discourse of the matter, for full resolution of the same, he asked me, if she were young and fair, and I answered him that she was reasonable fair, and of good favour.  
Well then (saith he) bid her come to me, and I will do the best I can to dispatch her matter with speed, for I will assure you of this, that there never came fair woman to my hands, but she had her business quickly dispatched at my hands.  
I have known also many women in the Court so dishonest, that not contented to follow their own matters, would also deal with others affairs, and gain in feliciting their causes, so that they with their fine words and frank offer of their persons obtained that, which many times to men of honour, and great authority was denied.  
Therefore these great Officers & favoured of Princes ought to have great respect, not only in the conversation they have with these Women: but also in the honest order they ought to observe in hearing their causes. And that to be done in such sort, that whatsoever they say unto them may be secret, provided also the place where they speak with them, be open for other Suitors in like case.   

CHAP. XVIII. That the Nobles and Beloved of Princes, exceed not in superfluous fare, and that they be not too sumptuous in their meats. A notable Chapter for those that use too much delicacy and superfluity.  
THe greatest care & regard that Nature laid upon herself was that men could not live without sustenance: so that so long as we see a man eat (yea if it were a thousand years) we might be bold to say, that he is certainly alive. And he hath not alone laid this burden upon men, but on bruit beasts also: For we see by experience, that some feedeth on the grass in the fields some lives in the air, eating flies, others upon the worms in carring, others with that they find under the water: And finally, each beast liveth of other and afterwards the worms feed of us all. And not only reasonable men and brute beasts live by eating, but the trees are nourished thereby; and we see it thus, that they in stead of meat, receive into them for nutriture the heat of the Sun, the temperature of the air, the moisture of the earth, any dew of heaven: so that the sustenance for men is called meat, and that of plants and trees increase. This being true therefore that we have spoken, we must needs confess, that to live we must eat: and yet withal, we must understand that the sin of gluttony consisteth not in that that we eat for necessity, but only in that that is eaten with a disordinate appetite and desire. And sure now a days men use not to eat to content nature, but to please their liquorous and dainty mouths.  
He that giveth himself over to the desire of the throat, doth not only offend his stomach, and distemper his body, but hurteth also his conscience: for all gluttons and drunkards are the children, or the brothers of sin.  
And I speak but little to say, that the mouth and sin are c●sin Germans together: for by their effects and operations me thinketh them so knit and combined together, as the Father and the Son: Sith burning Lechery acknowledgeth none other for her mother, but only the infatiable and gurmand throat. And the diversity of meats is but a continual and importunate awaking of dishonest thoughts. Do we not read of S. Hierome, that albeit he remained in the wilderness, burned of the Sun his face dried up, and wrinkled, bore footed, and also bore headed, clothed with sackcloth, his body scourged with bitter stripes, watching in the night, and fasting and hungering in the day, continually exercising his pen and his heart in contemplation, and yet for all this grievous penance, himself confessed, that in his sleep, he dreamt and thought he was among the Courtesans of Rome, and S. Paul the Apostle, who was a man of rare & exquisite knowledge, and deserved to see the very secrets of Paradise, never here to fore seen, traveling in his vocation more than any other of the Apostles, did not he get his living with 
The painful travel and industry of Saint Paul.  his own hands: and also went a foot preaching through all the world, bringing infinite barbarous people to the faith of Christ, being beaten in the day time by others, for that he was a Christian, and in the night time he beat himself for that he was a sinner, punishing the flesh, to make it subject to the spirit. And yet nevertheless he layeth of himself, that he could not defend himself from dishonest thoughts which did ever let him to preach and pray with a quiet mind: Saint Austen reciteth of himself in his book De consessionibus, that all the while he inhabited in the deserts, he eat little, wrote much, prayed oft, & sharply chastised his body, with continual fasts and grievous disciplines: But yet perceiving that notwithstanding all this, his dishonest thoughts suppressed his holy desires, he began to cry with a loud voice through the deserts, and rocky hills, saying. O Lord my God, thou commandest me to be chaste, but this frail and accursed flesh can never keep it. And therefore I humbly beseech thee first to endue me with thy grace, to do that thou wilt have me, and then command me what shall please thee: otherwise I shall never do it.  
If therefore these glorious Saints with their continual fasts and contemplations, and extreme punishing of their bodies, could not defend themselves from the burning motion of the flesh, how shall we believe that a company of drunkards and gluttons, can do it, which never linne bibbing and eating. We may be assured that the less we pamper and feed our bodies with delicacy and idleness, the morewe shall have them obedient and subject to our wills: For though we see the fire never so great and flaming, yet it quickly wasteth, and is brought to ashes, if we leave for to put more wood unto it.  
Excess is not only unlawful for the body, but it is also an occasion of a thousand diseases both to the body & soul: For to say the truth, we have seen more rich men die through excess, then poor men of necessity.  
And in mine opinion, me thinks the sin of Gluttony need not to be otherwise punished by divine justice, seeing that of itself it bringeth penance enough. And to prove this true: Let us but require these gluttons to tell us upon their Oaths, how they find themselves in temper being full paunched? and they will confess unto us, that they are worse at ease then if they had fasted.  
That their mouth is dry, their body heavy, and yll-disposed, that their head acheth, their stomach is cold, and that Eyes are sleepy, and their bellies full, but that yet they desire to drink still. And therefore Dyogenes Cinicus, deriding the Rhodians, said these words:  
Oh you drunken and gluttonous Rhodians: Tell me I beseech you, What occasion moves you to go to the Church, to pray to the Gods, to give you health, when at all times keeping sober diet, you may keep it with you? And moreover he said unto them also: and if you will be ruled by my counsel, I will tell ye, you need not go to the Churches, to beseech the gods to grant you health, but only to pray unto them, to pardon you your sins and iniquities you daily commit. Also Socrates the Philosopher was wont to say to his disciples, of the university of Athens:  
Remember Oh you Athenians, that in the well-governed policies, men live not to eat, to glut the body: but 
A worthy speech of Socrates the philosopher.  do only eat to live, and sustain the body.  
O grave saying of the good philosopher! and I would to GOD that every good Christian would carry this lesson in mind. For, if we would but let Nature alone, and give her liberty, and disposition, of herself, she is so honest, and of such temperance, that she will not leave to eat that that shall suffice her, neither will also trouble us with that that is superfluous.  
Yet an other foul offence bringeth this vice of Gluttony, and that is, That many put themselves in service to wait on others: not so much for the Ordinary fare that is commonly used in their house, as for the desire they have to fill their bellies with dainty and superfluous meats. And in especial, when they know they make any marriages or feasts for their Friends, then give double attendance, not contented alone with that themselves have eaten, but further in remembrance of the worthy feast, committeth to the custody of his trusty Cater (his great Hose) perhaps a two or three days store of those rare and dainty dishes, which I am ashamed to write, and much more ought they to be ashamed to do it. For that man that professeth to be a man, aught to enforce himself never to engage his liberty for that, his sensual appetite inciteth him to: but only for that reason binds him to.  
Aristippus the Philosopher washing lettuce one day with his own hands for his supper, by chance Plautus passing by that way, and seeing him said, If thou wouldst have served king Dionysius, we should not have seen thee have eaten Lettises, as thou dost now. Aristippus answered him again. O Plautus if thou wert content to eat of these Lettises that I eat, thou shouldest not serve so great a Tyrant as thou dost.  
The excess of meats is greater in these days, both in quantity, and in dressing of them, then in times past, For in that golden age, which the philosophers never cease to bewail, men had none other houses but natural caves in the ground, and appareled only with the leaves of trees, the bare ground for their shoes, their hands serving them in the stead of Cups to drink in: they drank Water for Wine, eat roots for bread, and fruits for flesh: and finally, for their bed they made the earth, and for their covering, the sky, being lodged always at the sign of the Star.  
When the divine Plato returned out of Cicill into Greece, he said one day in his College: I do advertise you (my Disciples, that I am returned 
A worthy saying of the divine Plato.  out of Sicily marvelously troubled, and this is by reason of a Monster I saw there. And being asked, what monster it was, he told them it was Dionysius the tyrant, who is not contented with one meal a day, but I saw him sup many times in the night.  
O divine Plato, if thou wert alive as thou art dead, and present with us in this our pestilent age, as thou wert then in that golden: how many shouldest thou see, that do not only dine and sup well, but before dinner break their fast with delicate meats and wines, & banquet after dinner and supper also before they go to bed. So we may say, though Plato saw then but one Tyrant sup, he might see now every body both dine and sup, and scant one that contenteth him with one meal a day, in which the brute beasts are more moderate, then reasonable men. Sith we see that they eat but so much as satisfieth them: and are not contented to eat enough yea till they be full, but more than nature will bear. And brute beasts have not also such diversity of meats, as men have, neither servants to wait on them, beds to lie in, wine to drink houses to put their heads in, money to spend, nor Physicians to purge them as men have. And yet for all these commodities, we see men the most part of their time sick.  
And by these things recited, we may perceive, that there is nothing preserveth so much the health of man as labour, and nothing consumeth sooner than rest.  
And therefore Plato in his time once spoke a notable sentence, and worthy to be had in mind, and that is this, That in that City where there are 
Another sentence of Plato.  many Physicians, it must needs follow of necessity, that the Inhabitants there of, are vicious, and riotous persons. And truly we have good cause to carry this saying away: sith we see that Physicians commonly enter not into poor men's houses, that travel and exercise their body daily: but contrarily into the rich and wealthy men's houses, which live continually idly, and at ease.  
I remember I knew once a Gentleman (a kinsman of mine, and my very friend) which having taken physic, I came to see how he did, supposing he had been sick, and demanding of him the cause of his purgation: he told me, he took it not for any sickness he had, but only to make him have a better appetite against he went to the feast, which should be two or three days after.  
And within six days after I returned again to see him, and I found him in his bed very sick, not for that he had fasted too much, but that he had inglutted himself with the variety of meats he did eat at the feast.  
So it happened, that when he purged himself once only to have better stomach to eat, he needed afterwards a dozen Purgations for to discharge his loaden stomach of that great surfeit he had taken at the feast, with extreme eating: And for the four hours he was at the Table where this Feast was, he was lodged afterwards in his Chamber, for two months to pay usury for that he had taken, and yet it was the great grace and mercy of GOD he escaped with Life: For if that it be ill to sin, It is far worse to seek & procure occasions to sin.  
And therefore by consequent, the sin of Gluttony is not only dangerous for the conscience, hurtful to the health of the body, and a displeasing of God: but it is also a worm that eateth, and in fine consumeth wholly the goods and faculties of him that useth it. Besides that, these gurmands receive not so much pleasure in the eating of these dainty morsels, as they do afterwards grief and displeasure to heat the great accounts of their stewards, of their excessive expenses. It is a sweet delight to be fed daily with dainty dishes, but a sour sauce to those delicate mouths, to put his hand so oft to the purse. Which I speak not without cause, sith that as we feel great pleasure and felicity in those meats that enter into our stomachs: so do we afterwards think that they pluck out of our heart the money that payeth for these knacks. I remember I saw written in an Inn in Catalogia these words:  
You that host here, must say when you sit down to your meat: Salue regina, Yea and when you are eating, vitae dulcedo: yea and when you reckon with the host: Ad te suspiramus: yea and when you come to pay him, Gementes, & flentes,  
Now if I would go about to describe by parcels the order and manner of our feasts and banquets, newly invented by our own Nation, there would rather appear matter to you, to lament and bewail, then to write. And it had been better by way of speech to have invented divers fashions of tables, forms and stools, to sit on, than such diversity of meats to set upon the Tables, as we do use now a days. And therefore by good reason did Lycurgus king of Lacedemonia, ordain and command that no stranger 
〈…〉.  coming out of a strange Country into his, should be so hardy to bring in any new customs, upon pain that if it were known, he should be strait banished out of the Country, and if he did use and practise it, he should be put to death. I will tell you no lie, I saw once served in at a feast 42. sorts and kinds of meats in several dishes. In an other feast of divers sorts of the fish called Tuny. And in an other feast being flesh day. I saw divers fishes broiled with lard. And at an other feast where I saw no other meat but Trout, and Lamperies of divers kinds of dressing. And at an other feast where I saw only vi. persons agree together to drink each of them three pottles of wine a piece, with this condition further, that they should be 6. hours at the table, and he that drank not out his part, should pay for the whole feast.  
I saw also an other feast, where they prepared three several Tables for the bidden guests, the one board served after the Spanish manner, the other after the Italian, and the third served after the fashion of Flanders: And to every table there was served 22. sorts of meats. I saw also at an other feast such kinds of meats eaten, as are wont to be seen, but not eaten, as a horse roasted, a cat in gely, little lysers with hot broth, frogs fried, and divers other sorts of meats which I saw them eat, but I never knew what they were till they were eaten. And for God's sake what is he that shall read our writings, and see that is commonly eaten in feasts now a days, that it will not in a manner break his heart, and water his plants.  
The only Spices that have been brought out of Calicut, and the manner of furnishing of our boards, brought out of France, hath destroyed our Nation utterly. For in the old time they had no other kinds of Spices in Spain but Saffron, Coming, Garlic and Onions, and when one friend invited an other, they had but a piece of beef, and a piece of veal, and no more: and it was a rare and dainty matter to add to a Hen: Oh mishaps of worldly creatures, you embrace not now the time that was: for now if he be an Officer, or popular person of any like condition, and that he invite his friend or neighbour, he will not for shame set before him less than vi. or seven. several dishes, though he sell his cloak for it, or fare the worse one whole week after, for that one supper or dinner.  
Good Lord, it is a wonder to see what stir there is in that man's house that maketh a dinner or supper. Two or three days before, you shall see such resort of persons, such hurly burly, such flying this way, such sending that way, some occupied in telling the Cooks how many sorts of meats they will have, other send out to provide a Cater to buy their meat, and to higher servants to wait on them, and other poor folks to look to the dressing up of the house, brawling and fight with their servants, commanding their maids to look to the Buttery, to rub the tables and stools, and to see all things set in their order, as fit as may be, and to taste this kind of Wine, and that kind of wine: so that I would to God they would (for the health of their souls) but employ half this care and pains they take in preparing one dinner, to make clean their consciences and to confess themselves unto Almighty God.  
I would feign know, after all these great feasts, what there remaineth more, then as I suppose, the Master of the house is troubled, the Stewards and Caters wearied, the poor cooks broiled in the fire, the house all foul, and yet that is worst of all, sometimes the master of the feast cometh short of a piece of plate that is stolen.  
So that he cannot choose but be sorry for the great charges he hath been at, besides the loss of his plate and vessel stolen, and the rest of his implements of house marred, and in a manner spoiled. And peradventure also the invited not satisfied, nor contented, but rather will laugh him to scorn for his cost, and murmur at him behind his back.  
Marcus Tullius Cicero was once bidden to supper of a covetous Roman, a Citizen borne, whose supper agreed with his avarice: So the next day it chanced this covetous Citizen to meet with Cicero, and he asked him how he did with his Supper: very well, said Cicero, for it was a good Supper, that it shall serve me yet for all this day. Meaning to let him understand by these words, that his Supper was so miserable and he lest with such an appetite, as he should dine the next day with a better stomach at home.  

The Author continueth his purpose  
IT is now more than time we do bring you apparent proofs 
The Author continueth his speech concerning the abuse of feasts.  (as well by Scriptures, as profane Authors) that there was never made feast nor banquet, but the Devil was ever lightly a guest, by whose presence always happeneth some mischief. The first banquet that ever was made in the World, was that the Devil made to Adam and Eve, with the fruit of terrestrial Paradise: after which followed a disobeying of God's commandment, the loss that Adam had of his innocency, and a sudden shame and perpetual reproach to our mother Eve: Man's nature presently brought to all sin and vice. So that we may well say, they eat the fruit, that set our teeth an edge.  
Did not Rebecca likewise make a feast to her husband Isaac, in which Esau lost his heritage, and jacob succeeded in the same blessing Isaac (through fraud) whom he took for Esau, and all through the counsel of his mother Rebecca, she having her dedesire and purpose as she wished. Absalon, did not he make an other to all his brethren, after which followed the death of Aman one of his brothers & by one of the other brethren their sister Thamar was defamed, and their father King David very sore grieved, and afflicted, and all the realm of Israel slandered? king Assuerus made an other of so great and foolish expense, that he kept open house for a hundred and fourscore days: and it followed that Queen Vasti was deprived of her crown, and the fair Hester invested in her room: Many 
Fearful examples of those that have made riotous feasts.  Noble men of the City of Hull were murdered and hewn in pieces, by means whereof the Hebrues came into great favour and credit, and Aman, the chief in authority and favour about the Prince, deprived of all his lands, and shamefully executed upon the Gallows, and Mardocheus placed in his room, and greatly sublimed and exalted.  
Also the 14. children of the holy man job (which were 7. sons, and so many daughters) being all feasted at their eldest brothers house, before they rese from the board, were they not all slain?  
Also Baltezar Son of King Nabuchodonozer made a banquet to all the Gentlewomen and his Concubines within the City, so sumptuous and rich, that that only vessel he was served withal, and the cups they drank in, were robbed out of the Temple of Jerusalem by his Father: and this followed after his great banquet. The self same night the king with all his Concubines died suddenly, and his Realm taken from him, and put into the hands of his enemies.  
It had been better for all these I have recited, that they had eaten alone at home, then to have died so suddenly accompanied.  
Now let all these gourmands and liquorous mouthed people mark what I shall say to them, and carry it well in mind, and that is this: that the sin of Gluttony is nothing else but a displeasure, great peril, and a marvelous expense. I say it is a displeasure: for the great care they have continually to seek out diversity of fine and curious meats: great peril, because they plunge their bodies into many diseases, and in unmerciful charge, for the curiosity and number of dishes So that for a little pleasure and delight we take in the sweet taste of those dainty meats, but a satisfaction unto the mind for a short time: we afterwards have infinite griefs and troubles, with a sour sauce, to our no little pain.  
And therefore Aristotle mockeing the Epicurians said, That they upon a time went all into the Temple together, beseeching the Gods that they would give them necks as long as the Cranes and Herens, that the pleasures and taste of the meats should be more long, before that it came into the stomach, to take the greater delight of their meat, complaining of Nature for that she made their necks so short: affirming that the only pleasure of meats consisted in the swallowing of it down, which they said was too soon. If that we saw a man even upon a sudden throw all his goods into the Sea or river, would we not imagine he were mad or a very fool?  
Yes undoubtedly. Even such a one is he that prodigally spendeth all his goods in feasting and banqueting.  
And that this is true: do we not see manifestly that all these meats that are served in at noblemen's boards to day, and to morrow conveyed into the privy, from the Eaters by their page or servant?  
Surely man's Stomach is nothing else but a gut or Tripe, forced with meat, bread, and wine: a Pavement filled with wine Lees, and a vessel of stincking-oyle, a receipt of corrrupt air, a sink of a Kitchen, and a secret place, whereinto we cast all our goods and faculty, as into the river.  
And therefore Esay said, that all these noble cities of Sodom and Gomorrha, by this only curse did incur into such execrable sins, for which afterwards they were destroyed. And this was even through excess of feeding, eating, and drinking, and too much idleness: and it is no marvel. For it is an infallible thing, that where idleness and gluttony reigneth, there must needs come some ill end unto that man.  
The greeks, the romans, the Egyptians, and the Scytheses, although they were derected of many other sins and vices, yet were they always sober and temperate in eating and drinking.  
justine that wrote of Trogus pompeius reciteth, that among the Scytheses (which were the rudest and most barbarous that came into Asia) used to reprove those that let go wind, and to chastise and punish those that vomited: saying, that breaking wind, & vomiting, came only of too much eating and drinking.  
Plutarch in his Apothegms said, that there was a philosopher in Athens called Hyppomachus: that was so great an enemy to gluttony, that he used in his College such and so great an abstinence, that his Disciples by that were known amongst all the other Philosophers. And not for no other thing, but to see them buy their cates and provision to live withal: for they never bought meats to fat them, and keep them lusty, but only to sustain nature, and that but little.  
The Romans made divers laws in the old time to expel out of their City's drunkards and Gluttons, whereof 
Wholesome laws of the Romans against gluttony.  we will recite some unto you, to the end that those that shall read our present writings, shall both know and see what great care our Forefathers took to abolish this horrible vice of Gluttony.  
First, there was a Law in Rome, called Fabian Law, so called, because Fabian the Consul made it, in which it was prohibited, that no man should be so hardy in the greatest Feast he made, to spend above a hundred Sexterces, which might be in value a hundred pieces of 6. pence, Salads, and all other kinds of fruit, not comprised within the same.  
And immediately after that, came out another law called Messinia, which the Consul Messinius made. By which they were also inhibited in all feasts to drink no strange wines, which only were permitted to be given to those that were diseased. After which followed also another law Licinia made by the Consul Licinius, forbidding in all feasts all kinds of Sauces, because they incite appetite, and are cause of great expense. An other law Emilia, of Emilius the Consul also, commanding the Romans should be served in their banquets but only with five sorts of diversities of meats, because in them there should be sufficient for honest re●ection, and no superfluity to fill the belly: And then was there the Law Ancia made by Ancius the Consul, charging all the Romans for to endeavour to learn all kind of sciences, except cookery. For, according to their saying: In that House where was a Cook, those of that house became poor quickly: their bodies diseased, their minds vicious, and al-together given to gluttony.  
After this law there came forth another called julia, of julius Caesar, comcommaunding all Romans, that none should be so hardy to shut their gates when they were at dinner: and it was 
A Law made by julius Caesar.  to this end, that the censors of the City might have easy access into their houses at mealtime, to see if their Ordinary were correspondent to their ability.  
And there was also another Law made afterwards, called Aristimia, of Aristmius the Consul, by which it was enacted, that it should be lawful for every man to invire his friends to dinner to him at noon, as they liked, provided that they supped not together that night.  
And this was established thus, to cut off the great charges they were at with their suppers. For the Romans exceeded in superfluity of dainty and fine meats, and moreover they sat too long guzzling & eating at their suppers  
Of all these Laws heretofore recited, were authors Aulus Gelius: and Macrobius. And for this was Caius Gracchus well reputed of, by the Romans, who notwithstanding he had been Consul in divers Provinces, (and that many times) and he was a man of great gravity and authority in Rome, his wife was his only cook: and traveling, his hostess of his house where he lay dressed his meat.  
Marcus Mantius in times past, made a book of divers ways how to dress meat, & an other of the tastes, sauces, and divers manners of serving of them in at the banquets, & a third book, how to cover the table, set the stools in order, order the cupboard: and also how servants should wait and give their attendance at the Table: which three books were no sooner imprinted, and published, but presently and publicly they were burned by the Senate of Rome, and if his author had not quickly voided Rome, & fled into Asia, he had accompanied his books in the fire.  
The ancient writers never ceased to reprove enough Lentulus, Caesar, Scylla, Scaevola, and Aemilius: For, a banquet they made in a garden of Rome, where they eat no other meats, but Blacke-byrdes, tortoises, Mallardes, Nettles, pigs-brains, & hares in sauce.  
But if the Roman Writers wrote in these days, I do not believe they would reprove so simple a banquet made by so noble and famous persons as they were: For now a days they do so far exceed in variety of dishes at noble men's boards, that neither they have appetite to eat, nor yet they can tell the name of the dishes.  
But now returning to our purpose, I say the intent why we have laid before you these forepast examples, was only to this end, to admonish the favoured of Princes, to look into themselves, that they avoid this filthy sin of Gluttony. Being a foul blot in a Courtier, to be counted a greedy gut, and carmarant at his meat, and being one, whose manners and behaviour every man marketh: for sure it is more fitting for them to be moderate and sober in eating and drinking than others, and good reason why: For as they are more Noble than others, so have they many that sue unto them, and they have also the weightiest matters of government, passing under their charge: by reason whereof if they surcharge themselves with excess, they are then very unapt to dispatch any matters: for much eating causeth sleep, and much drinking depriveth them of their judgement and senses both.  
Is it not to be wondered at, yea, and to be reproved also, to see a Magistrate or Counsellor sit in his chair, to hear poor men's causes and suits: and the suitor opening his cause unto him, he sitteth nodding with his head in his bosom, ready to sleep?  
Even so do I say likewise, that it is a great reproach to the beloved of the Prince, and great damage to the commonwealth, that it should be spoken amongst Courtiers and suitors, that to day he was of this opinion, and to morrow he is of another. So that the Courtier or suitor should have hope to dispatch that to morrow, he could not do to day.  
King Philip, Father of Alexander the great, although he was a Prince noble and fortunate, yet was he noted and 
King Philip noted of drunkenness  rebuked for drinking of wine: whereof followed, that after he had given judgement upon a time, against a poor widow-woman: she answered straight, she appealed.  
The Noblemen that were present, hearing what was said by the King: asked her, to whom she would appeal, since the King in person gave sentence of her, and no other? And this was her answer she made them. I appeal to King Philip which is now drunk: that when he is sober, he return to give sentence.  
And as the Historiographers say, that writeth this history: This poor woman was not deceived, in her appellation at all: For after K. Philip had reposed and slept a little, he revoked and repealed the Sentence that he had before given against her.  
And therefore concerning this matter, I say, that that how wild or tame soever a Beast be, yet he still continueth a beast in his kind, only a man except, who very often through too much excess of meat and drink, strayeth so far from reason, forgetting himself, that neither he himself, nor any other knoweth well, whether he be then a man or a Beast.  
Those that are the favoured of princes, must be very circumspect, that they be not too sumptuous, and prodigal, in their Feasts and Banquets, for they have many eyes attendant on them. And some will say, That they make not those great feasts of themselves, but by the gifts and presents of others.  
I wish them in this case, that they should not hope to excuse themselves by saying, That they only feast their kinsfolks & familiar friends. For the envy that commonly one beareth against the power & authority of a man, is so great and extreme, that it spareth not friends, remembreth not kinsfolk neither maketh account of the benefits received: but rather as soon as the bidden guests are departed from his house that bade them, they go talking among themselves, and murmuring amongst others, saying many times that it is more worth, that is lost by the vain and lavish expenses of the favoured Courtier, then that that is commonly served to the Princes own board.  
Also I counsel the beloved of Princes that they take heed whom they trust, and whom they invite unto their Tables: For many times if they be but four that are bidden, one of them goeth sure to eat and banquet, & the other three to fleer and mock, and to mark all that is brought in, & the manner of the service. And the worst is yet, that he shall many times bring such to eat with him, that would more willingly eat his flesh, than his meat.  
These reputed Courtiers must be well advised, that though they be too delicate and superfluous in their meat yet at least that they bridle their tongs; For they may be assured, that as their guests they bade go full paunched from them, so carry they away with them all the superfluous and vain words they heard at the table.  
Besides that, that what so ever the Courtier said at the board, reporting it otherwhere, they will not say that he spoke it of himself, but that the King himself told it him.  
And yet is there a far greater danger and peril than this we have spoken of, and that is: That they will not simply tell that they heard of the beloved Courtier, but will add unto it of their own heads, what they think best, and what was his meaning, in speaking it.  
So that we may say, that there are not so many Comments upon the Bible, (as they make Glosses upon the same reports, by their rash judgements and fond interpretations) which they did descant upon one only word spoken unawares perhaps, by some at the Table of this favoured Courtier.  
It is a general custom amongst all estates and conditions of people: that where the●e are sumptuous Tables, and abundance of dishes, there the invited sit long at their meat, and are liberal to speak evil. Which sure such as are in favour with the Prince, neither aught to do, nor suffer it to be done at his board. For the good and honourable Feast, ought only to be served, with good and dainty meats: but in no wise marred with the defaming of his neighbour.  
Oh how many Feasts and Banquets are made in Prince's Courts, where without all comparison there are more detractions used of their neighbours, than there are diversityes of dishes to eat.  
A pernicious thing doubtless, and and not to be suffered nor abidden: For no man hurteth the reputation of another with his tongue, but with the selfsame he condemneth his own conscience: and therefore let men be advised of their speech, and what they 
How careful a man ought to be to bridle his tongue.  speak of others.  
For it is always an easy matter to detract and hinder the good fame and reputation of a man: but very hard afterwards to satisfy the party.  
Therefore I counsel, and admonish those Courtiers, that they do not oft feast others: but also that they do not accept to go to others Tables where they are bidden. For, they may be assured, that they are beloved of few, and hated of all: and besides that, it might so happen, that others should be at the charge of the feast, and that they should lose their lives.  
Also let not the favoured Courtier trust those too much that come ordinarily to his Table, and that do rebid him again to theirs, yea though they seem even to be wholly his to dispose, and possible, as it were his right hand, and that they be those whom he happily to have done much for, in dispatching their affairs: for lightly in such like feasts, treasons, and poison are not practised with the master of the Feast, but only with him that waiteth at the Table to give drink or else by the Cooks that dresseth the meat.  
Also let not the Courtier trust too much those whom he hath been in Company with all at divers feasts, (where he never had hurt) much less knew any little occasion to suspect ill of them, touching any treason meant towards him: For so at a time when he suspecteth least, he may be in most danger, and find himself deceived. And therefore by my council, he shall not easily be entreated to every man's board, unless he be first well assured of the company that are bidden as also of the Servants that wait: For the holes and spaces of the French riddles (with which they dust their corn) sometimes is even stopped with the very grains of the same corn: and letteth the clear passage of all the rest  
One of the greatest troubles (or to term it better) one of the greatest dangers, I see the favoured Courtier in, is this: that all the Courtiers and in a manner all the Citizens, desire to see them out of favour, or dead by some means. For every man is of this mind, that with the change of things, by his fall or death he hopeth he shall rise to some better state, or happily to catch some part of his offices or living.  
An other mischief and inconvenience yet happeneth to this favoured Courtier, by haunting other Tables, and that is, that many times it chanceth, unseemly, and unhonest words are let fall at the Table, and perhaps quarrel arise upon it, which though he be present, yet he can neither remedy, nor appease it.  
And because these things were done & spoken in the presence of the esteemed of the Prince, he that spoke them hath credit, and those that heard it, descried it: Yet there is an other disorder that cometh by these feasts that is, that he which maketh the feast and biddeth guests, doth it not for that they are of his acquaintance, his kinsfolks, or his faithful friends, nor for that he is bound and beholding to them, but only to obtain his desire in his suits that he hath in hand: for they are few that seek to pleasure men, but in hope to be greatly recompensed. Therefore those that are in favour and authority about the prince: and that accept others bidding, sure one of these two things must happen to them: Either that he must dispatch his business that inviteth him: yea although it be unreasonable, & so unjust, and damnable, that obtaining it, both he and the favoured Courtier go to the Devil together for company, for the wrong and injury they have done to another: or on the other side refusing to do it, the Bidder is strucken dead, and repenteth his cost bestowed on him.  
Above all things I chiefly admonish the Courtiers and Officers of Princes, not to sell, change, nor engage their liberties as they do, the same day they begin to follow such feasts, or to receive gifts or presents, or to link themselves in strait friendship with any or to deal partially in any cause: For by these foresaid occasions, they shall oft bind themselves to do that that shall not be fit for them, besides the loss of their liberty they had before, to do that was most honest and commendable.    

CHAP. XIX. That the favoured of Princes ought not to be dishonest of their tongues, nor envious of their words.  
ANaxagoras the Philosopher disputing one day of the cause why Nature had placed the members of man's body in such order as they are, and of the property and complexion of every one of them, and to what end they had been so orderly placed by Nature, each member in his place, falling in the end to treat of the tongue, said thus of it: You must understand 
Anaxagoras his opinion concerning the tongue.  my good Disciples, that not without art and great mystery, Nature gave us two feet, two hands, two ears, and two eyes, and yet for all this but one tongue, whereby she showed us, that in our going, feeling, smelling, hearing, and seeing: we may be as long as we will: but in speaking we should be as sparing and scant, as could be: Alleging further, That Nature suffered us to go open, and barefaced: the Eyes, the ears, the hands, the feet, and other parts of the body bore also, excepting the Tongue, which she hath environed with jaws, and empaled with Teeth, and also shut up with lips: which she did to give us to understand, that there is nothing in this present life that hath more need of Guard and defence, then hath this our unbridled Tongue.  
And therefore said Pythachus the philosopher, that a man's Tongue is made like the iron point of a Lance, but yet that it was more dangerous than that: For the point of the lance can but hurt the flesh, but the Tongue pierceth the heart.  
And surely it was a true saying of this philosopher. For I know not that man how virtuous or patient so ever he be, but thinks it less hurt, the bloody sword should pierce his flesh, then that he should be touched in honour, with the venomous point of the Serpentine-Tongue. For, how cruel soever the wound be, Time doth heal it, and maketh it well again: but defame or infamy, neither late nor never can be amended.  
We see men refuse to go by water for fear of drowning: not to come too near the fire for fear of burning, nor to go to the wars, for fear of killing: to eat no ill meats, for being sick: to climb up on high, for fear of falling: to go in the dark, for fear of stumbling: to avoid the ill air and rain, for fear of rheums: & yet I see very few or none, that can beware of detractors and ill tongues. And that this is true I tell you, I do not think that in any thing a man is in such peril and danger, as when he liveth accompanied with men dishonest in their doings, and vile, and nought in their tongues.  
I have also read touching this matter, that Aformius the philosopher being asked what he meant to spend the most part of his time amongst the desert mountains, and in hazard, every hour to be devoured of wild beasts? Answered thus. Wild beasts have no other weapons to hurt me, but their horns and nails, and their Teeth to devour me, but men never cease to hurt and offend me, with all their whole members.  
And that this is true, behold I pray you, how they look at me with their Eyes, spurn me with their feet, torment me with their hands, hate me with their hearts, and defame me with their tongues. So that we have great reason to say: That a man liveth with more security amongst wild beasts, then amongst malignant and envious people.  
Plutarch in his book De exilio saith That the Lydians had a Law, that as they sent the condemned murderers to row in the Galleys, so they confined those that were Detractors, and evil tongued men into a secret place, (far off from all company) the space 
Plutarch reciteth a Law used among the Lidians.  of half a year. In so much that many times these lewd mates chose rather to rue in the Galley three years then to be exempt from company, and speaking with any but six months.  
Much like unto this Law did Tiberius the Emperor make another, and condemned a great talker and railer of his tongue, and commanded straightly that he should never speak word the space of a whole year. And as the historic saith, he remained dumb, and never spoke during the whole term, but yet that he did (with his dumbness) more hurt with nods and signs with his fingers, than many other would have done with their ill tongues.  
By these two examples we may see, that sith these naughty tongues are not to be repressed by silence, in secret, nor to entreat them as friends nor by doing them good, nor by sending them to Galleys: nor to make them hold their peace, and to be as dumb men: By mine advise I would have them banished (by general counsel) out of all Colleges counsels, chapters, towns and commonwealths: For we see daily by experience, that let an apple have never so little a bruise, that bruise is enough to rot him quickly, if he be not eaten in time.  
Demosthenes the Philosopher was of great authority for his person, grave in manners, and condition, and very sententious, & profound in his words: but with these he was so obstinate, & wilful, and such a talker in all his matters, that all Greece quaked for fear of him.  
Whereupon all the Athenians one day assembled in their hall, or common house, and there they appointed him a great stipend of the goods of the Common wealth, telling him that they gave him this, not that he should read, but because he should hold his peace. Also this great and renowned Cicero that was so valiant and politic in martial affairs, so great a friend to the Common weal of Rome and moreover a Prince of Eloquence, for the Latin tongue, though he was cruelly put to death by Mark Antony, it was not for any fact committed against him, neither for any wrong or injury he had done him, save only for that he envy against him, and spoke evil of him.  
Also the Noble and famous Poet Sallust, and famous Orator of Rome, was not hated of strangers, and not beloved of his own neighbours, for no other cause, but for that he never took pen in hand to write, but he ever wrote against the one, and never opened his mouth to speak, but he always spoke evil of the other.  
Plutarch touching this matter reciteth in his books De Republica, that amongst them of Lydia, in their public weal, it was holden an inviolable 
What punishment by a Law of the Lydians, was due to him that would defame his neighbour.  Law, that they should not put a murderer to death for killing of any, but that they should only execute, and put him to torture, that would defame his neighbour, or in any one word seem to touch him in honour and estimation.  
So that those barbarous Nations thought it more execrable to defame a man, then to kill and murder him: And therefore I say, he that burneth my house, beats my person, and robbeth me of my goods, must needs do me great damage: but he that taketh upon him to touch my honour and reputation with infamy, I will say, he offendeth me much, and that so greatly, as he may well stand in fear of his life: For there is not so little an offence done to a man of stout courage, but he carrieth it ever after imprinted in his heart, till he have revenged the villainy done him: even so in Prince's Courts, there rise more quarrels, and debates through evil tongues and dishonest reports, than there doth for any play or shrewd turns that are done.  
I know not what reason they have to strike off his hand that first draweth sword, and favoureth and leaveth him unpunished, that draweth blood with his ill tongue.  
O what a happy good turn were it for the Common weal, if (as they have in all Towns and well governed policies, penal laws, prohibiting for to wear or carry weapon) they had like laws also to punish detractive, and wicked tongues: Surely, there can not be so great a blot or vice in a Noble man, Knight or Gentleman of honest behaviour and countenance, as to be counted and reputed a tatler of his tongue, and therewithal a detractor of others. But let not such deceive themselves, thinking that for their countenance or estates sake they be privileged above others, at their wills and pleasure to enlarge their tongues on whom they list in such manner, but that their inferiors far, will as liberally speak of them, yea, & as much to their reproach, as they before had done of them: repenting as much of their honesty and credit for their calling (being in equivalent in estate or degree to them) as they do of their dignity and reputation.  
At that time when I was a Courtier, and lived in Prince's Court, there died out of the Court a worthy knight, who at his noble funerals was commended of us all, to be a good and devout Christian, and chiefly above all his noble and heroical virtues, he was only lauded and renowned, for that they never heard him speak ill of any man.  
So one of the company that was present, hearing this great praise of him, took upon him to say this of him: If he never spoke ill of any, than did he never know what pleasure those have that speak ill of their enemies. Which words when we heard though we passed them over with silence, yet was there none but was greatly offended at them, and good cause why: For to say truly, the first degree of malignity is, for a man to take a felicity in speaking ill of his neighbour.  
King Darius being at dinner one day, there were put forth of the Waighters and Standards by, certain Arguments of the Acts and doings of Alexander the Great: in which lispute, one Mignus a Captain of the King, and greatly in favour with him, was very earnest against Alexander, and went too far in speech of him. But Darius perceiving him thus passioned, said to him: O Mignus, 
A speech of King Darius.  hold thy tongue, for I do not bring thee into the wars with me, that thou shouldest infame Alexander (and touch his honour with thy tongue, but that thou shouldst with thy sword overcome him.  
By these examples we may gather, how much we ought to hate detraction and ill speaking, since we see that the very enemies themselves cannot abide to hear their enemies evil spoken off in their presence: and this is always observed of the honourable, grave, and wise men that are of noble minds: For sure each noble heart disdaineth to be revenged of his enemy with his tongue, for his injuries done him: if he cannot be revenged on him with his sword.  
It is fitting for all in general to be modest and honest in their speech, but much more it is due for him that embraceth the favour and credit of his Prince: For it is his profession to do good, to help every man, and to speak ill of no man.  
They have such Sentinels of spies upon them continually (which are officers in Court and about the Prince) to mark what they speak and do, that treading once awry (how little soever it be) it is strait blown into the Prince's ears, and they perhaps accused of that which they never thought delighting, and taking great pleasure to tell openly what they heard them say.  
Such therefore as are daily Courtiers, attending upon the 
What behaviour belongeth to a Courtier.  Prince, and in favour with him, must (if they mean to continue that favour and credit) be gentle, and courteous in their Words, and bountiful to those that stand in need of them.  
Also the esteemed Courtier must beware he do not speak ill of no man, but also that he be not too great a talker. For commonly these great talkers beside that they are not esteemed, be also reputed of small judgement and of simple counsel.  
Pythyas ', that was the great governor, and Duke of the Athentan nation, was a Noble prince, beloved and feared, hardy, and valiant, and yet in the end as saith Plutarch, the abundance of words, obscured the glory of his heroical deeds.  
Although oft times these great talkers, and men too full of words be of Noble birth ' or worship, wealthy in possessions, and otherwise of authority and estimation: yet nevertheless, all that time they spend in speaking too much, others that hear them, occupy the same in deriding and scorning of them.  
I beseech you consider, what greater reproach could a Courtier have, then to be counted a babbler, a prater of his tongue, and a liar? For when he thinks every man is attentive, and listening to him, it is quite contrary: for even at that instant do they laugh him to scorn: and yet this is nothing to the shame they do unto him afterwards.  
For those that talk to him, whilst he is thus babbling, pots at him with their mouths, behind his back, nods with their heads, holds down their Eyes, and soothes him in all that he says, and all this not to praise or commend him, but to be merry afterwards at the matter, when they are together. And it is a sport to note, and hear of one of these great Talkers, if any man talk of war, of the liberal sciences, of hunting, or of husbandry, he will straight leap into the matter although he be utterly ignorant in the thing proponed, taking upon him to reason of the matter, as if he were very skilful, or master of that faculty. And to make the hearers believe, that that is true he saith, he bringeth in an example: saying that he hath seen it, read it, or heard it, and all perhaps a stark Lie, that he neither saw it, read it, nor heard it of any: but only devised of his own head, on a sudden, under the colour of Truth, to forge and make a false lie.  
Acaticus the Philosopher, being one day at a Feast, where he neither spoke nor offered once to speak: being asked after Dinner, what was the occasion of his silence, answered them thus: It is better for a man to know his 
A wise saying of Acaticus the Philosopher  time to speak, than it is to know to speak. For to speak well, is given us by Nature: but to choose fit time to speak, proceedeth of wisdom.  
Epimenides the painter, after he had dwelled long time in Asia, returned to Rhodes, from whence he first departed, and because none of the Rhodians ever heard him speak any thing, either of that he had seen, or done in Asia, they marveled very much, and earnestly prayed him to discourse unto them some part of that he had seen, and suffered in Asia. To whom he made this answer.  
Two years I sulked the Seas, abiding the perils of the water, and ten other years I was resident in Asia, to learn the perfection of a painters art: six other years I studied in Greece, to accustom myself to be silent, and now you would I should feed you, with tales and news.  
O Rhodians, come to me no more with any such motion: for you should come to my house to buy pictures, and not to hear news. Albeit in so many years, and in such far and strange Countries it could not be but Epimenides had seen many things worthy to be recounted, and also very pleasant for to hear: yet he would never tell them, nor show them: and sure herein he did like a good philosopher, and answered like a wise & grave person: For in telling of strange things, and of divers countries, there are few that will believe them, and many that will stand in doubt whether they be true or not.  
And therefore touching this matter also, Pythagoras the Philosopher was one day asked upon what occasion he made his Scholars use so great silence in his College, that in two years after they were entered, they might not speak. He answered thus: In other Philosopher's Schools they teach their Disciples to speak, but in mine there is taught nothing but to hold their peace. For in the whole World there is no better nor higher 
A speech of Pythagoras  philosophy then to know to bridle the tongue.  
It is a marvelous thing to see a man that with time his beard and hairs of his head become all white, his face withered, his ears deaf, his legs swollen his breath stink, his spleen stopped, and his body faint and feeble with age, and all the parts thereof consumed save only the heart and tongue, which we never see wax old in manner, how aged or impotent soever he be, but rather daily become green: and that is worst of all is, that what evil the wretched hart thinketh in that crooked and miserable age, that doth that accursed tongue with all celerity utter.  
There is a Company of Courtiers in the Court that presume to be eloquent, and well spoken, and of Courtly entertainment, which when they will talk of some pleasant matter, they must first tell you a lie, and surely these kind of Courtiers we may better call them detractors of others, then civil entertainers.  
Accursed be he that to the prejudice of his neighbour maketh profession to be a Courtly entertainener, and you shall hardly see none of these recited Courtiers jest of any but they have in secret Spun the thread to weave a great cloth of malice. And yet we do these men great honour and reverence, not for any good will we bear them, but for that we are afraid of their ill tongues, and although to dissemble other while, it is a grave and wise man's part, yet for all that we may not judge ill of them, since we see the best man's honour and credit commonly to be no greater nor less: then a malignant person shall seem to use his tongue to speak of him. I remember there was in the Court in my time a noble man, noble of birth and person both, whom I reproved divers times (as his familiar friend) of his prodigal living and ill speaking: And he made me this answer.  
Truly sir, those that report that I speak ill of them, it is themselves that do it of me: and if I follow them therein, it is for nothing else, but to be a witness for them, if any seek to impugn their saying: but sure of myself I never uttered, or devised word, that might be to the prejudice of any. O what evil causeth he, that speaketh ill of another, he only offendeth not that beginneth, but he that assisteth him, and much more he that heareth him, and after publisheth it but above all, he that telleth it abroad, and addeth more than he heard.  
The Favoured of Princes must also think, that though they are prohibited to speak much, yet it is most 
The Courtier ought to be a true Secretary.  fit and decent for them to be true and faithful Secretaries: For there is no thing that the Prince prizeth more, than the secret breast of his favoured Courtier. And therefore I say not without cause that they ought to be secret, but most secret: For the esteemed Courtier must have a better consideration of his prince's secrets committed unto him, then of the benefits received of him.  
Sure it is no small, but a great and most necessary virtue in a man to be close and of few words, and so secret in deed, that he make no more countenance of that was told him privily, then if he had never heard it spoken of.  
I know an other kind of people so prone to speak ill, that they cannot keep secret their own faults, much less others faults, publishing them in every corner.  
Cecilius Metellus being asked one day of a Centurion, what he meant to do the next day following? answered thus.  
Think not Centurion that those things I am determined to do, my hands shall so lightly discover: for I am of this mind, if I knew that my shirt had any knowledge of that I will do tomorrow, I would put it off, and throw it strait into the fire, & see it burned before my face.  
It is not alike trust, to put money into one man's hands of trust, and to commit secrets to the breast of another: and this to be true we see it plainly, that the prince delivereth his goods and treasure to the custody of many, but his secrets he committeth only to one.  
The favoured of Princes ought to be so secret, that whatsoever they see the Prince do or say (be it in the presence of divers, and that they are told of it by many:) Yet they ought not to be acknown of it. For, indeed the Prince speaketh many things commonly for his pleasure, which being reported again of the Favoured Courtier, will be thought true, and most certain.  
Therefore speaking generally of this matter, I say, that surely Friends are greatly bound to keep the secrets of their friends: For that day I discover my intent to any, the selfsame I make him lord of my liberty. Therefore let that man think he hath won a marvelous treasure, that hath a secret friend. For without doubt it is no such matter of importance, to keep treasure safely locked up in a chest, as it is to commit and trust secrets unto the heart of another.  
plutarch writeth that the Athenians having wars with King Philip of Macedon, because there came certain letters of K: Philip's to their hands (intercepted by their scouts) directed and sent unto his wife Olimpia: which they no sooner understood, but they presently returned again safely sealed, and untouched of them, as they came first unto them, saying: That sith by their law they were bound to be secret, they would not reveal the secrets of others, notwithstanding they were their mortal enemies, as K: Philip was to them: and therefore they would neither see them, nor read them openly.  
Diodorus Siculus saith also, that among the Egyptians it was a criminal act for any man to bewray the secrets of another: which was proved true by the example of a Priest, that in the Temple of the Goddess Isis had deflowered a virgin, and they both trusting to the fidelity of another Priest, making their love known unto him: even as they were in Venus sweet delights, he not regarding any longer their secrets, in ipso facto exclaimed and cried out, and thereupon convict and apprehended by the justice, these poor Lovers were miserably executed, and this spiteful and unfortunate Priest condignly banished.  
And this banished Priest complaining of the unjust sentence, saying, that which he revealed was in favour of the Religion, and for the behoose of the Common wealth: the judge answered him thus: If thou hadst known their offence of thyself, without their notice given thee, thou hadst had reason to have complained of our sentence, but since they trusted thee with their doings, and thou gavest them thy word and promise to be secret, if thou hadst called to mind the bond thou wert bound to them in, and that thyself did freely without their compulsion submit thyself unto, thou wouldst not once dared to have published the fact as thou hast done.  
Plutarch in his book de exilio sayeth, that a man of Athens once demanded an Egyptian (Disciple of a Philosopher) what he had under his cloak, answered him thus: Truly thou hast studied little, and borne away less, although thou art an Athenian borne, sith thou seest that I carry secretly that thou demandest, because thou nor none other should know it, and yet thou askest it of myself, what it is that I carry.  
Anasillus that was a Captain of the Athenians, was taken of the Lacedæmonians, and put to the torture, because he should tell that he knew: and what the King Agesilaus his Lord and Master did, to whom he gave this answer. You Lacedæmonians have liberty to dismember me, and to hew me in pieces: but so have not I to reveal my Lord and Masters secrets: 
A worthy answer of Anasillus.  For in Athens we use rather to die, then to bewray the secrets of our friend.  
King Lysimachus entreated the Philosopher Philipides very earnestly, that he would come and dwell with him: but he made them this answer: I would be very glad to be in your company, knowing you to be a favourer of Philosophy: and if you will go to the wars, I will follow you: and if you trust me with your goods, I will keep them carefully and faithfully, if you have children, I will teach them with all my heart: if you will use my counsel in your affairs, I will give you the best I can: And if you will also give me the charge of your common wealth, I will govern it with my best discretion.  
Only one thing I will request you that you will never command me: that is, not to make me partaker of your secrets. For it might happen that what you had told me in secret, yourself unawares at a time might tell it openly, and yet not think of it: and being afterwards told you by some other, you would presently enter into suspect that it came to knowledge by me. This Philosopher would first indent with the Prince (before he would come to his service) that he should never hear any of these things the knowledge whereof bringeth many a man to their end, or at the least to some great mischief: only to show us the eminent peril and danger the Secretary of a prince standeth in. For our heart is such a friend of news, that every hour it feeleth a thousand temptations to utter that to others, that was delivered to us of secret.  
In this our age we do not use for to keep secrets, so well as in old time the Grecians were wont, sith we see by experience, that if one friend have to day told his friend a thing in secret, tomorrow, yea perhaps the self same night before, it was told among the neighbours.  
There are also some kind of men so desirous to hear news, that for to know it, they will swear a thousand oaths never to reveal it again to any. But so soon as they know it, they are like unto the bloodhounds that follow the Dear, now here, now there smelling with their noses, till they have found the hurt Dear, than they open and bay for their Master.  
Therefore I counsel and exhortal wise and discreet men, that they do not accompany with those whom they know are not secret: for the hurt that cometh by them, consisteth not only to tell that they know, see, and hear: but with this they tell that they have imagined of their own wicked, and malicious heads. It cannot be otherwise, but being men, we are also subject to the frailty of a man: As for example;  
To fall into the sin of the Flesh, and in that to forget the sin of gluttony, and to have small consideration of that of sloth, to be assured of that of Avarice, or with that to be overcome with passion and rage, or to be puffed up in the sin of Pride. And if perhaps by misfortune, any one chance into such men's company, that hath but part, or all these conditions, and such one as do discover and disclose both his own secrets and others too, what other can there be hoped of, than a fire inflamed in his good fame and reputation, and a contagtous plague and pestilence in his house?  
For that that I have heard, seen, and read, yea and also proved: I say and affirm, that there is no bread so ill spent, as that that is given to the Servants which open and reveal their masters secrets.  
And sure it may be said, that such are not Servants that serve them, but Traitors that betray them, and fell their masters liberty. And it is of such importance, for the Favoured of Princes, to keep secret, and not to reveal any part of the Prince's secrets, that every man must think, that when the Prince telleth them any thing in secret, he telleth it not alone to them, but rather he confesseth it unto them.  
Prince's being men (as indeed they are) and much busied, with the cares of the Commonwealth, it cannot be, but when they are withdrawn a part into their privy chamber, they will both play, talk, sleyt, sigh, laugh, be angry, threaten, and make much again of some before others.  
All which things though they do before their servants in secret, it is not their pleasure, neither will they like it should be told abroad amongst their Subjects.  
And sure they have great reason: for men of gravity and authority, do not lose their reputation for doing of 
No servant so hurtful as he that revealeth his masters secrets.  things grave, and of good example: but they are justly noted, when publicly they will show any lightness or folly, how lightly soever it be. Not only those that be in authority and favour about the Prince, but such other officers of the Court and Servants of household of the prince also, ought not to tell or reveal any thing they see their Prince do: For they may be well assured, that the prince will be more offended and displeased to have that he doth in his privy Chamber told abroad by those of the privy Chamber, or other whom it pleaseth him to make familiar with him, than he would be, if his treasurer's and receivers should rob him of his treasure. It was told to Denys the Sir acusan on a time that Plato the Philosopher was at the chamber door to speak with him, and he presently sent Bias of his privy Chamber (that he loved well) to him to know what he would with the King: 
The sentence of Denis upon bias, a Courtyre.  and Plato a●ked Bias what Denys did: and he answered that he lay stark naked upon a Table, which when Denys understood, he was so offended with Bias, that he commanded forthwith he should be beheaded, saying first these words unto him. I will that like a traitor thou be beheaded, sithence thou hast traitorously betrayed me, presuming to disclose the secrets of my Chamber. For I sent thee not to Plato to tell him what I did, but for to know what he would of me. Now Prince's familiars and Beloved of them, as they must be very circumspect and heedful that they tell no man the Prince's secrets: so they must be much careful that they tell it not chiefly to women, yea though they were their own wives: For as women are very good and profitable, to look to 
Courtier's ought to keep their secrets from women.  things of household, and safely for to lock up their husband's goods: So are they on the other side very dangerous for man to commit any secrets to them: For notwithstanding a woman know, that in reveling the secrets of her husband, she putteth her life in peril, the honour of her husband, the loss of her children, the reputation of her house and kindred, and peradventure the peace and tranquillity of the Common weal: yet had she rather die, than she should not utter that she knoweth.  
And many times for no other respect, but to make these women believe that heareth her, that she only commandeth her husband, and all beside in her house. Well, I will enlarge myself no further of this matter, for if I would but give my pen leave to write that I know, I should find lime and sand enough to build a Tower as high as Babylon.  
But to end my purpose, I will speak this one word, and that is, That I counsel and exhort, and with all my heart request Prince's Familiars or Servants, that they commit not their Prince's secrets to any, how great a friend, or near kinsman soever he be to them: For they may be assured, that since they refuse to keep secret that the Prince commandeth them, that much less their friend will keep it secret for any request they make to him. If thou cannot keep the secret, that to open it, importeth the loss of thy favour & credit, and happily thy life also: how canst thou think an other will do it, that in telling it, winneth both honour and credit.   

CHAP. XX. A commendation of Truth, which professed Courtiers ought to embrace, and in no respect to be found defective in the contrary, telling one thing for an other.  
EPimenides the Philosopher being requested of the Rhodians to tell them, what the virtue was they called verity, he answered them thus: Verity my friends, is a thing which the Gods above all other profess, and her virtue is such, that it warmeth the heavens, lighteth the earth, maintains justice, and governeth the Commonwealth, and suffereth no evil thing in her, making plain and clear all doubtful and hidden things.  
The Corinthians asked the like question also of Chilo the Philosopher what verity was; who answered, that it was a perdurable pillar, never diminishing, nor decreasing: a buckler or shield impassable, a fair time that is never troubled, an army that never perisheth, a flower that never withereth, a Sea that never feareth fortune and a sure haven where never was ship wrack.  
Anaxarchus the Philosopher, was also demanded of the Lacedæmonians what verity was, who answered that it was a health without sickness, a life without end, a iuleppe and syrup that healeth all, a Sun that never darkeneth, a Moon without Eclipse, an herb that never drieth, a gate that is never shut, and a way that never wearieth man.  
The like was asked of Eschines the philosopher touching verity, by the Rhodians: And he said, that it was a virtue, without which all force was weakened, justice corrupted, humility feigned and dissembled, patience insupportable, chastity vain, liberty lost, and pity superfluous.  
The like was demanded of Pharmacus the philosopher by the Romans. And his answer was, that verity was a true Centre, wherein all things reposed, a card to sail by, to direct the pilot and mariners, a wisdom to heal and recure every man, and a present remedy for all evils: a height, in the top whereof every man resteth, and a bright light, to enlighten the whole world. And surely this maketh me think that these Phylosopehrs' were great Friends and Lovers of verity, since that they did so much enrich and sublime the same, with so many rare and excellent titles.  
But now omitting these Philosophers, who have truly spoken that they knew: let us come speak of him that above all the World hath exalted verity: which was the divine WORD: and that was JESUS CHRIST, the only begotten Son of GOD: and true glass of Eternity: who being asked the selfsame thing of pilate, said not to him, I am wisdom, neither justice, nor chastity, nor patience, humanity, not charity: But only said unto him, I am verity. To let us understand, that every creature might be partaker of that verity. But our Lord jesus Christ was not partaker of that verity, but the sole and only possessor of the same, he being the very Truth itself.  
Oh of how many is this virtue desired? and of how few (yea, most few) observed. For, in effect it is nothing else but a mark, whereat all good men shoot with their Eyes, and all ill and wicked people lose their sight.  
The Emperor Augustus in the Triumph he made of Mark Anthony, & his love Cleopatra, amongst others brought to Rome an Egyptian Priest, of 60. years of age, and the Senate being informed of a surety, that days of his life he never told lie, they agreed not only to restore him to liberty, but to make him high Priest of their Temple, and to erect a Statue of him, among the noble and princely persons of Rome.  
Spartianus writeth, that in the time of Clandian Emperor of Rome, there deceased a Citizen of Rome called 
Pamphylus reported never to have told a true tale.  Pamphilus, whose doings after his death examined, it was manifestly proved, that he never spoke one true Word all his life time, but always lied in that he said.  
Which related unto the Emperor, he commanded his body should not be buried, his goods should be confiscate, and his house razed to the foundation, and his wife and children for ever banished Rome, and all her Territories, to the end there should remain no memory to the Commonwealth, of so pesteferous and venomous a beast.  
At that time when these 2 things thus happened, the Romans and Egyptians were mortal enemies, and therefore by these examples we may see, of what force and power this virtue of verity is, sith the Romans made a statue to their enemy, only for that he was a true and just man: and deprived of Sepulture their native child, and a Roman borne, for that he was a liar.  
A true man may go in any place where he listeth, freely without interruption, accompanied with all men, not fearing to be accused of any, and may with safety reprove the vicious, and ill persons: And finally, to conclude, he may without the fear of any speak in the face of the world, & show his face among the best.  
If a man will choose a friend, he need not be inquisitive if he be wise, just, chaste, careful, courageous, or noble, but only if he be true of his word. And if that be so, it followeth that all virtues and honesty must abound in him.  
Helius Spartianus reciteth of the life of trajan the Emperor that being one night at Supper, and accompanied with noble men at his board: they argued of the fidelity of friends, and infidelity of enemies, whom trajan answered. That he never had friend in his life but he was good, true, honest, and faithful; whereupon his Lords besought him, that it would please him to tell them the occasion of his good hap in this, And he answered thus:  
The cause why I have ever been so fortunate herein was this, I never would choose to my friend a liar and 
A worthy speech of the Emperor 〈◊〉 in concerning liars.  covetous man: For in him that reigneth avarice, and lying, there can never dwell perfect friendship.  
Those that are honest, and like so to be reputed, must endeavour themselves to speak well always, and ever to say, that that is true: and if they will not do this for conscience sake, yet let them do it for to avoid the shame that followeth them.  
For there can be no greater mockery or despite done to a man, then openly to make him know he hath lied.  
We see the child when he perceiveth he hath told a lie, he blusheth strait, and is ashamed: much more ought men grown in years, whose face is covered with hairs, not only blush, but shame to tell a lie.  
Many times I think what a great grief the Merchant suffereth every hour not to be counted a Liar, when he uttereth his ware, and sure he doth it but because he would not lose his credit.  
And lo here why they swear commonly by the faith of a Merchant to be more assured, when to the contrary we see many other, that in appearance seem to be honest and grave men, that use not the manner, but rather they will stick no mere to tell you a lie, then to lose a wheat grain:  
But here I speak nor, neither do mean to touch those that are indeed virtuous and good men: but I speak of those that think themselves honest and yet be not, God knoweth. And therefore we may be ascertained, that a merchant esteemeth more his goods and merchandise, than a liar doth his honour, otherwise honesty.  
There is nothing that preiudiceth truth so much, as a tattling tongue that never lieth: being in a manner impossible, that amongst many words, some lie he not interlaced. All things consist not in other more or less, save only in the use that men have of it: for if a man do use to eat little, he always goeth from the Table: if we use to sleep little, we also leave our bed. And if we accustom our selves also to lie, we shall have it such a continual use, as though we would, we shall never leave it after: For there are divers sorts of men, that as they accustom themselves to eat and drink oft times in a day, so do they use to lie every hour.  
But I ask what is the greatest and most perfect thing in this life, that a man whilst he liveth may enjoy. I dare boldly say, that it is neither nobility, great parentage, nor favour, neither the great estate, health, nor riches: but rather that it is the sole honour, which tattler and liars may never enjoy, because they are never credited nor believed in their words: What fame, credit, honour, reputation, or good can he have, out of whose mouth there cometh nothing but lies?  
A liar deserveth credit of no man, neither that any man should deal with him in any thing, much less to commit any matter of trust into his hands, no nor love him, nor accept of him, but rather as a detractor, and defamer of men's good name, we 
How hateful and odious a Liar ought to be esteemed among men.  should banish him our company.  
Hannibal that was the mighty Prince of the Carthagenians, so valiant in warlike prowess, so hardy to follow it, and therewithal so fortunate to overcome his enemies, was yet notwithstanding, blamed of Titus Livius, and reputed for a malignant & perjured person: For he never gave that he promised to his friends, neither ever kept any covenant or agreement made with his enemies. Such was not Gneus Pompeius (son to Pompey the great) with whom Octavian, and Mark Antony (both his mortal enemies) being at supper with him on the sea, Menodorus the Captain of his Army sent him word, if it were his pleasure, he would so lively have hoist up the sails of the ship, that he would soon have perished them, or sunked the ship they were in. To which message Pompey gave this answer.  
Thou shalt tell Menodorus my Captain, that if I were Menodorus as he is, that never knew what truth meant, I would have followed his advise, and have done that he sendeth to me for: but if he were Pompeius as I am, which keeps my word and promises with all men, such a thought and treason would never have occupied his head.  
Words sure worthy of so noble a Prince, son of so great and worthy a Father.  
Herodotus writeth also, that when the Egyptians would make any new amity betwixt themselves, or be in league, and confederate themselves with strangers, they used to bind their thombs hard to the thumbs of those with whom they would join in friendship, and then with an instrument pricked every one of their thumbs that the blood spurted out, which they sucked the one the other, with their tongue: inferring thereby, that they would rather shed their whole blood, then in one jot to falsify and break that friendship promised between them.  
Is it not a goodly thing to hear him that sweareth by the Mass, of mine honesty, so God catch me, by my good sooth, by cock and pie, and other like nice oaths, only under simplicity thereof to make you believe a lie he will tell you: which in deed we should least than believe, when he is most ruff in his oaths.  
For it is most certain, the more a liar enforceth his words with abundance of Oaths, the less is he to be 
We ought not to believe one that sweareth much.  believed. For that is a plain demonstration, that it is a prepensed Lie, he would make us believe for a truth. It is a sport to see a true man and a Liar in Argument together: for the true man enforceth his words none otherwise but thus: Truly friend, it is even thus as I tell thee, thou mayest if thou wilt believe me.  
And the other to defend and maintain his Lie, will invocate for witness all the devils of Hell, etc. So that for defence of the Truth, it sufficeth to stand fast on his feet: but for the defence of a Lie he must run through the whole world.  
If I were a King or prince to throw the beloved out of favour, to put my men out of service, to deprive men of their office & dignity, or to disgrade a knight of his order of knighthood, or to give no more faith nor credit to one than an other. I would desire no better occasion or testimony, than once to take him with a lie. And I would think it less ill, that the fathers should rather pardon a great fault in their children, that friend in his friend, and the master in his servant, then to bear with him in one lie. For by Time the wings of sin is cut: But to Lie is of such a condition, the elder a man waxeth, the more force and power it hath of him.  
It is not enough for a man to be free of this vice, but he must also fly and sequester himself from the fellowship of those which are possessed with that fowl and inveterate Error, For, it is commonly seen, when a man would bring out a sudden Lie, to give it the more credit, he will avouch his friend for a witness, saying: he knoweth it, and was present with me.  
Now those that hear this famous Lie, and know the very truth in deed of the matter as it was, condemneth his friend he avoucheth (although he be innocent of the matter) for that he is brought in for testimony, as they do this notorious, and shameless Liar.  
I should lie also for company, if I should deny to tell you, that being in the Court upon a time in a good presence, a friend of mine stuck not to forge a Lie amongst others: and said that he had sailed in a ship, made all of the canes of Cinnamon, and he avouched me for a witness: affirming that I was likewise with him in his company in the ship: and I to save his honour (he being my very friend) being ashamed he should incur the name of a Liar, was compelled seriously to confirm his tale with him, whereof I repented me afterwards with all my heart. For thereby I was in secret noted of the hearers, to be as great a liar as he.  
Also another time, when I went to preach at the Court (being diseased of the gout) I walked up and down with a staff of reed to stay me withal, the selfsame person I told you of before, told amongst the Prelates that were in the Chapel where I preached, that he had given me a Reed or cave to walk withal, that from one knob to another, it would hold three great pots of wine.  
Lo, now by my example you may gather, what shame and deshonestie an honest virtuous man sustaineth, to be a friend and companion of one so shameless and horrible a Liar.  
For to be plain, I was brought to this pass, by means of this friend of mine, that I could not tell what I should do, but when I heard him begin to speak, to fly from him, and leave him, because I would not be reputed of like reputation with him: how beit in the end I was forced to use this policy: that what he had openly avouched me a witness in, secretly again I would excuse myself and deny it.  
But now returning to our matter again, I say, That these Courtiers & Familiars of Princes, aught to exile and banish from them this abominable crime of lying: For if a mean gentleman or simple Plebeian happen sometimes to tell one thing for another, It is but taken of the Hearers strait for a simple lie.  
But being spoken by one of the favoured of the Court, or other Gentleman of reputation, it is thought a kind of treason: For like as betwixt God and the sinner, our Saviour jesus Christ, is our only mean and Mediator, being called upon by the Priest, even so betwixt the king and his Subjects, that are suitors to his 
Priest's ought not to distemble, nor be double in their words  Majesty: those that are in favour with the prince, are mediators for them: Now therefore if these Priests be double in their words and dissemblers in that they speak, how shall the sins of the one be pardoned, & the business of the other dispatched:  
Oh woeful and unhappy sinner, that putteth his sins into the hands of a naughty and wicked Priest, and likewise unfortunate and miserable is the poor suitor that comitteth his affairs to the trust & dispatch of a lying and dissembling Officer.  
There are many officers in princes Courts, that tell the poor suitors still they will dispatch them, but when it cometh to the push, to follow the matter, all his fair words are then but wind, and indeed they make an art of it, to speak all men fair, to promise much, and to perform nothing, weening with their sweet flattering words to win the hearts and good wills of all, little regarding the great expense and loss of time of the poor suitor: much less also respecting their own honour, honesties, and credit. Sure it were less dishonour for them, to be counted rough, and churlish, then to be bruited for Liars, and breakers of their promise.  
The officer of the Prince's palace, that is a dissembler, and a Liar in his words, and doings, he may for a time maintain his suits, and go through with his matters: but in the end, his treacheries perceived, himself, his fautor, and all his dealings lie in the dust, and are utterly overthrown.  
Oh how many have I seen rise in Court of nothing to great matters, and offices, and this not through their painful service, but altogether by means of their deceit and flatteries they used: not exalted also for their merits, but only by a subtle means and policy they had, to draw water to their Mill: nor for any good conscience they had, but only for their great diligence used in their practices. And all this not without the prejudice of others, but rather to the great hurt and utter undoing and ruin of their Neighbour: and not for any bounty they had to give liberally, but a greedy and covetous a desire to get: not for any needful business, but to have those that are superfluous: and not for to relieve the poor and needy, but only to satisfy their insatiable appetites: and in fine, their account cast, we have seen after their death their goods confiscated, their servants dispersed, and gone away, and their Children utterly undone.  
So that in brief, there was no more memory of them in this world, and GOD grant also that in the other life their souls were not for everdamned.  
courtiers may easily with their favour and credit attain unto great possessions, as the judges may also in robbing, the counsellors in pleading, and maintaining naughty causes, the captains in powling the Prince of the Soldiers wages, the merchants in their false weights and measures, and their Brokers, in telling lies out of all measure. But in the end of their journey & pilgrimage, they may be assured that the souls of the Fathers shall not only be damned in hell, but the goods shall be taken from their Children. And also that that is truly and justly gotten by the honest industry and travel of the man, with a good zeal and holy intent, and to a good and just end: it is written that it shall be of long continuance, & by the good permission of GOD, & prayers of the people, it shall also prosper and increase.  
For the true gotten goods, achieved by the sweat and labour of man, GOD doth always prosper and augment. And therefore continuing our matter, I say that the prince's officers ought to determine with themselves, to be upright in all their actions and doings, and above all, true & just of their words: which so performing, they shall be sure to be beloved of all, not alone of them that pass under their Lee, but even also of those whom they have denied favour. And also they need not to beafraid to speak boldly in all places where they come, besides that they shallbe reverenced of all men. Where to the contrary, if he be a liar, a babbler, & dissembler, there are few that will fear them, much less love them, and least of all do them reverence, or honour. And although we cannot deny, but that these officers of the Court, and other men of authority be waited upon, visited, accompanied, reverenced, and honoured of diverse sorts of men: yet it were a folly for us to believe, that their train and attendaunts do them all that honour and reverence, for any desire they have to do them any service: but only they use all that courtesy and capping, to get themselves & their suits quickly dispatched. And this to be true, we see it daily by experience.  
For, when these suitors have at chived their suit and desire, they do not only leave off, and give over to accompany him, and to attend upon him: but moreover, they get them home, without either thanking of him, or once taking their leave of him.  
If all those that have Function, or Office of estate or dignity, (having charge of the dispatch of great and weighty matters, being also Liars and dissemblers in their doings) knew the ill reports that go of them, and how they condemn their corrupt and naughtic consciences: me thinketh it impossible (if they be not altogether graceless) but they must needs either change condition and estate, or else quite give up their rooms and offices. For they are in every man's mouth called Babblers, liars, dissemblers, traitors, perjurers, miserable, avaricious, and vicious. And yet a worse thing than all this, and that is: whilst they live, a thousand complain of them: and after they are dead and buried, they take up their bones out of the grave, to hang them up upon a gibbet. For thus saith the old proverb: Such life, such end. So as we may say, that to these officers above recited, resteth nothing but only these goodly titles. And hereunto we may add also, that Officers of like conditions to them, need not to have any to accuse them, neither yet to punish them. For a time will come one day, that they will plunge themselves so deep into a Sea of troubles, that it cannot be chosen but they must needs at last drown, and utterly perish, or at the least be driven into the haven of their greatest Enemies: so that they shall carry the burden of their own wickedness, and be condignly chastised with their own folly.  
Therefore I pray all those that shall read these writings of mine, for to observe them in their heart, and imprint them well in mind: being a matter of such Morality and wisdom, that it can hardly be understood of any, but of such as first have had some proof thereof.  
Helius Sparthianus writeth, that there was sometimes a Senator in Rome called Lucius Torquatus, who was a tyrant, a dissembler, a great liar, and very seditious, devising only to set discord between the Emperor Tytus and the people: who being many times complained upon unto Titus he answered them thus: I pray you good people let no man seek to reprove him, persuade him, threaten, nor punish him: For he is so wicked and perverse in all things, that I trust in the Gods one day his own naughty and crooked condition, shall make revenge and satisfaction of all the mischiefs he both done me: which was a wonderful thing in this noble prince, that for an injury of such great importance as that was, he would have no other revenge of him, but refer all to that he hoped to see by his own ill nature. And sure the matter well considered, he had good reason to do it.  
For a wicked person is of this condition, that after he hath once begun to do evil, he never ceaseth to do worse, (if he be not reclaimed by some honest man, until such time as unwares not looking to himself) he utterly falleth to ruineand perdition. So that we may aptly compare an ill man, to a candle, which after it is once light, it never leaveth burning, till it have made an end of itself. In great and weighty matters sometimes, such as have the dispatching of them, are wont to speak one word for another, & also to make some faint promises to their suitors, not in respect to lie to them, nor deceive them: but to prolong them longer in suit, to increase their gain the more. Which I must say, they ought not to do, much less once to think it. When the Favoured Courtier or Officer of the prince is moved in any matter by the suitor, let him consider well if it be any thing that may displease the Prince, be it never so little: For they must take great heed that they tell not Princes nor their Servants any thing that they know may be displeasant to their ears: but only that that shall be both pleasant to the ear, profitable to the purse, and therewithal, that it be true and necessary to be told and looked to. For there is no greater destruction to the Commonweal, then to bring false reports unto the K: of his affairs.  
It is one of the greatest kinds of treason that can be, for a Prince to disclose the secrets of his heart to his Favoured Courtier, and for him again to tell the Prince nothing but Lies and tales.  
How great a friend soever the Prince be to his Favoured Courtier, yet the beloved courtier ought not to presume to advance himself to tell, or make his Prince believe one thing for an other. For the matter afterwards discovered, and the truth known, it shall not be enough for him in his excuse, to tell the Prince that he made him believe so, only to satisfy his friend. For the King may justly tell him, that it is but an excuse, and that he meant no other but to deceive him. For prince's ears and conditions are so delicate, that I am bold to admonish them that are his familiars, and beloved of him, that they endeavour themselves always to speak (with all humble duty and reverence) that that is true, yea though in secret it pleaseth the Prince to be merry with them.  
This is ever true, he that is a friend of verity, is also of justice: and he that is a friend of justice, is also of the common weal: and he that is a friend of the common weal, is ever endued with a good conscience: and he that hath a good conscience, consequently is of a good life, he that is of a good life, is also of a good fame, and beloved of all. Albeit we cannot deny, but that his enemies will ever speak evil of him: yet we may say also, that they can never hurt nor condemn him, but rather he should be counted a fool of all men, that will go about or seek to be his enemy, who is honest in his doings, true in his words, modest in his behaviour, beloved, and well thought of of all. Therefore he putteth himself into a great peril, that dare make himself a companion, and fellow in doings with a wise & virtuous man: For he must think, that accompanying with such a man, he accompanieth not his person alone, but also the virtues that reign in him: and if he do repugn and gainsay reasonable things, he shall strait show himself to come of a wicked race, and to be plunged and rooted in all malice.  
Now to the end we may leave nothing behind, that may serve to advise and counsel this our favoured courtier. I say also, that there are many other in favour with the Prince, that oft times do procure the Prince to give offices of dignity, and realty of the Realm, sometimes to their kinsfolks, otherwhiles to their friends, and afterwards to their servants also, which perhaps are so unmeet and unworthy for them, that neither their merits shall deserve to have them, nor their knowledge and experience also fit, for so weighty an administration: And they do not procure these offices for them, for that they are wise and capable: but only to advance them above others, and because they are very troublesome and importunate. I am sorry to write it, and much more to see it, that offices are not given now for the benefit of the Commonwealth, but to recompense those of whom the favoured Courtier hath received pleasure, or else to satisfy the importunacy of his servants of his own house.  
But by process of time it might happen (by means of their skilless rule) that the king would take from them altogether their offices, or remove them from one place to another, although they were never well settled in a town, and commodiously: And being the Prince's pleasure to do this, the wise and beloved Courtier must take heed, he do not contrary the king, much less take upon him to defend the ill government of those officers, hoping thereby to come to greater honour: For it were less hurt for him, the officer lost his estate and office, than he his credit and reputation. Therefore those in favour and authority ought to content themselves with the Prince, the servants with their masters, and the parents and kinsfols with the Prince's officers, for that they procured them these offices at the King's hands, with the ill wills of many: without that they further press, and importune them, to suborn their faults: for after that the doings of these worthy officers be once discovered to be nought and corrupted, it is impossible by any means to make them good before the prince, with whom all the means the parents and kinsfolks of such persons can make, cannot stead them to bring them to their first honour by their own folly lost.  
And now to end this our present volume of the favoured Courtier, I do assure all the beloved Courtiers, that if God shall find purity in their souls, the Common weal justice in their own house, & the king troth in their mouths, and fidelity in their hearts, the good and honest men grace in their favour, and that the ill and wicked boast themselves no more of their authority and office, and that the poor shall praise them for their good works and the King also find them faithful servants: I will at this present with mine own hand give them such faith and assurance, that they shall need never to fear that God will forsake them, nor that men can hurt them, & that they shall never be detected of any infamy, overthrown by any misfortune, neither put out of favour and credit with their prince at any time.    

HERE FOLLOWETH CERTAIN OTHER LETTERS, WRITTEN BY Marcus Aurelius. Selected out of the Spanish Copy, not written in the French Tongue.  

CHAP. I. Of the huge Monster seen in Sicily in the time of Marcus Aurelius, and of the Letters he wrote with blood upon a gate.  
IN the year of the foundation of Rome 720. and xlii, of the age of Marcus Aurelius, and two years before he took possession of the empire, the twenty day of August, about the going down of the Sun, in the Realm of Scicill, in the City of Palermo (a port of the sea) there chanced a thing perilous to them, that saw it then, and no less dreadful to those which shall hear it now. Whiles they of Palermo were celebrating a great feast with much joy, that they had vanquished the Navy of the Numedians, the Pirates dividing their booty, were prevented by the Magistrates of the City, who commanded the whole spoil to be laid up till the wars were finished: for such was the Law of the Isle: And truly it was a just law: for oftentimes the only let why the peace is not made between Princes, is because there wanteth riches to satisfy the damage done in wars.  
When all the people were returned home unto their houses to Supper (for it was in the Summer) there appeared an huge Monster in the City in this form. He seemed to be of the length of three cubits, his head was bald, so that his skull did appear He had no ears, save only two holes in the neck, whereby men judged that he heard: he had two writhe horns like a Goat, his right arm was longer than his left, his hands were much like the feet of horses, without throat, his shoulders and his head were both of one height, his shoulders shone as doth the scales of fishes, his breast was all rough of hair. his Face in all things, was much like unto a man, save that he had but one Eye, which was in the midst of his forehead.  
In his Nose there was but one nosethrill. From the middle downwards, there was nothing seen, because it was all covered: he sat on a chariot with four wheels, which was drawn with four beasts: That is, two Lions before, and two Bears behind. No man can tell of what wood the Chariot was made. In fashion it differed nothing from those which other men do accustomably use.  
Within this Chariot stood a great Chauldron with ears, wherein the Monster was, wherefore it could not be seen but from the middle upward, It wandered a great space in the City, from one gate to another, casting out sparks of fire.  
The fear and terror hereof was so great throughout all the City, that some Women with child were with great danger delivered, and others being weak and faint hearted, fell down dead.  
And all the people, both men and women, great and small ran to the Temples of jupiter, Mars, and Februa, with doleful clamours and cries, making their importunate prayers.  
At the same time, all these Rovers were lodged in the governors Palace of the City, whose name was Solyno, borne at Capua, where also the riches was kept.  
After the Monster had been in all patts of the City (or in the most part thereof) it came to the palace where the Pirates were, and cut one of the lions ears off, and with the blood thereof wrote these Letters upon the palace gate, which was shut. R. A. S. P. I. P.  
These Letters were of divers men diversly interpreted: so that the interpretations were more than the letters. And in the end a woman-prophetesse greatly esteemed for her science (unto whom God had given this secret knowledge) opened the true meaning of these Letters, saying: R. signifieth Reddite, A aliena, S, sivultis, P. propria, I. in Pace, P. possidere. Which altogether is to say: Render unto others that which is theirs, if you in quiet will possess your own. Truly the pirates were wonderfully afraid of this sudden commandment, and he Woman was highly commended for her exposition.  
This being done, the Monster went the same night out of the City, unto a high hill called jamicia, & there stood for the space of 3 days in the sight of the City, the Lions with terrible voices roaring, the Bears with no less fearful cries raging, and finally, the monster most dreadful flames casting. During all this time there was neither bride seen in the air, nor beast in the fields. And the people offered such great sacrifices unto their Gods, that they broke the veins of their hands and feet, and offered the blood thereof to see if they could appease their wraths.  
These three days being passed, there appeared in the Element a marvelous dark cloud, which seemed to darken the whole earth, and therewith it began to thunder and lighten so terrible, that sundry houses fell to the ground, and infinite men ended their lives.  
And last of all there came such a flame of fire from the Monster, that it burned both the Palace where the Rovers were: and all other things that were therein, so that all was consumed with fire: yea the very stones themselves. The tempest was so great, that there fell above two thousand houses, and there died more than ten thousand persons. In this place where this Monster was on the top of the Hill the Emperor edified a sumptuous temple to the God jupiter in perpetual memory of the same. Whereof afterwards Alexander Emperor, having war with the people of the Isle, made a strong Castle.   

CHAP. II. Of that which chanced unto Antigonus a Citizen of Rome, in the time of Marcus Aurelius.  
AT the same time when this woeful chance happened in the Isle, there dwelled a Roman in the same City called Antigonus, a man of a noble blood, and well strucken in age, who with his wife and daughter were banished two years before from Rome.  
The cause of this banishment was this: There was an old laudable custom in Rome instituted by Quintus Cincinnatus the Dictator, that two of the most ancient Senators should go with the Censor newly created in the month of December, to visit all Rome, and to examine severally every Roman, declaring unto him the 12. Tables, and also the particular Decrees of the Senate, demanding of of them, if they knew any man that had not observed these laws: and if they did, they should inform the Senate thereof. And so every man should receive condign punishment according to his offence. But they never punished before they warned, for they used the one year to admonish them of their faults, and the next year if they did not amend to punish them, or else to banish them: These were the words of the Law in the fifth Table, and third Chapter.  
The sacred Senate doth ordain the happy people do consent, and the ancient Colonies do allow, that if men as men in one year do trespass, that men as men for that year do wink at them: but if they as evil men do not amend, that then the good as good men do punish them.  
Moreover, the Law said, the first faults are dissembled withal, because they are committed through weak ignorance: but the second shall be punished, because they proceed of negligence and malice.  
This inquiry was made in the month of December, because in the month of january following the Officers of Rome were elected.  
And it was reason the good from the evil should be known, to the intent they might know who merited to have them, & who deserved to go without them.  
The chief cause why this Antigonus his Wife and his Daughter were banished was this:  
It was ordained by the eleventh Emperor of Rome Augustus, that no man should be so hardy as to piss near the doors of any temple. And Caligula the fourth Emperor commanded, that no woman should give or iell any Letters of Witchcrafts to hang about the people's necks, to deliver them from the Fever quartain.  
And Cato the Censor made a Law, that neither man nor maid should talk together at the Conduits, where they used to fetch water, nor at the river where they washed their clothes, nor at the bakhouse where they baked their Bread: because all the wanton youth of Rome ordinarily haunted one of these two places.  
It chanced when the Censors and consuls visited the ward of mount Celio, Antigonus who dwelled thereby, was accused to have pissed against the walls of the temple of Mars: and his Wife likewise was complained of, for selling of writings to cure the Fevers: and his daughter was noted for one that commonly haunted the conduits, rivers, and bakehouses, to talk with youngmen: the which in those days was a great shame to maidens of Rome.  
The censors therefore, seeing the evil precedent which they found in the house of Antigonus at that time registered also before, and that he had been gently thereof admonished: banished him unto the Isle of Sicily, for as long time as it should please the Senate. And like as in sumptuous and goodly Buildings, one stone falleth not without shaking of another, so it chanceth likewise to men. For commonly one mischance cometh not alone, but that another immediately followeth.  
I speak it for this purpose, for that Antigonus was not only deprived of his Honour, goods, and country, but also by an Earthquake, his house fell down to the ground, and slew his dearly beloved daughter.  
Whilst both these mischances happened, I mean the Monster of Sicily, and of the banishment of Antigonus from Rome, Mark the Emperor was in the wars against the Argonantes: where he received a letter from Antigonus of his banishment: whereof the Emperor was marvelous sorry, as it appeareth by the answer which he sent to comfort him.   

CHAP. III. How Marcus Aurelius sought the wealth of his people, and how his people loved him.  
THe second year that Mark was elected Emperor the xlv. of his age, when he returned from the conquest of the Germans, and the Argonants, from whence he brought great riches and treasures to the Roman Empire, he to rest himself, and to appoint his men lay at Salon, until such time as the Romans had prepared all things convenient for such a glorious triumph: There was one thing done which never was seen in Rome: for the same day of his triumph, his son Comodus by the assent of the whole people of Rome was chosen Emperor after the death of his Father.  
He was not chosen at the request of his Father, for he was against it: saying that the Empire ought not to be given for the merits of those which are dead, but he should be chosen for his own good works being alive.  
This Emperor said oftentimes that then Rome should be undone, when the Election shall be taken from the Senate, and when the Emperor shall inherit the Empire by patrimony.  
Now to come to our matter, the Emperor being at Salon, traveled much to bring his men into Rome in good order: and Rome was more careful for to receive him triumphantly, and as it appertained to such a great conquest.  
He was marvelously well-beloved of all the Empire, and he always studied the wealth of his People, and they were always most faithful in his services. So that sundry times there was a question moved in the Senate: which of these two things was better, beloved: Either the Emperor of his people, or the people of their Emperor.  
So that one day they appointed two judges in this case: The one was the Ambassador of the Parthes', and the other was the Ambassador of the Rhodes, and the information was given on both parts in writing.  
The Emperor alleged the great profit he had done to the Commonwealth, and the many evils which he had delivered it from.  
On the other part the Senators declared the good deeds they had done, in his absence, and the great love they bore him always in his presence.  
So likewise the Emperor another day moved an other question to the Senate, affirming that it was more glory for him to have such subjects, then for them to have such an Emperor.  
The Senate denied it, affirming that the comfort was greater which they had of him, then that which he could have of them. And in this wise the Emperor gave the glory to his people, and the people gave the glory to their Emperor.  
Thus merrily this matter was reasoned of again.  
It was a pleasant thing to hear the reasons wherewith each party proved his purpose. For the good Emperor attributed the whole Land, for a perpetual memory unto the people, because of the great obedience, diligent service, and faithful love, which he had found in them. And on the other part the Fortunate people, gave the glory unto the Emperor, for his clemency, and mercifulness, for his uprighteous governing, for his honesty of living, and for his stout courage in conqueting.  
It was a thing worthy of noting, to behold, how the people gave the honour to their Emperor, and how the Emperor attributed the praise to his people.  
These matters were delivered in trust to the strange Ambassadors, to the end that all people might learn to obey their Princes, and also Princes learn to love their people: only to this end, that by such worthy examples (as it is reason) the better sort should be encouraged, and the evil discomforted.  
Thus the Noble Emperor prepared all things in readiness, with his Captain and Captives, for his Entering, and the people of Rome made as great preparation for to receive him.  
It was a marvelous thing for to see what people came forth of Rome to meet him, and what infinite number were at Salon to behold him. They that were at Salon had their eyes there and their hearts at Rome, and they that were at Rome had their hearts at Salon in such sort, that their hearts dazzled with that they saw, and their hearts also rejoiced for that they hoped to see.  
For there is no greater torment to the heart, then when it is deferred from that which it greatly desired.   

CHAP. FOUR How at the intercession of many which the Empress had sent, The Emperor granted his daughter Lucilla licence to sport herself at the feasts.  
YOu shall understand that the Romans used always in the month of january to permit that their Emperors should triumph. And it chanced that at that time when they prepared for the triumph, Faustine the Empress caused divers noble Barons to demand licence of the Emperor, that her daughter might come from her mistress, where she was taught, to the feasts. Her name was Lucilla, who was elder than the prince Comodus her brother.  
She had a goodly gesture, she was well made in the body, and dearly beloved of her mother, whom she resembled not only in beauty, but also in living. Though the request seemed to be reasonable, and those that made it his counsellors and great about him, and though him whom they asked was the father, and she that demanded it was the mother, and she for whom this request was made was the daughter: yet the Emperor would not grant it, but half against his will.  
Faustine when she had obtained licence was exceeding glad, & so soon as she might possible, she brought her daughter home unto the Palace: And when the day of the great Feast and solemn triumph came, the young damosel perceiving herself at large without any Governor, trusting in the Innocency of herself, esteemed not the malice of any other man: but rejoiced with those that rejoiced, talked with them that talked, beheld them that beheld her, and she thought because she meant evil to no man, that no man willed evil to her.  
In those days it was as great an offence for a maid of Rome, to laugh in the company of men: as it was for a woman of Grecia to be taken in adultery with a Priest. So greatly was the honesty at that time of the Roman Matrons regarded, and the lightness of the maidens was so detested, that they gave more sharper punishment for one offence done openly, then for two which were committed in secret. Amongst all other things, from these seven the Roman Matrons did marvelously refrain, that is to say, from talking much at feasts, from greedy eating among strangers: From drinking wine whiles they were whole: from talking in secret with any man: from lifting up their eyes in the Temples: from gazing much out at the windows, and from wandering abroad without their husbands: for the woman that was apprehended in any of these things, was always after counted as one defamed.  
There are many things suffered in persons of mean estate, which cannot be endured in those of higher degree: For Ladies of high renown cannot keep the reputation of their estates, unless they are marvelous circumspect in all their doings.  
All things that degenerate from their kind, deserve blame, but the dishonest woman meriteth infamy. If Ladies will be counted Ladies indeed let them know how much they excel others in riches, so much less licence have they then other to go gadding in the streets: For of a surety the abundance of their riches, and the liberty of the persons, should not be a spur to provoke them to gad abroad, but rather a bridle to keep them within.  
All this is spoken for this cause that Lucilla, as a maid tender and young, and Faustine her mother, as one not very old, sometimes on foot and sometimes riding: sometimes openly, and now and then secrerly: sometimes with company, and at other times alone: sometimes by day, and oft times by night: used to foot the streets of Rome, to view the fields of Vulcan, to sport them by the river of Tiber: to gather the fruits in the Orchards of Saturn, to sup at the conduits of Nero, and such other vagaries they used, The which things though their age did desire, and their idleness allure them unto: yet the gravity which Ladies ought to have should withdraw them from it.  
I will speak one thing, to the end that other Ladies and Gentlewomen may take warning thereby: which is, that I cannot tell which was greater, either the small discretion which moved Faustine and Lucilla to wander in such sort about the streets, or the audacity that evil men took thereby to talk of their persons, and doubt of their honesties.  
The keeping of women in their houses, is like unto a bridle to hold still evil men's tongues. The woman that is a strayer abroad, putteth her good name in much danger. Of truth it were better for a woman never to be borne, then to live with an evil name. Among all the families of the Ancient Romans, that of the Cornelians was counted most fortunate, for among the men there was never any found a coward, nor among the women any that was defamed.  
The Historiographers say, that there was one woman of that lineage only, for being light in her behaviour, was by the hands of her own parents executed, and put to death. Surely, it was well done of the Romans, to the intent that the lightness of one woman alone, should not defame the whole family. Where as is nobleness and honesty: there the matters that touch the honour, ought not to tarry whiles they be remedied by justice: but from that man or woman which among all hath lost his good name, from the number of the living he ought also to be taken. It is not sufficient for one to himself to be good: but it is requisite that he give no occasion to others to judge him to be evil.  
All the losses of temporal goods that chance unto men in this life, ought not to be compared with a little blemish of a man's good name. The man that hazardeth for a trifle his good name in this world, shall at a bundred shoots scarcely shoot one right. And chose, that man that hath lost his honesty, and that esteemeth not the reputation of his person, truly from him we shall never see any good thing proceed.  
Now the Emperor like unto a wise shippe-master, fearing after the great calms some tempestuous storm: seeing the lightness of his Daughter, and vanity of the Mother (I mean in the time of this great mirth and gladness) feared lest any infamy should ensue unto these two Ladies.  
And for a surety he doubted not without a cause: for it is an infallible rule of envious Fortune for to give us in many years a little prosperity, to the intent that afterwards suddenly and at unawares she may bring us into some great adversity.  
By experience daily we see, that the Sea is seldom times calm: but immediately there followeth some perilous Tempest. The extreme heat of the day doth prognosticate, that terrible thunder is the Eventide. I mean, when Fortune doth flatter us with her golden pills: it is a token that she intendeth to catch us in her snares.  
The Mylner before the bank broken repaireth the dams. The husband man before it raineth, thacketh his house, fearing the snow and rain that is to come.  
So likewise the sage man ought to consider that during this life he hath prosperity but by leave and adversity, as by patrimony.  
Marcus Aurelius among all other men was he that knew how to enjoy prosperity, and also to prevail of adversity. Though fortune gave him much prosperity, yet he never trusted therein, nor for any troubles that ever he received in this life, he was at any time abashed.   

CHAP. V. Of the sharp words which Marcus Aurelius spoke to his wife, and to his daughter.  
WHen the triumphs before named were finished, this good Emperor then being willing to unburden his heart, and to advise Faustine, and to teach the young damosel his daughter, and to the end, that no man should hear it, he called them a part, and said unto them these words.  
I am not content Faustine with that thy daughter did, nor yet with that which thou hast done, being her mother.  
The daughters if they will be counted for good Children, must learn to obey their fathers: and the mothers if they will be counted good mothers, must learn to bring up their daughters well.  
When the mother is honest, and the daughter shamefast, the father is excused in giving counsel.  
It is great shame to the Father being a man, that the Mother (being a woman) should chastife his son. And this is a great reproach to the mother, that the daughter should be chastised by the hands of any man.  
There was a Law enacted amongst the Rhodians, that neither the Fathers should have to do with the daughters, nor the mothers with the Sons, but the men used to bring up the men, and the women the women. And in such wise, that they abiding all in one house, it seemeth unto the fathers, that they had no daughters, and unto the mothers that they had no sons.  
Oh Rome, Rome, I bewail thee not to see thy streets unpaved, nor to see thy houses so decayed, nor to see thy battlements so fallen down, nor thy timber hewed down, not for the diminishing of the inhabitants: for all this Time bringeth, and Time taketh away, but I weep for thee again, to see thee unpeopled of good-fathers' and unprovided in the nourishing of their children.  
Rome began to decay, when the discipline of Sons and Daughters was enlarged, and that their bridle was set at liberty. For there is now such boldness in Boys, and so little shamefastness in Girls, with dishonesty of the Mothers: that whereas one Father sufficed for xx. Sons, and one Mother for xx. daughters: now xx. father's dare scarcely undertake to bring up well one Son, and thirty. Mothers one daughter.  
I say this to you Faustine, you remember not how you are a Mother: For, you give more liberty to your Daughter then ought to be suffered And now Lucilla, remember not how you are a daughter: for you show to have more liberty than requireth for a young Maiden.  
The greatest gift that the Gods have given to the Matrons of Rome is, because that they are women, they keep themselves close and secret, & because they are Romans they are shamefast. The day when the women want the fear of the Gods secretly, and shame of men openly believe me they shall either fail the world, or the world them.  
The common wealth requireth it of great necessity, that the women which therein inhabit should be as honest, as the captains valiant: for the Captains going to war defend them, and the women which abide at home conserve them. As now four years passed you saw this great pestilence, and I demanded then to have account of the people, and I found that of a C. and xl. M. honest women lxxx. M. died, and of x. M. dishonest women, in a manner they scaped all: I cannot tell for which I should weep, either for the lack that we have of the good and virtuous Women in our common wealth, or else for the great hurt and damages that these evil and wicked women do to the youth of Rome.  
The fire that burneth in Mount Ethna, doth not so much endamage those that dwell in Scicill, as one evil woman doth within the walls of Rome.  
A fierce beast and a perilous enemy to the Common wealth is an evil woman, for she is of power to commit all evils, and nothing apt to do any good. O how many realms and Kingdoms read we of, which by the evil behaviours of one woman have been lost, and to resist against them, there hath been need both of wisdom, perils, money, and force of many men.  
The vices in a woman is as a green Reed, that boweth every way: but the lightness and dishonesty is as a dry Kyxe that breaketh, in such wise that the more evil they utter, the more unlikely is the amendment thereof.  
Behold Faustine, there is no creature that more desireth honour, and worse keepeth it, than a Woman, and that this is true, we see by justice, by Orations, by writing, and other Travels, man getteth fame and renown: but without it be by flattering, and fair speaking, this hour by ancient writers we can read of few women or none, which either by writing, reading, working with Needle, spinning, or by weaving, have gotten them any great renown.  
But even I say of one, so I say of another, certainly of divers we read, by keeping themselves closed in their houses, being well occupied in their business, temperate & modest in their words, faithful to their Husbands, well-ordered in their persons, peaceable with their Neighbours, and finally for being honest amongst their own Family, and shamefast amongst strangers, they have obtained great renown in their life time, and left perpetual memory of them after their death.  
I will tell you an ancient history as profitable to restrain your vices, as it did then augment virtues, which is this: The Realm of the Lacedæmonians saith Plato: was a long time as dissolute through the unthriftiness of the womenkind, as infamed by the vices of the men: So that of all Nations they were both called and esteemed barbarous, what time Greece of the Philosophers, was called The Mother of Philosophers.  
Lycurgus, a most wise Philosopher in knowledge, and a right just king concerning his governance, partly with his doctrine very profitable, and partly with his life most pure, ordained Laws in the said Realm, whereby he expelled all vices, and planted all virtues. I cannot tell which of these two were most happiest, the King having so obedient people, or else the Realm to have so worthy a King?  
Amongst other Laws for women, he enacted one worthy of high commendations: the which commanded that the Father which died, should give nothing to his daughter: and an other, that neither living nor dying, he should give any Money to marry her withal: to the intent that none should take her for her goods, but only for her virtues: and not for her beauty, but for her good qualities: whereas now some are forsaken, because they be poor, so than they abode unmarried, because they were vicious.  
Oh Time worthy to be desired: when maidens hoped not to be married with their Father's goods, but by the virtuous works of their own persons: this was the time called The golden World: when neither the daughter feared to be disinerited by the father in his life, nor the Father to die sorrowful, for leaving her without dowry at his death.  
Oh Rome, treble accursed be he that first brought Gold into thy house, and cursed be he that first began to hoard up treasures. Who hath made Rome to be so rich of Treasures, and so poor of virtues? who hath caused noblemen to marry the plebeians, and to leave the daughters of Senators unmarried? what hath made that the rich man's Daughter is demanded unwilling, and the daughter of a poor man none will desire: What hath caused that One marrieth a Fool, with 500 marks, rather than a wise woman with ten thousand virtues: then I will not say that in this case the flesh vanquished the flesh: but I say that vanity is overcome of malice. For, a covetous person will nowadays rather take a wife that is rich and foul, than one that is poor and fair?  
Oh unhappy woman that bringeth forth children, and more unhappy be the daughters that are born, the which to take in marriage no man desireth: neither for the blood of their predecessors, nor the favour of their friends, nor the worthiness of their persons, nor the purity of their lives.  
Oh wicked world, where the daughter of a Goodman without money shall have no marriage: but it was not wont to be so. For, in the old time when they treated of Marriages: first they spoke of the persons, and afterward of the goods: not as they do at this present in this unhappy time. For now they speak first of the goods, and last of all of the persons.  
In the said Golden-world, first they spoke of the virtues, that the person was endued with, and when they were married, as it were in sport, they would speak of the Goods.  
When Camillus triumphed over the Gauls, he had then but one son, and he was such a one that his deserts merited great praise: and for the renown of his Father, divers Kings desired to have him to their sons, and divers Senators desired to have him to their sons in law. This young man, being of the age of thirty years, and the Father at 60. was importunately stirred by his natural friends, and desires of strange kings, for to marry him: but always the old Camille withstood the counsel of his friends, and the importunity of the strangers.  
When it was demanded, why he determined not upon some Marriage for his son: sith thereby should ensue the quiet life of the man, and the joy and comfort of himself, in his age: He answered them thus,  
I will not marry my Son, because some offer me rich daughters, some noble of lineage, some young, and some fair. But there is none hath said to me, I give you my virtuous daughter.  
Certainly Gamille merited triumph, for that he did, and deserved eternal memory for that he said.  
I spoke to you Faustine, all these words, because I see you lead your daughter to theatres and plays, and bring her into the capitol you put her to the keeping of the Sword players: you suffer her to see the Tumblers, and yet do not remember that she is young, and you not too aged, you go into the streets without licence, and sport you by the rivers: I find no villainy therein, nor think that your daughter is evil but I say it, because you give occasion that she should not be good.  
Beware, beware Faustine, never trust to the race of flesh of young people: nor have no confidence in old folks, for there is no better way then to fly the occasion of all things.  
For this intent the virgin's vestals are closed up between the walls, to eschew the occasions of open places, not to be more light and foolish, but to be more sad and virtuous, flying occasions. The young shall not say, I am young and virtuous: nor the old shall not say, I am old and broken: for of necessity the dry flax will burn in the fire, and the green flag smoke in the flame.  
I say, though a man be a Diamond set among men, yet of necessity he ought to be quick, and to melt as wax in the heat among Women. We cannot deny that though the Wood be taken from the fire, and the embers quenched: yet nevertheless the stones oftentimes remain hot.  
In likewise the flesh, though it be chastised with hot and dry diseases, consumed by many years with travel, yet concupiscence abideth still in the bones.  
What need is it to blaze the virtues, and deny our Naturalities? certainly there is not so old a horse, but if he see a Mare will neigh once or twice: there is no man so young nor old but let him see fair young Damsels, either he will give a sigh, or a wish,  
In all voluntary things I deny not but that one may be virtuous: but in natural things I confess every man to be weak. when you take the wood from the fire, it leaveth burning: when Summer cometh, the cold winter ceaseth, when the sea is calm, the waves leave their vehement motions: when the Sun is set, it lighteneth not the World. I will say then, and not before, the flesh will cease to trouble us, when it is laid in the grave: of the flesh we are borne, in the flesh we live, and in the flesh we shall die: and thereby it followeth, that our good life shall sooner end, than our fleshly desires forsake us: oftentime some wholesome flesh corrupteth in an evil Vessel, and good wine sometimes savoureth of the foist. I say, though that the Works of our life be virtuous, yet shall we feel the stench of the weak flesh,  
I spoke this, Faustine, sith that age cannot resist those hot appetites, how can the tender members of youth resist them? unless you that are the Mother go the right way, how should the Daughter that followeth you find it? The Roman Matrons, if that they will bring up their Daughters well, aught for to keep and observe these Rules, when they do see that they would wander abroad, that they break their legs, and if that they should be gazing, then put out their eyes: and if they will listen, stop their ears: if they will give or take, cut off their hands: if they dare speak, sow up their mouths: if they will pretend any lightness, bury them quick: death ought to be given to an evil Daughter, in stead of a dowry: for gifts, give her worms, and for her house, a grave.  
Take heed Faustine if you will have much joy of your daughter, take from her all the occasions whereby she shall be evil. To underset a house, behoveth divers props: and if the principals be taken away, it will fall down: I say you women are so frail, that with keepers, with great pain they can keep themselves: and for a small occasion they will lose altogether.  
Oh how many evil hath there been, not for that they would be so, but because they followed such occasions, the which they ought to have eschewed.  
It is at my pleasure to enter into this battle but yet it is not in my power to attain the victory, it is for me to enter into the Sea, yet it lieth not in my hands to escape the peril: it is in the hands of a woman to enter into the occasion, and after that she is therein, it is not in her power to escape from evil, nor to deliver her from tongues.  
Peradventure Faustine, thou wilt say unto me, none can speak to your daughter Lucilla, unless thou hearest it, nor see her but thou seest him, nor convey her, but thou knowest where: nor make any appointment, without thy consent: and yet thou knowest, that those which will her evil, seek with their tongues to dishonour her: and those that with their hearts love her, speak only in their hearts.  
We love in young blood, in the spring time, and flourishing youth is a poison, that forthwith spreadeth into every vain, it is an herb that entereth into the entrails, a swooning that incontinently mortifieth all the members and a pestilence that slayeth the hearts: and finally, it maketh an end of all virtues. I know not what I say: but I feel that which I would say, for I would never blaze love with my tongue, except I were sore wounded therewith in my heart.  
Ovid sayeth in his book of the art of love, Love is I wot not what, it it cometh I know not from whence, who sent it I wot not, it engendereth I know not how: it is satisfied I know not wherewith: it is self, and I know not how, oft it slayeth, I know not wherefore: and finally, without breaking the flesh outwardly, love taketh root, and molesteth the heart inwardly. I know not what Ovid meaneth hereby, but I know when he said these words, he was as far banished from himself, as I am at this time from myself.  
O Faustine, they that love together, utter the secrets of their hearts by divers ways, and in sleeping they reason and speak by signs, they understand each other. The many words outwardly declare small love inwardly, and the servant inward love keepeth silence outward. The entrails within embraced with love, cause the tongue outward to be mute: he that passeth his life in love, aught to keep his mouth close. And to the intent that you shall not think, that I speak Fables: I will prove this by ancient histeries, we find anciently, that in the year cclxx. after the foundation of Rome, Etrasco a young Roman that was dumb, and Verona a fair Lady of the Latins which was dumb also: These two saw each other on the mount Celio at the Feasts, and there fell in love together, and their hearts were as sore fixed and entangled in Love, as their tongues were tied from speech.  
It was a marvelous thing to see then, and fearful to note now that this young Lady came from Salon to Rome: and he went from Rome to Salon, sundry times by the space of 30. years, without the knowledge of any person, and never spoke together. It chanced at the last, that the husband of the Lady Verona died, and the wife of Etrasco also, and then they discovered their love, and treated a marriage between them.  
And these two dumb persons had issue a son of whom descended the noble lineage of our Scipions, which were more famous in the seats of Arms, than their Father and mother were troubled for want of words.  
Then Faustine mark this thing, it had little availed to have cut out the tongues of the two dumb persons to have remedied their love, and not to have cut our their hearts.  
And I shall tell you of Masinissa, a worthy knight of Numidie, and Sophonissa a famous Lady of Carthage, all only by one sight as they saw each other on a Ladder, he declareth his desire unto her, and she knowing his lust, breaking the oars of fear, and lifting up the anchors of shame, raised incontinent the sails of their hearts, and with the ships of their persons they joined each to other, here we may see how the first sight of their eyes, the knowledge of their persons, the consent of their hearts, the copulation of their bodies, the decay of their estates, and the loss of their names, in one day, in one hour, in one moment, and in one step of a Ladder, were lost: What will you that I say more to this purpose? Do you not know what Helen the Greek and Paris the Trojan of two strange Nations, and of far Countries, with the one only sight in a Temple their wills were so knit together, that he took her as his Captive, and she abode his prisoner.  
In Paris appeared but small source, and in Helen but small resistance: so that in a manner those two young persons, the one procuring to vainquish, and the other in suffering to be vanquished: Paris was the causer of his Father's destruction, and both of their own deaths, loss and damage to both their Realms, and slander to all the world. All this love grew of one only sight.  
When great King Alexander would have given Battle to the Amazons, the queen (captain of them) no less fair than strong and virtuous, came to a Rivers-side: and the space of an hour each of them beheld the other, with their eyes, without uttering of any word.  
And when they returned to their Tents, their fierceness was turned into sweet amorous words. When Pyrrus the faithful defender of the Tharrentines, and renowned king of the Epyrotes was in Italy, he came into Naples, and had not been there but one day, but he was enamoured of a fair lady named Gemelicia, of a high lineage and greatly esteemed for her beauty, and the very same day she was gotten with child, and shamed throughout all Italy, and cast out of the city: and after that she was delivered of child, she was slain by one of her own brethren.  
Also queen Cleopatra in the Province of Bythinia, in the wood Sechin, made a goodly banquet to Marcus Antonius her Lover, and though she was not very honest of herself, yet had she with her chaste women. And thus the Banquet endured a great part of the night.  
Now the wood being thick, young damsels were not so wily to hide them, but the young men Romans found them: so that of 60. daughters of the Senators 55. were gotten with child among the thick bushes, which thing made a great slander in the people, and augmented the infamy of Marcus Antonius.  
Thus as I have showed of a small number, I could say of many other. All men are not men, nor all women are not women. I speak it, because I would it should be said, let it touch them that it toucheth, and let them that come understand me. There are some ships which are so light that they will sail with a little wind. And there be other some mills that will grind with a little water. I say there be some women so brickle, that as a glass with a philip will break, and will slip with a little mire.  
Tell me Faustine, have you suffered your daughter to speak but with her uncles, and keep company but with her cousins? I say in this case, that the mother is in as much blame, as the daughter in peril.  
Do you not know, that the hot fire doth not forbear the wood, be it wet or dry: but in like manner it consumeth the hard stones.  
Do you not know that the extreme hunger causeth beasts to devour with their own teeth the thing that was bred in their entrails? Do you not know, that the gods made a Law over all things, except over Lovers, because they may not abide it: and doubtless much more than I have said.  
And divers times me thinks I should fall down, because I dare not weep with mine eyes, yet I feel it inwardly in my heart. I would feign commune with thee in divers things: Come I pray thee to Briette, to the intent that we may speak together: And sith it hath pleased the Gods to take my child from me that I loved so well, I would counsel with thee that art my loving friend. But few days passed, there came thither an Ambassador from the Rhodes, to whom I gave the most part of my horses: and from the farthest part of Spain, there were brought me eight: of the which I send thee four. I would they were such as might please thee: The Gods be thy safeguard, and send me and my wise some comfort.  
Marcus Aurelius right sorrowful hath written this with his own hand.   

CHAP. VI A Letter sent by Marcus Aurelius Emperor to Catullus Censorius, of the news which were at that time in Rome.  
MArcus the new Censor, to thee Catullus now aged, sendeth salutations. There are ten days past, that in the temple of God janus I received thy Letter: and I take the same God to witness, that I had rather have seen thy person: Thou desiredst that my letters may belong but the shortness of time maketh me to answer thee more briefly, than I would. Thou willest me to give thee knowledge of the news here. Thereto I answer, that it were better to demand, if there were any thing remaining here in Rome, or Italy, that is old: For now by our evil destinies, all that is good and old, is ended: and new things which be evil, now begin: The Emperor, the Consul, the Tribune, the Senators, the Aediles, the Flamines, the Pretours and Centurions, all things be new save the virtues which be old.  
We pass the time in making new officers, in devising new counsels, and in raising new Subsidies. In such wise that there hath been now more novelties within these 4. years, then in times passed in 400. years: we now assemble together 300. to counsel in the Capitol, and there we brag and boast, swear and promise that we will exalt the virtuous, and subdue the vicious, favour the right, & not wink at the wrong, punish the evil, and reward the good, repair old, and edify new, pluck vices up by the roots, and to plant virtues, to amend the old, and follow the good, reprove tyrants, and assist the poor: and when that we are gone from thence, they that speak best words are often taken with the worst deeds.  
O wicked Rome, that now a days hath such Senators, which in saying we will do, we will do, pass their I for & so every man seeking his own profit forgetteth the weal public: Oftentimes I am in the Senate to behold others as they regard me: and I do marvel much to hear the eloquence of their words, the zeal of justice, and the justification of their persons: and after that I come thence, I am ashamed to see their secret extortions, their damnable thoughts, and their evil works.  
And yet there is another thing of more marvel, and not to be suffered, that such persons as are most defamed and use most wicked vices, with their most damnable intentions make their avows to do most extreme justice. It is an infallible rule, and of human malice most used: that he that is most hardy for to commit greatest crimes, is most cruel to give sentence against an other for the same offence.  
We think that we behold our own faults, as through small nets, which cause things to seem the less: but we behold the faults of others in the water, that causeth them to seem greater.  
Oh how many have I seen condemned by the Senate, for one small fault, done in all their life: and yet they themselves commit the same every hour.  
I have read in the time of King Alexander the great, there was a renowned Pirate on the Sea, called Dyonides, the which rob and spoiled all the shipping that he could get: and by commandment of this good King Alex: there was an army sent forth to take him. And when he was taken and presented to K. Alexander, the King sai●e unto him, Show me Dyonides, why dost thou so spoil on the Sea, that no ship can sail out of the East into the west for thee? The pirate answered, and said: if I spoil the Sea, why dost thou Alexander rob both the Sea and Land also? O Alexander, because I fight with one ship in the Sea, I am called a thief: and because thou robbest with two hundredth ships on the Sea, and troublest all the world with 200000. men, thou art called an Emperor.  
I swear unto thee Alexander, if Fortune were as favourable to me, and the Gods as extreme against thee: they would give me thine Empire, and give thee my little ship: and then peradventure I should be a better king than thou art, and thou become a worse Thief than I am.  
These were high words, and well received of Alexander: and of truth to see if his words were correspondent to his promises, he made him of a pirate a great captain of an Army, and he was more virtuous on Land, than he was cruel on the Seas. I promise thee Catullus, Alexander did right well therein, and Dyonides was to be praised greatly for that he had said. Nowadays in Italy they that rob openly are called Lords, and they that rob privily, are commonly called thieves. In the Annals of Livius I have read, that in the second troublous war punic, between the Romans and the Carthagenians, there came an Ambassador Lusitaine sent from Spain, and to treat of accord of peace.  
When he came to Rome, he proved before the Senate, that sith he entered into Italy, he had been ten times robbed of his goods: and whiles he was at Rome, he had seen one of them that rob him, hang upanother that had defended him.  
He seeing so evil a deed, and how the thief was saved without justice: as a desperate man took a coal, and wrote upon the gibet as followeth. O gibet, thou art planted among thieves, nourished among thieves, squared of thieves, wrought of thieves, and hanged full of Innocents', with innocents.  
The original of these words are in the history of Livius, where the whole Decade was written with black ink, and these words with red vermelion.  
I cannot tell what other news I should send thee, but that every thing is so new and so tender, and it joined with so evil cement, that I fear me, all will fall suddenly to the ground. I tell thee that some are suddenly risen within Rome unto honour, whose fall I dare rather assure then life: For all buildings hastily made, cannot be sure. The longer a tree is kept in his kind, the longer it will be ere it be old.  
The trees whose fruit we eat in Summer, do warm us in Winter: Oh how many have we seen, whereof we have marveled of their rising, and been abashed at their falls. They have grown as a whole piece, and suddenly wasted as a scum. Their felicity hath been but a short moment, and their infortune as a long life.  
Finally, they have made a mill, and laid on the stones of increase, and after a little grinding, left it unoccupied all the year after, Thou knowest well, my friend Catullus, that we have seen Cincius Fuluius in one year made Consul, and his children Tribunes, his wife a Matron for young maidens: and besides that, made keeper of the Capitol: and after that not in one year, but the same day we saw Cincius beheaded in the place, his children drowned in Tiber, his Wife banished from Rome, his house razed down to the ground, and all his goods confiscated to the common Treasury.  
This rigorous example we have not read in any book, to take a copy of it, but we have seen it with our eyes, to keep it in our minds. As the Nations of people are variable, so are the conditions of men divers. And me thinketh this is true, seeing that some love, some hate, and that some seek, some eschew: and that some set little by, other make much store. In such wise, that all cannot be content with one thing, nor some with all things cannot be satisfied. Let every man choose as him list, & embrace the world when he will, I had rather mount a soft pace to the falling, and if I cannot come thereto, I will abide by the way, rather than with the sweat to mount hastily, and then to tumble down headlong.  
In this case sith men's hearts understand it: we need not to write further with pens. And of this matter, mark not the little that I do say, but the great deal that I will say. And sith I have begun, and that thou art in strange lands, I will write thee all the news from hence.  
This year the 25. day of May, there came an Ambassador out of Asia, saying he was of the Isle of Cetin, a Baron right proper of body, ruddy of aspect, and hardy of courage: He considered being at Rome, though the Summer's days were long, yet Winter would draw on, and then would it be dangerous sailing into this isle, and saw that his business was not dispatched: On a day being at the gate of the Senate, seeing all the Senators enter into the Capitol, without any armour upon them, he as a man of good spirit, and zelator of his Country, in the presence of us all said these words:  
O Fathers Conscript: O happy people, I am come from a strange country to Rome; only to see Rome: and I have found Rome without Rome. The walls wherewith it is enclosed hath not brought me hither, but the fame of them that govern it: I am not come to see the Treasury: wherein is the treasure of all Realms: but I am come to see the sacred Senate, out of the which issueth counsel for all men: I came not to see it, because ye vanquish other: but because I thought you more virtuous than all other. I dare well say one thing, except the gods make me blind and trouble my understanding, ye be not Romans of Rome, nor this is not Rome of the Romans your predecessors. We have heard in our Isle, that divers realms have been won by the valiantness of one, and conserved by the wisdom of all the Senate: and at this hour you are more likely to lose, then to win as your Fathers did. Al their exercise was in goodness, and ye that are their children pass all your time in Ceremonies: I say this ye Romans, because you have almost killed me with laughing at you, to see how you do all as much your diligence to leave your armour without the gate of the Senate, as your predecessors did take to them to defend the Empire.  
What profit is it to you to leave off these Armours which hurt the bodies, and to put on them those which kill all the World? What profiteth it to the careful Suitor, that the Senator entereth unarmed into the Senate without sword or dagger, and his hart entereth into the Senate armed with malice. O Romans, I will that you know that in our Isle we esteem you not as armed Captains, but as malicious Senators. You fear us not with sharp golden swords and daggers, but with hard hearts, and venomous tongues: If ye should in the Senate put on harness, and therewith take away our lives it were but a small loss, seeing that you sustain not the Innocents', nor dispatch not the business of suitors: I cannot suffer it, I cannot tell in what state ye stand here at Rome: for in our Isle we take armour from fools whether your Armours are taken away as from fools or mad folks, I know not: if it be done for ambitiousness, it cometh not of Romans but of Tyrants: that wranglers and ireful folk should be judges over the peaceable; and the ambitious over the meek, & the malicious over the simple? if it be done because you are fools, it is not in the Laws of the gods, that three hundred fools should govern three hundred thousand wise men.  
It is a long season that I have tarried for mine answer and licence, and by your delays I am now further off, than I was the first day.  
We bring oil, honey saffron, wood, and timber, salt, silver: and sold out of our Isle into Rome, and ye will that we go else where for to seek justice. Ye will have one Law to gather your rents, and another to determine your justice: ye will that we pay our tributes in one day, and ye will not discharge one of our errands in a whole year.  
I require you Romans, determine yourselves to take away our lives, & so we shall end: or else hear our complaints, to the intent that we may serve you. For in another manner it may be, that ye know by hearing with your ears, which peradventure ye would not see with your eyes. And if ye think my words be out of measure, so that ye will remedy my country, I set not by my life. And thus I make an end.  
Verily friend Catullus, these be the words that he spoke unto the Senate, which I gate in writing. I say of truth that the hardiness which the Romans were wont to have in other countries, the same (as now) strangers have in Rome.  
There were that said that this Ambassador should be punished, but GOD forbid: that for saying truth in my presence, he should have been corrected. It is enough, and too much too, to suffer these evils, though we slay not, and persecute those that advertise and warn us of them.  
The Sheep are not in surery of the wolf, but if the shepherd have his dog with him. I mean, dogs ought not to leave barking, for to awaken the Shepherds.  
There is no GOD commandeth, nor Law counseleth, nor Commonwealth suffereth, that they which are committed to chastise Liars, should hang them that say troth. And sith the Senators show themselves men in their living, and sometimes more human than others that be Slaves, who else should deliver them, from chastisement.  
Oh Rome, and no Rome, having nothing but the name of Rome: Where is now become the nobleness of thy Triumphs, the glory of thy children, the rectitude of thy justice, and the honour of thy temples? For as now they chastise him more that murmureth against one only Senator, than they do them that blaspheme all the Gods at once. For it grieveth me more to see a Senator or Censor to be worst of all other: than it displeaseth me that it should be said, that he is the best of all other.  
For a truth I say to thee my friend Catullus, that now we need not to seek to the Gods in the Temples, for the Senators are made gods in our hands  
There is a difference between them that be immortal, and they that be mortal. For the Gods never do thing that is evil, and the Senators do never any thing well. The Gods never Lie, and they never say truth. The Gods pardon often, and they nover forgive: the Gods are content to be honoured five times in the year, and the Senators would be honoured ten times a day.  
What wilt thou that I say more? but whatsoever the Gods do, they ought to be praised: and the Senators in all their works deserve to be reproved. Finally, I conclude that the Gods are constant in every thing, and err and fail in nothing: and the Senators assure nothing, but err in all things. Only in one thing the Senators are not of reason to be chastised, and that is: when they intent not to amend their faults, they will not suffer the Orators to waste their time to show them the truth.  
Be it as may be, I am of that opinion, that what man or woman withdraweth their Ears from hearing the truth, impossibls it is for them to apply their hearts to love any virtues: be it Censor that judgeth, or Senator that ordaineth, or Emperor that commandeth, or Consul that executeth, or Orator that preacheth.  
No mortal man, take he never so good heed to his works, nor reason so well in his desires, but that he deserveth some chastisement, for some cause, or counsel in his doings. And sith I have written unto thee thus of others. I will somewhat speak of myself, because of the words of thy letter. I have gathered that thou desirest to know of my person.  
Know thou for certain, that in the Kalends of january, I was made Censor in the Senate, the which office I desired not, nor I have deserved it.  
The opinion of all wise men is, that no man without he lack wit, or surmounteth in folly, will gladly take on him the burden and charges of other men. A greater cause it is for a shamefast man to take on him an office to please every man: for he must show acountenance outward, contrary to that he thinketh inward. Thou wilt say, that the good are ordained for to take the charge of offices. O unhappy Rome, that hath willed to take me in such wise, as to be the best in it. Grievous pestilence ought to come for them that be good, sith I am escaped as good among the evil, I have accepted this office, not for that I had need thereof, but to fulfil the commandment of Antoninus my Grandfather. Have no marvel of any thing that I do, but of that I leave to be done: For every man that is wedded to Faustine, there is no villainy but he shall do it,  
I swear to thee, that sith the day we were wedded, me seemeth that I have no wit. I leave wedding for this time, and return to speak of offices: Surely, a peaceable man ought to be in offices, though it be painful: for as the offices are assured among them that be virtuous, so perilously goeth the virtuous folk among Offices: And for the truth hereof reckon what they win, and then thou shalt see what they lose. Say that is good, if thou knowest it, and hear the evil, if thou desire to know it.  
He that will take the charge for to govern other, seeketh thought and trouble for himself, envy for his neighbours, spurs for his enemies, poverty for his riches, a waking for thieves, peril for his body, end of his days, and torment for his great renown.  
Finally, he seeketh a way to reject his friends, and a repeal to recover his enemies. O unhappy man is he, that taketh on him the charge of children of many mothers, for he shall be always charged with thoughts, how he should content them all: full of sighs, because one hath to give him: fear that one should take from him, weeping if he lose, and fear that they infame him, He that knoweth this, without long tarrying aught to set a bridle in his head. But I say of one as I say of another: For I will swear, and thou wilt not deny it, that we may find some now a days that had rather be in the park to fight against the bulls, then be in surety upon the Scaffold,  
Ostentimes I have heard say: Go we to the theatres to run at the Bulls: Go we to chase the Hearts & wild Boars: and when they come thither they run away, not the beasts from them, but they from the beasts, In such wise as they went running, they return again flying. I say, these ambitious persons procure for to govern, and are governed: they command, and are commanded, they rule and are ruled: And finally, thinking to have divers under their hands, these wretches put themselves under every man's foot. For the remedy of all these perils, my thoughts are comforted with one thing, and that is, without procuring or offering myself, he Senate of their own Will hath commanded me. In the eight Table of our ancient laws by these Words. We command that in our sacred Senate, Charge of justice be never given to him that willingly offereth himself to it, but to such as by great deliberation are chosen. This is certainly a just Law: for men be now not so virtuous, not so loving to the Common wealth, that they will forget their own quietness and rest, doing damage to themselves, to procure another man's profit.  
There is none so foolish that will leave his wife, children, and his own sweet Country, to give into strange Countries: but if he see himself among strange people, thinking under the colour of justice to seek for his own utility. I say not this without weeping, that the Princes with their small study and thought, and the judges with their covetousness, have undermined and shaken down the high walls of the policy of Rome.  
O my friend Catullus, what wilt thou that I shall say, but that our credence so diminisheth, our covetousness so largely stretcheth, our hardiness so boldneth, our shamefastness so shameless, that we provide for judges to go and rob our neighbours, as Captains against our enemies: I let thee to know, where as Rome was beloved for chastising the evil, now it is as much hated for spoiling the good. I do remember that I read in the time of Dennis Syracusan, that ruleth all Scicill, there came an Ambassador from Rhodes to Rome, being of a good age, well learned, and valiant in arms, and right curious to note all things.  
He came to Rome to see the Majesty of the sacred Senate, the height of the high Capitol, environed with the Colliset: the multitude of Senators, the wisdom of the Counsellors, the glory of triumphs, the correction of the evil, the peace of the inhabitants, the diversity of Nations, the abundance of the mantenance, the order of the offices: And finally, seeing that Rome was Rome, he was demanded how he thought thereby? He answered, and said; O Rome, at this present world thou art full of virtuous and wise men, hereafter thou shalt be furnished with fools.  
Lo what high and very high words were these: Rome was seven hundred years without any house of fools, and now it hath been three hundred years without any wise or virtuous man. Look what I say, it is no mockery, but of truth, if the pitiful Gods now a days did raise our predecessors from death to life, either they would not know us for their children, or else they would attach us for fools.  
These be things used in Rome, but thou sendest no word of that is used in Agripine. I will write nothing unto thee to put thee to pain: write to me some thing to rejoice me, if thy wi●e Dimisila chanced well of the float that came out of Cetin with salt, oil, and honey, I have well provided for her: Wilt thou know that Flodius our uncle was cast down by the rage of his horse, and is deceased. Laercia and Colliodorus are friends together by occasion of a marriage. I do send thee a Gun, I do pray to the gods to send thee joy thereof.  
My wife Faustine saluteth thee. Recommend me to jamiro thy son: The Gods have thee in keeping, and and sinister fortune be from me.  
Marcus thy friend, to thee Catullus his own.   

CHAP. VII. Marcus Aurelius writeth to the amorous Ladies of Rome.  
MArk Orator, reading in Rhodes the art of humanity, to you amorous Ladies of Rome, wisheth health to your persons, and amendment of your desired lives. It was written to me that at the Feast of the mother Berecinthia, all you being present together, made a play of me, in which you laid my life for an example, and slandered my Renown. It is told me that Auilina composed it, Lucia Fulvia wrote it, and thou Toringua did sing it, and you altogether into the Theatre did present it.  
You brought me forth painted in sundry forms, with a book in my hand turned contrary, as a feigned Philosopher, with a long tongue, as a bold speaker without measure: with a horn in my head as a common Cuckold, with a nettle in my hand, as a trembling lover, with a banner fallen down as a coward Captain: with my beard half shaven, as a feminate man, with a cloth before my eyes as a condemned fool: and yet not content with this, another day ye brought me forth portracted with another new devise: Ye made a figure of mine, with feet of straw, the legs of amber, the knees of wood, the thighs of brass, the belly of horn, the arms of pitch, the hands of mace, the head of iron: the ears of an Ass, the eyes of a Serpent, the hears of roots ●agged, the teeth of a cat, the tongue of a Scorpion, and the forehead of lead in which was written in two lines these letters, M. N. S. N. I. S. V. S. which in my opinion signifieth thus: This picture hath not so many metals as his life hath changes.  
This done, ye went to the river and tied it with the head downward a whole day, and if it had not been, for the good Lady Messelyne, I think it had been tied there till now.  
And now ye amorous Ladies, have written me a Letter by Fuluius Fabritius, which grieved me nothing but as an amorous man from the hands of Ladies I accept it as a mockery.  
And to the end I should have no leisure to think thereon, ye sent to demand a question of me, that is, if I have found in my books, of what, for what, from whence, when, for whom, and how women were first made.  
Because my condition is for to take mocks for mocks, and sith you do desire it, I will show it unto you. Your friends and mine have written to me, but especially your Ambassador Fuluius hath instantly required me so to do. I am aggrieved with nothing, and will hold my peace, saving to your letter only I will make answer.  
And sith there hath been none to ask the question, I protest to none but to you, amorous Ladies of Rome, I send my answer. And if an honest Lady will take the demand of you, it is a token that she doth envy the office that ye be of. For of a truth, that Lady which showeth herself annoyed with your pain openly, from henceforth I condemn her that she hath some fault in secret: They that be on the Stage, fear not the roaring of the Bull: they that be in the Dungeon fear not the shot of the Canon.  
I will say the woman of good life, feareth no man's slanderous tongue, The good Matrons may keep me for their perpetual servant, and the evil for their chief enemy. I answer.  
It is expedient you know of what the first women were made. I say that according to the diversities of Nations that are in the world, I find divers opinions in this case.  
The Egyptians say, that when the tiver Nilus broke, and overran the earth, there abode certain pieces of earth which cleaved together, and the Sun coming to them, created many wild beasts, amongst whom, was found the first woman. Note Ladies, it was necessary, that the flood Nilus should break out: so that the first woman might be made of earth.  
All creatures are nourished, and bred in the entrails of their mothers: except the Woman which was bred without a mother. And it seemeth most true, that without mothers you were borne: for without rule ye live, and with order ye die.  
Truly he that taketh upon him a great thing, & hath many cares in his mind, much to muse upon, needeth much counsel, needeth long experience, and aught to choose amongst many women, that thinketh to rule the only wife by reason.  
Be the beasts never so wild, at length the Lion is ruled by his keeper, the Bull is enclosed in his Park, the Horse ruled by the bridle, the little hook catcheth the fish, the Ox contented to yield to the yoke: only a woman is a beast, which will never be tamed, she never loseth her boldness of commanding, nor by any bridle will be commanded, The Gods have made men as men, and beasts as beasts, and man's understanding very high, and his strength of great force: yet there is nothing, be it of never so great strength and power that can escape a woman, either with sleight or might.  
But I say unto you amorous Ladies, there is neither spur can make you go, rain that can hold you back, bridle that can refrain you, neither fish-hooke, nor Net that can take you: and to conclude, there is no Law can subdue you, nor shame restrain you, nor fear abash you, nor chastisement can amend you.  
O to what great peril and danger putteth be himself unto, that thinketh to rule and correct you: For if you take an opinion, the whole world cannot remove: who warneth you of any thing, ye never believe him. If they give you good counsel, you take it not: if one threaten you, you strait complain. If one pray you, then are you proud: if they rejoice not in you, then are you spiteful: If one do forbear you, then are you bold, if one chastise you, strait you become serpents.  
Finally, a Woman will never forget an injury, not be thankful for a benefit received. Now a days the most simplest of all Women will swear that they do know less than they do: But I do swear, which of them that knoweth least, knoweth more evil than all men: and of a truth the wisest man shall fail in their wisdom.  
Will ye know my Ladies, how little you understand, and how much you be ignorant? that is in matters of great importance ye determine rashly, as if you had studied on it a thousand years: if any resist your counsel, you hold him for a mortal enemy: hardy is that woman that dare give counsel to a a man, and he more bold that taketh it of a woman: but I return and say, that he is a fool which taketh it, and he is a fool that asketh it, but he is most fool that fulfilleth it.  
My opinion is, that he which will not stumble amongst such hard stones, nor prick himself amongst such thorns; nor sting him with so many Nettles: let him hearken what I say, and do as he shall see, speak well, and work evil. In promising, avow much: but in performing, accomplish little. Finally allow your words, and condemn your counsels.  
If we could demand of famous men which are dead, how they liked in their life time the counsels of Women? I am sure they would not rise again to believe them, nor to be revived to hear them.  
How was that famous King Philip with Olympia, Paris with Helen, Alexander with Rosana, Aeneas with Dido, Hercules with Deianeira, Hannibal with Tamira, Antony with Cleopatra, julius with Domitian, Nero with Agrippina? And if you will believe what they suffered with them, ask of me unhappy man what I suffer amongst you?  
Oh ye Women, when I remember that I was borne of you, I loath my mylife: and thinking how I live with you, I wish and desire my death. For there is no such death or torment, as to have to do with you: and on the contrary, no such life, as to fly away from you.  
It is a common saying among Women, that men be very unthankful, because we were bred in your entrails: We order you as servants. Ye say for that ye brought us forth with peril, & nourished us with travel, it is reason that we should always employ us to serve you. I have bethoght me divers times with myself, from whence the desires that man hath unto Women cometh?  
There are no Eyes, but aught to weep, no heart but should break, nor spirit but aught to wail, to see a wise man lost by a foolish woman.  
The foolish Lover passeth the day time to content his eye, and the dark-night he spendeth in tormenting of himself with fond thoughts: one day in hearing tidings another day in doing services.  
Sometimes in liking the darkness, and sometimes in loathing of the light, being in company, and solitary liveth: And finally, the poor Lover may that he will not, and would that he may not.  
Moreover, the counsel of his friends availeth him nothing, nor the infamy of his enemies, not the loss of goods, and the adventure of honour, the losing of his life, nor the seeking of his death, neither coming near, nor flying far, nor seeing with his eyes, nor hearing with his ears, nor tasting with his mouth, nor feeling with his hand: and to conclude, to get victory, he is always at strife and war with himself. Then I would ye lovers knew, from whence your Love doth come, it is thus:  
The entrails whereof we are bred be Flesh, the breasts that we sucked are flesh, the arms wherein we be fastued be of flesh, the thoughts which we think be fleshly, the works which we do are fleshly, the men with whom we live are of flesh, and the wonder for whom we die are flesh.  
By which occasion cometh, the reverting of our flesh to flesh, many free hearted are entangled with these snares of love.  
It seemeth well (my Ladies) that ye were engendered in puddles, as before is mentioned of the Egyptians: the puddles have no clear waters to drink, nor fruit to be eaten, nor Fish to be taken, nor yet ship to sail in.  
My meaning is, that in your lives ye be filthy, and your persons without shame in adversity, weak and feeble in prosperity, full of deceit and guile, false in your words, and deceitful in your doings, in hating without measure, in love extreme, in gifts covetous, in taking unshamefast: and finally, I say ye are the ground of fear, in whom the Wise men find peril, and the simple men suffer injury.  
In you, the wise men hold their renown slandered, and the simple men their life in penury. Let us omit the opinion of the Egyptians, and come to the greeks, which say, that in the deserts of Arabia, the Sun shineth hottest: and at the beginning there was found one Woman, with one bird called the Phoenix, which bird was created on the Water, and the woman engendered by the great heat of the Sun, and of the powder of trees in this wise.  
There was a tree sore eaten with worms, and upon a time a blast of Lightning set it on fire, and burned it: so as among the ashes of that rotten tree, the first woman was made and found.  
Although I be a Roman Philosopher, yet can I not disallow the opinion of the Greek Philosopher. Of a truth ' ye amorous Dames, you have your tongues of the nature of fire, and your conditions like the powder of a rotten tree.  
According to the diversity of Beasts, so Nature hath in divers parts of the body placed their strength: as the Eagle in her bill: the Unicorn in the horn, the Serpent in the tail: the Bull in the head, the Bear in his paws, the horse in the breast, the dog in the teeth, the Boar in the tusk: the Doves in the wings, and the women in their tongues. For of a truth, the flight of their love is not so high, as the fantasy of your foolishness is vain: the cat scratcheth not so sore with her nails, as ye do scratch the foolish men with your importunities.  
The dog hurteth him not so much that he runneth after, as ye do the sorrowful Lover that serveth you: the life of him is not in so much danger that catcheth the Bull by the horns as is the fame of him that falleth into your hands.  
To conclude, the Serpent hath not so much poison in his tail, as ye have in your tongues. I accept the Roman Ladies apart, for there are many very noble, whose lives are not touched with complaint, nor good fames had in suspect. Of such, neither my Letter speaketh aught, nor my pen writeth: but of those women I speak that be such, as all the venomous beasts in the world have not so much poison in their bodies, as one of those have in their tongues. And sith the Gods have commanded, and our fate doth permit, that the life of men cannot pass without women: I advise the youth, and beseech the aged: I wake the wise, and instruct the simple, to shun women of evil name, more than the common pestilence. Reading the ancient Laws of Plato, I find written this. We command that all women openly defamed, be openly banished the City, to the intent that others seeing the sin punished, may abhor the same, for fear to fall in the like pain. The same Law said further, We command that they pardon a woman for all her faults she committeth boldly, in case ye see amendment likewise in her: but we will that no fault be pardoned, committed by the tongue, For actual sin done, is the frailty of nature, the tongue only of malice. O divine Plato, Master, and measure of all knowledge and science, and prince of all philosophers: when thou in the golden world madest such Laws: In which time there was such scarcity of those women which were evil, and so great plenty of them that were good: In this case what should we do now in Rome, where there be so many evil openly, and none good in secret?  
Women ought naturally to be shamefast in their face, temperate in their words, wise of wit, sober in their going, honest in their conversation, pitiful in their correction, wary in their living, avoiding companies, faithful in their promises, constant in their love.  
Finally, she that will be counted honest, let her not trust to the wisdom of the Worldly-pretended-wise: nor commit her Fame unto the wanton youth: Let every wise woman take heed what he is that promiseth her aught. For after the flames of Venus be set on fire, and Cupid shot his arrows, the Rich offereth all that he hath, and the poor all that he may. The wise man will ever be her friend, and the simpleman, for ever her servant.  
The wise man will lose his life for her, and the simple will accept his death for her. The old men say, they will be friends to their friends: and the young men will say, he will be enemy to their enemies. The aged promising to pay her debts, the other to revenge her jniuries. Finally, the one because to hide their poverty, and the other to publish their beauty, lead these fools losing their lives, and bringing their fame to end. I will leave to speak of the good Women, for I mind not to charge them with aught.  
I ask you amorous Ladies, if Plato was amongst you, when ye made a play of my life, and drew my picture about Rome? No surely, for that I see in your act now: I do suspect that to be true, which hath been said of others, for there are few in Rome that execute the pains of Plato's Law.  
One thing ye cannot deny: if I were the worst of all men, at the last ye see the end of my transgressing: but this you cannot deny, that she which is least evil of all you, the naughtiness of her life, I could not sufficiently set out in my life.  
It is great peril to wise women to be neighboured with fools, it is great peril to the shamefast to be with the shameless: it is great peril to the chaste to be with the adulterers: great peril it is for the honourable to be with the defamed: For there is no slandered woman but thinketh every one defamed, or at the least is desirous to have them so, procureth to have them slandered, or saith they be infamed. And in the end to hide their infamy, they slander all the good.  
It is long sith I knew you amorous Ladies, and you me. If I speak, I speak: if you know, I know. If ye hold your peace, I am still: if ye speak openly, I will not talk in secret.  
Thou knowest well Auilina, thou didst compass the jest of me, that Eumedes sold Calves de●rer in the Butchery, than thou didst innocent Virgins in thy house.  
And thou Toringa knowest well, that before me thou couldst not recount all thy Lovers on thy fingers, but didst desire to have a bushel of peason.  
Thou knowest well Lyvia Fulvia, when thou wert (thou knowest with whom) at Bretus, we made agreement with thy husband, thou tookest him aside and sayedst: Unless I may lie out of my house one Night in a week, thou shalt not lie quietly in thy house: Thou knowest well Rotoria, that in thy youth thou wert two years on the Sea, and didst compound with the pirate, that no woman should serve the 100 soldiers, but thou alone in a galley.  
Thou knowest right well Enna Curtia that when the Censor came to take thee, he found v. men's apparel, the which thou ware in the night season and but one woman's attire, wherewith thou wert clothed in the dayetime.  
Thou knowest well Pesilana Fabricia, that Alluines', Metelles, and thou being married, demanded openly what thou hadst gotten in his house with thy friends in secret: Thou knowest well Camilla, not being content with thy own Country folk, thou hadst such resort and haunt of strangers to thee, that thou canst speak all languages.  
I will mark them that have marked me, hurt them that have hurted me, persecute them that have persecuted me, defame them that have slandered me, all other my pen pardoneth, for that they pardoned me in their play. Because my letter begun with that ye did to my person: therefore I will end it, with that it knoweth of your good names.  
And thus I conclude, that a man may escape from all dangers in shunning them: but from women, there is no way but to fly from them.  
Thus I end, and beseech the gods that I may see of you that which you would see of me: and sith ye be lovers, I counsel you, as you have sent me the play in a mockery, even so receive my answer.  
Mark now the Rhodian, to the amorous Ladies of Rome.   

CHAP. VIII. Of a Letter sent by Marcus Aurelius to his love Boemia, for that she desired to go with him to the wars.  
MArcus the Roman Praetor, being in the wars of Dacia, sendeth health to his loving Boemia, remaining in the pleasures of Rome. Escaping from a cruel battle, thy few lines I read and understood thy large information. I let thee know thou hast astonished me more, than mine enemies have feared me, and taking thy letter in my hands, the herb of malice entered into my heart. When I temper my body with the delights, I think my heart free from the venom of thy amours: sith I of my will, and thou for want of power hath given us to be free of our pleasures. I think as well to make a divorce of our sorrows: But ye be such, yea such I say, as are the banishments of love, and the treasure of griefs.  
The love of you all aught to be digested with pills, but the passion of one of you will not be oppressed, with all the rhubarb in Alexandria, Ye show yourselves cruel to pardon an enemy, and ever lightly you change your friends. I have curiously made search, whilst delight governed my youth: yet could I never see in a woman steadfastness, nor reason in their love, nor end in their hate. The present wantonness quarreleth with my youth passed, because thou seest not in me the ancient good will towards thee, nor the present service.  
And certainly hearing thy accusation, and not my justification: thou mightest pay me as justly with death, as I pay thee with forgetfulness: The which forgetfulness ought to be as strange in him that serveth, as ingratitude in the Lady that is served: thinkest thou that I have forgotten the law of Venus? when I commanded that the curious Lovers should exercise their strength in chivalry, and occupy their hearts in love? and more it willeth a man to wear his clothes cleanly, their feet right, their bodies constant, their voice soft and humble, demure and modest of cheer: they ought to have eyes open, always looking up to the Windows, and their hearts ready to fly into the air: For a truth, my friend Boemia, he is a gross lover that hath his will in captivity, and his judgement free. The judgement is of no value, where the will is in thraldom. This I say, that thou mayest know, though my age hath left the exercise: yet my understanding hath not forgot the art: Thou complainest because I give myself unto much quiet, and that I have forgotten thee. I will not deny the truth, the day of my forgetting maketh thee privy of my thoughts.  
And reason the Overseer declareth that it is not requisite for my gravity to permit I should love: nor in thy age to suffer to be beloved. The world doth dissemble many things in youth: which in age meriteth grievous corrections. The wanton toys of youth proceed of ignorance, but the villainies done in age grow of malice.  
When I walked in the nights, I jetted the streets, I sang ballads, I gazed to the Windows: I played on the Gitiornes: I scaled the walls: I wakened the youth.  
Thinkest thou that I win what I did in my youth? but sithence I see myself bereaved of all my wont wanton toys, and polished with so many white hairs, clad with so many sorrows: either I think now I was not then, or else I dream now, not knowing the way I stray in, nor seeing that stony way ready to stumble in.  
Unwittingly I have fallen into the stairs, not foreseeing the Whirlpool: guideless I entered, in the rashness of my youth I lost me: for the which I ask pardon. And now that I am out of the briars, thou wouldest have me further in, then ever I was.  
Now that I cannot take the purgations, thou offerest to me the sirropes. I have awaked all night, and now thou givest me a fresh alarm. By our ancient friendship I pray thee, and by the Gods I conjure thee, that since my heart is rebel to thy will, that thy doubtful will do suffer, and let alone my will out of doubt. And because thou shouldest not think any ingratitude in my white hairs, as I may in thy young wanton person. I will that we account that we have gotten, and that we hope to get. Tell me what cometh of these vain pleasures? the time evil spent, the fame in way of perdition, the goods consumed, the credit lost, the gods offended, the virtuous slandered: from whence we get the names of bruit beasts, and surnames of shame: Such be ye and others.  
Thou writest in thy Letter, how thou wouldst willingly leave Rome, & come to see me in the Wars of Dacia.  
Considering thy folly, I laugh, but knowing thy boldness I believe thee. And when I think on this I turn to my bosom, and peruse thy seal: doubting whether the Letter were thine or not. The veins of my heart do change, my colour doth turn, imagining that either shame hath utterly forsaken thee, or else gravity hath wholly abandoned me: for such lightness should not be believed, but of the like persons.  
Thou knowest well he that doth evil, deserveth punishment sooner than he that doth infamy. I would ask thee whether thou wilt go? thou suffered'st to be cut as a sour grape, and now thou wouldst be sold for good wine? thou camest in with Cherries and yet wouldst remain as quinces. We have eaten thee in blossoms, and thou wilt be like the fruit? the nuts be pleasant, but the shells be hard. By dung thou wert made ripe in thy youth, and thou thinkest to be in still. Thou art nought else but rotten. And if thou be rotten, thou art to be abhorred. Thou art not content with forty years which thou hast whereof 25. thou didst pass in taste, like to sweet wine that is sold, or like the Melons that be ripe and mellow.  
Art not thou that Boemia which lacketh two teeth before? are not thine eyes sunken into thy head? thy hairs whiter, the flesh wrinkled, and thy hand perished with the gout, and one rib marred with childbearing? Whether dost thou desire to go? put thyself then in a barrel, and cast it into the River, so shalt thou become pure and white.  
We have eaten the fresh fish, and now thou wouldst bring hither the stinking salt fish. O Boemia, Boemia, in this case I see no trust in youth, nor hope in age: For under this thy hored age there is hid the pangs of frail youth. Thou complainest that thou hast nothing: it is an old quarrel of the ancient amorous Ladies in Rome, that taking all things, they say they have left them nothing. The cause thereofis, where you do lack credit, there you would have it accomplished with money.  
Believe me loving friend, the foolish estate of unlawful gaming, both giveth an unsure estate, and also an evil fame to the person. I know not how thou art so wasteful, for if I pulled off my rings with the one hand, thou pickedst my purse with the other: greater wars hadst thou then with my Coffers, than I have now with my enemies.  
I never had jewel, but thou demaundedst it of me, and thou never askedst me thing that I denied thee I find and bewail now in my age the high parts of my youth. Of travel & poverty thou complainest, I am he that hath great need of the medicine for this oppilation, and plasters for the son, and cold water for such a burning fever.  
Dost thou not well remember, how I did banish my necessity into the land of forgetfulness, and placed thy good will for the request of my service? in the winter I went naked, and in the summer loaded with clothes. In the mire I went on foot, and road in the fair way. When I was sad I laughed, when I was glad I wept. Being afraid I drew out my strength, and out of strength cowardness. The night with sighs, and days in wailing I consumed.  
When thou hadst need of any thing, I rob my father for it. Tell me Boemia, with whom didst thou fulfil thine open follies, but with the misorders that I did in secret? Think you what I think of the amorous Ladies in Rome: that ye be moths in old garments, a pastime for light persons, a treasure of fools, and the sepulchers of vices. This that seemeth to me is, that in thy youth every man gave to thee, for that thou shouldest give to every one? now thou givest thyself to every man, because every one should give them to thee. Thou tellest me that thou hast two sons and lackest help for them.  
Give thanks to the gods for the mercy they showed thee. To xv. Children of Fabritius my neighbour, they gave but one Father: and to thine only two sons, they have given fifteen Fathers. Wherefore divide them to their Fathers, and every one shall be well provided for. Lucia thy daughter indeed, and mine by suspect, remember that I have done more in marrying of her, than thou didst in bringing her forth: For in the getting of her, thou called'st many: but to marry her, I did it alone. Very little I write thee, in respect of that I would write.  
Butrio Cornely hath spoken much to me on thy behalf, and he shall say as much to thee on my part. It is long ago sithence I knew thy impatience: I know well thou wilt send me another more malicious.  
I pray thee, since I write to thee in secret, discover me not openly: and when thou readest this, remember what occasion thou hast given me to write thus.  
Although we be fallen out, yet I will send thee money. I send thee a gown, and the Gods be with thee Boemia, and send me from this war with peace.  
Mark praetor in Daeia, to Boemia his Lover, and ancient friend in Rome.   

CHAP. IX. The answer of Boemia, to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, wherein is expressed the great malice, and little patience of an evil woman.  
BOemia thy ancient Lover, to thee Mark of Mount Celio her natural enemy, desireth vengeance of thy person, and evil fortune during thy life I have received thy letter, and thereby perceive thy spiteful intents, and thy cruel malices. Such naughty persons as thou art, have this privilege, that sith one doth suffer your villainies in secret, you will hurt them openly: but thou shalt not do so with me Mark, Although I am not treasuresse of thy good: yet at the least I am of thy naughtiness: All that I cannot revenge with my person, I will not spare to do it with my tongue. And though we women for weakness sake, are easily overcome in person, yet know thou that our hearts are invincible.  
Thou sayest, escaping from a battle, thou rceivedst my Letter, whereof thou wast sore aghast. It is a common thing to them that be slothful to speak of love, for fools to treat of books, and for Cowards to blaze of Arms: I say it because the answer of a Letter was not needful, to rehearse to a woman whether it was before the battle, or after. I think well thou hast escaped it, for thou wert not the first that fought, nor the last that fled. I never saw thee go to the iwarre in thy youth, that ever I was fearful of thy life: for knowing thy cowardliness, I never took care for thy absence, I always judged thy person safe. Then tell me Mark, what dost thou now in thy age? I think thou carriest thy lance, not to serve thy turn in thy war, but to lean on, when the gout taketh thee. The headpiece, I judge thou hast not to defend thee from the strokes of swords, but to drink withal in taverns.  
I never saw thee strike any man with thy sword, but I have seen thee kill a thousand women with thy tongue. O malicious Mark, if thou wert as valiant as thou art spiteful, thou shouldest be no less feared among the barbarous nations than thou art abhorred (with good reason) amongst the Romans. Tell me what thou list, but thou canst not deny? but both thou hast been, and art a slack lover, a cowardly knight, an unknown friend avaricious, infamed, an enemy to all men, and friend to none.  
Moreover, we knew thee a light young man, condemn thee now for an old doting fool. Thou sayest that taking my letter into thy hands, forthwith thy heart received the herb of malice.  
I believe thee well unsworne: for any thing touching malice, doth strait find harbour in thy breast: the beasts corrupted do take poison, which the sound, and of good complexion refuseth, Of one thing I am sure, thou shalt not die of poison: For seldom times one poison hurteth another: but it driveth out the other. O malicious Mark, if all they in Rome knew thee, as well as the unhappy Boemia doth: they should see how much the words that thou speakest, differ from the intention of thy hart. And as by the books thou makest, thou meritest the name of a Philosopher, even so, for the illness thou inventest, thou dost deserve the name of a Tyrant. Thou sayest, thou never sawest constancy in a Woman's love, nor end in her hate. I joy not a little, that other Ladies in Rome as well as I, do know thy small wisdom.  
Behold Mark, I will not mock thee: for thou art such a one as never deserved that one should begin to love, nor end to hate. Wilt thou have stability in love, and thou unthankful of thy service, wilt thou serve in mockery, and be beloved faithfully? wilt thou enjoy the person without spending any of thy goods? wilt thou have no complaints on thee, and thou ceasest not thy malice?: Thou knowest the ill of women: I will that thou know, that we be not so foolish as ye suppose us to be: nor thou so wise, as thou praisest thyself to be.  
Hitherto we have seen more men follow the desire of women, than women have liked to follow men. I have seen a thousand times, yea and thou thyself, that one man hath not so mighty a heart as to overcome three wise women, and one woman holdeth herself strong enough to subdue three hundred light persons. Thou sayest thou art ashamed of my lightness, to see me forsake Rome, and come to thee into the wars.  
Great is the love of the Country and many leave much goods which they have in strange lands, to live poorly in their own: but greater is thy love, sith I would leave Rome with the delights therein, and come to seek thee in strange lands among the rude soldiers.  
O malicious Mark, O strange friend, if I leave Rome, it were to go seek my heart, which is with thee in the wars. And certainly oftentimes when I think of thy absence, I fall into a swound, as one that had no hart: but I never find remedy. I think our love is not like to these beasts, which have their minds only upon sensual pleasures, without the conjoining of the loving hearts.  
I swear to thee by the goddess Vesta, and the mother Berecinthia, that thou owest more to me for the love I have borne to thee in one day, then for the service I have done to thee in 22. years▪  
Behold, unhappy Mark, how much and dearly I loved thee. In thy presence I always beheld thee, and absent I always thought of thee: sleeping I dreamt on thee, I have wept for thy sorrows, and laughed at thy pleasures: and finally, all my wealth I wished thee, and all thy misfortunes I took as mine.  
I assure thee of one thing, that I feel not so much the persecution thou hast done me, as I do the wailing forgetfulness thou showest unto me. It is a great grief to a covetous man to lose his goods, but without comparison it is a greater torment for the Lover to see his evil bestowed, It is a hurt that is always sore, and a pain always painful, a sorrow always sorrowful, and it is a death that never endeth.  
Oh if men knew how dearly and faithfully women do love, when they are bend to love: and with what malicious hart they hate, being set to hate: I swear unto you, ye would never company with them in love: or if ye did love them, ye would never leave, for fear of their hate. And as there is never great hate, but where there was first much love: even so, thou shalt never be greatly hated, for that thou wert never truly beloved of the ladies.  
The sorrowful Boemia hath loved thee xxii. years of her life: and now she hateth thee till after her death. Thou sayest I may be eaten for vertivyce: and yet would be sold for wine.  
I know I have erred, as one both young and light: and when I found me to stray out of the way, I was too far gone, and my mishap could no other way, nor remedy.  
It is a great loss of all losses when there is no remedy. I have offended as a weak and frail woman, but thou as a man strong. I erred by simple ignorance, but thou of a purposed and wilful malice. I sinned not, knowing that I did amiss: but thou knowest what thou didst.  
I gave ear and credit unto thy words as a faithful Knight, and thou betrayd'st me with a thousand Lies, and protestations, as a common liar.  
Tell me, didst not thou seek occasion to come into my mother Getuliaes' house, to entice me her daughter Boemia, to thy mind?  
Didst thou not promise my Father, to teach me to read in one year: and readdest me ovid, of the art of Love? Didst not thou swear to marry me, and after withdrew thy hand as a false Adulterer? Didst thou not know that thou never foundest in my person any villainy, nor in thy mouth any truth?  
At the least thou canst not deny, but thou hast offended the Gods, thou art defamed amongst men, odious to the romans, a slanderer of the good folks, an Example to the ill, and finally a Traitor to my Father, a breaker of thy faith to my mother, and to me the unhapy Boemia, an unkind lover.  
Oh malicious Mark, hast thou not cut me in leaves, offering to my father to keep his vines safe? Evil may the chicken trust the Kite, or the Lambs the wolf, or the Doves the Falcon, but thou art worse, to bring up the daughters of good men.  
Oh cursed Mark, a hurtful keeper of vines hath the matron of Rome found thee, in keeping their Daughters. I swear, that there was neither grape or cluster, but it was either eaten, or gathered by thee. Thou didst cut me green, for the which I promise thee, it hath set thy teeth on edge. Thou sayst I was riped by power of heat & straw.  
It grieveth me not so much that thou sayest it, as that thou givest me occasion to say unto thee, thy shame is so shameless, and thy evil so malicious, that I cannot make answer to thy purpose, unless I rub thee on the quick.  
I ask thee when thou marryedst Faustine, whether thou foundest them green or ripe? thou knowest well, and so do I also, that others gauged the vessel and thou drankest the Lees: others had the meat, and thou the husks: others did eat them being green, and with the refuge set thy teeth on edge.  
Oh cursed Mark: behold how great thy evils are, and how the gods have justly punished thee: that being young couldst not deserve to be beloved ●f thy Zovers: nor yet now in thy Age, thy wife keep her faith to thee. For me to be revenged of thy person, I need no more but to see thee married to Faustine.  
By the Mother Berecynthia, I promise thee, that if thy small wisdom might attain to know at the full, what they say of thee, and her in Rome: thou wouldst weep both day and night, for the life of Faustine, and not leave the woeful Boemia.  
Oh Mark, little care is taken for thee, and how far is our understanding uncoupled from thy thoughts? For through thy great Learning, thy house in the day time is a school of philosophers, and the wantonness of thy wife Faustine in the night, maketh it a receit of Ruffians.  
It is a just judgement of the gods, sith that thy malice only sufficeth to poison many that be good, the evilness only of one woman, shallbe enough to spoil & take away thy good renown,  
One difference there is between thee and me, & thy Faustine, which is: that my facts are in suspect, & yours done in deed: mine be secret, but yours known openly. I have but stumbled, but ye have fallen. For one only fault I deserve punishment: but you deserve pardon for none. My dishonour died with my fact, and is buried with my amendment: but your infamy is borne with your desires, nourished with your malices, and still with your works. Finally, your infamy shall never die, for you lived never well.  
Oh Mark malicious, with all that thou knowest: dost thou not know that to die well, doth cover an evil fame, and to make an end of an evil life, doth begin a good fame?  
Thou ceasest not to say evil only of suspect, which thy false judgements giveth: and yet wouldst thou we should conceal that we see with our eyes? Of one thing I am sure, that neither of thee, nor of Faustine, there are, or have been any false witnesses. For there are so many true evils, that there needeth no Lies to be invented.  
Thou sayest it is an old custom, with the amorous Ladies in Rome, though they take it of many, yet they are the poorest of all, because we want credit, we are honoured for silver: It is most certain, that of holly we look for pricks, of acorns husks, of nettles stinging, and of thy mouth malices. I have seriously noted: I never heard thee say well of any, nor I never knew any that would thee good.  
What greater punishment can I desire for thy wickednenes, nor more vengeance for my injuries, then to see all the amorons Ladies of Rome discontented with thyself, and joy to think on thy death, cursed is the man whose life many do bewail, and in whose death every one doth rejoice. It is the property of such unthankful wretches as thou art to forget the great good done to them, and to repent the little they give.  
How much the noble hearts do rejoice in giving to other: so much they are ashamed to take service unrewarded. For, in giving they are lords, and in taking they become slaves.  
I ask what it is thou hast given me, or what thou hast received of me? I have adventured my good Fame, and given thee possession of my person: I have made thee lord of me and mine: I banished me from my country, I have put in peril my life. In recompense of this, thou dost detect me of misery. Thou never gavest me aught with thy heart, nor I took it with good will, nor it ever did me profit.  
As all things recover a name, not for the works we openly see, but for the secret intention with which we work: Even, so thou unhappy man desirest me, not to enjoy my person, but rather to have my money.  
We ought not to call thee a clear Lover, but rather a Thief, and a wily person. I had a little Ring of thine, I mind to throw it into the river: and a gown thou gavest me, which I have burnt. And if I thought my body were increased with that Bread I did eat of thine: I would cut my flesh being whole, and let out my blood without fear.  
Oh malicious Mark; thy obscured malice will not suffer thee to understand my clear letter. For I sent not unto thee to ask money, to relieve my poverty and solitariness: but only to acknowledge and satisfy my willing hart. Such vain and covetous men as thou, are contented with gifts, but the heart's incarnate in love, are not satisfied with a little money.  
For Zove is rewarded always with love. The man that loveth not as a man of reason, but like a brute beast, and the woman that loveth not where she is beloved, but only for the gain of her body: Such ought not to be credited in words, nor their personages to be honoured.  
For the love of her, ends when their goods faileth, and his love when her beauty decayeth. If the beauty of my face did procure thy love, and thy riches only alured my good will: it is right that we should not be called wise Lovers, but rather foolish persons.  
O cursed Mark, I never loved thee for thy goods, although thou likedest me for that I was fair. Thou sayedst the Gods used great pity on me, to give me few children, and them many Fathers, The greatest fault in women is shameless, and the greatest villainy in men is to be evil sayers.  
divers things ought to be borne in the weakness of women, which in the wisdom of men are not permitted. I say this, for that I never saw in thee temperance, to cloak thine own maliciousness, nor wisdom to shadow the debility of others. Then I loved with my hart, and now I abhor thee with all my heart.  
Thou sayest my Children have many Fathers: but I swear unto thee, that the children of Faustine shall not be fatherless although thou die. And if the Gods as thou sayest have been pitiful to my Children, no less art thou unto strange children. For Faustine keepeth thee but to excuse her faults, and to be tutor to her Children.  
Oh cursed Mark, thou needest not to take thought, for thy children have no need to be married. For one thing we are bound to thee, that is: the example of thy patience: for since thou sufferest Faustine in so many open infamyes, it is no great need we suffer any secrets in thee.  
For this present I say no more, I end my Letter, desiring shortly to see the end of thy life.   

CHAP. X. ¶ Marcus Aurelius writeth to the Lady Macrine the Roman, of whom, (beholding her at a window) he became enamoured. Which declareth what force the beauty of a fair woman hath in weak man.  
Mark, the very desirous, to the Lady Macrine greatly desired. I know not well whither by evil chance, or by hap of my good adventure: not long ago I saw thee at a window, where thou hadst thy arms as close, is I mine Eyes displayed, that cursed be they for ever: for, in beholding thy Face, forthwith my heart abode with thee as prisoner. The beginning of thy knowledge, is the end of my reason, and falling in: shunning one evil, come infinite travels unto men.  
I say it for this, if I had not been idle, I had not gone out of my house: and not gone out of my house? I had not passed by the street. And not going through the street, I had not not seen thee at the window: and not seeing thee at the window, I had not desired thy person, and not desiring thy person, I had not put thy fame in so great peril, nor my life in doubt: nor we had given no occasion to Rome to speak of us. For of truth Lady Macrine, in this case I condemn myself: For very willingly I did behold thee. I did not salute thee, though thou desiredst to be seen. Sith thou wert set up as a white, it is no marell though I shot at thee with the arrows of mine eyes, at the butt of thy beauty, with thy rolling Eyes, with thy brows bend, well coloured Face, incarnate Teeth, ruddy lips, courled hair, hands set with Rings, clothed with a thousand manner of colours, having purses full of sweet savours: the Bracelets, and ear-rings, full of pearls and preciousstones.  
Tell me what this meaneth? The most that I can think of this is: sith you show us your bodies openly, ye would we should know your desires in secret. And if it be so, as I believe it is: it seemeth to me Lady Macrine, thou oughtest to love him that liketh thee, to inform him that seeketh thee: to answer him that calleth thee: to feel him that feeleth thee: and to understand him that understandeth thee: And sith thou understandest me, I do understand thee, and understand that thou knowest not.  
I do well remember as I went by the street solitarily, to see two thieves put to death, mine eyes glancing saw thee at a window: on whom dependeth all my desires.  
More justice thou dost to me, than I to the thieves: For I being at justice, thou hast iusticed the justice, and none dare pain thee. The gallows is not so cruel to them which never knew but doing evil: as thou art to me, which never thought other but only to serve thee.  
They suffer but one death, and thou makest me suffer a thousand: They in one day and one hour end their lives, and I each minute do feel the pangs of death. They died guilty, but I innocently. They died openly, and I in secret.  
What wilt thou that I say more unto thee? They wept for that they died, and I weep daily tears of blood from my heart, for that I live. This is the difference, their torments spreadeth abroad through all their body, and I keep mine together, in my hart.  
O cruel Macrine, I know not what justice this is, that they kill men for robbing and stealing from many? and suffer women to live, which steal men's hearts?  
If they take the lives from them that pick purses: why then do they suffer Ladies, which rob our entrails? By thy Nobleness I pray thee, and by the Goddess Venus I Conjure thee, either satisfy my desire, or restore me to my heart, which thou hast robbed from me.  
I would thou shouldst know Lady Macrine, the clear intention of my heart, rather than this Letter written with my hand. If my hap were so good, as thy Love would permit me to speak with thee, I would hope by sight and speech to win that, which I am in suspect by my Letter to lose.  
The reason whereof is, because thou shalt read my rude reasons in this letter, and if thou sawest me, thou shouldest see the bitter tears which I would offer to thee, in this my unhappy life.  
Oh that my mouth could publish my cruel pains, as my heart feeleth them. I swear unto thee Lady Macrine, that my woeful plaints would stir up thy small care, and as thy beauty hath made thee thine own, so the true knowledge of thy griefs, should make thee mine. I desire thou wouldst regard the beginning: and therewith note the end.  
For of truth, the same day that thou imprisonedst my hart at the window, in the dungeon of my desires, I had no less weakness to overcome, than thou hadst strength to enforce me: and greater was thy power to take me from myself, than my reason was to put me from thee.  
Now lady Macrine, I do not ask other mercy of thee, but that we may declare our minds together. But in this case, what wilt thou I say unto thee? but that thou hast so much power over me, and I so little of my liberty: that though I would not, my heart must needs be thine: and that being thine, thou wilt show thyself to be mine. And sith it may not be, but that my life must be condemned in thy service: be thou as sure of my Faith, as I am doubtful of thy goodwill. For, I shall have a greater honour to be lost for thy sake, then to win any other Treasure. I have no more to say unto thee now, but that thou have respect to my perdition: and to draw life out of my death, and turn my tears to joy.  
And because I hold my Faith, and will never despair in thy hope, I send thee x. little rings of gold, with x. rings of Alexandria: and by the immortal Gods I conjure thee, that when thou puttest them on thy fingers, thou receivest my Love into thy heart.  
Marcus thy Lover, wrote this with his own hand.   

CHAP. XI. ¶ Of an other Letter, which the Emperor sent to the Lady Macrine: wherein he expresseth the Fiery-flames, which soon consume the gentle-hearts.  
Mark thy neighbour at Rome, to thee Macrine his sweet enemy; I call thee Sweet for it is just, I die for thee: and enemy, because thou ceasest not to kill me. I cannot tell how it is, but sith the feast of janus hitherto I have written three letters unto thee, in the answer whereof I would have been contented to have received but two from thee. If I would serve thee, thou wilt not be served: If I speak to thee, thou wilt not answer me If I behold thee, thou wilt not look at me: if I call thee thou will not answer me: if I visit thee, thou wilt not see me: if I write unto thee, thou wilt make no answer: And the worst of all is, if others do show thee of my griefs, thou takest it as a mockery.  
Oh that I had so much knowledge where to complain to thee, as thou hast power to ease my plaint: then my wisdom should be no less praised amongst the wise, than thy beauty among the fools. I beseech thee heartily not to have respect to the rudeness of my reasons, but regard the faith of my tears, which I offer to thee, as a witness of my will.  
I know not what profit may come by my harm: nor what gain of my loss thou mayest hope to have, nor what surety of my peril thou mayst attain: nor what pleasure of my pain thou mayest have?  
I had answer by my messenger, that without reading my Letters, with thine own hands thou didst rend them in pieces: it ought to suffice to think how many persons are tormented. If it had pleased you Lady Macrine, to have read these few lines, you should have perceived, how I am inwardly tormented.  
Ye women be very extreme: and for the misadventure of one man, a woman will complain of all men in general. So ye all show cruelty for one particular cause: openly ye pardon all men's lives, and secretly ye procure death to all. I account it nothing Lady Macrine, that thou hast done, but I lament that which thou causest thy Neighbour Valerius to say to me.  
One thing I would thou shouldest remember, and not forget, That is: Sith my liberty is so small, and thy power so great, that being wholly mine, am turned to be thine: the more injury thou dost to me, the more thou hurtest thyself, since by thee I die, as thou by me dost live. In this perverse opinion abide not, so mayst thou hazard the life of us both. Thou burist thy good name, and destroyest my health, in the end thou must come to the same Physic Pardon me Lady Macrine, if I say aught that may offend thee. I know ye women desire one thing greatly: that is, to have sovereignty of us, and yet not seem so much as by thought to wish the same. Thou hadst the fame of a gentle nature, though indeed thou wert not so: yet thou hadst the fame thereof, and an ancient good name ought not to be lost with a new unkindness. Thou knowest how contrary ingratitude is to virtue, in a virtuous house. Thou canst not be called virtuous, but if thou be courteous. There is no greater ingratitude, than not to love again.  
Though I visit thee, and thou not me, it is nothing: though I remember thee, and thou forgettest me, it is nothing: though I weep, and thou laugh, it is nothing: though I crave of thee & thou deny me, it is nothing: though thou owest me, and pay me not, it is nothing: But if I love thee, and thou not me, this is a great thing: which the eyes can neither dissemble, nor the heart suffer.  
All the vices in mortal men are to be pardoned, because they offend naturally, save only this discurtesy in women, and ungentleness in men, which are counted of malice.  
divers services by me done to thee, and all the good wills I have heretofore borne to thee, thou only Lady Macrine, with one thing reward me. I pray thee be not slack to help me, for I was not so to offer me into peril, If thou sayest that Patroclus thy husband hath that property in thee, at the least yet receive me upon proof, & I will pretend a possession of thee: and in this wise the vainglory in being thine, shall hide the hurt being mine: thou makest me marvel not a little, that for so small a reward, thou wilt suffer so great an importunity. For certainly we grant many things to an importunate man, which we deny to a temperate man. If thou lady Macrine, hopest to overcome me, behold I yield me as vanquished. If thou wilt lose me, I hold me lost: if thou wilt kill me, I hold me dead.  
For by the gestures which I make before thy gates, and the secret sighs, which I fetch in my house, thou mayst know how greatly I mind to rest, but thy brave assaults are rather buildings to nourish death, then to comfort the life. If thou wilt I escape this danger, deny me not remedy. For it shallbe a greater dishonour for to slay me, than shame to save me. It is no just thing for so small a gain, to lose so faithful a friend. I wot not how to make thee my debtor, nor how to make thee pay me: and the worst of all is, I know not what to say, nor how to determine For, I was not borne to mine own wealth, but to be faithful in thy services. And sith thou knowest whom thou hast trusted with thy messages, the same I do trust with this open letter, and my answer it secret. I do send to thee a jewel of pearl, and a piece of gold: I pray the Gods make thee receive them, as willingly as I do freely send them.  
Mark Orator, to the inexorable Macrine.   

CHAP. XII. ¶ Of a Letter which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent unto the lady Lyvia, wherein he reproveth that Love is natural, and that the most part of the Philosophers and wise men have been by Love overcome.  
Mark full of sorrow, to thee careless Lyvia. If thy little care did lodge in me, and my sorrows were harboured in thee, thou shouldest then see how little the quarrel is, that I make unto thee in respect to the torments I suffer.  
If the flames did issue out, as the Fire doth burn me within, the heavens should perish with smoke, and the earth should make embers. If thou dost well remember the first time I saw thee in the Temple of the virgin Vestals, thou being there, didst always pray to the Gods for thyself, and I upon my knees prayed to thee for me. Thou knowest and so do I, that thou didst offer oil and honey to the Gods, but I did offer unto thee tears and sighs.  
It is just thou give more unto him that offered his heart, then to him which draweth money out of his purse I have determined to write unto thee this Letter, whereby thou mayest perceive how thou art served with the arrows of mine Eyes, which were shot at the white of thy service.  
Oh unhappy that I am, I fear lest this present calm doth threaten me with a tempest to come. I will say that discourtesy in thee, causeth doubtful hope in me. Behold my misadventure, I had lost a letter, and turning to the Temple to seek it, I found the letter, which was of some importance: and had almost lost myself, which is the greatest thing.  
Considering my small reward, I see mine eyes (the Ladders of my hopes) set on so high a wall, that no less certain is my fell then my climbing was doubtful. Thou bending down thy harness of thy high deserts, and putting me to the point of continual service, sufferest me to enjoy the fruit, and give unto whom thou wilt the leaves.  
By the immortal Gods I swear unto thee, that I marvel not a little: For, I thought that in the Temple of the Virgin-Vestals no temptations could have comen unto any man: But contrary now by true experience I find, that that woman is easylier overcome, which is most watched, than the other that hath honest liberty.  
All bodily diseases be first had, ere they be known, and known ere they seen, and seen ere they be felt: and felt ere they be tasted: And so in all things except this dart of Love: whom they first feel the stroke thereof, before they know the way how it cometh. The lightning cometh not so sudden, but it is known before by the thunder. The wall falleth not suddenly, but first some stones fall down.  
The cold cometh not so fast, but some small shivering is seen before: only Love is not felt, until he hath had power in the entrails.  
Let them know that are ignorant, and thou lady Lyvia, if thou wilt know, Love sleepeth when we waken, and waketh when we sleep: laugheth when we weep, and weary when we laugh.  
It assureth in taking, and taketh in in assuring: it speaketh when we be still, and is still when we speak. And finally, it hath such a condition, that to give us our desire, it causeth us to live in pain. I swear unto the, when my will became thy servant, and thy beauty made thee my Mistress, when I was at the Temple, and there found thee, neither thou in thy prayers didst mind me, nor (I unhappy man) did think on thee.  
Oh unhappy heart of mine, that being whole, thou art divided: being in health thou art hurt, being alive thou art killed: being mine thou art stolen: and the worst of all is, that thou not helping to my life, consentest that death should assault me.  
Considering many time's Lady Livia with myself, my thoughts to be high, and my Fortune's base, I would have separated myself from thee: but upon better hope, knowing my travels to be well employed in thy service, I say though I might, I would not now wish to be separated from thee.  
I will not deny one thing, that is: The cursed Love taketh away the taste of all things, and in those things only it giveth us pleasure, which are greatly against our profit. This is the proof of him that loveth heartily, that one frown of her that he loveth, doth more grieve him, than all the delights of the rest of his life can please.  
I deem Lady Lyvia, thou art abashed to see me openly as a Philosopher, & to know me secretly as a lover. I beseech thee heartily discover me not. For if the Gods grant me long life, I am now a young fool, yet in age, I will be wise.  
The Gods know what I desire, and the force which doth enforce me thereunto. And as the flesh is weak, and the hart tender, the occasions many, the virtues few, the world deceitful, the people malicious. So I pass this spring-time with flowers, in hope that in harvest I shall have some fruit.  
Thinkest thou lady Lyvia, that philosophers (be they never so wise) are are not touched with the sharp darts of Love? and that under their course clothes, there is not soft flesh and white? Certainly amongst hard bones is nourished soft flesh: and within the pricking husks grow the Chess-nut.  
I say that under the simple attire, is the faithful love. I do not deny but our frail nature doth withstand our virtues. Nor I deny not but that the wanton desires are repressed with virtuous minds. Nor I deny not, but that the rashness of youth are restrained with the reins of reason.  
I deny not but many times wisdom doth withstand that which the flesh procureth: and yet I confess that he which is not amorous, is a Foole.  
And dost thou not know, that although we be wise, we leave not therefore to be men? dost not thou know, all that ever we learn in our life, sufficeth not to govern the Flesh one hour? Dost not thou know, that to wise men in this case hath fallen many errors? Dost not thou know, that there hath been and are many masters of virtues: and much more there are and hath been followers of vices.  
Then, why dost thou make such a wonder only of me? I will nor say it without a truth, that I never had my judgement so good and perfit, as when Cupid blewe wind on me, with his wings.  
There was never man until my time accounted wise, but first he was entangled with Cupid's snares. Gratian was in love with Tamira. Solon Salaminus the giver of the laws, was enamoured with one Grecian. Pittachus Mytelenus left his own wife, and was in love with a Bondwoman that he brought from the wars.  
Cleobolus when he was fourscore years eld, and had read Philosophy sixtie-five years, climbing up a Ladder, to scale his Neighbour's wall, fell, and of the bruise died.  
Periander Prince of Achaya, and chief philosopher of Greece, at the instance of his lovers, slew his own wife. Anacharsis a Philosopher, a Scythian by his Father, and a Greek by the mother's side, loved so dearly a woman of Thebes, that he taught her all that he knew: in so much that he being sick on his bed, she read for him in the schools.  
Epimenides of Crete, that slept 15. years without waking. Although he was a great worshipper of the Gods, yet he was banished Athens 10. years for the loving of Women.  
Architus Tarentinus, the master of Plato, and scholar of Pythagoras, occupied his mind more to invent new kinds of Love, then to employ his studies to virtue and Learning.  
Gorgias Leontinus, borne in Scicile, had more concubines in his house, than books in his study. All these were wise men, and we knew them wise, yet at the end they were overcome with flesh. Therefore blame me not alone, for as I have told thee of these few, so could I of a whole armey.  
For of truth he ought to have many things, that will be accounted a curious Lover. He must have his eyes displayed on her that he loveth, his understanding much altered in that he thinketh, his tongue troubled in that it should speak: so that in seeing he is blind, in thinking dismayed, in speaking troubled.  
O Lady Lyvia, the loving in mockery, passeth by mockery: but where true love is, there is grief and no mockery: there true love spiteth his poison, and cruel Cupid fixeth his Arrows up to the feathers.  
The Eyes weep, the heart sigheth, the Flesh trembleth, the sinews do shrink, the understanding is gross, reason falleth to the earth: Finally, the heavy Lover abiding in himself, holdeth nothing of himself.  
All this I say, because if I want knowledge to make me a Lover; yet am I sure that the works fail not in me to effect thy service. And though by mishap I saw thee, yet by good chance I knew thee. I ask nothing of thee, but that thou love me faithfully, sith I love thee unfeignedly. And if thou hearest that I am sick from my hart, I desire thee to do me some good. Sith it is in thee only to help me, it is reason thou only do seek for remedy.  
I was greatly comforted when Fulius Carlotus desired me in thy behalf, to do a pleasure, which I did incontinent all that thou desiredst, to the intent that thou another day shouldest do frankly that I desire thee. And behold fair Lady Lyvia, the woman that is served with services, it is great reason within a while she be sued unto by prayer. And though my strength cannot open the gates of the purpose, or not agreeing to thy demand yet all my labours slack not to uphold thy renown. I pray thee discover not the one, nor beguile me with the other: For thou seest in granting is remedy, and in hoping is comfort: but promise is deceivable, and delaying is perilous, and the entertaining bindeth.  
I see well that the hearty demand requireth a long answer: but I would not thou shouldst do so. But as I love thee, so love me: as I desire of thee, so grant thou me.  
I will say once again, I am all thine, and nothing mine own. And note Lady Lyvia, that it is as much honour to thee, as profitable for me, that thou change these thy desires, and put in order thy disordered will. For, thou seest it is much better to heal shortly, then too-late, with failing thy purpose?  
All Women observe an evil opinion, that is: ye never receive council, although it be given you in never so weighty a case. And if it be not so, then because thou art esteemed beautiful, be likewise honoured for taking of good council. In this sort, though my loss be much, and thy patience little, yet shall they account me wise in giving counsel, and the most happy to follow it.  
One thing I will say unto thee, and pardon me therein. Women be much defamed in that they will take no counsel, and such as do assure their renown so much on the judgement of others, as they condemn well doing before.  
I think good if it so like thee, and would if thou wilt, that thou shouldest do in all 〈…〉 I have counseled thee.  
I will say no more Lady Lyvia, but that I do present unto thee, all my unfortunate troubles, my sighs as a desperate man: my service, as thy servant, my troubled griefs, my words of Philosophy, and my tears as a Lover: I send thee here a gyrstle of Gold, on condition that thou always six thine Eyes on that, and thy heart on me.  
I pray the Gods give me to thee, and thee to me.  
Mark the open Philosopher, wrote this in great 〈◊〉.   
FINIS.